THE GENERAL HISTORY OF SPAIN, Containing all the memorable things that have passed in the Realms of Castille, Leon, Navarre, Arragon, Portugal, Granado, etc. and by what means they were united, and so continue under Philip the third, King of Spain, now reigning;  
Written in French by LEWIS DE MAYERNE TURQVET, unto the year 1583:  
Translated into English, and continued unto these times by EDWARD GRIMESTON, Esquire.  
LONDON, Printed by A. Islip, and G. Elder, Anno Dom. 1612.   

TO THE RIGHT NOBLE, AND MOST WORTHY OF ALL HONOURS, AND ALL TITLES,  
ROBERT Earl of Salisbury, Lord High Treasurer of England, etc.  
THOMAS Earl of Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain to his Majesty.  
MY most Honoured Lords, I might justly fear, that my continual desire to acknowledge my duty unto your LL. by some acceptable kind of service, would be held importunity, if your Noble dispositions, and mine own experience in particular of your Honours grateful acceptance of the meanest service that is well meant, had not freed me from that fear, and enabled my weak faculties to add this unto the rest of my oblations; which I consecrate unto your LL. upon the Altar of my devotion. I must confess that your favourable reception of my French and netherlands Histories hath added courage to my will, to pass the Pyrenee Mountains, and to take a survey of this History of Spain: the which I held (in my weak judgement) for many respects, as worthy the knowledge of our Nation, as any other. It is a general History of all the Continent of Spain, wherein the several Histories of those several Kingdoms, as they were in former times distinctly divided and governed by divers Princes, are united; being collected out of all the best authors that have written of that subject. These considerations I say, were the inspiring means to move me to undertake the traduction of this History of Spain, and have given me resolution, and constancy to finish it, and to send it forth to the view of the world. The work I hope will give good content, it being a faithful relation of so many variable and strange accidents as have happened in those Countries, during the many alterations and changes of that State, and the long and cruel wars betwixt the Moors & Spaniards. If I, in my plain manner of translation, have not given it that grace which a more eloquent pen might have done, I most humbly crave pardon, and entreat that my desire to benefit others, may give satisfaction for my disability and defects. I have presumed to shroud the fruits of my poor endeavours, under your LL. countenance and protection; desiring to leave a testimony to all posterity how much I am  
Your LL. devoted in all duty and service, EDWARD GRIMESTON.   

To the Reader.  
GEntlemen, in the last edition of the History of France, I did willingly omit all matters acted by the Spaniards, wherein the French were not principally interressed, having then a resolution to make the Histories of those country's distinct and private. And for that I would not leave you long in suspense, I promised within the year to publish this History of Spain: wherein (notwithstanding my public service, and many other difficulties) I have forced myself to keep my word, and to give you satisfaction, though it be with some prejudice to my health. I will not use many compliments in the behalf of the Author, his work shall plead for himself: This History was written by a Frenchman, who is yet living, a man of gravity and judgement: It is no translation, but a collection out of the best writers that have treated of that subject. his chief Authors were Stephen Garebay, Jerome Surites, Mariana, Ambrose Morales, john Vasee a Fleming, with many other Spanish, Italian & Latin writers: out of all which he hath compiled this work, and as it were united and tied together the discourse of all these realms with a continued style, by reason of the war, accords, marriages, and other treaties and alliances which they have had common among them: yet hath he so distinguished them, as seeing them all, you may easily read any one severally by itself, by the direction of notes and inscriptions set in the margin at every section or breach, whereby you may choose what belongs to Navarre, Portugal, Castille, or to any other of those realms, and read the History apart from the beginning to the end.  
The antiquity of this Spanish Nation (whereof he hath briefly made mention in the beginning of the first Book) he confesseth to be obscure and uncertain, and the writers thereof ignorant or negligent, so as it may be his discourse agreeth not with some authors which treat of the same men of whom he maketh mention, as of Hercules, Cacus, Geryon, Denis, and such like; but he pleads thus much for himself, that he could not contemn nor reject the Spanish authors which have so written of them, the which are to be received as observed and produced by them. This History comes but to the winning of the Terceres, which was in the year 1583: he hath finished the rest unto these times, I myself have seen it in his study at Paris, but he hath not yet put it to the Press, so as I have been constrained, in the continuance thereof, to help myself out of the best that have written of these later times, wherein I have been assisted by some worthy gentlemen in the relation of some great actions, and have continued the History, unto my Lord Admiral's return out of Spain. You must not hold it strange, if you find a great part of Philip the seconds reign barren of any great actions done in Spain: his chief designs were against foreign States, employing his bravest men abroad, either against France, England, or the united Provinces, at the Indies, or at Sea; all which actions are either related here, or in their distinct Histories.  
I must advertise the Reader, that, from the year 1530, I have not directly followed my Author, for I have both inserted divers things out of other Authors, whereof he makes no mention, and have related some more at large then he hath done, for your better satisfaction, as I have found them written in other approved Authors. My last suit must be for myself and the Printer, yet will I not use any great circumstances to captivate your favours in mine own behalf: my stile (I confess) is plain and harsh; it were folly (nay madness) in me to seek to conceal it, being so well known unto you: yet let me entreat so much favour at your hands, that as I have spent my spirits to give you content, so you will spare your spleens, and censure favourably, until you come to the like trial: then shall you find, that either by your own mistaking, or by the errors of the Press you shall have just cause to sue for the like grace; which is, to supply all escapes and errors with your judicious reading. And so I rest  
Yours, E. G.   

A GENERAL HISTORY OF SPAIN: Collected out of divers Authors, as well ancient as modern.  


The Contents of the first Book.  
1 A discourse of the ancient and first beginning of the Spaniards.  
2 Their religion and language.  
3 The ancient and (may be) fabulous kings and captains of vagabond troops in Spain, unto Geryon, and so to Hercules the Great.  
4 Many petty kings, or Italian pirates, spoiling Spain.  
5 Discourse of the absurdities of these antiquities.  
6 Greeks spoiling Spain.  
7 Africans entering and wasting Spain.  
8 Confusion and medley of the people which usurped the country of Spain.  
9 Phoenicians and Gaditanes, their offspring.  
10 A chorographical description of the firm land of Spain.  
11 Islands about Spain.  
12 Distinction of the governments of Spain, according to the Romans and Carthaginians, and others after them unto the Arabians.  
13 Distinction of the kingdoms of Spain, which are now of fame.  
14 The fertility of Spain, both ancient and modern.  
15 The manners of the ancient Spaniards, and of those which now hold it: their arms and discipline.   
1 THe beginning and antiquity of nations far fetched, 
The beginning of nations are fabulous for the most part.  is always fabulous: for most of them that have undertaken to write histories, either general, or particular of some one nation, have thought it expedient (for their reputations) to offer a perfect work unto the world; and not to pass any season without some memory of them of whom they writ: imagining that the studious Reader would hold it an argument of their sloth or negligence, to leave any thing in blank. And therefore when as they wanted the testimony of grave authors, they have countenanced their own imaginations; or have imitated the fabulous inventions of others, employing their time, toil, and eloquence in vain things: wherein they may haply satisfy some curious heads, but not such as desire to leame. For as a lie cannot be so disguised, but either the conference of ages doth discover it; or a spirit knowing the force and effect of things created, doth reject it; or the religious condemn it, as it is fit; when it shall once appear that the author of any history hath supposed things doubtful and uncertain, for true, thereby to enlarge his volumes. He that is studious, and loath to lose his time, grows discontented, and reads it with distaste. 
Truth the subject of a History  Wherefore men of best judgement, hold, that the subject of a history is truth, in serious matters, and worthy to be imparted to posterity; giving liberty to them that writ, to season the examples with praise or blame: observing the rewards & punishments which have followed, without respect of persons, or yielding to any passion, either of love or hatred, but stirred up by the merits of virtue, or the horror of vice; to the end that such as read their writings, 
The end of reading histories, is to follow virtue and to fly vice.  may be encouraged by the worthy acts of some, to live virtuously, and diverted by the dishonour and unfortunate success of others, from all bad affections: and the rather, for that they do therein find imitable steps of virtue. And for that the memory of many things is buried in oblivion, or miscarried, they have not been so strict, as to forbid them that find themselves engaged in the desars and obscurity of the antiquity of nations, to observe some steps, and go by probable conjectures, to a way passable. This is allowed them, so as they do it by constraint, and with judgement; remembering, that a good huntsman can judge of a wolves footing from a dogs, which are something like.  
The history of Spain, which we resolve to write, is herein defective, as in a manner all others be: 
Spain unknown before the Carthaginians.  for before the coming of the Carthaginians into that country, and the wars of the Romans, it cannot be directly said, by what people Spain was held, nor at what time, nor by what policy it was governed, but by ill grounded conjectures. For of the acts of the first men which were dispersed upon the face of the earth after the deluge, we have no author but Moses, who is careful to describe the estate and succession of the Hebrues, in that chiefly which concerns the establishing of the Church of God. Of other nations he speaks but by occasion, and as God would do good unto this nation by them, or punish it for their ingratitude. We must not then seek for any mention of Spain or Spaniards in him. The Grecians had so little care of other nations, & have so much respected their own, as they have scarce vouchsafed to speak of them, but with contempt; and to amplify their own glory, they have sometimes fed the Latins with fables: who have adorned and enriched their Rome and Italy, and have had care to proclaim their gests, 
The Grecians authors of lies.  making use (in regard of antiquity) of Grecian fables, or of conjectures; as the modern have in like manner done. What can we then do in matters which are so doubtful, but only touch these conjectures as far as they shall seem receivable; passing that slightly over, which the Historians have written of our first Spain, to the end we busy not ourselves in a vain labour more than is fit.  
Wherefore, according to josephus report, and upon their consciences which have supposed unto us a Berosus, 
Tubal.  we say after many others, that Tubal, one of the sons of japhet, otherwise called jubal, or jobel, is father to the Spaniards, although it be very likely, that he never set foot in Spain, being then a country without a name: but that from Armenia or the neighbour places, taking his way towards the North, he stayed in a region since called Iberia, situated upon Mont Caucasus, which covers it from the North, betwixt the Caspian and Euxine seas: a country then inhabited by them which we call Georgians, whereas afterwards the Chalibes, or Alibes were, a name approaching to jubales, as some would wrest it, changing some letters, as it happens in the corruption of tongues. These people were Smiths, handling iron, whereof the country abounds, and applying it by their art to many good uses. The descendants of jubal in these places, were afterwards called Iberians, and the country Iberia, by some man of quality which carried that name, and whose memory they would preserve, as it is likely. From thence the most receivable authors do maintain, that the Iberians Spaniards parted some ages after Tubal, or jubal, and that the people being so multiplied, as the country could not well feed them, nor contain them, a part of them were constrained either by force, or by casting of lots, to abandon the place, and seek some new abode: the which hath been ordinary among all nations, and in all ages, but especially in the first age, when it was necessary the world should be peopled and inhabited: and it is credible, that nature was at that time wonderful fruitful, God providing for the propagation of mankind. The common opinion is, that these Iberians having wandered much, being arrived upon the frontiers of the region whereof we treat, stayed in the valleys of those mountains, which were since called Pyrenee, 
Pyrenee moun●taines full of iron mines.  and that they did live long there, finding them fit to entertain them in their first inclination and breeding: for that country abounds in iron mines as much as any in Europe; and therefore they found means wherewith to employ themselves, and to feed, for that these mountains were full of all things whereof these new come men, and ill provided, had need, that is to say, chestnuts, hazlenuts, pears, plums, cherries, and all other wild fruits, with great store of acorns, especially towards the West parts.  
2 That there was either good religion, 
The first Spaniards were gross, without art or religion.  knowledge, government, or any thing else, but great simplicity, ignorance, and poverty, we can hardly believe: and we persuade ourselves, that civility, industry, experience and knowledge of valour and profit of things, was taught them by necessity, the mistress of Arts, and by strangers which came into their country from Phenicia, Egypt, Greece, Carthage, Gaul, and elsewhere; to whom they were for a long time a prey, and in the end they learned arms, and many other malicious practices, whereof they had the root in their hearts, but grossly planted. As for religion, we shall find by this discourse, that it was most barbarous and infamous among them. And who doubts, but the successors of Tubal did suddenly forget the true God, and his pleasing service, seeing this corruption did so soon enter among the sons of Sem, and namely those of the family of Heber, of whom the Eternal did frame his chosen people and his church. I will not busy myself to contradict them which believe, that their first language was that of the Biscanes in those times; discoursing, that seeing it hath so long maintained itself in that propriety, and that it cannot be discerned that this tongue hath taken any terms from other ancients, 
Biscane tongue very ancient, & held the first the Spaniards used.  nor from other nations which inhabit about their country, with whom notwithstanding they converse and traffic, we must believe that there is something very remarkable in this language, and thereby conclude, that it was one of the first tongues which did confound the builders of Babel, and by consequence the whole world, God being pleased to have preserved in Spain this note of the first inhabitants thereof. Admit it be so, and that the Bascongade, which the Biscanes at that time did use, a part of Navarre, and they of Alava, are the first, or of greatest antiquity upon the frontiers of Spain.  
3 Let us be no less difficult to believe the opinion of a certain Spanish doctor, 
Conjectures upon that Sepharad did hold Spain.  who maintains, That one of the nephews of Sem, or else of Cham, called Sepharad, came along the coast of Africa to the straight, and having crossed it with great troops, he did people the banks of the Ocean and the Mediterranean seas, whereas the river of Guadalquiber doth engulf, grounded upon that the Hebrews call the Spaniards Sepharadin, & that they may apply the beginning of many names of towns, rivers, islands, and mountains of the country, to the Hebrew, Caldee, and Syriake tongues; as Gaddir, Sepyla, Betis, Calpe, Auila, and the like. All this is not strange, although there were no danger to derive these names from the Phoenicians, who used the Syrian tongue, and had great affinity with the Hebrew which was used among the jews, a nation also of Syria: and to believe that they were brought into Spain by the Tyrians and others which invaded those quarters, when they came to spoil the treasures thereof. That Spain hath always from the beginning been peopled in two several parts, upon the East and Pyrenee mountains by the Iberians of Asia, and Caucasians descending from Tubal; and towards the South at the straight, by Sepharad and his troops, which came out of Syria and Africa: and that of either side, 
Iberians gave the name unto Spain.  as the people multiplied, they advanced farther into the country: we may undoubtedly believe, that those of the Pyrenee mountains passing the valleys by little & little on the West side, did people such a part of the country as they gave their name to the first navigable river, and to the whole region, celebrating the memory of their native country, and of this Iberus, of whom they were named, whatsoever he were.  
4 Among the most ancient captains or kings of this vagabond nation, they make mention of one Idubeda, of whom the mountain of jubalda, or Idubeda, might be named, 
Idubeda.  whereof we will speak hereafter. Then they produce Brigus king or governor of these troops, 
Brigus.  who began a civil government, and built (as they say) many castles in Spain, which carried the marks of his name, all in a manner ending in Briga, as Nemetobriga, Mitobriga, and such like, by reason whereof he carried painted in his standard a castle (although the skill to blaze Arms was not then well known:) and the authors of the Spanish antiquities say, That of him the assemblies of people were called Brigies, and afterwards Brigues, and Brigades: the which did so multiply under his government and conduct, as they were forced to send whole armies out of the country, to seek new habitations; whereof some of these Brigues coming into Thrace, and then into Asia, they brought the name of Brigie thither, the which since by corruption hath been turned into Phrigia: and that Castille, now called Viegia, was in old time termed Brigia, and that the new Spanish tongue hath since turned it into Biegia, calling it Castille la Biegia, in stead of Brigia. For my part I believe, that this word Briga, was brought into Spain by the Celtes, 
Conjectures that the Celtes were mingled with the Iberians from the beginning.  which did hold a great part of that country, for that it is of the language of the old Gauls, by the which was signified people, town, or assembly. Moreover, there were many towns in France, which had their names derived from it; as the lake Brigantin upon the Alpes, which is that of Constance at this present; and Brigantium, which is Brianson in Dauphin; the Latobriges near unto the Swisses, and others, whereas the Celtes did in old time inhabit. And if there were a king so named, it is very likely he was a Gaul, captain of some troop of Celtes, in whose time there were great alterations of people, and by consequence ambitious thefts, 
To rob was practised by the ancients.  the best exercise the noble men than gave themselves unto. This is what may be spoken of this Brigus.  
After whom Tagus was famous, 
Tagus.  from whom it may be the river Tayo took her ancient name. He following the steps of his predecessor, sent many superfluous and unnecessary troops out of Spain, to seek new habitations, whereof some past into Asia.  
Betus came after, 
Betus.  who was also called Turditanus, he gave that name to the country which is between the holy Promontory, now called Cape S. Vincent, and the river of Guadalquibir, the which was also called Betis: and in succession of time did communicate that name to a great part of the neighbour country, whereof they did afterwards name one of the chief provinces of Spain. In regard of him that country upon the straight towards the West and South, began to be famous, and known to strangers, especially to the Egyptians, and other Africans, nations which were then mighty and warlike, and withal cunning and politic, good mariners, and abounding in ships, to whom the entry into this part of Spain did offer itself, and was more commodious than any other. And therefore the names of other inhabitants within the country, did for a long time after remain obscured and unknown. They do attribute some laws and policy unto this Betus, and the bringing in of some learning into Spain, but what it was, is unknown.  
5 To confirm that which is said, That in the reign of Betus strangers began to taste the riches and commodities of Spain: Authors report, that presently after his death, a captain, mighty in shipping and men, came out of Africa, landed in Turditane, and seized thereon. He was a Libyan, 
Geryon.  and was called Geryon, and by some Deabus, surnamed by the Greeks Chrysee, as one would say, of gold, or gilt; by reason of the treasures he gathered by violence and tyranny. 
Strange princes tyrannize spain  For knowing that Spain was full of mines of all sorts of metals, he became curious to search for them, forcing the people to work with such rigour, as if they had been brute beasts; many fainting under their burdens, ended their miserable lives: so as the brute of his cruelty (an inseparable companion to covetousness) infected in a manner the whole earth, in places most remote, and was abhorred of all those that had any feeling of humanity.  
Osiris Denis then reigned in Egypt, 
Osiris  who moved with pity, and of a generous spirit, came into Spain with a great army of Egyptians, Syrians, Arabians, and other neighbour nations, to ruin this detestable tyrant; whom he vanquished in battle, and slew: which is the first that was given in Spain, that any mention is made of since the deluge. And for that he came neither to conquer, 
A just cause of war to deliver the oppressed.  nor to enrich himself, being moved with a zeal of justice, having settled the affairs of the country, he delivered the signiory of the Turditanians to three of his children, who had been punished for his wickedness, admonishing them not to follow the wretched avarice of their father, lest their ends were like unto his. Some Arabians Scenites of his troop, would needs remain in Spain, to whom he assigned the country about Cape Saint Vincent.  
near unto it (and where as the river Anas disgorgeth itself) dwelled the Curetes, 
Curetes.  descended from Curis, nephew (they say) to Champ among the Tercenian, or Tartessian forests, which did run along the shore unto the island of Gadir, then called Tartesse (in our time Calis:) in which island Geryon was interred, 
Gadir and Tar●tesse.  the first of any dead body that was put in the ground in Spain; for before the custom was to cast dead carcases into the sea, or into rivers, or to hang them upon trees, or else they left them in the fields.  
Osiris' left in this island a sister of his, called Erythree, who (it may be by one of these young Gerion's) had a son called Norac, 
Nora the first habitation in Sardinia.  who (as some say) did build Nora, the first mansion in the island of Sardinia.  
These three young princes, who were called Lominians, were so like in face and manners, and did agree so well together, as the Poets have feigned, that they were but one king which had three bodies. They governed their subjects with more modesty than their father. Imagine that the fear of punishment kept them in awe, yet could they not so subdue their courages, but they sought all unworthy means to revenge their father's death. 
The desire of revenge a brutal vice in man.  Wherefore the seas being now open to the Turditanes, & commerce brought in from the West to the East, they had secret practices with Typhoon, whom they knew to be ambitious, and procured him to kill king Osiris his brother, and to seize upon the kingdom of Egypt.  
Osiris' left many children, 
Hercules Oron.  among the which was Hercules the Great, whom they surname the Egyptian Apollo, Mars, & Oron: by him the Gerion's Lominians received a worthy reward for their ingratitude. For having gathered together a great army of divers nations, he passed into Spain, whereas these three brethren were ready to make head against him: yet Hercules grieving that so much innocent blood should be spilled for the offence of three men, 
Great equity of Hercules the Egyptian.  he offered to fight alone with them all three in single combats: which being accepted by the Gerion's, they lost their lives. They say, that this passage of Hercules, was at the same time when as jacob and his family went into Egypt, or a little before. By this victory Hercules was received and honoured of the Turditanes, and other Spaniards: who after that he had settled their affairs, and planted two pillars upon the straits, the one in Europe, and the other in Africa; and two others in the island, since called Gadir: which some hold were towers, and not pillars, for a mark and testimony of his conquests and toils, he took his course towards Italy, leaving the government of Spain to one of his captains called Hispal, which some will have to be his son. 
Hispal son to Hercules.  They say also, that he left in those islands, which are now called Majorca and Minorca, a Governor called Balee, of whom they since took the name of Baleares: although that most men believe they were so named, for that the inhabitants were expert in slings.  
Hispal remaining Governor of this part of Spain, which is at the straits and thereabouts near unto the two seas (for as we have said, those that lived within the country, had not felt much of these foreign invasions) he began a town called by him Hispalis, since named Sepila, 
Hispalis or Sevill.  and at this day Sevill.  
Hispan succeeded him, 
Hispan.  a wise and an active man, and a lover of virtue, as they writ of him: and we must believe that he was some great parsonage (if there were ever any such in being) seeing the whole region whereof we treat hath retained his name, and preserved it in such sort as it hath not been changed since. Others notwithstanding acknowledging in no sort this Hispan to be the author of the name which hath remained to Spain, 
Spain why so called.  affirm, and it may be not rashly, That it came of the people of Iberia in Asia, the which in old time was called Pana, of the name of one Pan, who governed there under his father Liber: and therefore this of Europe was indifferently called Iberia and Pana: but those that came after, corrupting the word, did add some letters, and called it sometimes Spana, and sometimes Spania, as in truth the Latins did name it in the beginning, terming it Spania, and not Hispania. The Spaniards coming afterwards to embrace the Roman tongue, added an E, and called it Espania, as they have been accustomed to do to all Latin words which begin with S; as Escola, Escala, Escudo, Escriber, and the like. These Iberians did also call themselves Abasgi, whereof it may be came Vasco, Basco, and Bascongado. Such as believe that Hispan reigned in Spain, say, That he was the first which took the royal diadem, and that he caused towers to be built in the island of Tarlesse, and in Galicia, which they call Phares, or Beacons, for the help of sailors: yet others hold with more reason, that that in Galicia, which is yet standing, was the work of Octavius Caesar.  
Hercules having done many great exploits in Italy, he left Atlas Kitin there to govern, carrying back his brother Hesperus, 
Hesperus, of whom Italy and Spain are named.  he returned into Spain, where he found Hispan deceased: wherefore he himself did govern it in person for many years, and died there, as they say. His body was buried in the island of Tarlesse, where at that time the king's court was, in a sumptuous and stately tomb.  
After him reigned Hesperus, 
Atl●●.  brother to Atlas Kitin, of whose name they say that Spain and also Italy were called Hesperies; that is, Italy Hesperia the great, and Spain the later Hesperia, for that he reigned sometime both in the one and the other. But Atlas envious of his brother's greatness, came with an army and dispossessed him of the kingdom, forcing him to fly into Italy, from whence Hercules had brought him: where he was well entertained, and reigned. The which Atlas understanding, he suffered him not long quiet, but returned into Italy with a good number of Spaniards, and chased him away; meaning to hold Italy as his royal seat, and Spain as an accessary, to draw gold, silver, and all other commodities from thence.  
Atlas' parting from Spain, 
Oris.  he left the government to Oris his son, who was called Sat Oris, Sic serving as a fore-name. 
Sigro 〈◊〉.  Of him they say the river Sicoris, now called Sigro, was named: the which passeth by Lerida, and falls into Ebro. But no man can tell upon what occasion he was so called, nor how he extended his limits thither, being so far from the straits, and isle of Gadir.  
Anus succeeded Oris, 
Anus.  whom they also called Sicanus, and of his name the river of Guadiana took the ancient denomination. We must conjecture, that his predecessor Oris did establish some estate and principality, or made some fort and retreat about the river of Sigro, whereof this that succeeded him had the first government: seeing they place along the banks thereof, 
Sicanians Spaniards.  the people which are called Sicanians, so named of this Sicanus, who it seems were his soldiers, and the troops which he commanded. Some of those bands having passed into Italy, to help their countrymen, which had been led thither by Atlas Kitin, and having inhabited the country of the Latins (which is the territory of Rome) they were there encountered by the natural Italians. Passing on, they carried the name of Sicanians, 
Siclle, why called Sicania.  into the island then called Trinacria, and since Sicily: into the which, they say, that Sicanus passed in person, having in Italy fought with the Ligurians, Oenotrians, Lestrigons, and others: and that he was there encountered by the Cyclopes, cruel and barbarous men, who would not suffer the Sicanians to come and dwell in their island: but they were forced to yield.  
Siceleus' the son of Sicanus reigned in Spain, 
Siceleus gave the name to the isle of Sicily.  after his father, and passed in like manner into Italy and Sicily, where he changed the former name, calling it Sicily, the which it holds. The occasion of his passage, was the controversy betwixt Dardanus and jasius, his cousins, sons to Electra the daughter of Atlas, for the rule of Italy; the which he reconciled. But Dardanus having afterwards slain jasius his brother treacherously, Siceleus pursued the revenge so vehemently, as Dardanus was forced to abandon the country, and to go into Samothracia, and then into Asia, to seek a new habitation. This man's reign concurs with the time that God sent plagues upon the Egyptians, by Moses and Aaron.  
Siceleus' being dead, 
Lusus, of whom comes Lusitania.  his son Lusus held the sceptre of Spain; of whose name some will have Lusitania (a part thereof) to be called. He passed also into Italy, and at his return brought many Italians into Spain. 
Vlus.  Where, after him, Vlus, or Siculus, his son, reigned: whom they called Neptune, for that he entertained many ships and galleys at sea. He past, as his predecessors had done, into Italy and Sicily, to secure the Spaniards which were seated in those regions, against whom the Cyclopes and others of the country renewed the wars. After him many stranger thrust into Spain, upon divers occasions, but for one only cause, which was, for spoil, being easy to take, by reason of the simplicity of the Spanish people.  
He that shall consider duly hereof, will not think it to agree with that which we have said before, as in truth it doth not: For if these kings (of whom we have made mention since Atlas) which have reigned, according to Historians and Chroniclers, for two hundred and fifty years, have not only had the means to defend Spain from strangers, but to lead forth many armies, and to subdue the people of Italy and Sicily; to make themselves umpiers of king's quarrels, to build towns there, and to command the seas: and that from Spain to Italy, and from Italy to Spain, the passage and commerce was ordinary: How could it be, that so soon after the death of Siculus, the Spaniards should grow so simple and unwarlike, as if they had never seen arms? And that it was in the power of the first pirate that came from Africa, Phenicia, or Greece, to seize upon it, and insult over them, without any resistance? Had they learned nothing? had they gotten no courage in so many wars which they had seen in Italy? What was become of those captains which these late kings had so happily employed? had they all cursed their country, or found some Lethe flood, to make them forget it, and to stay in Italy? Or if they were dead, did they leave no discipline, nor any impression of virtue in their youth? It is not likely, and therefore we must put all these discourses among idle tales, or find some means to unfold this difficulty. Every one hath free liberty to discourse: For my part I believe, that these men which they say had reigned in Spain since Atlas, have been Italians, acknowledging the Sovereignty of Italy, and governing Spain as a subdued Province: or else respecting only their profit, they made voyages like unto pirates, shearing them to the blood, and then carrying their spoils into Italy, employing the lewdest people in the country to oppress the rest; and in the mean time, through the favour of some fort, which they did maintain to assure their landing and their shipping, they caused themselves to be called Kings. Then seeing that the Spaniards (which had joined with them to do ill) did multiply too fast, 
What the first kings of Spain were.  or grew more cunning than was fit for their purpose, they found means to embark them, and to send them into Italy upon some vain hopes, whereas being once arrived, there was no more any means to return into Spain. Such in my opinion were the armies which those kings led out of Spain into Italy, that is, troops of thieves, of whom they would be assured, that they should not conspire against them, nor take their practice from them, after they had instructed them in their trade. By these subtle practices they did spoil Spain both of men and treasure, holding the gross and rude multitude in ignorance, and settling an opinion in them, that they were good men, and lovers of justice; yea religious, for that they dealt in the pacifying of controversies, which happened among the people, and sometimes they paid vows, or made some superstitious dedication of a Temple or Chapel. 
Religion is a cloak for Tyrants, with the rude multitude.  I say moreover, That those which we have before named were not alone, which made this work in Spain; but in their times, and whilst they were busy in one part, other nations did the like in some other quarter of the country. So as it is no marvel, seeing the Spaniards had yet no means to see a lawful and settled Estate among them, and that those which did govern them, had always this affected end, to entertain them in their simplicity; an assured mark of Tyrants. So as the race of these men failing, this poor nation was presently made subject to the first that did invade them, the children proving as unable as their fathers.  
6 They report, That about that time some Greeks of the Island of Zante, in old time called Zacynte, arrived upon that coast whereas since the town of Valencia was built, and there made a little fort, or storehouse, for their traffic, the which they called Zacynthium; the which did since increase in people and building, and became a good town, from whence Sagunte had her beginning, 
The beginning of Saguntum.  renowned for the loyalty of the citizens to the people of Rome, and for the occasion which she gave of the long and bloody wars betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians, which they called the second Punic war. These Zacynthians trafficking with them of Iberia, which dwelled within the country, and were neighbours to the mountains, did receive from them gold and silver, little esteemed by these simple men, for that these metals grew in their country, giving them in exchange trifles of small value: so, as growing rich in a short time, they published among the other Grecians, and among the nations of Asia, the fame, happiness, and abundance of treasure in Spain, inciting many thereby to go and discover the country, and to attempt something. And for that (as we have said before) religion hath always been a lure for cunning and malicious men to assure the simple, to whom they intent some mischief, these Zacynthians caused a goodly Temple to be built to Diana, in the place which is now called Denia, according unto some, but falsely, providing by that means and mask of religion, for their Zacynthium, which they had built upon that coast, that by the reverence of this Temple they might be assured from all violence.  
7 In the mean time an African called Testa seized upon Gadir, 
Testa.  and of all the main land thereabouts, calling himself king of Spain. It may be that of his name they were called Contestans, which did inhabit along the banks of the Mediterranean sea, whereas Murcia and Carthagena are at this present.  
After him he left the government to his son Romus, 
Romus.  to whom they attribute the building of the town of Valencia (yet Titus Livius doth not make it so ancient) the which was first called Rome, of his name, since by the Latins, holding this name to be Greek, they turned it in their language to Valencia, which was all one; for Rome in Greek, and Valencia in old Latin, is power and force.  
In this king's time there came a pirate into Spain, well followed by men of his own sort, who spoiled the whole country adjoining unto the sea, and then he returned with his spoils, 
False Denis.  leaving an opinion of him, that he was the father Liber Denis, or Bacchus: for the custom of those obscure times was, That great pirates and heads of vagabond people (whereof the world did then abound) did take upon them the names of great personages and famous men, who had gone before them, and whom foolish superstition had deified; giving the people where they came to understand, That they were gods, which came to visit them, to deliver them from tyrants, and to do them good; so as they were often deceived. By such feigned devices these Harpies found less resistance in their enterprises. It may be this Denis was the son of Semele, and nephew or grand child to Cadmus' king of Thebes in Beoce, but not that great Denis, Conqueror of the Indies, who was much more ancient. They say, that he built the town of Lebrissa (the which he called Nebrissa) upon one of the channels of the river Betis; 
Lebrissa, and the beginning.  the which in those days fell into the sea with two gulfs. Nebros in Greek is a Hinds calf, with the skins whereof they did attire those that did celebrate the Bacchanalia. It was at the same time when as the Phoenicians began to encroach much upon the Spaniards, and to come with whole armies into their country, 
Phoenicians spoil Spain.  and to make their prey, as the Grecians, Egyptians, and others of Africa did.  
To Remus they make Palatuus his son to succeed him; 
Palatuus, Palenza.  who as they say was founder of the town of Palenza: but there did rise a petty king or captain against him, out of the mountains, near unto the river Ebro, called Cacus Licinius, who in the end became master thereof, and Palatuus was forced (being yet young) to fly out of the country, 
Cacus Licinius.  and to sue for succours in vain, begging his bread in a manner for many years, of foreign princes and potentates. This Cacus was industrious, and the author of many subtle inventions; to purge and forge iron, and to fashion it to divers instruments fit for the war: for he taught how to make breastplates and other furniture for the defence of the body: and some believe, that he had the art to make that infernal powder, which they use for artillery. For these inventions, wherein he was very expert, 
Gunpowder an ancient invention.  he was celebrated by the Poets, as the son of Vulcan, the god of Forges. Palatuus after that he had long sued in vain to princes and towns, whereas he expected some succours, to recover his estate, he resolved in the end to return into Spain, and to observe, if the inconstancy of human things had not prepared him some means to recover his dignity, and to chase away his enemy: whereas he arrived so happily, as the Spaniards, whether moved with pity of his calamity, or weary of the others command, they received Palatuus, and gave him men and means to recover his kingdom. So Cacus being dispossessed of that which he had held, fled into Italy, where they say that Hercules the Grecian slew him (whereof we will make mention) although that the author thereof do not agree well upon this point. There Cacus bred discord betwixt all the people and towns of Italy by his lend practices.  
Palatuus being dead, the Tyrians of Phoenicia, who had now learned the way to Spain, came with their king Erythree, 
Erythree.  and good store of ships, who giving them to understand, That he had been commanded by the Oracle to come and build a Temple to Hercules Libique, in the Island of Tartesse, that is, Calis; they were not only received, but Erythree was also chosen king of that part of Spain; who built a stately Temple in the Island to Hercules, changing the name thereof, 
Gadir called Erythree.  and causing it to be called Erythree, or else renewed that name, which it might have had from the sister of Oris above mentioned, or of the Erythreans of the East, who followed Hercules Orus, which had dwelled there. To this Temple, which some hold was built upon the main land, where at this present Medina Sydonia stands, was due the tenths of all the thefts and spoils of the West, by a perpetual decree, the which was long observed.  
Of this king Erythree there is nothing more spoken: to whom they give for successor Gargoris, 
Gargoris.  a Spaniard: he taught the people the use of honey, and was therefore called Mielle. The chief force of this king's estate and others his predecessors, were the Curetes, a brutish and savage people, dwelling in the forests of Tartesse, which contained a great part of the Ocean shore, from the holy Promontory, or Cape S. Vincent, unto the Island of Erythree.  
In his time Hercules the Grecian, 
Hercules the Grecian.  son to Alcmene, passed into Spain, to whom the Greek Poets, and others that have followed them, did attribute such prowess, but falsely: for this Hercules was but an insolent man, yet well beloved of the Grecian princes, by reason of his boldness and his strength of body fit to rob and steal, 
thieves countenanced by princes in old time.  whereunto the nobility of that age was commonly addicted. The wealth of Spain, which was so much spoken of in Greece and Asia, made him affect this voyage, after the first Trojan war, against Laomedon. Having then gathered together all the pirates and thieves he could, as well in Europe as in Asia, he set sail, and coasting along Italy, he landed in the place of Tuscan, which since hath been called Port Hercules. From thence he arrived in Sardinia, where he found some few inhabitants, where he left one Sardus, with some of the idle multitude that was in his army. Of this Sardus, Sardinia took the name. Before he passed on, he made a great sacrifice unto the gods, in a little Island, betwixt Corsica and Sardinia, the which for that cause doth still retain the name of Isle Hercules. 
Baleares called Gymnasies.  Then he directed his course towards the Islands of Baleares, then called Gymnasies, whereas the inhabitants made some weak resistance with their slings: in the least of which Islands he dedicated a Temple to janus, whereas since the town of Civitella was built. Then continuing his voyage, he touched the Islands of Pituyses, and gave the name of Ebusa to the greater. In the end he arrived upon the main of Spain, whereas Diana's Temple was built, the which he enriched with gifts, and did reverence with sacrifices, for his prosperous voyage; and for that Diana was held to be the goddess which had care of travelers. Then sailing along the coast, he came through the straight into the Ocean, and to the Island of Erythree, where he landed his army upon the firm land, and stayed there some few days to refresh his men; he in the mean time honouring his Temple (whose name he carried, and did challenge his acts) busied himself in making of plays and sacrifices. Hearing then that the Curetes and other Spaniards had put themselves in arms to fight with him, he went to meet them, gave them battle, and did easily defeat them, repulsing them into their forests, 
Hercules defeats the Curetes.  out of the which they durst not sally like enemies. This combat is supposed by the Poets for that of the Titanes against their gods, feigning, that the Herculeans were gods, and the Curetes and Spaniards the Titanes.  
After this victory, the whole country was at Hercules' devotion: who imitating the ancient Hercules of Lybia, planted pillars in the straits; the one in Europe, the other in Africa; enlarged the town which was in the Island of Erythree, and left many Tyrians and Sydonians, which had followed him, there: and it may be it then took the name of Gadir, or Gades, which in the Phenician tongue signifieth a Term, or Limit: and terming himself a god, would have all divine honours done unto him. And some hold, That it was he which made a law, to pay the tenth of the enemy's spoil, and to offer them to Hercules' Temple: at the least he did exact it being in Spain, that he might have part of other men's spoils, and know the greatest thieves. This done, he marched towards the Pyrenee mountains, spoiling the coast upon the Mediterranean sea, and drawing after him a great train of all nations, which came at the bruit and fame of this great thief, and the treasures of Spain: He passed into Gaul, and from thence into Italy, polluting all good families where he passed, as he had been accustomed to do all his life time. The cause of his sudden departure, was the news he heard of the great preparation which the Grecian princes made, to war against the Trojans, for the rape of Helen, whither he was invited by his friend Telamonius of Salamine. Thus was Spain in a short time beaten, and delivered from a great scourge. Of this Hercules the Poets have feigned all that is written, of the conquests, prowess, and travels of many other Hercules, more ancient and better men than he: he was a Grecian, but not of Greece itself, but of that part of Italy which they call the great Greece, and of Tarentum, conceived in adultery by Alcmene, 
Hercules Tarentina bastard.  the wife of Amphitrion, a private man, and an unknown father, bred up at Thebes in Beoce, and nourished in theft, fornication, and execrable murders: a companion and counsellor to jason, in the voyage of Colchis, at the spoil of the treasures of Aeete, and the rape of his daughter Medea: the author and executioner of the ruin and death of Laomedon king of Troy; whose daughter Hesione, a noble and innocent virgin, he did prostitute to his companion Telamonius, bold and hardy in all bad actions: so as he purchased the name and reputation of a valiant captain, and was readily followed into Spain by men of his own sort, whereof there were store, and finding nothing left to steal in Asia.  
As he carried away many bad persons when he went into Spain, so he left others of divers nations behind him, who built cities and towns, or finding some of their countrymen already seated, 
Calpe. 〈◊〉  planted themselves among them. Calpe, which was called Heraclea was then built. In this passage also, Barcino, so named of fishermen's Cabins, made of oyziers, which were first there, was enriched with a Temple, which this Hercules caused to be built to jupiter. Turiasso near unto Montcaio, 
Ausonia.  was the Tyrians work; Ausonia the Italians, it is now called Vic: Ilerda, now Lerida, the Illyrians, and others of other nations, whereof Hercules army was composed. 
Lerida.  To Diana's Temple (which the Zacynthians had begun before his coming) there were (by him, or by the Zacynthians of his company) great beams of juniper set; the which were spared by Hannibal when as he ruined those places, and continued unto the time of the Roman Emperors. There remained many other marks of this passage long after in Spain.  
As for Gargoris, who was king, he recovered his authority with great difficulty, and kept it with more pain; yet he reigned some years, and left the realm to his grand child, which his daughter had by stealth; wherewith Gargoris was so much offended, as he caused this child to be left in the fields, 
Cruelty of a grandfather.  to be devoured of wild beasts; the which, by the will of God, did not only leave him untouched, but did also nourish him with their urine: whereof the old man being advertised, he commanded him to be laid in the high ways, that oxen, horses, hogs, and such like going and coming, might tread him under their feet: yea, he caused him to be presented to famished mastiffs, which had been kept hungry of purpose: but he was still preserved by the favour of heaven; and the brute beasts (more kind than his grandfather) turned from the infant, and did not hurt him. In the end, this cruel man not content to put the poor child to an ordinary death, he caused him to be carried far into the Ocean sea; yet could not his desire succeed: for the infant was cast by the waves upon the sands, whereas a hind having newly calued, was so far in love with it, as she forgot her own fruit, and nourished the child, until he grew great, and got his living in the woods and rocks, feeding upon wild fruits; who in the end grew strong, and so active, as he ran as swiftly as any stag. He was often seen, and pursued by the huntsmen of the country, who could not conceive what it was; yet they laid so many ambushes, as in the end they took him, and presented him unto Gargoris their king: who having carefully considered and viewed the countenance of this savage prisoner, he was of opinion, that it was his grand child: whereof he was the better assured by certain marks which he had made upon his body, and caused him to be attended on as his Estate required; then dying, he left him heir of his realm of Spain: where he showed himself wife, virtuous, and a lover of the good of men, notwithstanding that he had been bred up among wild beasts in his youth. For they say he made politic laws, and taught them to till the land; accustomed the barbarous people to a more civil life, and sought the means to better the fruits of the earth by manuring, remembering his hard and rough breeding in his younger years. He is called by some Albius, 
Albius, Habidus, or Habis.  by others Habidus, or Habis. He appointed exercises for the Spaniards, and divided the people into seven towns or cantons.  
8 After him there is no mention of any kings in Spain for many ages: which gives some occasion to conjecture, that they erected many Commonweals; or that this region lay open to the invasion of many strangers, which came from divers parts; namely, after the destruction of Troy, 
The Celtes pass into Spain.  which happened in the time of this Habidus; in whose life time certain Celtes coming out of Gaul, came into Iberia, where they had long and sharp war against the inhabitants of the country, with whom they would share their lands; & in the end forced the Iberians to receive them, and to contract alliances with them, giving them their daughters in marriage: and so communicating both air, country, and names with them, they made of two nations one, 
Celtiberia.  which was called Celtiberian, and the country of Celtiberia; which is, all that lies betwixt the Pyrenee mountains and the river of Ebro. Other Celtes and Gauls had passed farther into Spain, it may be, before the Iberians came there, and had run beyond the river of Ebro, unto the West Ocean, where they had held a part of Portugal and Betica; in which provinces they did also carry the names of Celtes, Celtiques, Galates, and Gallicians, and there did build towns. Ephorus (for that the Celtes did hold all that North part of Spain, and part of Portugal) extended Gaul unto the Island of Gades. Habis reigned yet, when Elna, a town in the county of Rossillon, was first founded; the which some have ignorantly written, was named by Helen, mother to Constantine the Great, or built by her grand child Constans.  
Many Grecians in those times came into Spain, among the which (as they say) was Teucer the son of Telamonius, who (having been chased away by his father, and after his death excluded from the succession) landed whereas new Carthage now stands, and so passed on into Galicia. They attribute unto him the foundation of the town of Salamanca; 
Salamanca.  a name which cometh near unto that of Salamina, where Teucer was borne: yet some affirm, That in ancient time it was called Elmantica, and more properly. Diomedes also came into Spain with certain Aetolians, and they hold, that the town of Tude upon Mynio was his work, 
Tude.  for that this name hath some affinity with Tydeus, the father of Diomedes. Astur, who was coachman to king Memnon (no small office in those days) being come with the Grecians into this Region, 
Asturia.  gave the name unto the Asturians, and to the town and river of Astroga. Some maintain, 
Lisbon.  That Lisbon, Olyssippo or Vlyssippo, hath been built by Ulysses, and in it a Temple to the goddess Pallas. Of Mnestheus of Athens (to whom there were divine honours conferred after his death) was named the port of Mnesthee, near unto Gades. Finally, infinite Grecians, which could not or would not return into their country, after the destruction of Troy, came into Spain, and erected many petty Estates: and among them there were many other nations, who had some strength at sea, and were expert in navigation, but at divers seasons, and very uncertain; 
Almerie.  as the Thracians, whereof the town of Veta, or rather that of Almerie, give some testimony: for in old time it was called Abdera, as another which was in Thrace. The Rhodians did build the town of Roses, 
Roses.  now desert, at the foot of the Pyrenee mountains, whereas the Consul Cato first landed, when he came to make war in Spain. These men taught the Spaniards the use of hand-mylls, and to coin money. The Phocians of Asia did build Marseille, 
Empurias.  and founded the town of Empurias, which in like manner is now ruined. It was in ancient time inhabited by three kinds of people, of divers manners and languages, divided by walls, and living in continual jealousy one of another, which were natural Spaniards. These Phocians, and afterwards Romans, which were added by julius Caesar, who having reduced Spain under his obedience, and chased away Pompey's children, and their faction, made one body of these three nations, and a town well united. The Milesians and the Carystians came also to inhabit there; and the Lesbians issued from the Massegetes, to whom they attribute the foundation of Concavo, 
Concavo, Caslona, called Parnasia.  Castulo, at this present Caslona, in old time a great town, and the limit of two governments of Spain: under the Roman Empire it was called Parnasia; which maketh some think, that they of Phocide in Europe were the founders, for that Parnassus hill is in their country. Then came the Phrygians, which were extract (as some say) of Spain and the Egyptians, under the leading of a captain called Tarracon, of whom the town of Tarracone took the name. 
Tarracone.  Having taken great spoils along the Mediterranean shore, he went and paid the tenths of his thefts to Hercules temple at Calis, according to the ancient order. He had a nobleman of the country, whose name was Teron, that opposed himself, but he could not hinder him from spoiling of the country: For in truth the Spaniards, until the wars betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians, had no commendation to be good warriors, in regard of other nations. When as the Egyptian was gone, Teron demanded of the Gaditanes the offerings which this thief had made unto their Temple, as taken away by violence and injustice: whereunto the Gaditanes opposed themselves, and did so well defend the rites of their god, as they slew Teron, and defeated his men in a battle at sea.  
Some Cipriots came also to dwell in Spain, and moreover they believe, that the town of Biana, 
Biana, Madrid, sometimes Mantua.  in old time Alba, and of Madrid, first called Mantua, be the work of the first Latines and Italians.  
The reason why so many nations came into Spain, was the abundance of mines, and the ignorance of the Spaniards, which made them less covetous, and by consequence less given to arms, and therefore they were a prey to all these thievish nations: whom (as all things have their changes and revolutions) they have in this last age not only imitated, but exceeded them far in cruelty, covetousness, and insolency, to simple rude nations discovered by them, as will appear by the discourse of the History.  
About 880 years before the Nativity of jesus Christ was that memorable fire in the Pyrenee mountains (I speak it according unto the Spanish Authors) the which discovered more plainly the treasures of Spain: 
A fire, from whence the name of the Pyrenee came.  For the herdsmen having set fire of the woods (whereof the mountains were full) and it continuing many days, the veins of the earth were so moved with this violent heat, 
The treasure of Spain casually discovered.  as the silver melting ran down by streams: whereof pirates and strangers which did traffic there, being advertised, they came running to this booty. The Phoenicians among others, under a kind of traffic, and with the exchange of certain trifles of small value, laded their ships above once, being conducted (as some writ) by Sichee, husband to Elisa Dido; yea, in so great abundance, as they made the anchors of their ships of silver; so as Sichee grew so rich, as his brother in law Pygmalion through envy and covetousness slew him: who afterward bent his course for Spain; but running up and down the seas, he died: wherefore his company wanting a head, came to Cadiz, to their brethren and countrymen, which were planted in this Island; 
Tyrians did first people Cali●.  who entertained them courteously, and the town was better peopled by them: so as in the end it became a mighty Commonweal, inhabited first without all doubt by this nation of Tyr.  
9 Tyr was at that time, and long after, one of the most famous cities in the world, and and most abounding in people and wealth; which the towns that have taken their beginning from her, in divers parts of the earth, do witness. And although it had in a manner no territories, and that it was often taken and spoiled by the kings and potentates of Asia, and by Alexander the Great, yet did they easily recover their first happiness, by reason of the industry of the inhabitants, 
Tyrians great seamen.  and the commodity of the sea; the which they did frequent with more experience and knowledge than any other nation of that age. It was the mother city of that mighty Commonweal of Carthage, which for so long a time did contend for Empery with Rome; the first foundation whereof was laid by one Carchedon a Tyrian: it was afterwards enlarged by Dido, sister to Pygmalion, about 135 years before the foundation of Rome, and did increase daily both in people and wealth. The citizens whereof some 562 years before the Nativity of Christ, bend their course for Spain, to spoil as others had done, by reason of them of Gades: who having gotten a great territory in Spain, which made them to be feared and honoured of their neighbours, yet not contenting themselves with their own, they sought to take from others: 
Tyrians made profit of all things.  yea, being right merchants, and seeking to make their profit of all things, they took away men from the neighbour towns and villages, and carried them to sell as slaves in strange countries: a traffic which had been always used by the Phoenicians of Syria, their progenitors, to the prejudice of the people of Palestina and judea, who bordered upon them. These inhuman fashions did in the end stir up the other people of Spain against the Gaditanes, whereof followed much war of small fame, by reason of the weakness of the Commonweals and Potentates which did manage them, if we will compare them with others of those times.  
Only there is an honourable mention made of a noble man commanding upon the coast of the Ocean, 
Arganthon.  near unto this Island of Cadiz, called Arganthon, happy in wealth and long prosperity of his affairs; for they say he lived 155 years, and reigned 80, and withal loved justice: whose time is conferred with that of Ancus Martius, reigning in Rome about 150 years after the foundation thereof. The Gaditanes were kept somewhat in awe by him and others; yet not so subdued, but they took arms upon all occasions; so as the people round about conspired against them: who finding not themselves strong enough to oppose against so many enemies, they resolved to call the Carthaginians to their aid; who in the end became masters of Spain, 
Carthaginians called into Spain by the Gaditanes'  until the Romans stayed the course of their victories and conquests: the which shall be related in the following Books with more delight, for that we are better assured than of these things.  
Hitherto we have discoursed of the beginning and antiquity of those nations which came first to inhabit Spain, following the obscure steps of those that have left any thing in writing, or read or conjectured, having scarce observed any order of times, being without any sure grounds: for even the places, whereas every one of the Governors, Captains, or Kings, whereof we have made mention, did reign, is not very certain. Yet it is most apparent, that the Isle of Gades hath been the most famous place of all Spain, and that the superstition of idolatrous people hath preserved it from the invasions and spoils of strangers, 
Religion whatsoever it be, is naturally re●ere●ed.  by reason of the famous Temple of Hercules, which was built there: and that the main land which is about this Island, and the strait which is near unto it, have been sooner and more particularly known than other places within the heart of Spain, by reason of the commodious landing for Armies, and the aboard of merchant's strangers, which came thither by sea. And it is credible, that within the country there were many petty kings, heads of people, without fame and it may be without any good and lawful policy; and it is not impertinent, that some towns, famous in after ages, and even in our times, whose beginning is not known, have had their first foundations from these unknown people.  
We have willingly omitted many discourses written by others, for that we have held them fabulous, or at the least very doubtful: as the coming of Noah into Spain, and the voyage and conquest thereof by Nabuchodonozor, and such like, which we may read in counterfeit Berosus, or in josephus, being deceived by the memorial of the Chaldeans, who put this last Nabuchodonozor above all the Hercules that ever were, to whose acts (the which in truth were great, as we may gather by the holy Scriptures) we do not any way derogate, by calling in question his coming into Spain, for that Asia, Egypt, and afric, which were near, might furnish him wherewith to erect his trophies.  
The great drought (whereof some have left remembrance) seemeth as incredible unto us; 
A prodigious drought.  the which continued six and twenty years, and burned all the trees and plants in Spain, except some Olive and Pomegranet trees, as they say; as if these trees could not be hurt by the extreme heat, as well as the rest: it dried up all the rivers, except Ebro and Guadalquibir, which became small unprofitable rivers; so as the people were forced to go out in great troops, to seek for other dwellings. These things, for that they have not been written by any ancient and good Authors, who would not have passed over so memorable an accident with silence, and for the absurdities which follow, they are with reason rejected.  
And for as much as in that which we are hereafter to treat of, we shall find Spain more manured, better peopled with men, towns, and burroughes, limited and distinguished by more apparent bounds, and having some better form of government and policy than it hath hitherto had, we have thought it expedient (for the Readers ease) before we enter into the subject, to make a particular and brief description thereof, making some mention of the fertility of the soil, quality of the air, and nature and manners of the Spaniards, both ancient and modern.  
10 Spain in general, 
Description of Spain.  and in regard of other countries, had from the beginning natural limits, as they are at this day; unless they will say, that the continual beating of the waves of the sea hath made some breaches, or hath divided it from Africa, to the which some believe it was joined in the beginning, or that the form hath been changed by some other accident. There may well be some diminution: for in Islands, the which (for that they are little) are better comprehended and measured by the senses, we find without all question, that some at this present are much less than they were in former ages, and others that have been famous, are now perished, and are no more, having been undermined by the waves, and swallowed up in the sea. But whatsoever hath happened since that Spain had any fame unto this day, it doth not appear that there hath been any great portion cut away, or that it is much altered or changed.  
This Region hath been very fitly compared by the Ancients to an Ox's hyde spread abroad: 
Spain like to an Ox's hyde.  for beginning by the neck somewhat narrow (which is the passage of the Pyrenee mountains, by the which it is joined unto France) it extendeth itself to the right and to the left, going towards the West: so as making in a manner a square form, the Promontories or heads which thrust into the sea, on the one side upon the coast of Biscaye, and at Finis terrae, and on the other at Cap de Gates, and at the straight of Gibaltar, represent the legs; then the point of Cap S. Vincent, stretched forth behind towards the West, makes the tail.  
That which is taken for the East part of Spain, runs along the Pyrenee mountains, beginning near unto the town of Bayonne, upon the limits of France, where was nerctofore the Promontory Easo, and runs unto Cap de Crux, whereas Venus' Temple was in old time; that is, from the Ocean to the Mediterranean sea, being 80 leagues, or thereabouts, taking the way by France: for these mountains have no straight course, but bend much towards Spain, and hold a great part of that country: so as he that would go from the Ocean to the Mediterranean sea within the country of Spain, on that side of the mountains, should find it much more than 80 leagues. Although that this coast of Spain be called the East, 
The East part of Spain.  yet all this passage of the Pyrenee mountains turns much towards the North, and is subject to that wind which the Italians call Greenshield, and by our mariners North-east.  
From Cap. de Crux, or Venus' Temple, along the Mediterranean sea, and passing by the straight into the Atlantic Ocean, unto the holy Promontory, or Cap S. Vincent, is the South part of Spain; the which notwithstanding turning towards the East, is for the most part subject to the wind which the Italians call Siroco, 
The South coast of Spain.  and we Southeast, and contains about 275 leagues; that is, 202 leagues to Gibaltar, and 73 leagues from thence to Cap S. Vincent, the which are distinctly measured after this manner.  

From Cap Crux to Barcelone 30 Leagues  
From thence to Tarracone 16 L.  
From Tarracone to Valence, by the mouth of the river of Ebro and Tortosa 30 L.  
From Valence to Denia 17 L.  
From Denia to Alicant 18 L.  
From thence to Carthagena 17 L.  
From Carthagena to Vera 18 Leagues  
From Vera to Almerie 13 L.  
From Almerie to Malaga 20 L.  
From Malaga to Gibaltar 23 L.  
From Gibaltar by the straight to Calis 20 L.  
From Calis to the mouth of Guadiana 26 L.  
From thence to Cap S. Vincent 27 L.  
All which together are 275 Leagues.   
The West part of Spain is directly towards the Equinoctial, 
West part of Spain.  and contains 126 leagues, or thereabouts, along the Ocean sea, from Cap S. Vincent, unto that which the Ancients called Nereum, and we Finis terrae; whereof the distances are these.  

From Cap S. Vincent to the mouth of Tagus or Tayo 38 Leagues  
From thence to the river of Munda 25 L.  
From Munda to Duero, a river, and where it falls into the sea 25 L.  
From thence to Pontevedra 19 L.  
From Pontevedra to Cap. Finis terrae 18 L.   
All which together make 125 Leagues, whereof there are about 100 of the jurisdiction of Portugal.  
From Cap Finis terrae unto the Promontory Easo, near unto which is Bayonne, a frontier town of France against Spain, 
The North part of Spain.  is the North part thereof, running some seven score Leagues along the Ocean, sometimes called Britannicum. For  

From Cap Finis terrae unto Ninerio, or S. Marthe, they number 40 Leagues  
From thence to Hianeo or Cap Stationes 30 L.  
From thence to S. Ander 30 L.  
From S. Ander to the last bounds of the Pyrenees 40 L.  
All which makes 140 Leagues.   
All the circuit then of Spain shall be of 620 Leagues, counting four Italian miles to a League, 
The circuit of all Spain.  that is, 80 Leagues by land, and 540 by sea, sailing round about it, where it is washed with the two seas, which makes it almost an Island.  
We are not ignorant, that in old times was comprehended under the jurisdiction of Spain, on the one side the Province of Gaul Narbonoise, which is now called Languedocke, and on the other side a portion of Mauritania in Africa, 
Provinces out of Spain under the jurisdiction thereof.  beyond the straight, as well in the times of the Roman Emperors, as of the Goths: but for that it was an accessory only for a time, and upon extraordinary occasions, and that it is most certain that these people are by nature excluded out of the limits of Spain, and have always had divers humours and manners to the Spaniards, we will contain ourselves within the compass which we have described and measured, in the whole course of this History; and if we be forced to go out of it, we will hold ourselves there as strangers. Having turned round about Spain, let us now come into the heart of it, and before we speak of the particular Provinces, let us see what mountains and rivers are famous in the whole country, the better to distinguish every nation, both ancient and modern.  
The Pyrenees, which have taken their name either of the great fire, whereof mention hath been made (for Pyr in Greek, is fire) or from the ordinary lightning which falls upon the tops of the hills, 
Pyrene●s, why so called.  or else (if we will receive fables) of the nymph Pyrene, daughter to Bebrix, whom Hercules did get with child as he passed that way, extend their greatest mass from Venus' Temple, or Cap Crux, unto Bayonne, that is to say, from the one unto the other sea, stretching far into Spain, where they do hold a great part of the country, which lies betwixt them and the river of Ebro, casting moreover many branches along and cross this Region, from whence do fall many rivers and small streams, the which some have numbered to be 150, meriting the names of rivers. The front of these mountains, which stretch unto the Ocean near unto Bayonne, bending in that part, runs along the Cantabrians, Asturians, & Gallicia, unto the last Western limits, extending itself far into the country, and making almost half Spain crooked and hilly, whereas the river of Duero doth pass, and further. These hills were heretofore called Cantabres and Vindius, and since they took divers names, which were given them by the people which dwell thereabouts, and in the valleys thereof. At this present they be the mountains of Biscay, Navarre, Sentillana, the mountains of Oca, Asturia, and Gallicia. Out of them doth flow the river Ebro, 
The spring of the river Ebro.  in old time Iberus, near unto a place which they call Fuent Ibre, & having run a little towards the East, she turneth her course to the South, by the ancient country of the Autrigones, 
The course of Ebro.  Vardules, Vascons, Ilergetes, Edetanes, and Ilercaones, the which are in our time the Navarrois, Arragonois, and Cattelaunians, and having run above 120 leagues through the country, 
The spring of the river Duero.  it falls into the Mediterranean sea, beneath Tortose. Duero doth also take her beginning in these mountains, a great river, and the ancient limit betwixt Portugal and Tarraconese, two of the principal Provinces of Spain, near unto a Bourg called Aquilar, not far from Soria, bending in the beginning towards the South, but afterwards she takes her course to the West Ocean, into the which it dischargeth itself near unto the town of Porto Galego, having run about 120 leagues by the Arevaces, and betwixt the valleys of the Galliques and Lusitanians, which in our time are those of Castille the old, Leon and Portugal, towards the North. Into it falls the river Auia, 
Auia.  upon the banks whereof they say that no tree that is pricking will grow; although that all the country thereabouts is full of pomegranates, Oranges, Citrons, and such like, the which it hath common with another river in Galicia, called Aleste.  
From the same Pyrenees, 
Mountain of Idubeda.  as from a common stem, parts the mountain, called in old time Idubeda or jubalda, the which thrusts forth into two other branches, the which divides Spain from the East unto the West, and passing by divers people, gets also divers names: for in the beginning they call it Sierra, or mountain of Acienca, by reason of the ancient town of Auca, the ruins whereof are yet to be seen, above the town of Bourgos: than it is called Sumo Sierra, Puerto de Tablada, of Palomera, of Abilo, Pico, of Tornavacas, & in the end enters into Portugal, making a great front near unto the Ocean, the which they call the mount of Strella, 
The mountains of Strella in Portugal, and the wonders thereof.  upon the top of which is an admirable lake: for they do often find in it pieces of ships which have suffered shipwreck upon that coast, notwithstanding that the mountain is very high, and a good way from the sea: and they say moreover, that when the sea is troubled with tempests, they do hear the waves beat, and all that lake and mountain make a noise, with the horrible sound of the winds and tempest, as if they were in full sea.  
This course of the mountains running betwixt the rivers Duero and Tayo, doth now cause a distinction of the people of the Provinces of Spain; 
Distinction of Spain within the country.  for which reason they are called, on this side, or beyond the mountains. The other branch of this mount Idubeda runs towards the South, near unto the towns of Siguensa and Cuenca, keeping in the river Ebro, that it bend not towards the West, the which in our time hath also gotten divers names, that is, Solorio, Sierra Molina, Sierra d'Alcarras & Sigura, in old times, Mons Argentum; and sometimes rising high, and sometimes falling and opening in some places, it is in a manner plain near unto Valence: than it riseth again, and passeth to Carthagena, and to Cap de Palos, in former times called Scombraria, the ancient limit of two governments of Spain, at what time this mountain was called Orospeda or Ortospeda. 
Orospeda. Mo. Illipula. M.  Passing on by the sea shore riseth the mountain, in old time called Illipula, and now Sierra Vermeia, Sierra de Rondas, and other hills of the kingdom of Granado, 
Calpe. M. which is Gibaltar.  which extend unto the straight whereas they make Mont Calpe, called at this time Gibaltar; the which should properly be called Gibal Tarif, a name gotten by the descent of a captain Moor, called Tarif, who landed in this place with the first army of Moors that came out of Africa into Spain, when as the Goths kingdom went to ruin. Other mountains dividing themselves from this, and going far from the sea, run above Cordove and Sevill, the which in old time were called Mariani Montes, and Castulonensis Saltus, now Sierra Morena. 
Mariani. M.   
Out of these above named mountains, which keep in the river Ebro, bending from the North to the South, 
Tayo, Tagus, Guadiana, Anas, Guadalquibir, or Betis rivers.  there flow three great floods or rivers, Tagus, Anas, and Betis, according to the ancients, but now called Tayo, Guadiana, and Guadalquibir, besides many others of less fame, which these do receive and carry into the Ocean.  
Tayo hath his spring at a place which is now called Sierra Molina, 
The course of Tagus.  near unto the town of Cuenca and Toralba, the which passing almost through two parts of Spain, runneth by Toledo, the country of Estrema Dura and Portugal, towards the West Ocean, where it enters by a large and spacious channel beneath the royal city of Lisbon. This river was famous among the Ancients, by reason of the little grains, and as it were scrape of pure gold, which they did often find in the gravel and sand, which the torrent and streams of water had brought from the mountains.  
Guadiana cometh out of the country which in old time they called Campus Laminitanus, 
The beginning and course of Guadiana.  and now Campo de Montiel, a place which is otherwise dry and wanting water. This river directeth her course in the beginning towards the West, near unto the town which was called Pax or Pezaugusta, but now Badaios: turning there to the South, it dischargeth itself into the Atlantic sea, bounding in at this day the kingdom of Portugal on the South side, as in old time it divided the province of Betica from Lusitania. Towards the Spring they call it Rodiera, 
A singularity of Guadiana.  and from thence (which is admirable) having run some leagues in the country, it hides itself under the ground, near unto a place called Argamasilla, and runneth so hidden above eight great leagues: than it comes forth again into certain moors, continuing her course in that manner, near unto the ancient towns of Cecilia, Gemela, Emerita, and Pezaugusta, towards the sea; by reason whereof the Spaniards breed admiration in strangers, bragging, that they have a bridge in their country, upon the which above ten thousand cattle feed daily.  
As for Guadalquibir, 
Guadalquibir, the name, spring, and course.  so named by the Moors, which is as much to say, as a great flood, and in old time Betis, her beginning is upon Mont Argent, called now Sierra d'Alcarras, and runneth towards the West into the Atlantic sea, beneath Sevill, by a large channel; although in old time it had two: whereof the one passed along the walls of Nebrissa, which at that time was Lebrissa; the which is at this day above two leagues off, for that the channel is filled up: upon the which Asta did also stand, which in those times was also called Zeres de la Frontera.  
There are other mountains in Spain of less fame, 
Cayo.  as Mont Cayo, 
jui.  near to Tarrassone in Arragon, 
The ladders of Hannibal.  in old time Caunus; M. jui or Mons iovis, near to Barcelone; the ladders of Hannibal, called in that time the coast of Garaph, and others. Moreover, there are many rivers besides those which we have described, giving the names or bounds to Provinces: as the river of Ruscino, whereof the town and country was named; of the ruins whereof Perpignan was built: Astorga, which seemeth to give the name unto the Asturians: the river of Calybs, which passeth according unto some, near unto Tarrassone, and in his name carrieth the marks of the beginning of the Spaniards, the water whereof is excellent to steep iron: Sicoris, or Sigro, which passeth at Lerida; about the which were the Sicanians, which passed into Sicily, Cinpa or Senga, and the greater and less Arragon; floods whereof the kingdom of Arragon is named, with others which are observed by the curious. But it shall be easy for us, among these great mountains and rivers which we have described, to find out every people and province, and the particular places of Spain, as well according to the distinctions of the Ancient, as their limits and divisions, since the eversion of the Roman Empire.  
Beginning then with the Western point, we say, That from Cape S. Vincent unto the Island of Gades or Calis, 
Turditanes.  did dwell the ancient Turditanes, upon the sea, and within the land, holding both banks of the river Anas, and the country which lieth betwixt it and Betis, beyond the which they did occupy some leagues of the country towards the South. This Region was in the beginning full of woods and forests, which they called Tercenians and Tartessians, but being cut down, it hath been always very fertile and abounding in all things. The town of Hispalis, called after Sepila, and since Sevill, was of this nation, being also called Romulensis Colonia, situated upon the banks of Betis, a great and navigable river, and lower towards the sea, Nebrissa, and Asta Colonia, and within the country Italica, whereas the emperors trajan, Adrian, and Theodosius were borne, with the Poet Silius, and Carmon retaining still the name, Pax julia and Beia, at this present Portugal.  
near unto them towards the East were the Turdules, 
Turdules.  whose country is also bathed by Betis, 
Cordove.  and upon this river is the town of Cordove, called Colonia Patricia, built by the Consul M. Claud. Marcellus, about the year of the foundation of Rome 602. Which country of the Turdules did extend to the Turditanes and the Bastules, from the Isle of Gades, upon the Ocean, unto the Mediterranean sea, near unto the Promontory Charidemum, or Cap de Gates. The places which the Turdules did hold lying upon the Ocean shore, towards the straight, were the port of Mnesthee, the Temple of juno built by Hercules, and the city of Belon, on which side there are at this day S. Marry, Trafalgar, and Tariffe: and within the country the mountain Ilipula, and Ilipula Magna, at this present Ilpa; Illiberis, or Liberia, which some think was Granado in those times; and Astigi, one of the judicial seats of Spain, which may be Eccia at this day, although there were another of that name upon the sea shore. Among this nation it may well be the Melessians were, and their town Orange, taken by L. Scipio, which they say was Aryona.  
After were the Bastules, 
Bastules, and their towns.  within the straits, and along the Mediterranean sea, who were surnamed Poeni, continuing unto the Promontory of Charidemum, or Cap de Gates, and to Balaria, now Bara, or Vera, next unto the Turdules, of which nation Calpe was, otherwise called Heraclee, 
Gibaltar.  the which at this day they name Gibaltar, near unto the which in old time was the town of Carteia, called also Tartesse; the which was a common name in old time for the river Betis, the Island of Gades, and all the neighbour country. It is likely, 
Algezire.  that this town of Carteia was situated whereas Algezire now standeth. Titus Livius setteth it without the straight, upon the Ocean. Then Malaga, a port which retaineth his name; and Abdera, which is Almerie, upon the Mediterranean sea, belonging unto the Bastules; and it may be Munda, whereas Pompey's eldest son was defeated, if it be that Ronde which is at this day, as some will have it. The countries inhabited by these three nations, are at this day comprehended in Granado, Andaluzia, and a part of Portugal, and made the Betique Province one of the chief members of the kingdom of Spain.  
Next unto them, 
Bastitans. Contestans.  and continuing along the coast of the Mediterranean sea, were the Bastitanes and Contestanes, whereas in our time lieth Murcia and Valence, separated by the mountain Orospeda. The town of Basa was in old time the chief mansion of the Bastitanes, otherwise called Basitanes, to whom Acci did belong, now called Guadix, and unto Beiar and Origuela, in old time called Bigerra and Orcelis. But Murcia, then called Menlaria, Saetabis, which is Xativa, and towards the Promontory Scombaria, now called Cap de Palos, new Carthage, Alone, which at this day is Alicant, Illici, it may be Elches in our time, and the city of Valence, were belonging unto the Contestanes, among the which it may be Illiturge was, lying far from the sea, or else among the above named Bastitanes.  
Then followed the Editanes and Ilercaones, 
Editanes, and their towns.  from Valence unto the mouth of the river Ebro. The towns and places renowned among the Editanes, or, as others term them, Seditanes, were Dianium upon the sea, and Sagunt higher, destroyed by Hannibal, whereas now Moruiedro standeth, Caesar Augusta, far off from the sea, is Saragossa, in old time Salduba.  
Among the Ilercaones were Dertosa, 
Ilercaones, a people.  in these times Tortosa, and old Carthage, ruined by the two Scipio's brethren.  
joining unto them, and still coasting along the sea shore, and on this side the river of Ebro, 
Acetanians.  were the Acetanians, Laetanes, Castellanes, and Indigetes, all which are comprehended at this day in Catelogne, upon the sea. To these Acetanians (who were also called Cosetanians) belonged Terraco; of the which, the greatest part of Spain was named; a town peopled by the two brethren Scipio's, to oppose it against new Carthage.  
Barcelone grown great of a small beginning, 
Barcelone.  by the ruins of Rubicata, a Colony of the Africanes, situated upon the river Rubricatus, 
Laetanes.  at this present Lobregat, was of the Laetanes or Laletanes.  
The Castellans (who, 
Castellans.  according unto some, have left their name to our Catelogne) were whereas it may be the Duchy of Cardone now is.  
Upon the declining of the Pyrenee mountains, 
Indigetes.  were the Indigetes, or Endigetes, whereas the town of Empurias or Emporium now is, and Rhoda, or Roses, now ruined, and in old time the Temple of Venus, whereas now Coelibre stands, a name taken from Illiberis, which was at the foot of the Pyrenees, as some suppose.  
For a frontier to Spain on that side, 
Ruscino Rossillon.  we will place Ruscino, which is the County of Rossillon, although it were in old time of the Province of Gaul, but it hath of long time been annexed unto Spain: there was Elna, which hath not changed her name, and Ruscino, both river and town, of whose ruins Parpignan was built. near unto it is a small river, called Illeris, and since Tetrum, that is to say, filthy, for that the water thereof is black, by reason that it passeth among the mines of metal, whereof those mountains are full. In this country there was also a town called Illiberis, as that of Grenade, whereas the first Council of Spain was held: but at this day there remaineth no mark of it.  
Coming now to the holy Promontory, or Cape S. Vincent, from whence we are parted, we will describe the people dwelling along the Western and Northern Ocean, unto the other end of the Pyrenees, near unto Bayonne; whereof the first were called Celtiques, who came without all doubt from Gaul, 
Celtiques.  after that the Celtes and Iberians were mingled together, comprehended partly under the Lusitanians, who held a great Continent of the country, as well by the sea side, as within the land, and gave the name unto one of the chief members of Spain, containing the Vergons', of whom we will make mention hereafter.  
These Celtiques and Lusitanians comprehended a great part of our Portugal, 
Lusitanians.  of Estrema Dura, and Castille the new, and entered as far as Andelouzia into the Celtiques country. The ancient towns which they had, and the places most renowned, were Vlysippo or Olysippo, 
Lisbon.  now Lisbon, at the mouth of Tayo, the mouths of the rivers of Monda and Duero, and within the country Scalabis, or Turris julia, now Trugillo, Talabriga, Talavera now, Ebura, Norba Caesarea, at this time Alcantara, Augusta Emerita, now Merida. These two last were betwixt Tayo and Guadiana, and Norba Caesarea was ruined by Pompey's faction, for that they had been two faithful unto Caesar: of the ruins whereof, and the remainders of which people, Emerita was afterwards built, in Augustus his time. There were also Euandria, Cecilia Gemellina, now called S. Marry of Guadalupe: Aronda among the Celtique Betiques, called also Munda, not that whereas Pompey's eldest son was defeated. Beside these towns, there were upon the marches of the Lusitanians, Ilipa, which it may be is Niebla at this day; Oxtraca, Carmel, Ituca, and others, whereof there remain no marks.  
Beyond the river of Duero were the people called Callaiques or Galliques, 
Callaiques or Gallegos.  now Gallegos, so named of the Gauls, Galates, or Celtes, holding a great country, which was barren and hilly, for the most part, but where it joineth upon the Lusitanians; which is that which is contained betwixt the rivers of Duero and Minio, belonging at this present to the realm of Portugal; the which hath taken this name since the coming of the Moors, 
Portugal whence it was so named.  of the town of Porto, right against the which, they or the Gauls pirates built a fort, which was called Gal: it may be it is that which is called the tower of Gaya, the which is in this country, whereas Duero falleth into the sea. These people of Callaiques were divided into two; those which were called Brecaires, by reason of the town of Brecar Augusta, which was among them (the which is now Braga, Metropolitan of Portugal,) and the Callaiques Lucenses, by reason of the town called Lucus Augusti, now Lugo. 
Brecaires.  Of the Brecaires was the river Lemia, called Lethe's, for that the Celtes inhabiting about the river of Guadiana, coming with other of their neighbours into this country, after some tumults, and the loss of their captain, being vagabonds, and without counsel, they wandered up and down without conduct, and without any care to return from whence they came, as if they had forgotten their first abode. The Brecaires and their town Brecar took their name from certain soldiers of Africa, which were levied about the river of Bragada, in the Province of Carthage, and then mingled with the Celtes, or Gauls, were called Callaiques, or Galliques Brecaires.  
Among the Lucenses were the Artabres, 
Artabres.  about the Promontory Nereum, which is now Finis terrae: there were the altars of the Sun, and Flavium Brigantium, it may be Compostella at this day, or Betauzos, or rather Corunra, and Trileucum, a Promontory, and Iria Flavia, at this day S. Marry of Finis terrae, or Padron, and Aquae Calidae, now Orense.  
Asturia joined to these Callaiques, 
Asturians.  at that time divided into many jurisdictions: there was Lancia the chief town, taken by Augustus' captains, Legio Germanica, or Gemina, at this time Leon, a royal town: Bregetium, called since (according unto some) Ouiedo, an assured refuge for Christians, when as the Moors did overrun Spain: Asturica Augusta, at this day Astorga: Forum Egurrorum, Medina of Riosecco, and towards the sea Flavionavia, near unto the which began the Cantabrians, 
Cantabrians.  which are now the Biscanes, those of Guipuscoa, and part of Navarre. Their sea towns were Flaviobriga, now Bilbao, Easo, S. Sebastian, near Fonterabie, the furthest limit of Spain, where as in old time was the Promontory Olarso, or Oeoso. Among them was the town of Segisama, taken by Octavius Caesar. They did comprehend the Antrigones, Caristes, Bardules, and Vascons, the which extended themselves far from the sea into the country, on this side the river of Ebro, and coasted the Pyrenee mountains. The nearest unto Asturia were properly called Cantabrians, to whom Vellica did belong, about the place where as now Victoria stands, the chief town of the Province of Alava, juliobriga, at this day Logrogne. The river of Ebro did run through the midst of the Autrigons. 
Vardules.  Alba was among the Vardules, since called Viana: and to the Vascons belonged Pompelon Martua, which is now called Pampelone jacca, which according to Ptolemy hath held the old name: Calagorina, now called Calaorra, or Calahorra: Basconton, of the name of Basco, or Vasco: Suessa, which may be Sanguessa, and others.  
Hitherto we have briefly described the people and provinces of Spain, which join upon the seas, and observed the chief places thereof, applying them as near as might be to these times: Let us now enter into the country, beginning with the confines of the Callaiques, Asturians, and Cantabrians, towards the North, and coming to the South.  
The Vacces did join unto the Gallicians Brecaires of the West, 
Vacces.  to whom the Murboges, Arevaces, those which were called Belli and Titthi, confining with the Celtiberians, the Pelendones, and Berones were neighbours, approaching near unto the river of Ebro, which was to the East of them, and that of Duero upon the South. All this compass is comprehended in our time within Castille the old, and the realm of Leon.  
The towns of Viminacium, Auia, or Livia, which is now Villalon, Segisama julia, at this present called Tordesillas, which they call otherwise Turris Sillana; Palantia, which hath preserved the name of Palence; Pincia, which is Vailledolit, Septimance, or Simanca; Sentica, or Sarabris, at this day Zamora, and Cauca, where as Lucullus committed great cruelty, and Intercatia. These towns I say were among the Vacces: But Branum, or Auca, of whose ruins the town of Burgos hath been built, belonged to the Murboges.  
Among the Arevaces, 
Arevaces.  whose country is washed with the river Duero, running through the midst thereof, were the towns of Clunia Colonia, Segortia Lacta, at this present Sepulueda, Ocilis, Segobia, which keeps his name, Termantia, and the old Numance, whereas at this day Soria stands.  
Under the said nation were the Vergones or Vectons, 
Vergones and Vectons.  confining upon the Lusitanians, and making a part of that province: which country is now comprehended betwixt the frontier of Portugal, towards Cite Roderigo, the kingdom of Leon, Castille the new, and Toledo. To these people Elmantica did belong, now called Salamanca, a famous University. On the East side were the Carpetanians, 
Carpetanians.  there stood Toledo, which retains the name, called also Serezola, Aebura, Hippo, Complutum, now called Alcala Enares, Mantua, now Madril: and it may be among them were the Olcades, and their towns Althee.  
Towards the South were the Oretanes, 
Oretanes.  confining on the East with the Celtiberians, and on the West with the Beturians, neighbours to the Lusitanians, which are those of Estrema Dura. The country of the Oretanes makes at this day a part of the realm of Toledo; it comprehends the fields of Calatrava, the passage called the fields of Alcocer, and part of the mountains Marianes, at this present Sierra Morena, unto jaen, and to the frontiers of Granado. Oreton of the Germans, which some think to be Calatrava, Castulo, than a great and mighty town, and now a small burrow, called Caslona, upon the river Guadiana, where Himilca the wife of Hannibal was borne, issued from the race of Milicus, who built it: Mentisa, which is jaen, according unto some, and Astapa, a famous retreat of desperate thieves; Nobilia, Cusibis and Illusia, were of the Oretanes.  
Among the Celtiberians were Ergavica, 
Celtiberians.  Alce, Turiasso, (that is Tarassone) Bilbilis, at this present Calataiub (whereas the Poet Martial was borne) Saguntia, now Siguenza, Contrebia and Valeria, which is Concha.  
Betwixt the Celtiberians and the river Ebro, 
Lobetanes.  were the Lobetanes, and on this side Ebro, under the Vascons and mount Edulius, dwelled the Ilergetes, and towards the Pyrenee mountains, and at the foot of them, 
Suessetanes. Lacetanes. ●usetanes. Cerretanes.  the Suessetanes, Lacetanes, Authetanes, or Ausetanes, and Cerretanes, being all contained partly in Navarre and Arragon, and part in Catalogne at this present. Suessa the chief town of the Suessetanes, may be Sanguessa in Navarre: and jacca at that time was of the ancient Lacetanes. The town of Ilerda, which is Lerida, gave the name to the Ilergetes: to them there also belonged Osca, Huesca at this day, and Bergidum, which is Vrgel, and Anitorgis, or Athanasia.  
As for the town of Iliturgis, it is obscurely limited by the ancients. Some of the later will have it among the Ilergetes, others place it in the Oretanes country, and others in the Betique provinces, places far distant one from another.  
The Authetanes, or Ausetanes, did possess Geronda, in our time Girone: and among the Cerretanes, were Ausonia the ancient, and julia Libica, which some hold to be Linca.  
This is all which I have thought fit to gather of the people inhabiting the firm land of Spain, the which were found there, and augmented by the Carthaginians and Romans, when as they contended for the possession thereof, whereof some marks appeared at that time, and that they had immutable limits, the which do now assure us of their habitations.  
11 There is mention made by some authors, 
Islands about Spain.  of many islands about Spain, whereof some are no more, others are yet famous. The Cassiterides, fertile in tin, were placed by the Cosmographers near unto Cap Finis terrae: 
Cassiterides, lost islands.  but there is no more any mention of them; whereby it seems they have been swallowed up in the sea, unless they will say, they be those of the Axores, which are too far from Spain.  
The islands of the gods in the West Ocean, 
Islands of the gods.  may be those of Bayone, near unto Pontevedra in Gallicia.  
The island of Gades was in old time called Tartesse Erythrea, 
Calis and the ancient names.  or according unto some Erythie, Cotynusia, Aphrodisia, Gadira, Gadir, and Gaddir (although that Gaddir in the opinion of some, is a common name to the island, and to other places of Betique Spain, near unto it, as well as Tartesse) and now they have named it Gadiz or Galis. It hath been the most famous of all others about Spain, and is yet renowned and rich, but much more in ancient times. For although that in the Romans time they had scarce any territory, yet was it one of the greatest, the richest, and best peopled towns in Europe. It appears by the description of Censures at one time, That there were five hundred heads of families, of the order of Knights, among the inhabitants thereof. One Balbus a Gaditan enlarged the town almost half bigger than it was, and called his new work Neapolis.  
In this island there was a fountain flowing and ebbing daily with the sea. joining unto it there were two other small islands, whereof the one was called Didima. They writ, That in old time the island of Cadiz was much greater than it is now. It hath in length from the South to the North, some ten or twelve miles, and is separated from the main land by a narrow channel, and distant from the straight of Gibaltar some threescore miles, or fifty leagues.  
In the Iberique, 
Islands Baleares Maiorca, Minorca.  or Mediterranean sea, are the two islands Baleares, called in these times Majorca, and Minorca; for that the one is bigger than the other. Their first name was Gymnasies, for that the inhabitants thereof went all naked: Gymnos in Greek, is naked in our language. But for that the men of this island were good Archers, they were called Baleares, unless we will believe that this name was given them by one Balee, whom Hercules gave them for their Governor, as some writ. In those days great Commonweals drew good soldiers from thence, who did commonly use slings, and did ever carry three; with the one he did bind his head, with another he did girt himself, and the third he held in his hand: and with these arms they wrought great effects, and did much amaze their enemies; 
Maiarquins' expert in slings.  for they were practised in it from their youth by their mothers, who set their breakfast bread upon the top of a post, the which they must beat down with their slings, or else they fasted. These islanders were long before they would use either gold or silver, remembering the great calamities which Spain had suffered, by reason of these metals: wherefore they held themselves to be well assured in forbidding the use of it. 
Gold and silver forbidden by the ancient Maiorquins.  They did sometimes capitulate with the Carthaginians, who often employed their soldiers in their wars, that they should guy them wives and wine for their pay, and no silver.  
These are two fertile islands, having this benefit moreover, that they do not breed any hurtful beast, although the war which they had with the coneys be no fable; but they were brought from other places, and of one buck conie and a do, they did multiply in such great numbers, as with the working of their holes and burroes under ground, they unrooted trees, and undermined the foundations of houses, so as the inhabitants sent ambassadors to Rome, to demand help and secure of the Senate against these beasts (a certain argument of their simplicity) but afterwards they learned to take them. The greatest of these islands is about fifteen leagues long, and very narrow. The lesser yields nothing to the other in bounty and fruitfulness. 
Cabrera and Dragonora. Pityuses.  About them are the little islands of Cabrera and Dragonera. Nearer unto the main land, and more Westerly, are the two Pityuses, whereof the greater was called Ebusus, which hath about twenty mile's circuit of hard access, having a port upon the South side: It is now called Yuica, the which they say hath no serpents, and, if they be brought from any other place, they die. But the other, Ophiusa in old time, and now Fromentaria, is so full of them, as the island hath remained desert and not inhabited. In Yuica they make excellent salt. These islands are right against the shore betwixt Barcelone and Valence.  
The islands of Sardinia and Corsica were in old time given by the Popes in fee to the kings of Arragon, who have contended by arms for the right thereof, against the Genevois and Pisans, for many years, till that in the end the Arragonois got the quiet possession of Sardinia; of which conquest we shall speak often; wherefore we will describe it briefly, without making any particular mention of that of Corsica, which the Genevois hold.  
The isle of Sardinia lies in the Mediterranean sea, 
Description of Sardinia.  having that of Corsica near unto it upon the North. It runs out in length from North to South, near threescore leagues, accounting four miles to a league. It is held to be about an hundred and fifty leagues in circuit: It is five and thirty leagues from Africa, the nearest place unto it is Tunes or Bizerte. Betwixt it and Corsica are but four leagues, and in some places but three: in the which there are many small islands, which they call Businares. This island was in old time called Ico, Ichnusa, and Sandaliotis, for that it hath the form of a sole, or of a man's foot. The first inhabitants were Tuscans, and than Grecians, led by jolaus and Sardus, companions to Hercules. After which there arrived some Trojans, and then Athenians. After them the Carthaginians seized upon this island, who were dispossessed by the Romans, which was the cause of the third war betwixt them.  
Having been long under that commonweal, and consequently under the Roman empire, the Saracens got footing there, against whom the Genevois and Pisans, then mighty commonweals, did arm, by the Pope's persuasion; conquered it, and planted themselves there. But for that it was a subject of their war and quarrels, and withal the Pope's bearing a spleen against the Pisans, 
Fertilitle of Sardinia.  it was given in fee to the kings of Arragon. It was heretofore a storehouse for the Romans, it was so fertile, and would be so still, if the people were industrious; much better for tillage than Corsica, especially that part which lies towards afric, which is a plain, and lies lower than the other towards Corsica, which is hilly. In it there grow vines and all sorts of fruits, as in Corsica, except oil, by reason of the negligence of the Sardinians: for nature bringing forth in the woods and mountains, infinit-store of wild olives, shows it is their own fault if this plant be not made good. The island abounds in cattle of all sorts, as it appears by the great quantity of hides and cheese which they transport into Italy and other places. There are great store of wild goats, called by the countrymen Musines, or Mu●les, which have their hair like stags, and their heads like rams, but their horns bending backwards: they are very light and nimble, and live in the mountains, whereof of the Sardinians (who are better huntsmen than the Corsicans) take three or four thousand at a time, the which they flay to sell their skins, whereof the Cordevan leather is made, leaving the carcases in the fields, notwithstanding that the flesh be reasonable good to eat; wherewith it may be the air is impaired, 
The a●re in Sardinia corrupted by nature and by accident.  the which doth naturally infect that country, by reason of certain South winds which blow in Summer. The horses of Sardinia are hot, strong headed, and hard to be broken, but they last long; and there are many wild. Among their tame cattle there are certain small bullocks, which amble naturally, which the country men use like Asses and Mules, to go from one place to another. Heretofore there have been mines of sulphur or brimstone, 
Mynes.  alum, silver, and salt; and it is but the negligence of the people, that they are not found at this day, and with good profit. Neither doth it want baths which are good for many infirmities, 
Baths.  especially betwixt Montreal and Saint john. In Sardinia (as some maintain) there are no wolves, nor any venomous nor hurtful beasts, the which they have common with many other islands: yet they have very great foxes, fierce and cruel, which easily kill a sheep or a goat. There grows the herb Sardonique, which causeth death, with such a contraction of the sinews, as they seem to smile when they are dead.  
This island hath in former times been better inhabited than it is at this day, and they have been more warlike than now they are. When as the Genevois and Pisans did hold it, they distinguished it into two provinces, that of Cap Caillery which looks towards Africa, the which was the Pisans part, and the greater; and Cap of Lugodori, joining upon Corsica, which the Genevois held for them. Then the Sardinians had their rulers and Governors, whom they call judges, 
judges is four ●urisdictions.  divided into four jurisdictions or provinces; one at Caillery, another at Arborea, since called Oristagny; one at Turrita, or Torre, and the fourth at Galluri. This kind of government was entertained until the conquest of the island by the Arragonis, and the Spaniards rule. At this day there is a Viceroy resident at Caillery, with absolute authority, who of necessity must be a Spaniard, and is assisted by a Council, or royal audience, consisting of a Precedent, and a certain number of counsellors. The two provinces above mentioned, into the which the islands is divided, have either of them a Governor, who is a Spaniard, or of the island indifferently, which do govern and have authority in the absence of the Viceroy, but he being present, it ceaseth.  
The towns and chief places of this island, 
Chief towns in Sardinia.  be Caillery, commonly called Calger, a town seated upon the side of a hill towards Africa, having a goodly port, haunted by merchants and sailors from all parts: it is well built, and enriched with divers towers, and a stately temple, built by the Pisans, and an Archbishop's seat. This city hath by privilege a jurisdiction apart, besides the viceroys authority, and is governed by the citizens themselves. Next is Oristagny, in old time called Arborea, the which is also a bishopric, and was sometimes a marquisate with a particular lord: but one of them rebelling, the kings of Arragon have united it unto their domains. There is a port also towards the West. Arghero, or Alguero, follows on the same West part, the which hath no port, but only a road. Bossa upon the Sea, the tower in old time was called Libisson, a Colony of the Romans, and afterwards called Torre, or Turrite, the which is now ruined. Sassari, ten or twelve miles from the sea, where there is an ancient conduit of water, the which continues about twelve miles, unto Saint Gavins temple. Then castle Arragonois towards Corsica.  
There are many other burroughes and castles in the island, of small fame. The ruins of old buildings which are to be seen in many parts of the island, show that in ancient time there were many cities and great buildings. In places not inhabited there yet are many towers to be seen of a round form, built of a very hard stone, having the doors and entries narrow, and the stairs in the main walls. Those buildings are called by the inhabitants Noracs, a mark of great antiquity, some thinking that Norac son to Erithree did first inhabit this island, by whom the buildings were so called. The islands which are about Corsica and Sardinia, are few, and of no fame. Asinara and Tolaro, are towards Cap Logudori, the one of the East side, the other of the West, the rest are rather shelves than islands.  
The Sardinians had in old time a proper language, but the often change of their lords, 
The Sardinians language.  and the access of divers nations, hath corrupted their speech: The most civil at this day speak Spanish Cattelan: the vulgar sort have a language mixed of the Cattelans, Italians, Moors, and other strange and barbarous words. Among the ruder sort, there is not in a manner any religion, and not much in towns; for in all Christendom you shall not find Churchmen more ignorant than in Sardinia. Their religious exercises are to hear mass on Sundays, and on some Saints days, and then they feast and dance even in their Churches, men and women together, with immodest songs and jestures.  
In towns their apparel is very stately, 
Their habit.  especially of the women; but the country peoples is simple and gross. The men are of a small stature, but strong and rough, and great huntsmen with crossbows: quiet and peaceable among themselves, and courteous to strangers.  
Spain, 
Divisien of Spain according to the ancients.  as we have described it by the provinces and particular people, was divided into three principal members, or three great provinces; that is, Betica, Lusitania and Tarraconoise. Betica was so named of the river Betis, that is, Guadalquiber, which passeth through the midst of it. It did contain that which is enclosed by the river Anas, or Guadiana, on the one side, and by the Ocean sea, from the mouth thereof stretching towards the straight, 
The confines of Betique.  and then running along the coast of the Mediterranean sea unto Carthagena, or the Promontory Charidemum, called Cap de Gates: From whence going by land to Castulo, or Caslona the old, it was bounded in on that side by the mountain Idubeda, which is at this day called Sierra of Alcarras, and others, as if they would draw a direct line from Muxacra, which is near unto Cap de Gates, unto Almagra. This province was the best and most fertile of Spain, and the first affected and usurped by the Phoenicians, Africanes, and other strangers.  
From the river Anas, 
jusitania and the confines.  or Guadiana, and his entry into the sea, mounting to the place whereas Duero falls into it, was the West part of Lufitania, the second member of Spain, the which did lie betwixt those two rivers, on the North and South sides, and within it had for the Eastern limits, the carpetans and Oretanes, going from Castulo, or Caslona, upon Guadiana, unto Septimanca, at this present Simanca, in Castille. The river Tayo passeth through the midst of this region, where in some places there are store of all sorts of fruits.  
All the rest of Spain, 
Tarraconoise & the limits.  from the mouth of Duero along the shore unto Fonterabie, or Easo, and from the Promontory Charidemum, or Cap de Gates, or else Bara, or Vera, or Muxacra on the Mediterranean sea, unto Venus' Temple, or Cap de Crux, and all the people which are betwixt the Pyrenees and the limits which we have given to the provinces of Betica and Lusitania, made the third member of Spain: yet if we shall believe Mela, the Calaiques, 
Gallicia the fourth member.  that is, the inhabitants of Gallicia, were comprehended among the Lusitanians; and that others have made a fourth province of them during the emperors: accounting also the Carthagenoise for a fift, 
Carthagena the fift.  and adding the sixth in Africa: for as much as all that which the Roman Emperors did possess beyond the straight in Mauritania, was subject to the justice of Spain. 
Mautitanta the sixth member.  But this tripartite division of Spain, is the most ancient, and is not entertained by the Romans, during their great exploits of arms, and conquests thereof; especially for the government of justice among those nations, having wholly subdued them: for they erected Courts, which they called convents, appointing to every province his jurisdiction. In Betica there were four established, at Gades, Corduba, Astigi, and Sevill. In Lusitania three, at Emerita, Pax, or Pezaugusta, and at Scalabita, or S. Iren. And in Tarraconoise seven, at Carthagena, Tarracone, Caesar Augusta, Clunia, Astorga, at Lugo, and at Bracar.  
12 As for the division of Spain into the hither and further, 
Another division of Spain in regard of the war.  that happened in the beginning when as the Romans came to make war against the Carthaginians, who held it in a manner all, or at the least had reduced it under their obedience. The river of Ebro made this separation, and the Romans called that part of Spain where they first entered, the hither part, and the other beyond Ebro, the further: for they came first by sea upon the coast of Cattelogne, to Roses, to Empurias, or to Turracon, notwithstanding after they had enlarged their command on the other side Ebro, they did also extend the limits of Spain by little & little on that side, so as in the end it was bounded by the Promontory of Scombraria, or Cap de Palos, near to Carthagena, and the descent of the mountain Idubeda, and so through Castille, by the towns of Cuenca and Seguenza, 
Spain reduced to one government.  unto the Cantabres, or Biscanes. And this distinction continued in two principal governments, for matters of war and state, till Augustus Caesar, the Romans sending sometimes Consuls, sometimes Proconsul's, or Praetors, every one to govern in his jurisdiction. Afterwards Augustus reduced Spain into one province, the which was entertained by his successors in the empire, at the least unto Constantine the Great, who changed the Courts of justice into another form, 
Five seats of justice estaclished in Spain by Constantine the Great.  making five chief towns, and as many provinces, that is, Tarracone, Carthagene, Sevill, Merida, and Bracar; the which was afterwards entertained by the Goths, upon the declining of the empire, who notwithstanding made it but one kingdom while they enjoyed it.  
13 But after that the power of the Arabian Mahometists, 
Many kingdoms erected in Spain by the Arabians and Christians.  who had subdued the empire of the Persians, and extinguished the name of other Potentates in the East, had extended itself unto the farthest bounds of Africa, and into the provinces of Europe, which lay near unto it; Spain which was not without vices and defects in the chief members thereof, being suddenly invaded & overrun by this nation, being ever an enemy to peace and good government, was dismembered, & divided again into divers principalities, the names whereof we retain unto this day; that is. Ouiedo and Leon, Navarre, Arragon, Cattelogne, Valence, Murcia, Granado, Toledo, Castillia, Gallicia, and Portugal, which for the most part had distinct titles of kingdoms, some being held by the Moors, and others defended by the Goths and them of the country. Of every of which kingdoms we mean to make mention in this history, and to continue it, with the help of God, until that all Spain was reduced under the command of one king, although it hold still the former divisions, and their limits, as they were set down in the time of the Arabians and Moors.  
For Cattelogne, 
Cattelogne and his limits.  which comprehends the ancient Indigetes, Castellans, Leetanes, and Acetanes, runs along the Mediterranean shore, from Cap de Crux, unto Alfaques, to the mountain of Moncia, and S. Peter's fountain, where there is a little brook called Cinia, which makes the limits.  
Having past this river, the Bourg of Vimero is the beginning of Valence, which holds on to Alicante, 
Valence.  and in this realm in old time were comprehended the Edetanes, Ilercaones, and Contestanes.  
Then they enter upon the borders of Murcia and Carthagene, 
Murcia & Carthagena.  which extend as far as Almerie, by the Contestanes, Bastitanes, and some part of the Bastules.  
From Gibaltar to the mouth of Guadiana, 
Andelusia.  are the banks of Andelouzia, which some say was so called, for that it is before Lusitania, as if they would say, Ante●Lusitania. Others derive the name from the Vandals, which have held it, and call it Vandalusia: There did the Turditanes, and a part of the Celtique people dwell.  
After which they enter into Portugal, 
Portugal.  which runs on unto the river Minio, where it falls into the sea, the ancient limits of the Lusitanians, and of the Gallique Brecaires. This realm according to the survey which king Sebastian caused to be made in our time, contains 260 leagues in circuit, whereof there is an hundred and twenty towards the sea, and an hundred and forty to the land.  
Gallicia follows from Minio, 
Gallicia.  Bagone, and Pontevedra, unto Ribadeo; they were in old time the Lucenses.  
Then they come to the Asturians of Ouiedo; 
Asturie and Ouiedo.  from Castropol to Llames, from Llames to Castro Deordiales, are the banks of the Asturians of Sentillana. These people alone have retained their ancient name. After which follows the coast of biscay, where is Portugalette and Bilbao, and stretcheth unto Ondarroa. Then they come to Guipuscoa at Montrico, which ends at Fontarabie. These were ancient Cantabrians, and part Autrigones, Caristians, Vardules, and Vascons upon the sea.  
Navarre lies for the most part upon the sides and valleys of the Pyrenes, 
Navarre.  which enter into the country of Spain by Romseval, by the valley of Salesar, and the valley Roncal, unto Hisana, which is the limit of Arragon, and passeth unto Logrogno, where it confines with Castillia the old. It was the country of the Vascons, Vardules, Caristians, and other their neighbours.  
Arragon of a small beginning hath embraced part of the Vascons and Ilergetes, 
Arragon.  on this side Ebro, and on the other side a part of the Celtiberians country. And it was determined in the time of king jaques the first, from the river Cinga at Farisa, and of S. Christine, to the top of the Pyrenees at Aluentosa.  
Leon was in old time part of Asturia. 
Leon.   
Castillia the old and new, 
Castillia.  comprehended all the middle countries of Spain, betwixt the nations above named.  
As for the passage of the Pyrenees, if these hills went in a direct line, the passage would be short betwixt the two seas, for they say, that both the one and the other may be easily seen in a clear day from the tops of some of them, yea from that of S. Adrian.  
Spain is then both in general and in particular, as we have described it: and if we consider well the situation of this region, 
Spain rampared up by nature  we may rightly say, that it is rampared and defended by nature against all the attempts and enterprises of strangers, as much as any country in the world, being compassed in with the dangerous gulfs of the two seas, and walled up behind with the hard passages of the Pyrenee mountains: being moreover of a temperate and wholesome air, 
Spain a temporat air.  and having a soil fit to nourish all things. For there are neither violent winds, nor thick foggy vapours, nor any insupportable heat of the Sun: but the air is sweet and calm, being continually refreshed with the North and Western winds which come from the sea.  
14 Of the fertility of Spain, 
Fertility of Spain.  and the great diversity of good things which it produceth, the ancients have left us ample and true testimonies, whereof the most authentic are, That the Romans having made war in the heart thereof, both against the Carthaginians and them of the country for above two hundred years, it did in a manner continually feed these great armies on either side, with that which it did bring forth, and did not only supply them with victuals, but also with treasure to entertain their soldiers, and to satisfy the greedy desire and covetousness of their commanders and captains; and moreover hath filled their treasuries full of spoils both at Rome and Carthage, as shall appear by the particularities in the progress of the History.  
It was Spain which gave courage to the Carthaginians to attempt those high enterprises which we read of them, and did furnish them with means to entertain so many mercenary soldiers, wherewith for so many years they did trouble and annoy the Roman empire, and other nations, without cost or danger to their own citizens, who in all these wars did hunt after nothing but honour and profit, to the prejudice of Spain, and with the blood of other people.  
We have before made some mention how rich it was in mines of gold, 
Riches of Spain.  silver, and all other kinds of metal: let us now say boldly, that nature had heaped up mountains of treasure there, and that the ancients did rightly say in terms befitting their Idolatry, That Pluto dwelled under the covering of this earth: the which was the cause of infinite calamities to the Spaniards. For these greedy robbers came from all parts, being drawn thither with the desire of gain: so as the best advised were forced to forbid the use of gold and silver among them by an express law. Among others the Betique province, which now hath the name of Andalusia, Granado, and thereabouts, was exceeding rich of mines of gold and silver, and yet the soil was very fertile in fruits, the which seems to be against natural reason.  
When as the Carthaginians came first into Spain, under the conduct of Amilcar Barca, they found among the Turditanes, the very mangers for their horses, and hogsheads, made of pure silver. Then they began to dig new mines, and did cruelly toil the people in those works; 
Bebelo a rich mine.  and it is said, that out of one only mine or pit called Bebelo, of his name that found it near unto the frontier of Aquitaine, Hannibal did draw above three thousand crowns profit every day. 
Rich mines near unto Carthagena.  The Romans discovered others near unto Carthagena, where they had four hundred daily at work, and did receive every day five and twenty thousand Drachmas, amounting in a manner to two thousand and five hundred French crowns. Yea the ploughmen many times in their tillage, raised up with their ploughshares crusts of gold: and many times upon the sands the fishermen did find great store of grains of this metal, very pure, which had been brought from the mountains with the floods: yea if they carried water into a dry ground, and watered the earth, the gold would presently shine: so as there were more found in Spain gathering up of gold, than in digging it out of their mines and pits. 
Copper, Irun, and Tin.  There was as great abundance of copper, iron, tin, and all other sorts of mines, and exceeding good.  
Their large and spacious plains and mountains did feed infinite troops of all sorts of cattle: the forests were full of red dear, wild boars, and other wild beasts, and all sorts of foul. They say, that in South Spain there was oftentimes such abundance of coneys, as they were a great ruin unto their fruits, 
Cawls spoiled their fruits.  spoiling the roots under the ground, with their working, so as they were much annoyed with them, being ignorant by what means to take them, until they were taught to use ferrets, the which were brought them out of Africa.  
If the land did so abound in all things, 
The sea fruitful  what shall we think of the sea? The shore (saith Strabo) is full of oysters, and of all other shellfish: yea in the Ocean, whereas all things exceed in greatness and multitude those which are in the other sea, by reason of the flowing and ebbing thereof. There are to be seen huge Whales, Grampasses, and other such monsters of the sea, which spout out water, the which seems a far off, to be great pillars or towers of clouds. How much shall we say that the Congres and Mullets of that Ocean do exceed ours? About Carteia the Pourcelaines are of ten pounds' weight, but without the straight the smaller Mullets and Congres weigh commonly fourscore pounds, the Poulpe or many feet, threescore, the fish called the Cuttle, are two cubits long: the Thon comes thither in great abundance, delighting in the acorns which fall into the sea, from a certain kind of small oak which grows along the shore, yielding such abundance of this fruit, as being afterwards cast up by the waves of the sea, the banks both within and without the straits, are exceeding full, but especially the Ocean, wherewith this fish (which is very common in that sea) is much delighted, and grows very fat with it. Many other commendations are given by the ancients to Spain, whereof they might well judge, that never went out of Italy, by the number of great shipping laden with merchandise and provision of victuals, which came daily out of that country, to the ports of Ostia, Puzzol, and others of Italy, wherein Strabo, Pliny, Mela, and other authors, may satisfy the curious. So as it hath not been impertinent, if the Poets have placed the delightful Elysian fields in this part of the world.  
We cannot with reason doubt of that which they have written: for although that the mountains of Gallicia, Asturia, Biscaie, Navarre, and Arragon, which contain a great country, seem rather to bewray a defect than any great abundance of fruits; and that in Castille, and part of Portugal, the drought is not fit to bring forth corn: yet considering Spain in general, and the whole circuit, we shall find daily by experience, that it is rich and plentiful of all those things, wherewith it was in old times furnished. For if at that time they did feed whole armies, 
Spain fertile as this day.  so do they at this day great and well peopled cities and towns, better frequented and inhabited than in those times.  
As for rich metals, we must confess, that it yields now to antiquity, and no wonder, for how could the earth supply the greedy covetousness of men, who have not ceased for many years, and with great toil to dig into the bowels of the earth? We see at this day the pits and caves, out of the which the Romans drew their silver, near unto Carthagena, with great heaps of dross like unto mountains. But yet this country is not so bare and wasted, but that they have found in our age, at Guadalcanal, a my as rich as any at the Indies, which our elders do witness: and there is no doubt, but that gold, silver, and copper, are to be found in other places.  
Biscaye and Guepuscoa alone can furnish iron and steel enough for a world, 
Iron and steels abounds there.  and with works which are made of this metal, namely with Arms, being the very storehouse of Spain. Vittiol, Brimstone, Alum, Orpigment; mineral salt, and such other things, are found in Spain, both for their own use and their neighbours. What wanteth it of the fertility and diversity of all sorts of good fruits in a good part of Portugal, Andalusia, and almost all alongst the Mediterranean sea? But who can condemn even the montaines of this region, of barrenness, which bear so good wines, and so many sorts of fruits?  
To conclude, France, England, and Flanders, are familiar-witnesses of the fruitfulness and delights of Spain: and if they will not serve, we will appeal to Asia itself. Their raisins, olives, figs, oranges, lemons, dates, citrons, pomegranates, sugar, saffron, and such things, are dispersed into all countries, and are better, and more savoury than in any other place.  
In what place of the world do you find mote sorts of good herbs, 
Gardens of Valexia.  or more pleasant gardens, than in the province of Valence? From thence we have the best silks in the world, cotton of Murcia, scarlet, crimson, and other precious colours, with sweet and pleasant perfumes. Finally, all the senses of man are wonderfully pleased with that which comes from thence, and grows in that happy region.  
And as for the hilly country, which they hold to be barren, and the plains to be dry, every one knows what commodity those places do yield: and we find it by experience in Spain. There they feed infinite troops of sheep, whose wool is admired throughout the world: and yield us also infinite store of Spanish leather, necessary for many uses, and very profitable for their neighbours.  
They have timber to serve them as well for the building of houses, as for shipping, whereof they have great store. And who can deny, that in Navarre, Asturia, and Gallicia, there are goodly and fruitful valleys? 
Fertility of the country betwixt Duero and Mimo.  Can we desire a country more abounding in all good things, than that which is betwixt the rivers of Duero and Minio, at this time belonging unto the Realm of Portugal? the which being scarce a day and a halfs journey in length, and much less in breadth, hath an archbishopric, which is that of Braga, Porto Gallego, a bishopric, and contains in it above one thousand and four hundred parishes, five hundred Colleges of Canons, and one hundred and thirty. convents: it hath six ports of the sea, above two hundred bridges of stone, and two thousand and five hundred fountains.  
But who doth not admire the Genets of Spain, 
The horses of Spain.  which I had almost forgotten, their beauty, swiftness, and easiness to break, especially of those of Andalusia, which drink of the water of Guadalquibir, whereby, according to the Spaniards opinion, they are made more nimble and swift? Of this race was the horse which julius Caesar esteemed so much, as when he was dead, he caused his image to be set up in Venus' Temple at Rome. Of them and of the Lusitanians their neighbours, 
Mares conce●uing by the wind.  the ancients would make us believe, that they were conceived by the winds which the mares did receive when they were desirous of the horse, blowing from the West, namely from the places where the horses feed; the which some think not impossible. Of all these things no man that hath any knowledge of the world can doubt.  
And if any one would object, That Spain cannot be so fertile as we make it, for that they are supplied with corn from France, England, Sicily, and Germany: and that they carry great store of linen cloth, and other merchandise, out of Britain, Normandy, Flanders, Holland, and elsewhere, without the which the Spaniards must of necessity perish: Let him consider the great regions discovered by the Spaniards, within these hundred and twenty years: what great fleets Spain hath continually entertained, rigged, and victualled, as well for the East as Western voyages; and what need they have to furnish those countries  such things as they borrow, whereof without doubt they should have sufficient for themselves, but not to furnish a new world: the which doth also waste their men daily to people these discovered countries: 
The nature of the Spaniards.  And withal let him add the haughty and covetous disposition of the Spanish nation, who do willingly leave their labour, to go unto the mines, or to go to the wars, and never follow any work, but when they are forced by necessities.  
15 Having hitherto discoursed of the situation and fertility of Spain, 
The manners of the Spaniards.  let us speak something of the manners and kind of life, which the Spaniards have from time to time observed; that being entered into our discourse, we may not be interrupted therewith. When as the Carthaginians came into Spain, and long after the Romans had got some footing, there were few walled towns in the country, but many great burroughes and villages. The most civil were they of the Betique province, and the worst soldiers of them all, giving themselves to trade of merchandise by sea, and somewhat to letters, and in a manner like unto those that live upon the coast of the Mediterranean sea. But as for the rest, they were all rustic and barbarous, 
The qualities of the mountain Spaniards.  namely the Mountainers, and above all the Gallicians, Asturians, and Cantabrians, whose ordinary trade was to rob and steal, contemning labour, until that the Romans taught them to live more civilly and peaceably, ruining their forts and retreats. They were traitors, spies, and ready upon all occasions to steal. They carried targuets two foot long, & a dagger at their sides, clothed in a doublet of linen cloth stiffened and quilted: 
Arms of the ancient Spaniards.  and these were their arms. For there were no cuirasses nor head-pieces among them, but on their heads they carried high hats made of sinews, and on their legs boots of hair, and in their hands many darts: some of them carried javelins whereof the heads were of copper. They wore long hair like women. Their exercises were fencing and running both on foot and horseback, and their combats by troops: They loved liberty above all things, 
Liberty dear to the Spaniards.  which made the Romans to see many examples of cruelty, even in the weakest sex: for there were many mothers among the Cantabrians, which slew their own children, many daughters who for the like cause murdered their parents: so dear liberty was unto this nation; to maintain the which, and fearing they might be forced in any thing, they did usually carry poison about them: and if they were surprised and made slaves, they sought by some notable villainy to give their master's occasion to kill them. It was often seen, that when they were tied to the cross to be executed, they did sing for joy of their approaching death: but some have showed this resolution upon good and commendable occasions, as to conceal the secrets of their masters and friends, or after they had revenged their death, or the wrong which had been done them.  
Their religion was infamous, 
The Spaniards religion infamous.  for they sacrificed human creatures unto their gods, even their prisoners, cutting off their right hands, to offer them up: Their Priests and Divines took their conjectures from the entrails both of men and beasts; but above all they took their divination from their countenances, when as they received the deadly blow, and fell to the ground.  
As for their manner of living, 
The Spaniards living simple and rude.  it was simple and rude: they drank water, lay upon the ground, and did eat the flesh of goats which they did sacrifice unto Mars: they made cakes of dried acorns, the which they did eat warm. They did willingly banquet with their parents, and had tables and seats of stone, against the wall, where they did appoint the most honourable places according to their ages and dignities. They had no use of silver coined, but did exchange ware for ware. They had a beastly and filthy manner of washing and perfuming themselves, with urine which had stood long stinking, with the which both men and women did rub their bodies and faces, yea even their teeth, imagining that it was a preservative against many infirmities; the which is not disallowed by the Physicians. This filthy observation was common then in Spain among them all.  
They did severely punish malefactors, 
Their manner of justice.  and especially parricides, whom they did stone without their confines. If any one were sick, they carried him into the highways, and corners of the streets, after the manner of the Egyptians, to take counsel and help of such as had been troubled with the like diseases. 
Their manner of beats.  Until the time of the Roman emperors, they had used boats made of beasts skins; afterwards they began to make them of wood, taking the bodies of great trees, and making them hollow like unto troughs.  
In this simplicity and rudeness did the ancient Spaniards of the mountains live, which were those of Gallicia, Asturia, and Cantabria, and the inhabitans of the Pyrenees, whose country was full of wood and water, 
Povertie assures the people's liberty.  but otherwise very barren, by reason whereof they enjoyed their liberty long, and were last of all subdued by the Romans; so as in the time of the emperor Tiberius Nero, there was yet some contention. The Iberians, and Celtiberians were somewhat more civil, for that they had more commerce with strangers, and were near unto the Mediterranean sea, which was more frequented than the Ocean. In the war they carried round targuets, 
The discipline of the Celtiberians.  fortified with sinews, short swords, darts, and slings: in their battles they did mingle some light horsemen with their footmen: they did accustom their horses to hills and valleys, and by that means kept them in breath, and made them swift, yea they did teach them to kneel when they made a certain sign. They attired themselves of black wool and short. 
Preparation for iron.  They prepared iron to forge their arms and harness, driving it out into plates, the which they buried in the ground for certain days, until the rust had eaten away that which was unprofitable, & then they made their swords and other cutting weapons. They did commonly carry two swords, and did fight more willingly on foot than on horseback: for when as they found themselves to have any advantage upon the enemy, they left their horses, to join with their footmen, pursuing them that fled with great agility, the which was natural to all Spaniards. They were reasonably courteous to strangers; but they did punish them that had done them any wrong very cruelly. They did live of flesh and fruits, and did drink water with honey, whereof their country did abound; and sometimes they had wine, which they bought from strangers coming from the neighbour coasts. Their neighbours with whom they had the greatest amity and commerce, were the Vaccees, and Arevaces, at that time a part of Castillia the old: they agreed well with them in all sorts of traffic. Every year they made a division of their lands, and assigned them by portions and lots to certain particular persons, who did till and sow for the rest, whilst that others were employed in the wars, or about some other affairs: then they divided the fruits which they gathered. And if any one were convicted, that he had embesiled any thing, he was punished with death. In time of peace they did banquet and dance, leaping and frisking with great agility: and they went to the war according to the measure of instruments, singing rustic and military songs.  
Such in a manner were the Lusitanians, with whom the Celtes were mingled, and seated in their country, leading their lives for the most part as thieves, which they learned from them of Gallicia and Asturia, 
Manners of the Spaniards in general.  their neighbours. Generally all the most barbarous Spaniards were nimble and active, so as they could easily escape from their enemies, or pursue them when they had the better; neither were their spirits less active than their bodies: great undertakers: of few words: patiented and hardy in travel, enduring hunger, thirst, and other discommodities. Their women were nothing dainty, 
The women half men.  but did exercise themselves like unto the men: and if they were delivered of child, they lay not long, but fell soon to their work: they washed their children as soon as they were borne in the nearest brook, and then they wrapped them up in their swathing clothes. But after that the Romans were entered, and somewhat settled in Spain, these people were forced by little and little to learn another discipline, and to frame themselves to a more civil kind of life, being governed by more politic laws, they of Betica and the Turditanes exceeding the rest always in mildness and humanity: 
The tractableness of the Spaniards of Andelousia.  for these were presently changed to the Romans manners and discipline, forgetting their own language, to embrace the other. Many towns were also built and peopled in divers parts of Spain, and the Romans and Latins mixed with the Originaries of the country, who accustomed themselves so well to the Latin tongue, 
The Spanish tongue a corrupted latin.  as it since continued in Spain: for the castilian tongue at this day is nothing in a manner but a corrupted Latin. And the Spaniards grew such, as many among them did make their fame equal with the most esteemed among the Romans: the two Senecas were Spaniards, 
Great personages Spaniards.  with Silius, Martial, Lucan, Pomponius Mela, Portius Latro the Orator, Quintilian, Columella, and the good emperor's trajan and Theodosius, were Spaniards.  
The Romans by the experience which they had, and the more to augment their own glory, give great titles of honour and commendation to this nation, whom they found somewhat instructed in arms, and some discipline, by the Carthaginians. They call it rich in soldiers, and a seminary of the enemy's armies, which had fashioned that great captain Hannibal; and in all they speak highly of Spain, & not without reason: for the great courage and resolution of them of Numantia, was memorable, a town without walls, without towers, and without defences, seated only upon a little hill, 
The magnanimity of the N●mantin●s.  and covered on the one side with a river, and defended by a few soldiers, who notwithstanding withstood the force of mighty Roman armies for the space of 14 years, & not only made head against them, but also repulsed them often to their great loss. In the end being besieged by above 40000 men, or, as some say, 60000, being priest by famine, and forced to demand a peace, finding no grace with their enemies, who had compassed them in with forts and trenches, being resolved upon the last refuge, which was death, they made so furious a sally upon the Romans, as an infinite number of them were slain upon the place, which was a dear purchase unto the enemy. This happened during the Celtiberiqu● war, which continued twenty years. This magnanimity, courage, address and military dis●cipline, were thus begun, and by little and little augmented in this nation by the Carthaginians and Romans, in making war against them: whom without doubt they might have been able to have resisted, 
Ignorance makes people subject.  if they had known their own force and wealth, and if they had sooner learned good laws and policy, which maintain people in amity and concord. This was the first province which the Romans did assail upon the firm land, and the last which they subdued. The strength of Pompey's army when he encountered Caesar in Macedonia, were the Spanish bands, which were in his army, if he could have used them.  
Faith and constancy in the end took place among this nation, whereof Hannibal had often made trial. But what example can we find more memorable, than the fidelity of the Saguntines to the people of Rome, for the which they lost wives, children, city, and lives?  
By little and little they also left that devilish superstition of sacrificing of men, accustoming themselves to more mildness and humanity, and practising daily better discipline under the Romans command; as if God would reform them by their means, and prepare them to receive the true and wholesome doctrine of jesus Christ: 
The true religion received with great affection by the Spaniards  the which this nation did embrace happily in the beginning, with great fruit and notable examples in the Church of God. But after that the barbarous nations were dispersed over all Europe, having trodden under foot the Majesty of the Roman empire, and invaded the chief provinces thereof, chased away all learning, and good discipline, and infected the earth with heresies and superstitious ceremonies, the ignorance of God and of his service, entered into Spain, which our age doth yet feel. 
Damnable arts in Spain.  Then was a time when as they kept public schools of Magic arts and conjuring, to the which they had made subject Philosophy, Astrology, Physic, yea and Divinity itself.  
But leaving these things which belong to other discourses, let us say, That the Spaniards in those days were of divers conversations, as they were a mixture of divers nations. They are apt to receive discipline in all things, 
Manners of the Spaniards in these times.  according to the disposition of princes and lords, whom they serve, they are faithful and constant unto them, desiring to be in perpetual action, by reason of the agitation of their spirits, which is like unto the agility of their bodies, who for the most part are lean and dry. They are sober and vigilant, but very covetous, patiented of heat, cold, hunger, thirst, and all other discommodities, especially if there be any hope of profit or honour, for the which they hazard themselves resolutely to all dangers: they desire to be well appareled, and esteem arms and horses above all things: they are impudent bragger's of their own actions, virtue, and nobility: civil to converse withal, loving good towns, copious in their language, much given to women; for the most part unlearned, showing little art in that they do, disdaining labour, & a country life. The women are sober, loving their husbands or their friends dearly, but wonderful delicate, and curious of painting and perfumes, retaining therein nothing of the ancient Spaniards: they nor their children drink not any wine. 
Language in use among the Spaniards at this day.  The country language at this day, is for the most part Roman or Latin corrupted and mingled with some other words of such nations as have held it in these last ages. The Biscane tongue is preserved in biscay, and part of Navarre, and other their neighbours: but in Granado, Andalusia, Murcia, and Valence, especially among the rustic multitude, the Moorish and the Arabian tongue is in great use: and in all ages almost, the people of Spain have used divers languages, and were different one from another. Making an end of this book, we will relate in the following, by what means and titles every nation hath from time to time held it.   

THE SECOND BOOK OF the History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 THe reasons which moved the Carthaginians and Romans to invade Spain upon the West and South parts, lying upon the sea.  
2 The Island of Ebusus or juisa first conquered by the Carthaginians.  
3 Spain exposed to the spoil in the first Punic war.  
4 Sagunte taken by Hannibal, which was the occasion of the second Punic war, and of the settling of the Romans Empire in Spain.  
5 Hannibal's passage into Italy.  
6 Cn. Scipio in Spain, and his government.  
7 P. Scipio goes into Spain: the war of the two brethren against Asdrubal Barcinien, and others.  
8 Separation of the two armies, of P. and Cn. Scipios, whereof followed their defeat and death.  
9 The Romans Estate revived in Spain by the virtue of Lucius Martius.  
10 Discourse of the doubtful events of war.  
11 C. Nero sent from Rome into Spain, circumvented by Asdrubal.  
12 P. Com. Scipio comes into Spain as Proconsul; his manners and virtues.  
13 The taking of new Carthage, the storehouse for the Carthaginians in Spain.  
14 Scipio his acts after the taking of new Carthage: his justice, religion, discipline, and government: his temperance, liberality, and policy towards the Spaniards: care, preparation, and provision for the war.  
15 Revolt of many Noblemen and Towns of Spain.  
16 Asdrubal defeated at Becula, a Town and River, with other things done by Scipio.  
17 Asdrubal Barcinien passeth into Italy, and abandons Spain. M. Sillanus exploits against the other Carthaginian captains.  
18 The exploits of L. Scipio, brother to the Proconsull.  
19 Other acts done by the Proconsull Scipio: the last attempts of the Carthaginians in Spain, and the retreat of Asdrubal, son to Gisgo.  
20 Practices with Masinissa Prince of Numidia. P. Scipio the Proconsull passeth into Africa, to stir up enemies against the Carthaginians in their own country.  
21 The taking and punishing of the towns of Illiturgis and Castulo, which had been treacherous to the Romans.  
22 divers Plays, Shows, and Sacrifices made at Carthage the new by P. Scipio, in honour of P. and Cn. Scipio his father and uncle.  
23 Exploits of L. Martius, and the miserable end of the Astapeens.  
24 Revolt of Indibilis and Mandonius captains, and of the Roman soldiers wintering near unto the river of Sucro, and of their punishment.  
25 Masinissa won by the Romans.  
26 Departure of Mago Barcin out of Spain: his fruitless enterprise against new Carthage: his cruelty against the Gaditanes: their revolt unto the Romans: Mago his passage into Italy.  
27 P. Cornelius Scipio his return to Rome, having gotten an absolute victory of the Carthaginians in Spain.   
SOme ages before the first war betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians, which grew by reason of the Isle of Sicily, the Gaditanes extracted from the city of Tire, covetous and malicious according to the nature of slaves, 
The Tyrians of the race of slaves  from whence it may be they were issued (for we read, that the bondmen of the Tyrians on a time slew all their masters, and made themselves Lords of the town; the which they held until Alexander the Great, who did root out the race of them) began to torment the Spaniards their neighbours, chase them out of their lands and possessions, making them slaves, and entreating them in the vildest manner they could; which was the cause of great war and division in that quarter of Spain: so as injuries on either part increasing daily, the natural borne disdaining the arrogancy of these strangers, and envying their greatness, made a general league of many Commonalties against them: whereupon they of Gades finding themselves too weak to make head against so great a multitude, they resolved to call in to their succour, and to the spoil of Spain, the Carthaginians of Africa, 
The Gaditanes call the Carthaginians into Spain.  their brethren, coming from the same race and town. The city of Carthage was then a great Commonweal, the which had a great jurisdiction among the Africanes, and sought only to enlarge their Empire; so as they were ready to run into Spain, with this honest and religious pretext, to secure the oppressed: whereas they not only freed the Gaditanes from all fear of the Spaniards, but did also subdue the people of Spain, settled themselves there, 
Carthaginians desire more to be great than just.  and governed it as their Province: from whence they drew afterwards so great treasure and other commodities, as they presumed to assail the greatest Potentates in the world.  
The name of Spaniards, before this war, had been great among other nations, only in regard that they served as a prey to all strangers: which were they only which held the lower country, and the coast of the Mediterranean sea, and part of the Ocean, South and West: among the which, some nations of Europe and Asia had built and peopled some towns. As for those which lived in the heart of the country, and in the mountains, their fame was more obscure, being for the most part rough and barbarous, having scarce any commerce with strangers, but to rob and steal, which was their best practice: and therefore until the coming of the Carthaginians, they had been as it were free, and assured both from invasion and trade, doing wrong rather than taking any: but afterwards they did all in general learn to manage arms with discipline, they undertook parties, contracted alliances among themselves, and with other nations, growing by little and little more politic, civil, and courteous. The Celtes were already mingled with the Iberians about the river of Ebro; and passing on, they obtained lands and habitations in Lusitania, and in a corner of Betica, which was near unto them: then passing the river of Duero, they planted themselves betwixt it and Minio; and consequently to the mountains, in the country, which from them took the name of Gallicia, and doth still hold it; whereas they built the town of Porto, upon the confines of the Lusitanians, which is at this time a Bishopric, retaining the name of Portugal, and so goes on to the Western sea.  
2 The Celtes, Iberians, and other Spaniards far from the sea, as they were almost like in manners, had (as is said) maintained their reputation free and united, until this descent of the Carthaginians: who having resolved to settle themselves in Spain, seized first upon the Island of juisa, 
Masee the first General of the Carthaginian arm in Spain 562 years before Christ.  and fortified it, Masee being General of this Army. This was five hundred sixty two years before the coming of Christ, and an hundred eighty nine years after the foundation of Rome. After which time, watching their opportunity, eight and forty years after, they sent a great fleet of ships into Spain, led by one Maherbal, under colour to relieve the Gaditanes, who had been vanquished by Baucius Capis, then reigning over the Turditanians, their neighbours. The name of the protection and support of this puissant Commonweal of Carthage, purchased the Gaditanes a peace and free trade; the which drew so many families from Carthage into the Island and City, as exceeding the rest, they got the absolute command thereof, Maherbal yet living.  
The Carthaginians continued for a time without any care of the affairs of Spain, being very much afflicted with drought and other discommodities, they having great war in Sicily and Sardinia, but about the year 255 they undertook again the conquest of Spain, whither they sent Asdrubal and Amilcar, sons to Mago. Passing by Sardinia, Asdrubal was slain there, leaving three children, Hannibal the eldest, Asdrubal, and Psappho. Amilcar was diverted from Spain by the wars of Sicily, where he was also slain, and had three sons in like manner, Himilco, Hanno, and Gisgo. The year 272 after the foundation of Rome, they sent a small supply of nine hundred soldiers into Spain, whom they would have land in the Islands of the Baleares; but they were repulsed: and soon after Psappho, son to Asdrubal, had charge to keep the Spaniards in awe (who were solicited by the African moors their neighbours, to join with them against the Carthaginians) who by his wisdom restrained them; and moreover, got sufficient forces from them to force the Moors to sue for peace, and to give over their enterprises against the city of Carthage. In this war the virtue of Saruc of Barce (a town near unto Carthage) author of the Barcinian faction, was very famous. Psappho lived in great reputation, who after his death was by opinion received into the number of the gods; the which he had procured during his life. For he had caused certain birds to be taught to speak, and made them learn to say, That Psappho was a great god. Which birds being let fly, they chattered out those words in the fields, to the great admiration of the people. After his decease the Province of Spain was committed to Himilco and Hanno (the sons of Amilcar) his cousins, who tried by fair and plausible means to draw the inhabitants of the Baleares to live in amity with their Commonweal.  
Hanno being arrived at Gades, and desiring to discover the country, and the coast of Spain without the straight, he sailed unto the holy Promontory, or Cap S. Vincent: and having given advice unto the Senate of that which he had seen and understood, he obtained leave to continue his discovery as well upon the coast of Spain, as Africa, in the Ocean sea: whereupon he prepared two fleets; the one for the coast of Europe, and to pass unto the Gauls, and farther if he might; the charge whereof he gave unto his brother Himilco, and of the other he would be captain and conductor himself, and sail towards Africa: so in the beginning of the year 307 of the foundation of Rome they set sail, either of them taking his course. Himilco parting from the port of Heraclee, which was in the straight, coasted the Mesenians and Selbitians, passed the Promontory of juno, and the mouth of the river Cylbis, which runneth betwixt Barbary and Huelua, near unto the which in old time was the Island of Erythrea, which is not to be seen at this day, unless it be that of Gades itself: and then he discovered the Tartessian forests, and did see the Turditanes coast, whereas the river Betis fell into the sea at that time by four mouths, afterwards reduced to two, but now there is but one. Passing on, there came into his sight Mont Cassius, rich in veins of Tin, from whence it is likely it took his name: beyond the which, the river, which they now call Tinte, (whose water is excellent good to die black) falls into the sea, near unto Palos of Moguer. This river was in old time called Iberus, as that which passeth and looseth itself at Tarracone. From thence Himilco passed near unto Proserpinas Temple, built upon a point which runneth far into the sea; unto which place come the Marian hills: and a little more forward riseth Mont Zephyrus, whose top is always hidden in the clouds: about the which for a good distance the shore is full of rocks unto Mont Saturn, the which is among the Cenits, by the which the river Anas or Guadiana doth run; at the mouth whereof were two Islands, whereof the greatest was called Agone. Passing on by a long course towards the holy Promontory, and having doubled it, this Carthaginian army came to the port of Cenis, near unto the Islands which they now call Persegueres. Not far from thence dwelled the Dragans, a people of Lusitania, compassed in by the mountains Cephis and Sempis, right against the Islands of Stremnie, the which stands far into the sea: but nearer unto these Dragants was another Island called Acala, about the which the waters were blue and wonderful clear, but very stinking, whereof there are at this day no marks. Above Alcala was the mountain Cyprilian. Himil●o having sailed along the coast, he discovered the Island Pelagie, full of green trees, the which he durst not touch, being consecrated to Saturn, hearing, that if any sailors would land there, the sea was troubled. The shore which goes unto the mouth of Tayo was inhabited by the Saries, a cruel and a barbarous people, whose Promontory was for that cause called Barbaresque. There notwithstanding was planted the Greek Colony Olysippo, which is Lisbon at this day. These Navigators came to the Promontory Nerium, which is Finis terrae, and to the neighbour Islands called also Stremnies, for that the inhabitants of the Island of Stremnie above mentioned, being forced to leave it for the multitude of Serpents which were there, they retired into these Islands. There is no further mention made of Himilcos' navigation.  
As for Hanno, 
Hannos voyage upon the coast of Africa.  he made a longer voyage: his army consisted of many vessels, carrying above thirty thousand persons of both sexes: he planted a Colony upon the sea coast of Africa (the which is now Azamor) the which he called Thimateria: he passed on beyond the foot of Mont Atlas, towards Numidia and Lybia: he discovered the fortunate Islands, which are the Canaries, and those of Cap Verd, which is the point of the Hesperides; the Island of Argin, in old time Cerne; and the Gorgones, so named by him; the mouths of the great river Niger, the which hath Crocodiles in it, and sea horses as well as Nil, until he came unto the Island named at this day S. Thome, under the Equinoctial. Some say, that he doubled the point of Africa, or Cap bonne Esperance, and passed as far as the Arabic sea, and from thence returned to Carthage by Egypt, reporting, That he had seen men all covered with hair; which it may be were Apes, for there are very great and dangerous ones in some part of Africa; and other wonders. He returned to Carthage five years after his departure.  
It was in the year 312 of the foundation of Rome, when these two captains undertook their voyages; Gisgo their brother governed Spain in their absence: and thinking to return to Carthage, to be partaker of the feasts and joy which were made in regard of their prosperous voyages, he perished with all his ships at sea.  
Hannibal 
Hannibal sent into Spain.  brother to Psappho, and cousin to these, surnamed the ancient, was sent into Spain, and with him Mago his kinsman. Mago stayed at the Baleares, and he passed to Calis: and some hold, that he built a fort at the place which is called Lagos, the which was named Port Hannibal: there was also built in his time, at the mouth of the river of Betis, Lucifer's Temple, dedicated to the goddess Venus, whose star was called Phosphoros, or Lucifer: it is S. Lucar of Barraneda at this present. During their time and government there grew great war betwixt the Spaniards of Betica and the Lusitanians, dwelling by the river Anas, the which was nourished by the Carthaginians and their captains Hannibal and Mago.  
The Commonweal of Carthage had then great wars in the Island of Sicily, 
War in Sicily by the Carthaginians.  kindled about the year 346 of the foundation of Rome, by the Agrigentines, who did murder the Carthaginian garrisons, being busy at their sacrifices: wherefore by decree of the Senate there were levies of men made in Spain, and in the Islands of the Baleares. But the Agrigentines were defeated in battle, and then besieged for the space of two years, who in the end were forced to yield to their mercy, who entreated them very roughly: whereupon they had recourse unto Denis the old, by whose advice they freed themselves of those that did oppress them, and took from the Carthaginians the towns of Camerine and Gele. Denis although he dissembled, seeming to be a neuter, found himself so engaged, as he was forced to take arms against the Carthaginians, by whom he was vanquished, but with great loss of their men: the rest of the Carthaginian army, where Himilco Sepas had the leading of ten thousand Spaniards, was consumed by the plague: whereat Himilco was so grieved, as being returned to Carthage, refusing to see either children or friends, he slew himself in his house. After these ruins, by the industry of Denis a peace was concluded betwixt the Carthaginians & the Sicilians, or rather a truce for 30 years. This was in the year 356 of the foundation of Rome.  
About that time some ships of Carthage, dispersed by tempest, or else of set purpose following Hannos discovery, or imitating his designs, came unto a great Island, which we may think to be that of S. Dominique at this day: which made them of Carthage to affect these voyages with such vehemency, as to divert them, the Senate resolved to cause them to be slain which were returned, and had brought the news, fearing lest their city and country should be unpeopled.  
The truce being expired, 
New wars in Sicily.  the Carthaginians prepared again to war in Sicily; during the which truce, they had advanced their authority and credit among the Spaniards, entertaining divisions among them, and taking parties: so as they had means at one time to bring to the wars of Sicily 20000 foot and 1000 horse of that nation, making them by this means weak against their own designs: to which forces they added 300 Majorquins, which used slings, and 10000 Africanes, making Hanno chief of this army, who should suddenly invade the Island, whilst that Denis made war in Italy. But Suniat a Carthaginian envying Hannos charge, advertised Denis of this preparation; and as he continued in this treachery, he was discovered by the taking of a ship in the straight by them of Carthage, in the which were found his letters and advertisements to Denis, written in Greek; whereupon he was taken and punished: and it was decreed at Carthage, That no Carthaginian should learn the Greek tongue: but Denis his army at sea was defeated, whereby the Carthaginians affairs prospered in Sicily.  
Denis being dead, 
Truce with the Sicilians.  and his son of the same name succeeding him, under the government of Dion his kinsman, the war ended by a long truce betwixt the Carthaginians & Sicilians, and Hanno returned with great treasure which he had gotten of those spoils. He was presently sent to Calis, and Bostar to Majorca, and to that part of Spain which is opposite: Hanno tyrannising over the people in his government, provoked them to rebel; so as to subdue & punish them, he called the Moors into Spain, who afflicted them cruelly. The complaints being come unto Carthage, Hanno was called home and discharged of his government; who in disdain thereof attempted to poison the whole Senate in a banquet which he prepared for his daughter's marriage. 
Hannos treachery against the Senate of Carthage.  This treachery being discovered and dissembled, they presently made Sumptuarie law, limiting the number of persons, and the sorts of meats at such feasts. But having escaped punishment, yet fearing it, he sought notwithstanding to try his force, with a multitude of slaves which he, his kinsmen, and friends had: wherewith the people being incensed, they besieged him, & took him in his house, and then delivered him to the judges; by whose decree his eyes were put out, his limbs broken, his body torn with whips, and then hung upon a cross: his children and all his kinsfolks were also put to death, that they should have no desire of revenge. A cruel example, but excusable in the Africans, for the foulness of the offence and the interest of their country. 
The Carthaginians continue in the conquest of Spain.  The Carthaginians affecting much the conquest of Spain, pursued it without any disturbance, sending good Governors and wise captains: wherein they prospered daily in such sort, as they might term themselves masters thereof, and so did enjoy it for above 350 years, all the people of Spain being their subjects or allies; until that the Romans began to make some practices, 
The Romans seek to get footing in Spain by emulation.  seeking to draw the people unto them, and to be assured of them, when any occasion should be offered. So either of these Commonweals made way for their great designs, yet not entering into any overt action: but the Island of Sicily assailed by the Carthaginians, and especially the town of Messina, did so engage them, as it could not be appeased but with the ruin of the one party. 
Messina the cause of the first Punic wars.  For the space of 115 years there was either open war, preparations for war, or a counterfeit peace betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians. They entered into this hostility 489 years after the foundation of Rome, and about 262 years before Christ. This first war was decided in Sicily, and in the Mediterranean sea, during 24 years; in which time the people of Spain did adhere sometimes to one party, sometimes to another, as their affairs succeeded: the Carthaginians being in the end forced to demand a peace of the Romans, 
Spain nourisheth the hatred betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians.  the rest of their hatred and spleen continued yet in Spain for a time: for those which had rebelled against the Carthaginians, sought to maintain their liberties by the favour of the Romans, who encouraged and assisted them under hand: yet Amilcar, surnamed Barca, father to Hannibal, being appointed Governor and Lieutenant general for the Carthaginians in Spain, subjected under their obedience almost all the nations and towns which had been distracted, and did shake the allies of the contrary faction. He was an irreconcilable enemy to the Romans, 
Private passion in Amilcar was the ruin of his country.  and would that his son Hannibal should succeed him in the like affection, and (as we say) should suck it from his mother's breasts; binding him thereunto in his youth by oaths and religious ceremonies. For as he prepared to pass into Spain with the army, offering the accustomed sacrifices unto their gods, to have a prosperous voyage, he caused his son Hannibal (being then scarce nine years old) to approach unto the altar, and having commanded him to lay his hand upon the sacrifice, he made him swear, That as soon as he should be able to bear arms, he should employ them to annoy the Romans, and declare himself their enemy. 
Amicar slain by the Spaniards  Whilst that Amilcar relies too much on his good fortune, and pursues the rebels in Spain inconsiderately, he was slain, having done great exploits in nine years space. They attribute the restoring and enlarging of Barcelone unto him, and according unto some, the naming of it.  
Asdrubal his son in law succeeded him, a wise and a valiant man, under whom Hannibal learned his first precepts of war. And as the troubles did not only continue, but also increase in Spain, new rebellions growing daily, 
The Carthaginians tyranny advanced the Romans credit in Spain.  by reason of the Carthaginians cruelty and tyranny, the Romans were solicited by many to take them into their protection; whereunto they did willingly give ear. Whereupon these two Commonweals were upon terms to enter into a more cruel war than ever: to avoid the which, it was advised by the Senate of Rome to send Quintus Luctatius into Spain, to treat with the Carthaginians, and to settle some good course for the affairs of that country. So as betwixt Luctatius for the Romans, and Asdrubal for the Carthaginians, there was a peace renewed and confirmed betwixt those two Estates, 
A new accord betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians.  and the friends and allies of either part in Spain; appointing the river of Ebro for a limit and bar betwixt them, beyond the which they might not lead any army. And for that the town of Saguntum being then rich and populous, held them long in debate, either desiring to have it on his faction, in the end (not able to agree) it was concluded, That it should remain neuter, use her own laws, and be maintained in her liberty, and that neither party should attempt any thing to the prejudice thereof.  
The Estate of Spain being thus ordered, the peace (which was not well assured betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians) continued three and twenty years, or thereabouts, accounting from the day that it was concluded in Sicily. Asdrubal governed Spain beyond Ebro eight years, and advanced the affairs of his Commonweal more by mildness than by arms; whom they make the founder of new Carthage: but returning to a rigorous course, his cruelty incited a Gaul, 
The great resolution of a servant loving his master.  who served him, to murder him, revenging the death of a Lord of Lusitania his master, whom Asdrubal had caused to be slain, whose head he caused to be carried through the country upon a lance, after that he had hanged the body upon a cross. This servant being taken, died in the extremity of his torments, singing and laughing for joy that he had done the deed.  
4 Before the death of Asdrubal it was propounded in the Senate of Carthage, If it were expedient to send Hannibal into Spain, under the discipline of his brother in law, who demanded him? Among the Senators there was one of great esteem, called Hanno, being of a contrary faction to the family of the Barciniens, which also was great and rich, either having their partisans. 
Factions in the Senate at Carthage.  These pleaded vehemently, letting the Senate understand on the one side, that Hannibal was bred up in arms, and by that means did imitate his father's virtues: the others to hinder this resolution, feared lest the hatred which Hannibal bore unto the Romans, and whereof he made public profession, would engage and draw their Commonweal into new troubles and calamities: 
The ambitious envy all men.  For although the Carthaginians were exceeding ambitious, and in that regard enemies to all mankind, yet did they fear the magnanimity and constancy of the Romans, and their valour, which they had tried. Besides, the forepast wars as well against them, as against others, yea, against their own mercenary soldiers, had wasted their treasure, unfurnished them of ships, and consumed their best captains; so as it behoved them to live many years in peace, before they undertook any difficult war. But their misery, and that of Italy, would have the Barciniens prevail; and so Hannibal was sent into Spain to his brother in law Asdrubal, under whom he lived some three years: after whose decease, he was demanded for head and General by the men of war, and by their favour obtained of the Senate and people of Carthage the government of Spain, being then about two and twenty years old. 
Hannibal made Governor of Spain.  There was not in any age a more remarkable man than this, as well for his great virtues as vices: for he was of a generous spirit for great attempts, and invincible in all dangers: 
His disposition and virtues.  bloody combats were his delights, neither did he want judgement nor counsel: in the war few men had better practised the knowledge how to obey, and how to command, than he: he was never tired with any toil: he endured heat and cold indifferently: he governed his feeding as nature required: he hated rest, and slept only when he found himself idle, not upon a soft and delicate bed, but most commonly upon the ground, in a Corpse de guard, among the soldiers: he was not curious in his habits, but delighted much in fair Arms and good horses; being always the first in fight, and the last at a retreat. So many virtues had for companions in the same subject, 
His vices.  a brutish cruelty, damnable infidelity, sacrilege, and contempt of all religion. When as he found himself possessed of these forces, he sought all means to break the peace with the Romans; propounding within himself, not only to chase them out of Spain, but also to assail them in Italy within their own strength, and in the very seat of their Empire. He began to make war against the Olcades, a people beyond the river of Ebro, who were in good terms with the Carthaginians, but not their subjects, and took Althee their chief town, and sacked it; the which did very much terrify their neighbours. Then he quarreled with the Vaccees; sometimes pretending a right, as being subject to the jurisdiction of Carthage; sometimes doing them injury, or pretending that he had received some wrong from them, he so provoked them, as among many acts of hostility, after the taking of Hermandica and Arbocala, towns of the Vaccees, and a great defeat which he gave unto the Carpetanians and the rest of the Olcades and Vaccees, and in the end the conquest of all those Provinces, he came unto that which he had propounded unto himself; which was, to besiege Sagunt. The complaints of his excess came daily to Rome; yet the Senate being busied with the wars of Gaul, and against the Illyrians, were not much moved, until that the Saguntines seeing a siege coming before their town, quickened the Romans by their ambassadors, letting them understand, That if they made any account of Spain, it was now high time to oppose themselves against the violence of Hannibal; 
A friend doth not often stir for his friend's harm, unless himself be interessed.  who having broken their treaties and accords in a thousand sorts, might be at that instant about their walls with an hundred and fifty thousand fight men. This did move the Senate of Rome not to neglect their allies, and to apprehend the dangers which did threaten themselves, if they suffered the Carthaginians their enemies to prosper. Wherefore they sent two ambassadors to Carthage, which were, Publius' Valerius Flaccus, and Quintus Bebius Tamphtlus, with charge to pass to Hannibal, and to summon him to retire, and to leave their allies in peace; otherwise to let both him and the city of Carthage understand, that they would not endure the wrongs and injuries which had been done them. But Sagunt was besieged under colour of some controversies and quarrels which they had with their neighbours. 
Sagunt besieged.  Hannibal being entered into their territory, abandoned it to the spoil of the soldiers, and then assailed the town in three places. There was one part plainer and more accessible than the rest, where he intended to begin his battery: but having made his approaches with great toil and difficulty, the success was not answerable to his design: for there he found a strong tower, and the wall raised higher; besides, the place where there was most danger was manned with their most valiant soldiers; who at the first repulsed their enemies with their arrows: but in the end not contented to shoot from their towers and defences, they made sallies, and came to fight with them hand to hand: in which skirmishes there was no great advantage on either side. Hannibal himself approaching too venturously near the walls, was wounded with a javeline in the thigh, and overthrown; the which did much amaze them that were about him, 
Hannibal wounded.  so as they fled; and it did so trouble the rest, as they abandoned all their works. Then had the Saguntines some leisure to breath, and the town was for a time rather besieged than assaulted, whilst that Hannibal was under cure; yet they ceased not to make all sorts of engines to batter the town: the which was done afterwards, and more violently than before, and in so many places, as the besieged were scarce able to make their defence: and there were three towers with their courtines betwixt them already ruined, so as the town was discovered, and seemed to lie open; which made both assailants and defendants to run thither: where they did fight with such obstinacy, both parties being in battle betwixt the ruins, not as at the entrance of a breach, but as in an open champain, animated by two several passions, the one having hope to vanquish, 
Hope & despair breed like effects at this siege.  and the other no hope of mercy in their enemies. In the end, the Carthaginians were forced to retire; and soon after the Roman ambassadors arrived in the road of Saguntum: but Hannibal would not hear them, but let them understand, That a man busied with so many affairs as he was, could not spend his time in words, and that he saw no great safety for them, if they landed among so many soldiers, of divers barbarous nations. Whereupon they passed into Africa, and having delivered their charge unto the Senate of Carthage, and demanded in vain, That Hannibal (the author of the war) should be delivered unto them, after many protestations, they returned with bare words: For after much contention among the factions in the Council of Carthage (whereas Hannibal had many kinsmen and friends) answer was made unto the ambassadors, That the war had been begun by the Saguntines, and that the Senate and people of Rome should not embrace their quarrel against the Carthaginians, with whom they had lived in peace and amity for so many years.  
Whilst the Romans were thus busied to resolve and to send ambassadors, 
The simplicity of the Romans.  Hannibal pursues his siege, and presseth Sagunt by all means possible: He builds new engines, animates his soldiers, and promiseth them the spoil of a rich town: the Saguntines rampar up their breaches, and labour day and night: the battery gins afresh, and they have many assaults given, and with greater fury than before. In the end, being tired with the multitude of assailants, who had fresh supplies continually, they could not keep the Carthaginians from entering by their breaches, their walls being newly repaired with earth, after their accustomed manner, and therefore easy to pierce: so as they seized upon an high place within the precinct of the town, whereas they planted many of their great crossbows and artillery after their manner, and casting a wall about it, they made as it were a citadel; against the which the Saguntines did presently make a trench, dividing it from the rest of the town, which was not yet taken. And as it happened divers times, that the one getting the other, must needs retire, the town was reduced to a small compass, and withal they had great want of victuals, and of all other necessaries, by reason of the long siege, Hannibal was then forced to march into Oretania and Carpetania, where there was some likelihood of a tumult, for that those which he had sent to enrol soldiers, were retained by them of the country, by reason of the great rigour which they used. As his absence from the camp gave some rest unto the Saguntines, so his coming among those people caused peace, and reduced them to obedience. In the mean time Maharbal, son to Himilco, who had the charge to continue the siege, used such diligence, as there was no show of Hannibal's absence. To conclude, he wrought so well, as at his return he showed him large breaches, sufficient to give a general assault, which were made on the side of the castle, the which the Carthaginians did win. The miserable Saguntines being thus priest, and out of all hope of succours, 
Friends a far off are slow to secure.  which could not come unto them but from Rome, which was far from them, Alco one of their citizens cast himself from the rampar, and went to Hannibal, without the privity of the Senate, that he might move him to some reasonable conditions: but Hannibal offered them their lives only, and that they should departed the town with one rob only, and to go and dwell where they should be appointed: whereupon Alco durst no more return unto Sagunt, beseeching him to give him leave to remain within the camp: then there was a Spanish soldier named Alorco, who offered himself to carry these conditions unto the Saguntines, and to persuade them to accept thereof. But he prevailed as little as the other: for being heard in their Senate, they were so far from yielding in that manner, as by a common consent they resolved to bring all their gold, silver, and other goods into the market place, where they set it on fire, and consumed it: and there were some so desperate, as they cast themselves into the fire, to be consumed with their goods. In the mean time there was a great noise heard from a tower which fell suddenly, having been long battered, the which gave free entry unto the enemies: a band of soldiers then being entered by that breach, they made a sign unto the camp: whereupon Hannibal being vigilant to embrace all occasions, 
Sagunt taken by assault.  marched thither with the whole body of the army, and took the town, having given charge to his soldiers, to kill all that had past the age of fourteen years: a cruel sentence, but he held it necessary, seeing he had to deal with such obstinate enemies, who being in fight, never yielded but by death, and being shut up within their town, with their wives and children, would rather burn themselves in their houses, than yield. And although that many things were spoiled and consumed by the fire, yet the booty was great. Thus Sagunt fell into Hannibal's hands, eight months after the beginning of the siege. And during this siege, his wife Himilce was delivered of a son called Aspar, which doubled his joy. Then did the Romans resolve to proclaim war against Carthage, 
The Romans resolve to war against the Carthaginians.  moved partly with the unworthy calamity of their friends and allies, and partly with the fear of their own estate: the which happened 536 years after the foundation of Rome, Pub. Cornelius Scipio and Titus Sempronius Longus being created Consuls.  
Honnibal was so far from any remorse to have drawn these two Commonweals into arms, as contrariwise, when he had brought back his army to new Carthage, and divided the spoil among his soldiers, 
Good fortune transports Hannibal to overgreat enterprises  he began to make preparations to march into Italy; from whence he meant to chase the Romans, and to drive them (if it were possible) out of the world. Having therefore disposed of the affairs of that Province, and well fortified and manned the towns, he left the government general thereof to Asdrubal his brother, and taking his way by the Mediterranean shore to Empurias, he entered into Gaul, and came unto the Alpes without any opposition of the Gauls, 
He marcheth towards Italy.  although they were much priest thereunto by the Romans; leading an army which consisted of Numidians, Africanes, Spaniards, some Gauls, and other nations, the which he entertained and supplied often with the same nations, as well with the revenues of the mines of Spain, as that which he took from the enemy, but most of all by his only authority, and the reverence of his name, so long as he continued the wars in Italy, which was 16 years.  
6 Whilst that the Consul P. Scipio attended him at the entry of Italy, 
Cn. Scipio sent into Spain.  at the foot of the mountains, Cn. Scipio his brother (sent by him into Spain) parted from the mouth of Rosne, with a good number of galleys and other vessels, well manned with soldiers, and coasting along the Gaulish shore, he came to Empurias without any encounter: where having landed, he governed himself so discreetly in all his enterprises, and with so great humanity towards the Spaniards, as in a short time he reduced to the devotion of the Romans those which had been drawn away either by force or fear, 
He wins the Spaniards by mildness.  assured himself of the old allies, and got new, not only among the people which lay near unto the sea, but also of those which dwelled far into the country, and even of the mountainers, although they were very rude and barbarous; wherewith he increased his army, and had willingly from them, without any constraint, victuals, and all other necessaries. Hanno appointed Governor of the country on this side Ebro, for the Carthaginians, went to field to make head against the Romans, whilst that Asdrubal, Governor general of the Province, made haste to join with him with a great army. 
Hanno defeated by Scipio.  But Scipio went speedily to charge Hanno, and did easily defeat him, where he slew 6000 of his soldiers, took 2000, forced his camp, and not only spoiled the baggage of his army, but also that which Hannibal had appointed for Italy, wherewith Scipio's soldiers were made rich. In the mean time Asdrubal arrives, having had no certain intelligence of the defeat of Hanno: whereof being advertised, he marched towards the sea, where he found many Roman soldiers and mariners straggling after some spoil; of whom he slew many, giving them a worthy reward of their negligence; the which happened near unto Tarracone: yet he made no long abode there, but presently repassed the river of Ebro. Scipio having rested his army four days, resolved to pursue him, but he would first assure himself of Tarracone, the which was not very well furnished. 
The Spaniard inconstant.  Asdrubal seeing him retire, advanced again, and did solicit the Ilergetes to rebel, who notwithstanding had given hostages to the Romans, making them to spoil some of their allies country; whereupon Scipio went to field, and Asdrubal retired. Scipio meaning to punish these Ilergetes, besieged Athanasia, their chief town, and forced them to redeem themselves with money, and to give new hostages: then he went to the Ausetanians, allied to the Carthaginians, near unto the river of Ebro, whom he besieged, and defeated the Lacetanes who came to secure them, whereof there remained 12000 upon the place, and the rest were dispersed, returning disarmed to their houses. This siege continued 30 days in the heart of winter, the snow being almost four foot deep, wherewith their engines of battery were in a manner covered, the which did preserve them from the fire which was cast by the enemy. In the end, Amusite their captain having abandoned them, and being retired to Asdrubal, the town yielded to Scipio, redeeming itself from spoil for 20 talents, amounting to 12000 French crowns: from whence Scipio led his army back to Tarracone.  
The second year of the second Punic war, Asdrubal General of the Carthaginians resolved to charge the enemy wheresoever he should encounter him, either by sea or land, having armed out thirty galleys which Hannibal had left him, and ten others which he had; of all which, he gave the charge to Himilcon, commanding him to sail along the coast in view of his land army, with the which he parted from Carthagene, keeping still near the shore: whereof Scipio being advertised, he resolved also to fight with Asdrubal, if any opportunity were offered. Yet having intelligence, that he had been reenforced with some fresh troops, he resolved not to hazard a battle by land, but to set upon them at sea. Having to that end embarked the flower of his army, he parted from Tarracone with five and thirty ships of war, and came within four or five leagues of the mouth of the river of Ebro: there he was advertised by two galliots of Marseilles, that the enemy's galleys were at anchor in the mouth of the river, and their land army camped near unto them: wherefore Scipio desiring to surprise them, commanded his galleys to set forward, making great speed towards them. Spain had then many watchtowers upon the coast, set upon high hills, for the safety of passengers against pirates. The Roman army was discovered by them, and an alarm given to the Carthaginians, being sooner discovered by the army at land, than by the galleys. Asdrubal dispatching many horsemen, gave charge, That every one should retire presently to his galley, and prepare to fight, for the enemy had been discovered. Most of the soldiers and mariners were at land, dispersed here and there in the tents and villages, making good cheer with their companions, fearing nothing less than the coming of the Romans that day, who were hidden by the high cliffs which run into the sea, for that they could neither hear the beating of their oars, nor any noise of their fleet. And as all was full of disorder and tumult among the Carthaginians, Asdrubal put his army in battle near unto his fleet, whilst the rest embarked, who ran without order or discipline, as if they had been chased from the land, and would have saved themselves in the sea. The confusion was so great, that hindering one another, the soldiers could not use their arms, nor the mariners launch out, nor do their duties, so as they were forced to cut their cables; and doing all things in haste, they were defeated more by their own disorder than by the Romans; who advancing, took two galleys at their first joining, and sunk four: 
The Carthaginians defeated at sea by Cn. Scipio.  the rest of the Carthaginian fleet being dispersed, and not able to hold together, they ran aground willingly, so as the men saved themselves, and fled to their army which stood in battle: who being spectators of this combat, saw their galleys pursued and taken, carrying all away that were not run on ground, or broken upon the coast, so as the Romans drew 25 out with them to sea. This victory did not only disarm the Carthaginians of their sea forces, but also made them forsake all that coast. Wherefore the Romans being landed at Onusta or Honosca, became masters thereof without any resistance, spoiling the country unto the gates of new Carthage, whereas they burned the suburbs. Returning from thence laden with spoil to Longuntica (which at this present is Guardamar) they found-great store of a kind of broom, wherewith they did use to make cables for ships, the which Asdrubal had caused to be gathered together, whereof they took what they pleased, and set fire on the rest. Then returning to their ships, they passed into the Island of Ebusus or juisa, and battered the fort that was in it; from the which they were repulsed. So as after they had spoiled and burnt the country, they embarked again, and being ready to weigh anchor, ambassadors came to them from the Islands of the Baleares, to demand peace and friendship with the Romans.  
Scipio being returned into Spain, he gave audience to the ambassadors of all the people that dwell about the river Ebro, and not only to them, but to others of farther regions, desiring to enter into league with the Romans. They hold, that he received hostages at that time of above 120 Towns or Commonalties. Scipio being fortified by this means, and thinking he should be able from that time to keep the field against his enemy, he led his army towards Castulo, & the mountains which are now called Puerto Muladar, Asdrubal being retired into Lusitania, towards the limits of our Portugal, upon the Ocean, so as there was no great show of any wars that Summer. But the turbulent spirits of the Spaniards provided work for Scipio: for a nobleman of the Ilergetes (the which is now a part of Catelogne) called Mardonius, 
Mardonius and the Ilergetes hold the Carthaginian party.  when as the Romans retired towards the sea, had solicited many of the neighbour people to arms; and seeing the Romans otherwise busied, he went with his troops, and spoiled the country of their allies: against whom, Scipio sent 3000 men, with the help of some of his friends, who defeated these spoilers, flew many, took some, and made the rest glad to quit their arms. This made Asdrubal to leave the sea coast, and to march up into the country, to assure his confederates which dwelled on this side Ebro, and to secure them if need were: he came and lodged in the country of the Ilercaones, which are of the country of the Ilergetes: but a tumult arising, drew the war elsewhere: 
The Celtiberians take arms for the Romans.  for the chief men among the Celtiberians, which make now a part of new Castille, and of Arragon beyond Ebro, being entered into alliance with the Romans, and had given them hostages, having taken arms at Scipio's persuasion, were entered into the Carthaginians territory, spoiling, burning, and putting all to the sword: they took three towns from them, and in two encounters slew 15000 men, and took 4000, carrying away many of their enemy's ensigns. 
Pub. Scipio Proconsul in Spain.  At the same time P. Scipio arrived in Spain, in quality of Proconsul; in whose absence Cn. Scipio his brother had until that time governed the wars: for it was the Province which had fallen unto him the year before, being Consul.  
7 His government then being continued, he arrived at Tarracone with 30 ships of war, and many of burden, carrying 8000 soldiers, and great store of victuals and other provision: where having landed his men, he went and joined with his brother; and from that time the affairs were governed by two captains well united, and agreeing in all things: who whilst that Hannibal was in action against the Celtiberians, 
The resolution of the two Scipios of great consequence.  resolved to go directly to Sagunt; in which town they knew, that all the hostages which Hannibal had drawn from the towns and people of Spain, were kept with a small guard; which was the only gage which the Carthaginians had to assure them of the Spaniards fidelity, and the only bond wherewith they tied them: but one man broke it. He was a gentleman, who was then in garrison at Sagunt, a Spaniard by nation, called Acedux, who had always before showed himself very faithful to the Carthaginians, but then (according to the manner of the Barbarians) he applied himself according to the time and events. This man having a desire to follow the Romans party, 
A notable treachery of a Spaniard.  and imagining, that such as revolt, are commonly esteemed but base and infamous creatures, if withal they do not bring some notable commodity to them that do receive them, he bethought himself of an occasion, whereby he might purchase the grace and favour of the Romans, by one of the greatest advantages they might have, if he could find means to deliver all these hostages into their hands: but for that they were straightly guarded by men that were appointed by Bostares, Governor of the Province, there was great difficulty in the execution of this enterprise. He came therefore unto the Governor, who lay in camp without the town, to defend the landing upon the sea shore, being somewhat far off, and letting him understand the dangerous estate of the Carthaginians affairs, after so many defeats, and how little faith and constancy there was in the towns and confederate people of Spain, seeing so great a power of the Romans near them, fortified by so many people which had taken their party, and the goodly succours which the Proconsull Scipio had brought out of Italy, he advised him to make the Spaniards more bound unto the Carthaginians by an honourable bounty, than they were by the gauges which he had from them, in sending back to every Town and Commonalty their hostages. And to the end he should assure himself he would be ready to put in practice all that he should hold fit for the good of the Carthaginians, 
Treason of a Spaniard lea●ing to the stronger party.  he offered to conduct these hostages to their parents, and to go from town to town, confirming and encouraging his countrymen to be loyal to the Carthaginians, and that thereby they should find they had so good an opinion of them, as without any necessity they had freely sent home their hostages unto them. To conclude, he could so well persuade this Governor, as (notwithstanding it seemed hard unto him at the first) he consented, appointing a convenient time to send the hostages to their houses, under conduct of this traitor: who in the mean time found means to slip unto the Romans camp, and having met with some Spaniards in the army, he caused them to bring him unto the Proconsull as secretly as might be; to whom he imparted this business as he had designed it; and a fit conclusion was taken betwixt them for this enterprise. This merchant being returned again to Sagunt, 
The indiscretion and rashness of Bostares in yielding the hostages delivered him by his General.  and having again conferred with Bostares the Governor upon this restitution at the time appointed, the hostages were in the night sent out of the town with a good guard, as it seemed: but they went not far, before they fell into an ambush which the Romans had laid for them, where they were all taken, and led unto the camp. The same counsel which this Spaniard had given to Bostares, was by him propounded to the Romans, who made good use thereof, and restored the hostages to their parents and friends, and by that means made a wonderful breach in the Carthaginians Estate in Spain: For the people and towns did soon find what an advantage it was to change their master; for that in stead of the Carthaginians command, which was imperious and proud, the Romans were entered with bounty and mildness. So every one commending the wisdom of this Acedux, sought some fit opportunity to revolt as he had done. And if Winter had not forced them to surcease, the effects had followed with out delay. Asdrubal finding himself too weak, was retired into places of strength, far from the Romans. The two Scipios having divided their charges, Publius conducted the army at sea, and Cneus that at land. Asdrubal durst not oppose himself neither against the one nor the other, but having after many petitions and much soliciting obtained from the Carthaginians a supply of four thousand foot and five hundred horse: as soon as they arrived, he went to field with his army, approached near unto the enemy, began to repair his ships, and to make a fleet for the defence of the coast and Islands. Being busy about these things, the revolt of the sea captains, which had been defeated the Summer before, troubled him much. These after the battle having been much blamed by Asdrubal, did never afterwards show themselves neither faithful to their General, nor well affected to the affairs of the Carthaginians: so as by practices there were some towns yielded to the Romans in the country of the Carpesians, where the Realm of Toledo is at this day; and had taken one by force: so as all the war was drawn by the Romans into this country. Wherefore Asdrubal entering the country in hostile manner, affronted a captain of this nation called Galbus, who lay in camp near unto the town which had been taken. Having sent some soldiers lightly armed to the enemy's trenches, to draw them forth to skirmish, and some others against them that were gone to forage, there was at one instant a great tumult in their camp, and slaughter and flying without it, so as many saved themselves within their fort: yet in the end they were so well assured, as they not only defended their rampires, but also sallied forth, and presented themselves in battle against the Carthaginians, going resolutely to the charge, leaping and skipping after their accustomed manner, the which struck terror into the enemy, who retired as he could with credit. Asdrubal having recovered a hill flanked with a river, he brought his army thither, thinking it needful to fortify himself there. So these two armies giving fear for fear, there were some skirmishes among the soldiers on either side, whereas to speak truth, the Numidian horseman was not equal to the Spaniard, nor the Moors darts able to pierce their adversaries targuets, who were as nimble and active as they, and had more force and courage. The Spaniards seeing that by running about the Carthaginians camp they could not draw them forth to battle, and that it was not easy to force, they went to besiege a town called Asena, whereas Asdrubal coming into that Province, had made his storehouse for victuals and munition; 
Contempt of military discipline follows a victory.  they took it by force, and spoiled all the country about it: but after it there was neither order, obedience, nor conduct among them, as it happeneth often after a good success. Asdrubal seeing their disorder and negligence, thought good to embrace this occasion: 
Asdrubal takes advantage of his enemy's negligence.  Wherefore having advertised his soldiers thereof, he left his place of strength, and led his army in good order against these Spaniards, who were dispersed here and there in disorder, and without ensigns. Being discovered by them that were in sentinel, every one runs to arms, and so went to encounter the enemy disordered, without ensigns and without commandment. Some began the fight, whilst that other arrived in troops, the greater part being not yet come out of their camp: yet they encountered them with such fury, as they stayed the first charge of the Carthaginians: but finding themselves few in number, faint, and not well united, against many in good order, they were soon broken, and forced to seek their companions; and in the end they were so priest, being on a heap, and not able to use their arms, as they were for the most part slain; some making way by force through their enemies, saved themselves in the mountains and forests near adjoining. Their camp was in this amazement abandoned, and the whole Province was in one day reduced under the obedience of the Carthaginians.  
During these actions, Asdrubal received commandment from his superiors at Carthage, 
The Council of Carthage thinking to get Italy, neglect Spain.  That he should march with all speed with his army into Italy: the which being known in Spain, all the people in general began to waver, and to follow the Roman party: whereof Asdrubal did advertise the Senate, letting them understand what prejudice this bruit did bring unto the affairs of the Commonweal of Carthage; and that it was apparent, if he parted from thence, before he should pass the river of Ebro, all Spain would fall into the Romans power: for besides that he neither had men, nor a sufficient captain to leave in his place, to guard that Province, the Roman captains were such, as they could hardly be resisted with equal numbers: wherefore he advised them (if they had any care of Spain) to send a good Commander and a strong Army in the place of that which he should lead away: and although that all things should succeed as they desired, yet should they ever find some alteration among the people of that country. Asdrubal his letters did somewhat move the Senate, but for that they did more affect the affairs of Italy, they did not alter any thing that had been decreed touching his departure with his army, but they only sent Himilcon with some bands, and did arm some ships, which they held sufficient to keep the people of Spain in awe, as well upon the sea coasts, as within the country. This captain having past the sea with his forces, laid up his ships in safety, and fortified his camp, he took some of his best horsemen, and past through friends and enemies countries, until he came to Asdrubal, to whom he presented this decree of the Senate: and having conferred with him, and understood the course that he was to hold in the wars of Spain, he returned to his troops, having nothing that did assure him more from encounter upon the way, than his diligence and speed: For before they could have means to assemble their forces, they had news of his return. Asdrubal seeing that he must needs go, he exacted great sums of money from all the towns and people that were under the Carthaginians jurisdiction, being well advertised, that he must purchase the passage and favour of the Gauls with ready money, as Hannibal his brother had done. This done, he took his way towards the river of Ebro.  
The Roman captains being advertised of all these things, 
Asdrubal prepares to go into Italy.  and knowing of what consequence Hasdrubals passage into Italy was, whereas Hannibal alone did much trouble the Roman state, they employed all their wits and means to stop him. Wherefore leaving all other affairs, they joined all their forces in one body, and passing the river of Ebro, towards which Asdrubal approached, being doubtful whether they should fight, or by assailing some town or country that was confederate to the Carthaginians, seek only to stay and divert him. In the end they made a show to besiege Ibera, 
The policy of the Roman and Carthaginian captains.  a town which was rich and mighty in those quarters. But Asdrubal to divert them, and to secure his allies, marched with his army towards another town, which a little before was yielded to the Romans: wherefore they left the town, and went directly towards Asdrubal. The armies were some days within a league and a half one of another, before they came to battle, making light sallies one upon another. In the end, as if it had been agreed upon, they put their armies in battle. The Romans divided their troops into three; 
The order of the two armies.  some of their footmen were placed before, and some behind their ensigns, and the horsemen upon the wings on either side. Asdrubal set the Spanish footmen in the midst of the battle, the Carthaginians on the right hand, and the Africanes on the left. To the Carthaginians he added the Numidian horsemen that were mercenaries, and the other Africanes in the head of the battle; yet he put no Numidians on the left hand, but such as had been accustomed to go with two horses together to the war, and when they had wearied one, 
Agility of the Numidian horsemen.  they leapt nimbly on the other, which was fresh, being armed, in the hottest of the fight: so active and nimble they were, and their horses so gentle and tractable. Being thus in battle, the Generals had equal hopes, for there was no great difference betwixt their forces, either in number, or quality of men of war: but among the soldiers it was not so. The Romans were persuaded, that the safety of Rome and Italy, and their return to their houses, depended upon this battle; and therefore they were resolved to vanquish or die. But the Spanrards' (whereof the most part of the other army did consist) had not that resolution, desiring rather to be beaten in Spain, than to be drawn into Italy, conquerors: Wherefore at the first charge their battalions in the midst were forced, and turned their backs, the fight was more furious on either hand, for the Romans were furiously charged on the one hand by the Carthaginians, and on the other by the Africanes, and in a manner compassed in, when as their whole army (being joined together in one body) easily repulsed them. So fight in two parts, the Romans had the advantage every where, and were masters of the field. The slaughter was great, and had been greater, if the Spaniards had not fled so fast in the beginning. The horsemen did not in a manner fight: for when as the Moors and Numidians did see their squadron in the midst waver, they began to fly, leaving their wings naked, and leading the Elephants away with them. Asdrubal having continued until the end of the fight, retired out of the press with some few that followed him. The enemy's camp, 
A victory of great consequence for the Romans.  and all their baggage, was spoiled by the Romans. Through this victory, if there remained any people in Spain which were not firm and constant to the Romans, they were now confirmed. On the other side▪ Asdrubal saw himself not only out of hope to lead an army into Italy, but also in some doubt where he should find a place of assurance in Spain. These news being advertised to Rome by the two Scipios, were very pleasing; not so much for the victory which they had obtained, 
Hasdrubals passage ●nto Italy broken.  as for that Hasdrubals passage was broken. This Summer was prosperous for the Romans affairs, but they began to want victual, and the seamen, both mariners and soldiers, were in a manner naked. Wherefore the captains gave the Senate to understand, That they must of necessity provide for these wants, else they should not be able to entertain neither the army, nor the country. For the which the Senate gave order, by the good husbandry of the magistrates, and the willingness of private persons; so as there were some found which did undertake to furnish the armies in Spain, of all things necessary for three years.  
Asdrubal accompanied by Mago, and Amilcar son to Bomilcar, 
Illiturgis besieged by the Carthaginians, relieved by the Roman.  Carthaginian captains, were come to besiege the town of Illiturgis, which had revolted from them to the Roman party: about the which they had made three camps, through which the Scipios, two brethren, passed by force, with great slaughter of their enemies, and put victuals into the town, whereof they had great need: and having encouraged the inhabitants to carry themselves valiantly in the defence of their walls, as they had seen them do which came to secure them, they resolved to make a furious sally upon the enemies for't, in Hasdrubals quarter. Which Mago and Amilcar seeing, they ran thither with all their forces; so as that day the Carthaginians had 60000 men in battle without their camp, 
A memorable defeat by the Carthaginians.  against 26000 Romans, or thereabouts; who notwithstanding had the victory, without any doubt, having slain more of their enemies than they were themselves, taken above 3000 prisoners, won about 1000 good horses of service, carried away 59 ensigns, slain five Elephants in fight, made the enemies to raise their camps, and (which was their chief design) freed the town of Illiturgis from siege. The Carthaginians to recover their honour, 
Spain fit to supply armies.  went to besiege Incibile, another place allied to the Romans, having filled their bands, and made new supplies in the country, who demanded nothing more than war, so as there were any hope of spoil: for at that time Spain did abound in youth. There they did rather increase their shame: 
Another victory by the Romans.  for being assailed by the Romans, they lost 13000 soldiers more, which were slain upon the place, 3000 prisoners, two and forty ensigns, and nine Elephants. Then in a manner all Spain did adhere unto the Romans, to whom this Summer was very successful.  
The year following, when as Q. Fabius, and M. Claudius Marcellus were Consuls, and the fift of the second Punic war, had divers events: for Asdrubal and Mago defeated great armies of Spaniards, which were allied to the Romans, before they had left their garrisons, where they had wintered, to pass the river of Ebro: and in a manner all that part of Spain was recovered by the Carthaginians: but the diligence of P. Scipio, who marched thither with his army, kept them play, and assured the country. He came first and camped at a place called Haut-Chasteau, or High-Castle, famous by the death of that great Amilcar; the which was strong, 
A castle where great Amilcar was slain.  and well furnished with come which they had brought thither a little before: but the country round about was full of enemies, and some of the Romans, which had tarried scattered behind from the body of the army, had been charged by the enemy's horse, 
Romans defeated.  who slew two thousand, and retired without any loss. This made P. Scipio retire into a country of more safety: who fortified his camp, and entrenched it near unto the mount of Victory, whither Cn. Scipio his brother came with all his forces. And in a manner at the same instant, Asdrubal, son to Gisgo the third, a Carthaginian captain, presented himself with a complete army, in view of the Romans, and planted his camp right against them, having a river betwixt them. There P. Scipio having taken certain men at arms with him, parted secretly to discover the enemy and the country: but being himself discovered by the enemy, he was in danger to be defeated, had he not recovered a little hill near adjoining, whereby he had means to defend himself, and to make head against them that did environ him, until that his brother Cn. Scipio came to ungage him. The town of Castulo which was so great a friend, 
Castulo yields to the Romans.  and so strictly allied unto the Carthaginians, as Hannibal had taken a wife there, yielded unto the Romans. The Carthaginians returned unto the siege of Illiturgis, in the which there was some garrison of Roman soldiers, hoping to take it by famine. 
Illiturgis relieved again by the Romans.  Cn. Scipio to relieve both the garrison and the inhabitants allied to the Romans, marched that way, passed valiantly betwixt two armies, and put a legion of resolute soldiers into the town, with great slaughter of the enemy.  
The next day was no less happy unto him, in a brave sally which he made, where there were slain in these two encounters twelve thousand Carthaginians, and above ten thousand prisoners, with five and thirty ensigns, so as Illiturgis was again freed from siege. The enemy being chased from thence, they went to besiege Bigerre, another town allied to the Romans; but they retired presently upon the brute of Scipio's approach, and marched towards Munda, where they were also pursued by the Romans. There they had a sharp encounter, which continued four hours; but as the Romans had the victory, they sounded a retreat, for that Cneus Scipio, 
Cn. Scipio hurt.  General of the army, had been thrust into the thigh with a Numidian lance: which wound his soldiers that were fight about him feared to have been mortal; without which accident it is certain the Carthaginians camp had been taken that day, and the victory absolute. 
The Carthaginians put to rout.  For the soldiers with their Elephants had been repulsed unto their palisadoes and ramparts, upon the which there were nine and thirty slain with darts: Yet they say, that in this fight the Romans slew above twelve thousand of their enemies, and carried away seven and fifty ensigns. The Carthaginians being defeated, retired to Auringe, where they were pursued and priest by the Romans, during this amazement; and were again charged before they had leisure to assure themselves, and to recover their spirits, Scipio causing himself to be carried through the battalions in a litter. Here he had an absolute victory, but with much less slaughter by the half, 
Another defeat of them.  for the enemies were reduced to a smaller number. But as those people were prompt by nature, to renew the wars, and presently to supply their armies, the country being fertile of soldiers, their bands were presently filled by the diligence of Mago, brother to Asdrubal, being sent to make new levies, so as they durst hazard another battle: the event whereof was like unto the former, most of the Carthaginian soldiers coming faintly to fight, as for a party which had been often beaten, and in few days. 
Carthaginians again defeated.  They lost in this conflict eight thousand men slain upon the place, and almost one thousand prisoners, with eight and fifty ensigns, and great store of baggage, rings, chains, and bracelets of gold: two great noblemen of Gaul were also slain, the one called Moenicaptus, the other Civismarus: eight Elephants were taken, and three slain. Thus the Romans affairs prospered in Spain, who in the end were ashamed, that the towns of Sagunt, for the which this war was begun, had continued five years in their enemy's power. Wherefore they approached near unto it, and by favour of the battles which they had won, did easily chase away the garrison that was within it: and having conquered the place, they called home all the old inhabitants, 
Sagunti●● restored to their goods.  and restored them to the possession of their goods, razed the Turditans town, which had been the motive of their desolation, and sold the inhabitants thereof for slaves, to them that would give most.  
The Romans to have the better means, 
The Romans stir up enemies to the Carthaginians in Africa.  not only to repress the injuries of the Carthaginians, but also to assail and annoy them, did stir up new enemies against them near unto their town, and drew unto their alliance Syphax, king of a part of Numidia, who was already somewhat discontented with them: so as they were forced to have their recourse unto Gala, another king of the same nation, 
Gala father to Masinissa.  and to incense him against Syphax. This Gala was father to Masinissa, from whom the Romans did afterwards draw many good services: but at that time he showed himself a bitter enemy to Syphax, and did often defeat him. In the mean time nothing was done worthy of memory in Spain; only the Celtiberians which were in pay with the Carthaginians, were drawn away by the Romans, whom they entertained with the same conditions: and these were the first mercenary soldiers which the Romans used, to their great prejudice. Moreover, the two Scipios sent above 300 Spanish gentlemen into Italy, to solicit them of their nation, which were in Hannibal's army, to leave his party, and to join with the Romans.  
After this, there were two years spent before there was any memorable act done in Spain, both parties encountering one another rather by counsel and practices, than by open hostility. The seventh year of this war, the Roman captains assembled their forces, and it was resolved in counsel, That they must not content themselves only to have stopped Hasdrubals passage into Italy, but they must seek some means to end all the war in Spain: presuming they had forces enough to do it, having this Winter drawn unto them, and armed 30 thousand Celtiberians. The enemies had three camps, two whereof were commanded by Asdrubal son to Gisgo, & by Mago, being both joined together. They were distant from the Romans some five days journey: But that which Asdrubal, son to Amilcar, the ancient Governor of Spain, led, was nearer, being lodged near unto Anitorge. The General of the Roman army would first give him a charge, hoping to defeat him easily. One only difficulty troubled them, which was, how they should hinder the other two armies (after the defeat of this Asdrubal) from retiring into some place of advantage among the mountains and forests; 
The two Scipios attempting too much, ruin themselves.  and by that means should draw the war in length. Having then a conceit to make war against all Spain at one instant, they resolved to divide their forces betwixt them: so as P. Scipio with two third parts of the Roman army, and the bands of their allies, should go and affront Asdrubal son to Gisgo, and Mago; and that Cneus Scipio should lead the rest of the old legions and the allies against Asdrubal Barcin.  
This being concluded, these two armies with their commanders parted at one instant: the Celtiberians marching before, came and encamped near unto Anitorge; in view of the enemy, being separated the one from the other by a river. There did Cneus Scipio stay with his troops, and P. Scipio marched on where he was to make war. But when as Asdrubal saw them divided, and one far from the other, being a wise and politic captain, considering that the sinews and strength of the Roman army consisted of their allies, and in mercenary soldiers, and knowing the treacherous and inconstant disposition of the barbarous, even of the Spaniards in those times, by the experience he had had in that long war, he resolved to try all means possible, to corrupt the Celtiberians, which were under the Romans pay, being 30000: the which he did happily effect, by the means of some of the same nation which were in his camp; who using the same language, and having means to have secret conferences one with another, 
The mercenary Spaniards make no account to abandon the Romans at need.  they concluded with the captains of the Celtiberians, that for a good sum of money they should retire with their men, and return to their houses. It seemed a matter of small moment to them: for they were not priest to turn their arms against the Romans, but only to retire, and not to make war: besides, most of the soldiers were glad to rest, and desired to see their kinsfolks and friends, goods and possessions. Wherefore it was easy for the captains who were corrupted, to persuade them to dislodge, being without fear to be stayed, or forced by the Romans, who were but few in number. Let this be an example to all estates that make war, 
The force of an army ought to be of natural subjects, and not of strangers.  never to fortify themselves so with mercenaries and strangers, as they may prescribe them a law; but let their greatest strength be of their own nation. These Celtiberians then having taken up their ensigns, and trust up their baggage, departed suddenly: neither could any entreaty nor prayers prevail to stay them, pretending, that they had war at home, 
The infidelity of the Celtiberians.  and that they must go and defend their own houses. Cncus Scipio seeing himself thus abandoned, and not able to prevent it neither by entreaty, force, nor any good counsel, finding himself too weak to hold the field against so great and mighty an army, having also no means to join with his brother P. Scipio, he meant to try if he might retire safely and with his honour, and fly all occasions to be forced to fight. But Asdrubal holding him vanquished, would give him no rest, but followed him continually at the heels. The like terror, 
Two Roman armies in p●ey to the enemy.  but a far greater danger, did at the same time press P. Scipio, being freshly charged by a new and a valiant enemy: it was Masinissa a young prince, then allied to the Carthaginians; who afterwards was famous, and made mighty by the amity of the Romans. 
Masinissa a fierce adversary to the Romans.  P. Scipio at his first arrival found him in front, with goodly troops of Numidian horsemen, coming continually day and night to his trenches, keeping his army in perpetual alarm, so as not any one durst go far out, either for forage or for wood, dislodging their sentinels oftentimes, and pursuing them even within their guards, and to the ports and ramparts of their camp, whereas the Romans were shut up as if they had been besieged, and in want of all things, wherewith they were likely to be daily more and more oppressed, if a Spaniard called Indibilis should come and join with the Carthaginians, where he was expected with seven thousand and five hundred Suessetanians. For so grave and wise a commander as P. Scipio was, he took a bad and rash resolution: for having left his camp to the guard of a few men, under the command of T. Fonteius his lieutenant, he parted about midnight to go and encounter Indibilis, and to fight with him: the which he did, and had easily defeated him, if the Moors and Numidian horsemen (who had watched Scipio's departure) had not come and charged the Romans in flank, the which caused a great terror among them; and besides they were charged in the rearward with all the Carthaginian army, which had followed them. Being thus environed of all sides, doubtful where they should make head, or which way they should force through the enemies, and escape that danger, their General P. Scipio fight and encouraging the soldiers, and going to all places where his presence was needful, 
P. Scipio slain, and the Romans defeated.  was thrust through the right flank with a lance, so as he fell down dead from his horse. Then the enemies which had charged that troop which was about Scipio's person, seeing him on the ground, went running throughout the army, leaping for joy, and crying out that the enemy's General was slain. This accident gave the Carthaginians an assured victory, the Romans (being destitute of a head) thinking only how they should fly and save themselves. It was easy for them to make way through the Numidians, who were but lightly armed, but to save themselves by flying against so many horsemen, and footmen who did run in a manner as swift as horses, there was no means: so as the slaughter of the Romans was very great, both in the fight and in the flight, and hardly had any one escaped, if the darkness of the night had not favoured them. 
The victorious Carthaginians pursue the victory.  The happiness of so great and important a victory of the Carthaginians, was no whit impaired by the negligence of their captains, but making good use thereof, presently after the conflict, having given some little rest unto their soldiers, the army dislodged, and marched with all speed to Asdrubal Barcins camp: being assured, that all their forces united together, they should easily vanquish the other Roman army which remained, and by that means end the war in Spain. Being arrived, the joy was great among the captains and armies, rejoicing at this late obtained victory, whereas so great and redoubted a captain of the enemies had been slain, and all his army defeated: wherefore being full of hope, they assured themselves to do as much unto the others.  
There was yet no news of this lamentable defeat in Cneus Scipio's army, 
Heaviness in Scipio's army without any apparent cause.  but there was seen a sad mournful silence, as if they had had some secret presage, as it happens often to such as do divine of an approaching mischief. The General of the army, besides that he found himself weakened, and abandoned by his allies, hearing that Hasdrubals army was so much renforced, was much perplexed, and could not by any conjecture and reason of war imagine other, than what had happened: For what reason were it to think, that Asdrubal and Mago could pass without fight, if his brother had been living? Why did he not hinder them? or at the least coast them and follow them, to come and join with his brother, if he could not keep the enemy's armies from joining? Being in this perplexity, seeing no other means to assure himself, but by a retreat, he parted secretly in the night, unknown to the enemy, causing his army to make a long march: But the day having discovered his departure, the Numidian horsemen were presently sent after; who overtook the Roman army toward the evening, and skirmishing, stayed them much, charging them sometimes behind, and sometimes upon the flanks. Scipio gave order, that in fight the army should still advance, fearing the enemies battalions of foot, which marched with all speed after their horse. In the end night approached, and yet the Romans had not much advanced, being forced to make often stands against the Moors, who did continually annoy them. Wherefore Cneus Scipio retired with all his troops to a little hill, a place of small advantage for them that were already wavering; yet the seat was somewhat higher than the fields about it: There he lodgeth, and puts his horsemen and all his baggage in the midst, and his footmen make a circle round about, and so did easily resist the attempts of the Moors. But when as the Generals with their complete armies were joined together, he saw there was no means to make it good by fight, if he did not entrench himself after the accustomed manner: Wherefore he began to advise by what means he might make his palisadoes; but he was come into a bare, barren, and dry soil, where there was neither trees nor bushes, nor any ground fit to make flags; neither could they dig into it, nor make it hard for the enemy to approach, for the ascent was easy on all sides: yet to make a kind of rampar, he caused them to take their packe-saddles and dorsers, and to tie them together, wherewith the soldiers made as it were a wall of a convenient height round about them, filling up the places which wanted, with such baggage as they had.  
The Carthaginians being arrived, put themselves in order to assail this little hill, but discovering a new kind of rampar, and not accustomed, they were somewhat amazed: but their commanders began to cry; How now soldiers, why stay you? why do you not speedily pull up and scatter this baggage which doth amaze you, and is not fit to stop women nor children? The enemy is ours, we hold him fast, being hidden behind those coffers and burdens. Thus contemptuously did the captains speak, yet was it not so easy to make a breach, 
The Roman army forced and defeated.  nor to pass over them: but in the end they forced them, and the soldiers found passage in divers places, so as they made a great slaughter of the Romans; yet the greatest part of the vanquished saved themselves by flight, who finding woods and forests, a good number of them, after a long and tedious journey, came unto P. Scipio's camp, commanded by T. Fonteius, 
Cn. Scipio slain.  the lieutenant. Cn. Scipio was also slain in this assault at the hill, as some say, in the beginning of the fight: others notwithstanding affirm, That he thought to save himself with some few men, in a tower which was there adjoining, the which being environed by the enemy, and the gates set on fire, they were all taken and slain. Behold two great captains, brethren, dead, and their armies defeated, in less than a month, leaving the Romans affairs in Spain so troubled, and in such despair, as they might well say, all was lost: But human things are governed by a higher power, who doth not always impart his decrees to our discourses.  
9 There was a Roman knight called L. Martius, 
Anno 541 of Rome.  son to Septimius, a young man, active, hardy, and of greater courage than could be expected in a man of his condition, who assured the remainders of the legions, and the faithful allies of the Roman state, and revived Spain from their sorrow and mourning, 
The courage of L. Martius re●i●es the Romans from despair.  for the loss of two such great personages, and of so many good men, and from the calamity and danger they were then in: and in the end recovered the honour and fame of the Romans, which was grown contemptible. He had with his generous disposition learned good discipline under Cn. Scipio. And having gathered many of them together which had fled from the defeat, and drawn a good number of soldiers out of the garrisons and united towns, he made a little army, and came and joined with T. Fonteius, P. Scipio's lieutenant. This army being on this side Ebro, in a camp well fortified, it was resolved to choose a head that should command over all, and that they should take their voices therein, as the bands should enter into guard one after another. L. Martius being but a knight, was so gracious, as all in general gave him their voices, and he was chosen Captain General of the Roman army. 
L. Martius chosen General of the Roman army  After which time he was very careful to fortify himself in places of strength, and to provide store of victuals and munition, finding the soldiers ready to execute whatsoever he commanded. But it was not long before there came news unto the camp, That Asdrubal the son of Gisgo marched towards them, to make an end of the war, and to free the country of those few Romans which were yet remaining in Spain. Then the soldiers remembering their old captains, began to faint at their new captains commands; so as the centeniers and other officers and bands, yea and L. Martius himself had much ado to revive them, reproaching them, that they behaved themselves faintly like women, making fruitless lamentations, which was not the means to revenge the deaths of their Generals, nor to recover their lost honour. The enemies were not far off, and it was time to preach to them; when as suddenly there was seen a strange alteration throughout all the Roman camp: Their mourning was converted into fury, every man fell to his arms, and they cried out, that they should bring them to the enemy. They sally forth of their gates, 
The Carthaginians proud of their great victory, are defeated by the Romans.  and with great courage receive the Carthaginians, who came disordered, and in a manner contemning them whom they had already vanquished. This resolution of the Romans amazed them, wondering at the number and order of these men, who had gathered them together, or what captains they had remaining after the death of the two Scipios. But in the end they were forced to fly, and were hotly pursued that day, until that Martius thinking the souldious did abandon themselves too much, 
L. Martius restrains the fury of the Romans.  caused a retreat to be sounded, and himself standing before their ensigns, stayed their rashness, which might have drawn them into some disorder, and so (desiring nothing but revenge and blood) he brought them back to the camp. The Carthaginians being thus roughly repulsed from the Roman trenches, seeing they were no more pursued, they presumed it had been fear, and therefore they retired softly, and without care. Being in their camp they used the like negligence in their guards and watches: for notwithstanding they did see the enemy near them, yet they did esteem them to be but the relics of two armies which they had beaten and defeated some few days before.  
Martius being advertised by good spies, what was done in the enemy's camp, he undertook rather a rash than hardy attempt, but the issue was fortunate. Knowing that he had the army of Asdrubal Gisgo now in front, the which was followed by the two others, he thought it less danger to adventure to fight with that alone, than to attend and be beaten by all three together: If he vanquished, he should restore their affairs, which were almost ruined, and if he were beaten, at the least he should have the honour to be the assailant. Having therefore assembled the captains, centeniers, and chief soldiers, he delivered unto them the pitiful estate of their affairs, and how that for the honour and reputation of their country, for the love they bore to the deceased Scipios, and for the interest of their own lives, they were to carry themselves valiantly and courageously against their cruel enemies which pursued them; whose negligence and contempt did invite them to go and assail them, and did promise them a certain and easy victory, especially if they made haste before all their forces were united: the which afterwards they could not withstand, concluding, that there was no other means to make war, than to issue forth the next night, and to go and force the Carthaginians in their trenches. He found the soldiers well disposed at this motion, wherefore he commanded them to prepare their arms, and to be ready to departed when he should command. 
The over great boldness of Martius, which proved successful by the enemy's negligence.  The Carthaginian army made two lodgings, about a league and a half one from the other: betwixt both was a great valley covered with trees. In this forest was an ambush of Roman soldiers laid, with some horsemen, to stop the passage for such as would run from one camp to the other: the rest of the Roman army was led with great silence against the enemies, where finding neither guards nor sentinels, nor any thing else to stop their passage, they entered far, as if they had been within their own camp: then suddenly the trumpets sounded, and making great cries they fell to the execution, killing all they met, without mercy, and setting fire of the enemy's lodgings and tents; but above all they seized upon the ports and issues, that not any one might escape. The amazement, fire, cries, and slaughter, did so trouble the Carthaginians, as they could not hear one another, nor give any order for any thing. They found themselves among troops of armed men: thinking to fly, they were slain at the gates, if any leapt over the ramparts, they fell into the ambushes, so as the enemies which were in the other lodging, could have no intelligence of this surprise, but by death, which was presented unto them at the Romans coming, who with great celerity (boiling with fury, and implacable desire of revenge) came thither, and there found greater negligence than they had done in the first camp: For these were farther retired from the enemy, and upon the break of day many were gone forth for forage and wood. There were arms at the ports, but no soldiers, some here, some there, some asleep, and some walking in their gowns in the trenches. The Romans fell upon these careless people, having no resistance made at the ports: they entered within the camp, and in the midst thereof began a bloody fight, the enemies running from all parts at the first cry and tumult, striving virtuously to repulse the Romans. Which conflict was likely to continue long: but when as the Carthaginians discovered their enemies targuets all polluted with blood, they fainted, having thereby an assured argument of the defeat of their companions. 
A great defeat of the Carthaginians.  This fear put them in rout, and to a miserable flight, every one saving himself where he found any way open to escape, and abandoning the camp. So in one night and the day following, there were two camps taken, under the conduct of L. Martius. The number of the dead, according unto some, was seven and thirty thousand, and above eight hundred prisoners. The spoil was very rich, and among other things, there was found a great target of silver, weighing one hundred thirty and eight pounds, on the which was graven the picture of Asdrubal Barca, 
A target of silver a monument of Martius victory.  the which was afterwards set in the temple of the Capitol, and it was called Martius target, remaining for a memory of the victory which he had gotten against the Carthaginians, where it continued until the Capitol was burnt.  
This action restored the Romans power and authority in Spain, and was the cause that some time was spent without any enterprises of either side, either fearing to hazard any thing after so great losses.  
10 These divers and contrary accidents teach us how little we should rely upon the events of war, and that it is not in the power of man to maintain himself one day: wherefore if modesty be necessary in human things, yea in greatest prosperity, and to bear a respect to the divine power, presuming little upon our own judgements, wisdoms, happiness, and fame, it is chiefly in the conduct of war. There wanted no qualities in the two Scipios, to make them great and famous captains; yet they took bad counsel, both together, and divided and ruined themselves by their overweening, and by too much attempting at one instant. The Carthaginians by the victory which they had gotten, had made the way open to overrun all Spain at their pleasures: and moreover, considering the cruel wars which the Romans their adversaries endured with much difficulty in Italy; they had now time, and a wished opportunity to ruin them quite, drawing all their forces into those parts: but being grown insolent and careless in this great prosperity, they are suddenly stayed by a soldier of no fame, without quality, and almost unknown, whom the divine providence would make an instrument to show that it is he, 
God only doth raise and ruin estates.  and not the wisdom of man that doth raise or ruin estates. The grief which they had conceived at Rome, for the defeat of their armies, and the death of such excellent captains as the two Scipios, was somewhat appeased by the success of Martius enterprises: and consulting in the Senate touching that which he had written, there was not any one but did allow his actions to be high and generous, and did much commend him: But as for the title which he gave himself, of Propretor, or Lieutenant to the people of Rome, the government being vacant, that seemed unto them all arrogant and ambitious, yea a very bad example, and of worse consequence: For that (said they) if they should suffer the soldiers to choose captains at their pleasure, it would blemish and overthrow the authority of the Senate, 
A comm●ndable severity in the ancient Romans.  of the people, the laws and magistrates. Some were of opinion, they should treat of that in Council before all other things: but it was thought fit to defer it for a time, and to send back those knights which had brought these letters to Rome, with a good answer. Wherefore they did write unto L. Martius (without giving him any other title) touching the provision of victuals, apparel, and other things belonging unto the army.  
These men being dispatched, it was first of all resolved by the Consuls and Tribunes, to propound unto the people, to name some one to be sent into Spain, to command the army whereof Cn. Scipio had had the charge. 
Anno Rome 542 C. Nero sent Propretor into Spain.  But this was deferred upon some new accident, so as by way of provision they sent C. Nero with twelve thousand foot, half chosen out of the Roman legions, and half of their allies, three hundred Roman knights, and eight hundred of the confederate towns. With which forces he passed into Spain, and landed at Tarracone, whereas he presently went to field, having armed all the mariners, to make the greater show. To him, as Propretor, and lieutenant general for the people of Rome, T. Fonteius, and L. Martius, delivered up the legions, and all the forces which they had preserved, and happily employed after the defeat of the two Scipios. With this army Nero went to seek out the enemy, who was camped at a place called Pierres noires, or Black stones, in the country of the Oretanes, betwixt the towns of Illiturgis and Mentisa. Nero had seized upon the straits, and so priest the enemy, as Asdrubal for fear of a worse accident, sent a herald unto him, to offer and promise him, That if he would suffer him to go out of those passages, he would break up his camp, and send his soldiers out of Spain. This was pleasing unto Nero, wherefore a day was appointed to confer and capitulate betwixt the heads of the armies. At their first meeting there was propounded by the Romans, That the Carthaginians should deliver up their citadels, and at a certain day draw their garrisons out of the towns which they held, and that they should have liberty to carry away all that was theirs. All this being granted them, 
Asdrubal a politic captain, circumuents Nero.  Asdrubal gave order in the night (whilst that the Romans were fed with a hope of peace) that they should begin to pack away their baggage secretly, and to draw away that which was most troublesome in the army, which way they could: yet he provided, that few men should go out of the camp, lest the enemy should discover his fraud. The day following they entered again into conference, where as many frivolous things were propounded, to pass away the day: and at night the Carthaginians did as they had done before, spending many days after this manner, in disputes and difficulties, and still discharging that at night which hindered them most. After that they had drawn all their footmen and baggage into a place of safety, there remained nothing but the horsemen and Elephants.  
Asdrubal, 
Asdrubal makes no conscience how to deceive his enemies.  as his fear decreased, so did his faith diminish, having no care to keep that which he had promised: Yet they were to meet again one morning, when as a thick foggy mist had covered all the earth. Asdrubal making use of this occasion, sent to entreat Nero to excuse him, if he came not to the parley, for that it was a festival day with the Carthaginians, and therefore he could not with a good conscience treat of any business. This was well taken by Nero. In the mean time Asdrubal through the favour of this mist, escaped with all his horses and Elephants. The third part of the day being spent, the Sun dispersed this fog, and then the Romans found that they were deceived, and that the enemy was escaped: whereat Claudius being much grieved, began to follow him, but he could not force him to fight, there were only some light skirmishes made betwixt the forerunners of the Roman army, and the Carthaginians rearward.  
All things standing in this estate, Spain remained quiet: such as had forsook the Romans after the above mentioned defeats, returned not; and such as had continued constant until that time, revolted not. At Rome the Senate and people were troubled to send a commander into Spain, that were of such authority and virtue, as he might deserve to succeed the two brethren, the Scipios. Every one was careful to whom he should give his voice: and as there was much dissenting in such a choice, in the end it was decreed, that the election of him which should be sent Governor into Spain, should be made in a general assembly of the people, by the voices and suffrages of the companies: For the which a day was appointed by the Consuls. 
All affect honours but every man flies the danger.  They supposed this charge would have been affected and sued for, like unto other dignities; and that some would present themselves, and desire to be admitted: but no man appeared: for every one feared to go thither, where as two of the greatest soldiers that were among the Roman captains, had been defeated and slain in less than thirty days, one after another.  
The people being assembled at the appointed day, in great care and amazement, to see the magistrates and prime men of Rome gazing one on another, without a word speaking, every one apprehended the ruin of their commonweal: 
Great confidence of P. Corn. Scipio son to P. Scipio slain in Spain.  but P. Corn. Scipio, son to him that had been slain in Spain, shows himself in a place somewhat higher than the rest, and declares openly, That he demanded the government. Every one than began to cry out for joy, and to show him some signs of favour, as presaging unto him a happy and prosperous success in that charge. The voices being gathered, he was by a general consent chosen head and Governor of Spain for the people of Rome. Scipio was not then four and twenty years old: 
People inconsiderate do often repent.  wherefore after this election made, the people repent them to have been so inconsiderate, as to give so great a charge to so young a man, every one calling to mind the late misfortune of that house, and even with horror of his name, who was so near allied to two such desolate families; who went to make war in a place where both his father and uncle had been slain, and even among their sepulchers. But Scipio finding this sudden alteration, spoke unto them, of his age, and of the charge he undertook, with so great an assurance, as he purchased a good opinion with the people, and filled them all with great hope.  
If there were ever any one among the Romans endued with singular virtue, 
Scipio virtuous and hypocritical  and that could put it in practice, and make good use of it, from his youth, it was this Scipio, so as we may rightly say, that he had both the appearance and effect of virtue. He was I say, both virtuous and an hypocrite both together, making use especially of religion to win the people's favour, and the obedience of such as he commanded; an usual policy which hath been practised by the great and wise men of this world in all ages, 
The ancients used religion to keep the people in awe.  saying, that they must keep the people in awe with the terror of religion: the which were commendable, if they would add unto it, the title of True: and that in stead of making men religious, they would not draw them to superstition. Scipio did never begin day, but by prayers unto his gods, feigning often, that he had visions in the night, and received divine commandments; and finally, that he had secret conference with the gods, which in his time they did worship at Rome. Such was the people's opinion of his virtue, as they held him to be somewhat more than an ordinary man, and they told a fable of his birth, 
A fable of Scipio's birth.  somewhat like unto that of Alexander the great: which was, That he had been engendered of some god, who in the form of a great serpent came & lay with his mother, and that oftentimes such as entered into her chamber, had seen this apparition, but it vanished presently.  
He maintained himself in this reputation with such art, as never any one complained that he had been deceived by his revelations or miracles, finding means to breed an impression thereof in the hearts of men, without affirming or denying them directly. The people of Rome referred to the direction of a man thus qualified, and so young, one of the most important governments, and of the greatest charge in their whole estate. At the same time when as he laboured for the government of Spain, Marcellus returned out of Sicily, where he had taken Siracuse, by the treason of Meric, a Spanish captain, entertained by the Siracusans. There were appointed for Scipio (besides the forces that were in Spain) 10000 foot, and 1000 horse; and there was given him for his lieutenant and assistant, 
M. julius Syllanus lieutenant and counsellor to Scipio.  M. junius Sillanus: who parting out of the mouth of Tiber with 30 galleasses, having five oars on a side, and coasting along the shore of Tuscan and Gaul, they arrived at Empurias, at the foot of the Pyrenee hills, a Grecian town, founded by the Phocians, where Scipio landed with his army, the which he led along the shore to Tarracone, causing his fleet to follow close by the shore.  
Being at Tarracone, he held a general assembly of all the confederate towns of Spain, who sent their deputies and ambassadors upon the brute of his arrival. He laid his ships on ground, according to the ancient manner, and sent back four Marsilian galliots, which had come to do him honour. There he heard the ambassadors of the country, which wavered, and were amazed at the accidents past. And although he had a great presumption of himself, 
Malestie joined with modesty in P. Scipio.  and of his virtue, yet did he never let slip any proud speech, or that was ill taken by any: but carried such a majesty in his words, as they were forced to believe what he said.  
Parting from Tarracone, he went to visit the confederate towns, and came unto the place where as the old army did winter; whereas he did commend the soldiers, that after two such great defeats, they had virtuously defended and preserved the province, not suffering the enemy to enjoy the fruits of his victory, but having chased him out of the country on this side Ebro, had assured, and faithfully defended the friends and confederates of the people of Rome. 
Scipio honours L. Martius, yet without disparaging himself.  He did greatly honour L. Martius, yet so, as he would have the world know, that his own glory could not be eclipsed by another man's. Syllanus took the place of C. Nero: and lodgings were appointed for the new come soldiers to winter in. Scipio having thus disposed of all things, and visited all places where his presence was required, he returned to Tarracone. His fame was no less among his enemies than friends, and even now their hearts were seized with some fear, but could give no reason for it: which was as a presage unto them of that which should happen. The Carthaginian armies were retired into divers places to winter. Asdrubal son to Gisgo, was lodged far off, about Calis, near the Ocean, Mago more into the land, above Castulo, in the straits and near forests: and Asdrubal son to Amilcar, about Sagunt, somewhat near unto the river of Ebro.  
13 In the beginning of the Spring, P. Scipio having put his galleys to sea, and called the succours of his allies to Tarracone, he commanded that both the ships of war and of burden, should bend their course towards the mouth of Ebro: thither the legions were appointed also to come from the places where they had wintered. Then he himself parting, with 5000 of the associates, from Tarracone, came unto the army. There he spoke much in commendation of the old soldiers, which had been in so many unfortunate encounters, encouraging them to better hopes under his command, not forgetting his feigned revelations. He laid before their eyes the division of the Carthaginian captains, who kept their forces dispersed: which was the cause of the defeat and ruin of his father and uncle. Finding the army willing and resolute, he left M. Syllanus to guard that which lies on this side Ebro, with 3000 foot, and 300 horse, and he himself passed on with the rest of the army, the which consisted of 25000 foot and 2500 horse. Some were of opinion, that the enemy's armies lying far distant one from another, he should go and fight with the nearest: But he thought otherwise; for he doubted, that whilst he should spend his time to draw the enemy to fight, and to seek his advantages, the others would make haste to come into those parts: so all three armies being united together, he should not be able to make head against them. Wherefore he resolved to go and suddenly to besiege new Carthage, a town very rich of itself, and abounding with all sorts of provision, 
Scipio gins his charge with a great enterprise  of victuals, arms, and treasure, which the enemies had laid up there for the war, and in the which the hostages of all the good towns and provinces of Spain were kept: situated in a commodious place to pass into Africa, having an ample port, and capable of any great fleet, 
Silence required in a great captain.  and the best of all that coast of Spain. Yet he did not acquaint any man living with this his resolution, but only C. Lelius, who commanded the army at sea, having given him charge so to direct his course, 
C. Lelius General of the galleys  as at one instant they should come before the town with both armies. The seventh day of their departure from the river of Ebro, Carthage was besieged both by sea and land. The camp was planted on the North side, and fortified with a palisado. The situation of Carthage was after this manner. 
The situation of new Carthage.  In the midst of that coast of Spain, is a gulf, which runs five hundred paces into the land, and hath not much less in breadth. The mouth of this gulf is covered with a little island, which defends it from all winds, except that which carries the name of Africa, of the place from whence it comes, which we may call Southeast, or Libecchio, according to the Italians. Within this gulf there riseth a piece of ground, almost like an island, on the which the town is built: Which piece of ground is environed with the sea on the East and South sides, having towards the West a marish, which doth cover some part of the North, the which is not very safe, being in some places deeper than in others, as the sea doth rise and fall. A little hill joins the town unto the firm land, being some two hundred and fifty paces. This part was left open by Scipio, without any fortification: whether he did it to brave the enemy, or leave this passage open to make continual courses, and attempts upon the town, and then to have his retreat easy. He also planted his galleys within the port, seeming as if he would also besiege the town by sea: giving charge unto the captains to be watchful, and to stand upon their guards: For in the beginning of a siege, he that is shut up doth most commonly make greatest sallies.  
Having therefore provided for all things necessary for a siege, he then resolved to impart his design unto his soldiers, and to show them the reasons which had moved him to begin war by a siege: and to persuade them, that it was easy to take it suddenly, whilst their forces were far off. He showed them, That new Carthage was of such consequence, as the taking thereof would conquer all Spain for the Romans: by reason of the hostages of the princes, potentates, towns, and commonweals of the country, which were kept there: the which being taken, the enemy, who had not any but mercenary soldiers (which must always have money) would soon be abandoned by their men: for that the money appointed for their pay, was within the town, in the which the Carthaginians made their treasury, the magazine for their victuals, and for all sorts of munitions and engines: All which things, said he, the town being taken, will come into our hands, and the enemy shall be left naked of all means to make war. We on the other side, shall be furnished of all things necessary, but above all, we shall get a good town, and commodious port, to receive all things whereof we shall have need, as well by sea as land: yea we shall have an easy passaage into Africa, if it be needful to go thither.  
He made so lively an impression of the opportunity, profit, and easiness of the siege and enterprise, as they began to cry, that he should lead them to the assault, the which he did presently. Mago commanded within the town, who seeing that they prepared to come unto an assault, gave order on his side to withstand their fury. He assured himself of the castle for his retreat, putting five hundred soldiers into it, and as many upon a high ground within the town, on the East side. He appointed two thousand soldiers to make a furioussally upon the enemy, and the rest of the multitude were put in convenient places to succour where need should require. These Carthaginians opening their gates, issued out upon the Romans, coming to the assault, and stayed them, whereas the fight was long doubtful: but the Romans having still fresh supplies, the Carthaginians were in the end forced to turn their backs, in such fear and disorder, as, if they had been eagerly pursued, they had entered pell mel with them into the town, in the which the tumult and confusion was no less, than in the fight: for many of them left their guards for fear, as if the town had been taken. Scipio observing what was done, and watching all occasions from an eminent place, seeing the walls abandoned in some places, he put all his army in battle, commanding them to march towards the town with their ladders. He himself being covered with some soldiers that were well armed, goes among the troops, to encourage them, and to be an eye witness of the valour & cowardice of every one. The walls were again furnished with soldiers by the diligence of Mago, wherefore the soldiers coming to the assault, were entertained with a shower of darts and arrows which fell upon them, more upon their flanks than in affront: besides the wall towards the firm land, was very high. Notwithstanding the soldiers animated by their General's presence, and with a desire to vanquish and spoil, planted their ladders of all sides, and mounted courageously, striving who should get first to the top of the wall. But many of the ladders, being over-laden with the multitude, brake, and they fell into the ditch; besides most of them were too short. They gave an assault in like manner towards the sea, but with more amazement than danger, and of every side there was more brute than effect: so as for this time the Romans were repulsed, which gave courage unto the enemies, and hope they should be able to keep the town; persuading themselves, they were out of scaladoe, and that their armies should have time enough to come and secure them. But Scipio, who was resolved to take this town, did not suffer them to continue long in this error: for as soon as he had caused them which had given the first assault to retire, being weary and wounded, he made other fresh soldiers to advance against the town, to renew the assault, taking the ladders from their companions. He had been advertised by fishermen of Tarracone, which were in his camp, and who had waded through the marshes on the West side of the town, That there was no great store of water along the wall, when the tide was spent, and that it was easy to go to the foot of it: and withal had observed, that on that side the wall was but low, ill rampared and fortified, and without guards, for that they assured themselves of this still water. Wherefore upon the ebb, and a strong Northerly wind, which drove out the water, it was easy to wade through: he embraced this occasion, and sent some troops thither, showing them the easy access; saying, That the gods did invite them, and assure their passage, causing the sea to retire, whereby they might take the town, as it fell out: For finding no man to resist them, whilst that all were busy in other places, where as they feared most, they entered into the town, and marched directly towards the port where as the combat was hottest, where they were sooner felt than heard; and the enemies were charged both in front and in flank, before they knew that the town was taken: so as the number increasing still, one helping another over the wall, every one sought to save himself, and not any one made any more resistance. 
New Carthage taken.  Wherefore the gate being broken, and an entry made for the army, they entered in battle into the town, with their commanders and ensigns, and seized upon the chief places. Those which had passed over the walls, made a great slaughter of the inhabitants. The Carthaginian soldiers retired themselves into two forts, the one was to that high piece of ground above mentioned, on the East part of the town, guarded by five hundred soldiers, and the other was the castle, which Mago had reserved. The mount being assailed by a part of the Roman army, was presently forced: Soon after Mago seeing there was no more hope, having made some resistance, yielded the fort also, and all that was within it. Until that time the Romans slew all they met above fourteen years of age: but the castle being yielded, they were commanded to cease from killing: then they began to fall to the spoil, 
The number of the prisoners taken at Carthage  which was very great, where they had ten thousand prisoners, all men of free condition. Those that were natural citizens were set free, and the town restored unto them, and all that was found belonging unto them. There were also found about two thousand artisans, whom Scipio adjudged to the public of the people of Rome, giving them hope of speedy liberty, if they carried themselves like good men, and did employ themselves valiantly in the wars. With the rest of the youth which was able and strong, he furnished his galleys: and increased his army at sea, with eight galleys taken from the enemy. Besides this multitude, there was found within the fort the Spanish hostages, whom he treated as honourably as if they had been allied to the people of Rome. 
Scipio entreats the Spanish hostages kindly.  Thus this wise General by his mildness and humanity won the hearts of the people, with more honour, and much less pain and danger, than if he would have forced them by arms, the which notwithstanding he could well employ at need. The engines to batter and defend towns and forts, were infinite: there were threescore and fourteen ensigns taken: the gold and silver was carried to the General: there were two hundred threescore and sixteen cups of gold, every one weighing a pound; and in silver coined eighteen thousand and three hundred pounds weight, with great store of silver plate. All which things were delivered by weight to C. Flaminius the treasurer. Besides, there was found 40000 bushels of wheat, and 270000 of barley. There were taken within the port an hundred and thirteen ships of burden, whereof many were still laden with arms, corn, silver, iron, cloth, stuff to make ropes, and other things for the use of ships: so as in regard of the spoil, the town of Carthage was esteemed of least value.  
14 The heat and fury of the soldiers being past, and Scipio in quiet possession of the town, without any contradiction, the same day leaving the town in guard to Caius Lelius, with the soldiers of his galleys and mariners, he brought back the Army and Legions to their camp, very much tired with so many exploits of war which they had done in one day: for they had fought hand to hand in field, had given an assault, and taken the town with extreme pain and danger, and that being taken, they had been still forced to fight with great disadvantage against them that held the castle: wherefore he suffered them to rest until the next day, when as he caused the whole army both of sea and land to assemble, thanking first of all the gods, 
Scipio doth first give thanks to the gods for his victory.  who not only had delivered into their hands the richest town of all Spain, but had gathered together in it as it were a spoil of all that was precious in Spain and Africa; so as their enemies were left naked of all things, and they were abundantly furnished with superfluity. Then did he publicly acknowledge the valour of his soldiers, commending such as had done their duties, 
He commends the soldiers valour.  according to every man's virtue and resolution, wherewith they had repulsed the enemies, who had sallied out so furiously against them; and notwithstanding the height of their walls, the dangers of unknown passages in the moors, and the munition of their forts and citadels, they had past all, and surmounted all obstacles. Wherefore although he knew that all deserved much, yet it was expedient to have an especial regard to those that had first mounted up the walls, and therefore he commanded they should show themselves. There were two soldiers which pretended this honour to be due unto them: it was a crown of gold made with battlements, 
A mural crown.  which the custom and ancient military order of the Romans did give unto him that mounted first up the enemy's walls. One of these was Q. Trebellius, a Centenier of the first Legion; and the other, Sextus Digitius, a soldier of the sea army; 
Emulatian for honour.  who (as it happeneth often) had put the whole army into factions, either being supported by them of his rank. C. Lelius maintained them of the fleet, and M. Sempronius Turditanus the Legionaries; which contention had almost bred a mutiny, but Scipio gave them arbitrators, which were the two abovenamed, and P. Cornelius Caudinus for a third, who should examine the cause, and inform him. Notwithstanding, after they had taken from them these men of respect, who should be judges in stead of supporters, the disorder grew greater: for although they seemed partial, yet they did restrain the violent passions of both parties, rather than maintain them: which C. Lelius perceiving, leaving the assembly, he went and informed Scipio, that this business was handled without modesty, order, or reason, and that they were like to fall to arms: and although they proceeded not so far, yet was it dishonest and a very bad example, that honour due to virtue should be sought in that manner by corruption and false witnesses: 
The reward of virtue must not be sought by vicious means.  for on the one side the Legionaries, and on the other the mariners, offered to swear what they would have them, not knowing the truth, nor considering that in so doing they made themselves guilty of perjury, and did draw the punishment of that crime not only upon their own heads, but upon the whole army, and on the Roman Ensigns and Eagles, 
Romans religious  violating and contemning in this manner the reverence of an oath: He advertised him of these things by the advice of Cornelius and Sempronius, the two other arbitrators. Scipio gave him thanks, and did much commend him for it? wherefore having called the soldiers together, he let them understand, That he was duly informed, 
Scipio doth cunningly pacify a great tumult.  how that Q. Trebellius and Sext. Digitius were the first that mounted up the walls of Carthage, and the one as soon as the other, and therefore in witness of their virtues he did honour either of them with a mural crown. And thus he wisely pacified a great sedition among the soldiers, and did avoid a detestable profanation of all religion; the which was of great consequence among the Romans, who were no less desirous, that the world should be as well conceited of their piety and justice, as of their valour. He afterwards rewarded every one according to his merits, and among others, Lelius General of the army at sea, to whom he did as great honour as he would have done unto himself, giving him a crown of gold, and thirty oxen. He caused all the hostages of Spain to be brought before him, which were found in new Carthage, to whom he spoke courteously, giving them good hope, and letting them understand, That they were fallen into the hands of a Nation, which desired more to win the hearts of men, 
Scipio seeks to win the Spaniards hearts by his great bounty.  and to tie them unto them by their good deeds, than to constrain them by fear or force; and had rather have other nations for their faithful companions, than to subdue by an odious servitude. He caused the names of the Towns and Commonalties of Spain to be given him in a List, and inquired of the number of prisoners of either of them, to whom he sent messengers, willing them to come and receive their own. If at that time there were any ambassadors of any of those places within his camp, he presently caused theirs to be delivered unto him. C. Flaminius Treasurer general had the charge of the rest, with commandment to entreat them well. Whilst these things were in hand, a Spanish Lady, who was very old, stepped out of the troop of hostages, 
A Spanish lady having honour in recommendation  and cast herself at Scipio's feet: she was wife to Mandonius, brother to Indibilis, Lord of the Ilergetes: beseeching him to give especial charge unto the guards, to entreat the women well and honestly: To whom Scipio answered, That they should not want any thing: But (saith she) it is not the fcare of any want that maketh me thus careful: for what doth not suffice them that are in our estate? I fear another thing; it is the youth of those that are about me, whom I see in danger to receive disgrace: as for me, my age doth free me from that misfortune. There were about her the daughters of Indibilis, and many others of great houses, very fair, and in the flower of their ages, which honoured this Lady as their mother. Then Scipio with a noble and virtuous courage answered thus: Truly, the discipline which I have learned among the Romans, and which I observe, doth admonish me, that whatsoever is held worthy of respect in any part of the world, should not be violated or corrupted by us: 
Scipio honours the virtue of ladies, prisoners.  but above all this, your virtue and modesty inciteth me to be more careful to preserve you, seeing you show that you have not any way forgotten that which doth most honour and adorn women. He therefore gave them in guard unto one, whose modesty and continency was well known unto him, commanding him to keep them with as much honest respect, as if they were the wives and mothers of their own allies. Then they brought unto him a young virgin a prisoner, fit to be married, and so exceeding fair, as she drew unto her the eyes of all that beheld her. Scipio inquired of whence, and what parents she was of? Among other things he understood, That she was promised to a young Nobleman of the Celtiberians, called Allucius: He caused her to be carefully kept; and sent unto the virgins parents, and to her future husband; that they should come unto him: who being arrived, he spoke unto this young man (whom he knew to be exceedingly passioned with love) using a more artificial speech unto him than he did unto the virgins parents.  
I am (said he) young, and so are you, wherefore my desire is, that we confer more freely together: Your Spouse being brought before me by our soldiers, and understanding that you loved her with great affection, I did easily believe it, seeing her beauty: for if it were lawful for me to seek the pleasures which youth demands, and that my mind and thoughts were not wholly employed for the affairs of the Commonweal, 
Scipio overrules his own desires, to honour himself and his country.  I would willingly be excused, if I did abandon myself to the passions of love, being so just and lawful, as of her that should be my wife: wherefore I favour yours as much as I may. Your Spouse hath been kept here with me with such honour and respect, as if she had been with her father and mother, and hath been guarded to make a pure and absolute present unto you, worthy of my quality and yours. I demand only in recompense of this gift, that you will be a friend to the people of Rome, and if you think me thereby to be an honest and a good man, such as they of this country have heretofore known my deceased father and uncle to have been, know that there are many such in the city of Rome; and remember, that there is not any nation upon the earth, whose hatred you and yours should more seek to avoid, and to seek their friendship, than ours.  
This unexpected favour, the which could not be comprehended nor equalled by any recompense or thanks, held this Spaniard seized with joy and shame: who taking Scipio by the right hand, prayed all the gods to requite the great favour he had done him, seeing he found himself insufficient to make any satisfaction as he desired. Then were the virgin's parents called, who seeing their daughter already freed without any ransom, entreated Scipio very earnestly to receive the gold which they had brought to redeem her, which was of a good quantity, saying, they would hold it for a great grace, that he had preserved their daughter undefiled. Scipio being much importuned by them, 
Scipio adds liberality to his continancie.  was content to please them: whereby he caused these presents to be brought before him, and having called for Allucius, he said unto him: Besides that which you are to receive of your father in law in dowry with your wife, take this present from me, commanding him to carry this gold away with him. Allucius having received these honours and presents from Scipio, he returned joyful and content to his house, filling the whole country with his praise and merits: and in truth it was an act as generous, liberal, chaste, and religious, as hath been in the memory of any age done by a Pagan in his youth and vigour, and who had commandment and sovereign power in that behalf over the enemy; but it may be it was not without ambition, nor human considerations.  
There was a bruit throughout all Spain, That there was a young man come like unto a god, who surmounted all things, as well by force of arms, 
Virtue gives to every one hi● due reward.  as by his courtesy and bounty: wherefore Allucius having made a levy of his friends and vassals, came within few days unto Scipio, being accompanied with fourteen hundred horse, to do him and the people of Rome service.  
Scipio after he had stayed C. Lelius with him some days, to dispose of the hostages, the spoil, and all other things with his advice and counsel, he sent him to Rome with a galeasse, and Mago with him, who was late Governor of new Carthage, and about fifteen Senators prisoners, to be messengers and assured witnesses of his victory. During his abode at Carthage, he exercised his soldiers in all exercises fit for the wars, as well by land as sea. The first day he caused the Legions to run armed four miles together, 
Military exercises done by Scipio.  which makes a league: the next day he made them to scour their arms before their tents: the third day they fought in form of battle with poles and darts blunted: the fourth day they rested, and the fifth they ran again with their arms. Thus he did employ his soldiers during his abode at Carthage. The mariners did exercise themselves in rowing up and down in their galleys, and made sea fights to try the swiftness of their galleys. These things were done without the walls of the town, to fashion their minds and bodies to all warlike exercises: but within Carthage there was nothing but preparation to arms, 
The care and diligence of a good General.  the General being careful to see all things himself in person. Sometimes he went aboard the galleys, sometimes he ran with the Legionaries, sometimes he went to visit the workmen in the Port and Arsenal, using incredible care and diligence. Having thus provided for all things necessary, repaired the breaches of the town, and manned it with good soldiers, he went to Tarracone. In the end the deputies of many towns of Spain came unto him, where he had assigned an assembly for all the allies of the people of Rome, as well old as new, whither came many deputies on this side Ebro, and some beyond it.  
The Captains and Commanders of the Carthaginians did what they could to conceal the loss of Carthage; 
The Carthaginians dissemble their loss.  and when as they found it was generally known, they sought with good words to repair their loss, saying, it was but a town lost, surprised by a young man, who persuaded himself, that he had thereby won all: but when he should see three great captains and three victorious armies approach, he would abate his pride, and remember the miserable end of his house. This they bruited among the people, yet knew they that the loss of Carthage had much weakened their forces.  
The 34 day after that Lelius was parted from Carthage, he arrived at Rome with his prisoners, to the great contentment of the people. The next day he delivered unto the Senate what had been done in Spain; the town of new Carthage (the chief of the whole country) taken in one day, and many towns which were revolted, returned again to the Romans, and many others received into a new league; the which was verified by the prisoners answers. The Romans above all things feared Hasdrubals passage: for they had work enough to resist Hannibal alone. Lelius was sent back into Spain in the same vessel which had brought him.  
The year following, 
Ann. Rom● 544.  when as Qu. Fab. Max. for the fifth time, and Qu. Fulu. Flacc. for the fourth time were Consuls of Rome. Scipio having spent all the Winter to win the hearts of this barbarous nation, some by presents, others in delivering them their hostages and prisoners, Edesco a famous captain among the Spaniards came unto him: His wife and children were with the Romans, the which was partly the cause of his revolt: and withal, he found all the Spaniards to affect the Romans, and to abandon the Carthaginians, as Indibilis and Mandonius did, who were then the greatest noblemen in Spain, and were divided from Hasdrubals camp, lodging with their troops on the sides of certain hills, from whence their passage was safe and easy unto the Romans. 
Asdrubal thinks to repair their losses by a battle.  Asdrubal finding this disfavour in the Carthaginians affairs, resolved to hazard a battle, before they were quite abandoned by their allies; and Scipio on the other side demanded nothing more: for besides the happy success of his enterprises, which puffed him up, he thought it more expedient to fight, thinking it more safe to charge Asdrubal alone, than to stay until the other two Commanders and armies were joined with him. Notwithstanding all this, he had provided for all events, if he should be forced to fight with many: for seeing that all the coast of Spain was clear from the Carthaginian galleys, and therefore having no use of his, he disarmed them at Tarracone, and put both the soldiers and mariners among his Legions, and thereby did much increase his army: for he had found wherewithal to arm them within Carthage, besides the arms which he caused to be daily made. With this resolution he departed from Tarracone, after the return of Caius Lelius, without whose advice Scipio did not attempt any matter of consequence, and crossing a great country, he found all things quiet and favourable for his army: upon the way he encountered Mandonius and Indibilis, 
Mandonius and Indibilis revolt unto the Romans  who came to meet him with their troops. Indibilis spoke unto Scipio for them all, not rashly or foolishly, after the manner of the Barbarians, but with great gravity, modesty, and pertinent reasons, rather excusing than glorifying themselves, that they were come unto him, leaving the Carthaginians party; letting him understand, That they did it not lightly, 
In revolts the cause and not the name is to be regarded.  or upon the first occasion: for they knew well, that the name of revolt was execrable among old allies, and always suspect unto new, by the general custom of all nations, the which (said he) I do not disallow, so as the hatred which is borne unto such men, be grounded upon the cause, and not merely upon the name of revolt. Afterwards he made a discourse of that which they had done for the Carthaginians, and of the pride, covetousness, ingratitude, and wrongs which had been done unto them by their soldiers; protesting, that for these considerations they had long before resolved to address themselves unto the Romans, with whom they thought that justice and respect had place, although their persons were in the Carthaginians armies. Moreover he said, That they had recourse unto the gods by prayers, who never suffer the violences and insolences of men unpunished; and they entreated Scipio not to esteem them less for their retreat unto him, nor to value them more, but that he should hereafter use them according to their merits, and according to the zeal and affection he should find in them. Scipio answered, That he would do so, 
It is no rebellion to leave them which despise God and nature.  and that he did not esteem them rebels, which held not themselves tied to any alliances made with men, which make no account of any divine or human laws; commanding, that their wives and children should be presently delivered unto them: which was a pleasing and acceptable gift unto these Spaniards. The next day Scipio having taken their oaths, and contracted with them, he sent them into their countries, to make new levies of men: afterwards, by the direction of these noblemen of Spain, the Roman army went to meet with the enemy.  
Asdrubal was come to lodge his camp near unto Becula, 
Asdrubal comes towards the Romans.  a town or river (for in this point the Authors are doubtful, it may be it was both) beyond the river of Ebro, and had set guards and sentinels on horseback upon the approaches; the which were at the first charged by the forerunners, and by them of the Roman forward; who made so small resistance, as they might easily judge, how much the two parties did differ in courage. These horsemen made a speedy retreat towards their camp, being pursued by the Romans, who carried their colours even unto the enemy's trenches and rampires; and having that day only quickened their courages a little, they planted their camp. In the night Asdrubal removed his army unto the side of a hill, where there was a large plain, having a river behind him, and on either side steep craggy rocks. This place commanded another plain, the which had also a steep descent round about it, the which was hard to mount unto. Asdrubal seeing the Roman army in battle in this lower plain, he sent down the Numidian horsemen, 
Scipio encourageth his army to fight.  the soldiers of Maiorca, which were lightly armed, and the Africanes. Scipio went from rank to rank to encourage his men, telling them, That the enemy fled the fight, and durst not come down to battle, but sought places of strength, as one that had no confidence in his virtue, nor arms: wherefore they should remember, that the walls of Carthage (which were much higher than those rampires) could not hinder their entry, and that there was no obstacle could repulse the virtue of the Romans. To what end shall those high cliffs where they are lodged, serve? but to make them have the greater falls when you shall chase them, and they fly to save themselves; but I will stop that passage: and thus he encouraged his soldiers. He than sent two companies, the one to seize upon the straight of the valley by the which the river did run, and the other to keep the way, by the which they came from the town by the valleys and passages of those hills into the open field. Then he led the most active and light soldiers, which had the day before broken the enemy's guards, directly to them which were upon the edge of the first plain. When they began to mount, they found no other hindrance but the roughness of the way, but when they came to approach within the reach of their darts, they were presently entertained with a shower of arrows, darts, and stones, whereof the soldiers and horse-boyes had abundance in that place. Although the place were hard to ascend, and the Romans much galled with their darts, yet those which had been accustomed to the assaults of towns, 
He chargeth the enemy.  growing obstinate against all opposition, in the end got up; then was the chance turned: for as soon as the Romans could get any sure footing, and come to handy blows with the enemy (where they were not so expert as in running and leaping) they were soon dislodged, and chased with great slaughter upon their own battle, which stood in order upon the hill. Then Scipio having commanded his victorious soldiers to pursue and to charge this battaillon in the midst courageously, he divided the rest of his troops betwixt himself and Lelius, whom he commanded to compass in that little hill on the right side, and to seek some easy way to get up unto it, and he in the mean time went and charged the enemies upon the flank, who were much amazed and troubled, thinking to turn the head of their battle against the Romans, whose cries they heard on every side, when as suddenly Lelius came upon them: so, as being priest on all sides, they were soon disordered, 
Asdrubal and the Carthaginian army defeated by Scipio.  they themselves opening their ranks, to give passage to their companions which fled, having no means to retire in good order, in a place which was so straight and of such disadvantage. Here there was a great slaughter made, and it prevailed little to fly: for the guards which were set by Scipio upon the passages, stayed them; yea, the multitude was partly stayed by the Captains and Commanders, to save the baggage, whilst the rest did fight: besides, their Elephants being terrified, were as hurtful to them as to the Romans. There died eight thousand of the Carthaginian army. Asdrubal stayed not to the end of the battle, but having sent some of the Elephants before with his silver, he retired almost in the beginning of the fight, following the river of Tayo, until he got unto the mountains, where he gathered them together that fled. Scipio seized upon the enemy's camp, and gave all the spoil unto the soldiers, except the prisoners of free condition, whereof there were ten thousand foot and two thousand horse; 
Scipio seeks to win the Spaniards by his bounty.  among the which, such as were Spaniards were set free without ranson, and sent home to their houses: the Africanes were delivered to the Treasurer to be sold. The Spaniards which were in the Roman army, as well those that were before yielded, as prisoners, rejoicing at the happiness of this victory, honoured with his bounty, running about Scipio's lodging, began to salute him with the title of King; but he let them understand, that he was not pleased therewith: wherefore having enjoined them to silence by a trumpet, he said unto them: 
Scipio as a Roman detest the title of a King.  That he held himself sufficiently honoured to be called by his soldiers by that name which the Romans in their tongue gave unto their General; which was, Imperator, as one would say, he that commands an Army, which was a great title for him. As for the name of a King, it may be it was esteemed among other Nations, but the Romans could not endure it: yet he had a royal heart, and if they found such a disposition to be worthy of respect, they should be content to think so, and use no more that word of King. The Barbarians did observe an admirable greatness of courage in Scipio, that being seated in so high a degree, yet he contemned the title which all other men do so highly esteem. After this, he bestowed presents upon the noblemen of Spain, and gave three hundred horses to Indibilis, such as he would choose of those which had been taken.  
As they were selling of the African prisoners, by the General's command, there was a goodly young stripling, whom the Treasurer (hearing that he was royally descended) sent to Scipio: 
Massina nephew to Massinissa prisoner to the Romans.  being demanded by Scipio, What he was, and of whence, and why he followed arms being so young? he answered with tears, That he was a Numidian, and that his name was Massiva, who being left an Orphan, retired to Gala king of the Numidians, his grandfather by the mother's side, and there had been bred up, and had followed his uncle Massinissa, who came lately into Spain to secure the Carthaginians with some bands of horse: That before that time he had never been in any combat, for that his uncle restrained him, by reason of his tender age: but the day of the last charge he had stolen from him, and having found means to recover horse and arms, he had thrust himself into the battle with the rest, where he had been overthrown by the default of his horse, and was taken by the Romans. Scipio commanded, that this Numidian should be kept, until he had finished that which concerned the public. Being afterwards retired to his tent, he sent for him again, and asked him if he would return to his uncle; who answered with great signs of joy, That he would be very glad. Then Scipio having given him a gold ring, a rich embroidered rob, a cassock after the Spanish fashion, with a clasp of gold; and having mounted him upon a good horse, with rich furniture, he sent him away, giving him certain knights to conduct him where he pleased. These things being thus past, as they consulted among the Romans touching the affairs of the war, many were of opinion, That he should pursue Asdrubal; yet Scipio was content to place a garrison in the straits and passages of the mountains, employing all the rest of the Summer to win the Spaniards by gifts and other favours, receiving many into the alliance and protection of the people of Rome.  
17 In the mean time the two other captains Mago and Asdrubal son to Gisgo came into base Spain, to join with Asdrubal Barcinien, somewhat too late after his defeat, but very fitly to consult of their affairs. They saw the Spaniards were daily practised to revolt, and that the Carthaginians should not be able to hold any one place in Spain, if they did not speedily prevent it. Asdrubal of Gisgo relied much upon the Spaniards which dwelled along the Ocean, and about Gadiz, whereas the Romans had not yet been: but the other two did foresee that the Romans bounty would corrupt them as well as the rest; assuring themselves, that there was not any Commonalty, nor private man in Spain, which began not to waver, 
The Carthaginians resolve to carry all the Spanish soldiers out of Spain, to prevent revolts.  and would never cease to revolt, if they did not use one means to prevent it: which was, That Asdrubal Barcinien should gather together all the Spaniards he could, and lead them into Italy; as it had been formerly concluded: and by this means Spain should be disarmed of her own forces, and more easily kept in awe by fear; and as for their armies, they would supply them with other soldiers: and therefore they were of opinion, That Mago should leave his troops to Asdrubal Gisgo, and pass speedily into the Islands of Maiorca and Minorca, with store of treasure, to make good levies of that nation: In the mean time Asdrubal of Gisgo should retire into the farthest bounds of the Lusitanians, to avoid all occasion of fight with the enemy: That Massinissa with three thousand horse chosen out of all the bands, should spoil the enemy's country on this side the river of Ebro, and secure their friends and faithful allies. These things being concluded by the Carthaginian captains, were presently put in execution.  
In the eleventh year of the second Punic war, M. Marcellus and T. Quintius Crispinus being created Consuls at Rome, the governments of Spain were confirmed for another year to P. Cor. Scipio and to M. Sillanus. The sea Army in Spain being eighty galleys, as well of those which came out of Italy, as were taken at Carthage, were reduced unto thirty by a decree of the Senate, commanding Scipio to send fifty into Sardinia, as well for the defence of that Island, as of Italy, by reason of the great preparation which was made in Africa, whereas they said the Carthaginians did arm two hundred sail, to come upon the coast of Italy. 
Asdrubal Barci●ien passeth into Italy.  This year Spain was somewhat quiet, Asdrubal thinking only of his voyage into Italy, and to prepare his army, wherein he used exceeding great diligence, until he had passed the Pyrenees. Being entered into Gaul with great store of treasure, he levied soldiers of that nation, and assured his passage by the Alpes; the which did much trouble the Romans: for they had then work enough to make head against Hannibal: but the wisdom of C. Nero and M. Livius, the new Consuls for the year following, freed them of that care: who by an adventurous, but a necessary stratagem of war, whilst they kept Hannibal play in Apulia, defeated and slew Asdrubal, near unto Senegaille, with almost all the Spaniards, Gauls, and Ligurians, whereof his army consisted: 
Asdrubal and his army defeated in Italy.  a defeat which did recompense that of Canes, yet was it not without great effusion of blood on the Romans side, who lost above 8000 men. Yet this did assure their estate, which until that time had been in great danger; and Hannibal upon the news of his brother's death, began to distrust his own good success and his countries.  
Spain during Hasdrubals preparation, and a while after his passage into Italy, had some rest from war, but they fell soon again to arms. At that time Asdrubal, son to Gisgo, kept about the Island of Gades, and in the West marches, near unto the Ocean. The Romans commanded all along the Mediterranean sea, and held all that part of Spain which lies towards the East. 
Hanno sent from Ca●thage into Spain with a new army.  In the place of Asdrubal Barcinien they had sent Hanno from Carthage, with a new army; who having passed the sea, joined with Mago. These two had levied among the Celtiberians (which is in the midst of Spain) great troops of soldiers, in a short space. Scipio sent M. Syllanus against this army with 10000 foot and 500 horse; who making great marches, by difficult and straight passages, which are ordinary in Spain, he approached by the means of certain Celtiberian guides (who had changed their party) near unto the enemy, before they had any news of him, being also advertised by the same Celtiberians, when he came within two leagues of them, that upon the way he should encounter two of their camps; that of Celtiberians, newly levied, on the left hand, being some 9000 men; and the other of Carthaginians, on the right hand. As for these, they observed good discipline, kept their guards, and had their sentinels placed in good order; but the others regarded it not, but were secure and careless, like new soldiers: who thinking themselves at home, apprehended nothing that was to be feared. Wherefore Syllanus marched first towards them, causing his troops to go on the left hand, as closely as they could, lest the Carthaginians in the other lodging should discover him. Then he sent forth some to discover the enemy's countenance, and marched speedily after them. He was now within less than half a league, before the enemy had any notice of his coming: for he went by broken ways and deep valleys full of trees, where he fed his army: there they returned unto him, whom he had sent forth to discover, who confirmed that which the revolted Spaniards had delivered unto him. Then the Romans (leaving their baggage upon the place) put themselves in battle, and marched against the enemies, whom they found in great amazement, seeing the Roman army so near. Mago, who was in the other camp, posted thither upon the first bruit, to put them in defence. There were some 4000 good soldiers among the Celtiberians, carrying targuets, and 200 horse, the which were set in the front, and the rest to second them were lightly armed; and in this manner they came to fight. They were scarce come without their rampires, when as the Romans cast their darts at them, but the Spaniards stooped to avoid them: 
M. Syllanus surpriseth and defeats the Carthaginians.  then rising suddenly again, they cast theirs against the Romans, who standing close, and covered with their targuets, defended themselves from any harm; but approaching nearer, they came to the sword. The place where they did fight was of great advantage for the Celtiberians, by reason of the unevenness, whose custom was to skirmish with leaps and jumps, contrary to the Romans, who fight close, and stand firm: and therefore this uneven ground did not much trouble them, but that they were sometimes constrained to break their ranks, by reason of the straits and little groves, wherewith the country is full, fight sometimes one to one, and two to two; the which did also hinder the enemies from flying, and exposed them to the slaughter. All those of the forward which carried targuets, were in a manner slain, and they continued killing and overthrowing those that were lightly armed, and the Carthaginians which were come to their succours, led by another Hanno, who was taken alive: but Mago retired in the beginning of the battle with about 3000 foot and all the horse, and the tenth day after came unto Hasdrubals camp. The Celtiberian soldiers which remained, got home into their country through the woods and forests. This victory was very pleasing unto Scipio, who did greatly extol Syllanus his virtue, and was in hope to end the war, if he did speedily set upon Asdrubal, who remained in the remotest part of Spain, in the Betique Province, which now is Andalousie. He having intelligence, that Scipio marched towards him, dislodged from the place where he encamped, 
Asdrubal breaks up his army, and leaves the field to the Romans.  and retired in great disorder towards the Island of Gades, then thinking, that whilst he had an army in field, they would not cease to pursue him, he resolved to break up his camp, and to put his soldiers into garrison, as well for their safety, as the towns, and he himself went into the Island.  
Scipio being advertised, that the enemy had no army in field, and seeing that he must make war in divers parts of the country, and besiege one town after another, a matter of some difficulty, and of more toil than profit, he turned head again: yet for that he would not wholly abandon that part of Spain to the enemy, he left L. Scipio his brother with an army of 10000 foot and 1000 horse, to try if he could take Auringe, the chief place of the country, situated in a fertile soil, upon the marches of the Mellesians, the inhabitants whereof were natural Spaniards. There were certain mines of silver found, & it was Hasdrubals retreat, from whence he made his courses into the country. L. Scipio being come near the town, before he did wholly besiege it, he sent some to parley with the inhabitants, to know their minds, and to persuade them rather to try the Romans friendship than their arms. Prevailing nothing, he besieged it, and cast a trench about it, with a double palisado, dividing his army into 3 troops, the which should keep the town in continual alarm. The first assault given by one of the three troops was valiantly maintained, and their ladders, with the soldiers which mounted, thrown into the ditch, and the assailants were often in danger to be drawn up with hooks of iron, which the besieged cast down from the walls and towers, 
The Romans besiege Auringe.  so as the Romans were forced to retire. L. Scipio finding that the small number which he had sent to the assault made the party unequal, having therefore caused the first to retire, he sent all the rest of his army to give a new assault: the which did so amaze the besieged, being tired with the first assault, as the inhabitants abandoned the walls; and the garrison of Carthaginians thinking that the town had been yielded, left their guards where they had been set, and put themselves into one body. The inhabitants fearing, that if the enemy forced the town, they should be all put indifferently to the sword, resolved to prevent this danger by yielding: and having opened a gate, they went forth in troops, carrying only their targuets, to defend themselves from the Romans darts, and holding up their right hands naked in sign of peace, they let the Romans understand that they yielded. It is doubtful whether they did understand their meaning, seeing them come a far off, or whether the Romans did doubt some fraud; 
Auringe taken by L. Scipio.  but they charged these poor Spaniards, and cut them all in pieces, and by the same port entered the town with their colours flying, killing all they met without exception, & in the mean time some of their troops forced the other gates, and made way unto their companions. The horsemen being entered, seized upon the chief places, as they were commanded, being followed by them which they called Triaires, which are footmen, fight always in the rearward, to second where need required. The rest of the legionaries dispersed themselves throughout the town, putting all to the sword. In the end the Carthaginians were taken prisoners, and some 300 of the inhabitants: the rest which remained after the fury were pardoned, and their houses and liberty yielded them. There died at the taking of this town 2000 of the enemies, and some 90 of the Romans. It was a pleasing exploit to them that did execute it, but especially to P. Scipio, who commended Lucius his brother with all the honourable terms he could, equalling the taking of Auringe to that of Carthage: and seeing winter approached, & that there was little reason to pursue Asdrubal, & less to undertake the siege of Calis, he retired with his camp on this side Ebro, & sent his soldiers to winter. He sent L. Scipio to Rome, with news of that which had been done, and with him he sent Hanno, one of the enemy's captains, and many other great prisoners: this done, he retired to Tarracone.  
19 The Romans after this good success were in hope to chase their enemies out of Spain: for having defeated one of their armies, taken one of their chief commanders, the rest of their forces being disbanded, and forced to live within their forts and garrisons, in the farthest parts of the country, Scipio thought there was now no cause of any present fear, but that he might dispose of his affairs at leisure: yet he was deceived: for Spain by reason of their stirring spirits; and the opportunity of places, was in that respect as fit as any Region in the world (after such defeats) to levy new armies, and to revive the war. Asdrubal then, son to Gisgo (who did second the Barcins in wisdom and valour worthy of a great Commander) being assisted by Mago, son to Amilcar, did so deal with the Spaniards, as he levied 50000 foot and 4500 horse of that nation, beyond the river of Ebro: he mustered them near unto the town of Sylpia, and there did the two Carthaginian captains encamp, being resolved to accept of a battle if it were offered. Scipio advertised of this great unexpected preparation, drew his Legions to field, although he held them not sufficient to oppose against so mighty an army. As for the succours of Spanish allies, his meaning was to make some show unto the enemy: yet would he not fortify himself with so great troops, as he should have cause to fear his ruin by their treachery, 
Scipio trusts not unto mercenaries, as his father had done.  as had happened unto his father and uncle: wherefore he sent Syllanus to Colca, who commanded over 28 towns, to demand the succours of horse and foot, which he had promised to enrol during the Winter: and he himself going from Tarracone, as he passed by the towns of his allies, took up such soldiers as he thought good, and came to Castulo, whereas Syllanus met him with 3000 foot and 500 horse. From thence he marched beyond Becula, having in his army, as well of citizens of Rome, as of allies, of foot and horse about 45000 fight men. As they made their lodging, 
Mago and Massinissa charge the Romans.  and did rampire it after the accustomed manner, behold Mago and Massinissa come with all their horsemen, and charge them that were busy at work; whom they had put to rout, if Scipio had not caused certain bands of horsemen to guard them, being in battle behind a little hill, who advanced against the first that were approached near the rampires, forcing them to retire in the beginning without any great difficulty. The fight was long, and somewhat doubtful against them which came afterwards close and in good order, but when as the Roman bands which were dispersed here and there approached, and that the soldiers which laboured at the rampires, left their work and fell to arms (being so commanded) the wearied refreshed with new supplies, and greater numbers coming still from the camp, than the Numidians and Carthaginians finding the charge hot, retired in the beginning in good order, but being overpressed by multitudes, they could no longer make head, but were put to rout, 
The two armies in battle ready to fight.  every man saving himself as he could. This encounter did puff up the hearts of the one, and abate the courage of the others, yet there were daily skirmishes betwixt the horsemen and them that were lightly armed. In the end Asdrubal put his army into battle, the which Scipio did also on his part: but either army continued in that manner near his fort, until the evening: whereupon first the Carthaginians and then the Romans retired into their camps, and thus they continued for certain days together, Asdrubal coming first to field, and making his retreat first, without any attempt one against another. The Romans held the middle part in their battle, and the Carthaginians did the like in theirs, being mixed with Africanes: upon the wings in either army were their allies, all Spaniards: before the Carthaginians battle were their Elephants, which a far off showed like castles, and it was given out, That the armies should fight in that manner, and that the Romans and Carthaginians (betwixt whom the quarrel was, holding the midst of the battles) should encounter with like arms and courage. Scipio hearing that this opinion was generally believed, changed the order of his battle: wherefore at night he caused warning to be given secretly throughout the camp, That every one should be ready for the break of day, that both men and horse should refresh themselves, the horsemen should be armed, and the horses saddled and bridled: And when as day began to appear, he sent all his horsemen, and the footmen that were lightly armed, against the Corpse de guard, which were upon the approaches of the enemy's camp, and then he marched himself with the whole army, having against the expectation both of his own soldiers and of the enemy set the Romans upon either wing, and the troops of their allies in the midst. Asdrubal moved at the noise which his horsemen made, goes out of his tent, and seeing the tumult which was before the trenches and palisadoes of his camp, the small assurance of his soldiers, the enemy's colours glistering a far off, and all the fields covered with their troops, he presently sends forth his horsemen against the Roman horse, and he himself having put his footmen in battle, goes out of his camp, without changing any thing of his former order. The horseman's encounter continued long, without any advantage: for when as any one was forced to give back (the which was ordinary on either side) they had a safe retreat to their squadrons of foot: but after that the bodies of both armies were near one unto another, Scipio giving a sign, caused his horse to retire, & opening the ranks of foot, received them within the battle: then he placed them in two squadrons behind the points of it, to reinforce and support his foot; and when he saw it was time to charge, he commanded the battaillon in the midst (which were all Spaniards) to march softly: he himself leading the right point, had given charge to Syllanus and Martius (who had charge on the other side) that as they should see him advance, 
The Romans and the Carthaginians join in battle.  they should do the like, and begin the battle with the enemy, with the most resolute of their horse and foot, before the two squadrons in the midst should come to join. Wherefore stretching forth in this manner both the wings, either of them with three companies of foot and as many horse, and some forlorn hopes lightly armed, went with all speed to affront the enemy, whilst the others followed. Betwixt both wings there was a void place, for that the Spaniards marched more slowly; and they had already begun the charge on either side, when as the chief strength of the enemy (which consisted in the Carthaginians and old African soldiers) was yet a crossbow shot of, and durst not turn towards the wings to secure their companions, lest they should leave the battle naked and open to the enemy, who came against them. The horsemen and Roman soldiers did wonderfully gall the enemy's wings upon the flanks, the companies of foot which made the point, priest them in front, and sought to cut off the wings from the rest of the battle, and even now the party was not equal in any part: for besides that the points of the Carthaginians army were furnished with horse-boyes and Spaniards newly levied, 
Scipio's policy deceives Asdrubal.  who had to deal with Romans and brave Latin soldiers, the day being far spent, Hasdrubals army grew weak, for that they had been surprised by the alarm in the morning, and were forced to put themselves in battle without feeding; the which Scipio had done of purpose, and to that end had delayed the fight for many hours, beginning it as late as he could. It was past noon before the foot companies which were in the wings began to charge, and much later before the battaillons in the midst did join, so as before that all their forces came to fight, the heat of the Sun, the toil being so long on foot, laden with arms, hunger, and thirst, had so tired the Carthaginians and young Africanes, as they were forced to support themselves upon their targuets, they were so faint. Besides the Elephants (terrified with the furious combat which was upon either wing) had run through their middle battaillon. Wherefore the Carthaginians tired in body, and fainting in courage, began to recoil, but without disorder, even as if they had retired by their General's command. But the victorious Romans charging them with great resolution on all sides, when as they found them to shrink, notwithstanding all the persuasions of Asdrubal to keep their ranks unto the next hills, where they had a safe retreat (being not able to withstand the enemy's force) they all turned their backs and fled, fear being of more force than shame. 
Fear is of more force than shame  Being come unto the foot of those hills, they would have stayed their ensigns, and rallied themselves to make head against the Romans, who had made a stand to put themselves in order to assail them: but when they saw they were eagrely pursued, they fled into the fortification of their camp, with great amazement, being chased so near by the Romans, as they had almost entered pellmell with them. There fell so great a shower after the heat of the Sun, as they which pursued, were forced to stand still, and to retire with great toil unto their camp: yea, there were some which did superstitiously believe, That it was not good to proceed any farther that day. Although the night and the rain did invite the Carthaginians (who were tired and wounded) to take some rest; yet fear and danger made them to fortify their camp with all expedition, which they presumed would be assailed by the enemy at the break of day: and seeing they could not conquer by arms, they raised their rampires with stones, gathered out of the near valleys. Hereupon they did see themselves abandoned by their allies: 
Treachery of the Spaniards to the Carthaginians, their allies.  wherefore they thought it best to be gone, holding flight more safe for them than anyforce. The beginning of the Spaniards revolt was by Atanes' Lord of the Turditanes, who passed unto the Romans camp with great troops of his subjects: and soon after two forts of importance were yielded unto the Romans by such as had them in guard. Asdrubal fearing this mischief would grow greater, trussed up his baggage and dislodged. Scipio being advertised in the morning, that the enemy was gone, sent his horsemen after them, and then marched after with the Legions and the rest of the army with all speed: who if they had followed them the rightway, they had soon overtaken them: but they trusted to their guides, who assured them of another way, which conducted them to the river of Betis, where they might cut off their passage. Asdrubal hearing that way was stopped, was once in mind to have retired towards the Ocean: but his soldiers (observing no kind of discipline) marched like men that fled, so as they got some ground of the Roman Legions: yet the horsemen and soldiers which were lightly armed, pursued them still, and did not abandon them; but charging them sometimes in the rear, and sometimes in the flank, did stay them and force them to fight, until the Legions arrived: then was there no more any combat, but a slaughter, as of sheep, until that their General (the author of their flight) saved himself with about seven thousand men, most without arms; the rest were in a manner all slain or taken. The Carthaginians which escaped with their captain, 
An absolute defeat of the Carthaginians.  entrenched themselves suddenly upon a mount, and there defended themselves easily against the Romans, who did strive to get up; yet being in a naked and desert place, and unfit to endure a siege of few days, many disbanded and went to the Romans camp: the which Asdrubal perceiving, he abandoned his soldiers, embarked himself, and passed into the 〈◊〉 of Calis. Scipio advertised of his flight, left Syllanus with ten thousand foot and a thousand horse to besiege their camp, and he with the rest of the army returned in 70 days to Tarracone, where he should dispose of the affairs of the princes and noblemen of Spain, and give rewards according to every one's merit.  
After his departure, 
Massinissa practised by Sillanus.  Syllanus had secret conference with Massinissa, who having new designs in his head, passed into Africa with a small train, that he might draw his people to his own humour. The cause of his sudden change did not then appear, the which he did afterwards justify by a long and constant loyalty, wherein he did persist until his death. Mago did also pass into the Island of Gades, Asdrubal having sent back the vessels: so as the army (being abandoned by the Commanders) was dispersed, some saving themselves by flight in the neighbour towns, and some yielding to the Romans. In this manner were the Carthaginians chased out of Spain, 
The Carthaginians chased out of Spain.  about the twelfth year of the second Punic war, by the conduct and happiness of Publius Scipio, five years after that he had had the charge of the armies and government of Spain. Within few days after Syllanus came to Scipio, being at Tarracone, bringing him news, that the war was ended. L. Scipio was sent from thence to Rome, with many prisoners of mark to carry news of the absolute victory obtained of the Carthaginians in Spain. But Scipio not content to have effected so great matters in that country, had a greater design, so great was his mind, and so desirous of glory. Wherefore knowing, that there was not any one man to make head against him in Spain, he embraced all Afrique, 
Great dangers accompany great enterprises.  whither he passed to make factions, and to trouble the Carthaginians Estate: the which succeeded happily, but it may be with greater hazard than was fit for his rank.  
Pub. Cornelius Scipio being returned out of Africa, where he had withdrawn from the alliance of the Carthaginians king Syphax their neighbour, and although he did now see Spain quiet in respect of the Africanes; yet he knew, that some towns did contain themselves more for fear than for any love, as those which had greatly incensed the Romans during the precedent wars: the first and chief, either in greatness or offence, were Castulo and Illiturgis: 
Castulo and Illiturgis 〈◊〉 and rebellious towns.  Those of Castulo had showed themselves friends during the prosperity of the Romans; but after the defeat and death of the two Scipios, they had revolted to the Carthaginians. The Illiturgians had done worse: for besides their revolt, they had delivered such as had saved themselves there after these defeats, to the slaughter. These crimes were wisely dissembled by Scipio, when he came first into the Province, and that matters were yet doubtful: for if he should then have punished them; he should have respected justice more than profit. 
Not expedient at all times to be just.  All things being now assured and quiet, he thought it a fit time to punish them. Wherefore having called Lu. Martius to Tarracone, he sent him to besiege Castulo, with the third part of his forces; and he himself departing from Carthagena, led the rest of his army before Illiturgis, whither he came in five days march. The inhabitants doubting, that they would not leave their treacheries unpunished, had fortified their town, and furnished themselves with all things necessary to endure a siege. Scipio let his soldiers understand, That these Spaniards did rightly fear that which they had merited, exhorting them to go against them with greater fury than against the Carthaginians themselves. For (said he) the quarrel which we have had against them of Carthage, 
Scipio besiegeth Illiturgis.  was only for glory and desire of rule, but we take arms against these men, to punish them for their wickedness and cruel treason. The time is now come, when we shall revenge the murders done unto our companions, and the treachery which they had prepared for you, if you had fallen into their hands after the defeats: and therefore let us deal so, as never any Nation shall hereafter dare to wrong the soldiers or citizens of Rome in any disgrace whatsoever. Having animated his soldiers with these words, he commanded ladders should be brought, and distributed to the most assured companies: then dividing his army into two, he commanded, That Lelius his Lieutenant should assail the town on the one side, and he would lead the rest into divers places; the which was executed with great courage and resolution. The townsmen had no need of any captain to encourage them in their defence: for every one knowing his danger, 
The remembrance of great crimes make men desperate.  was both a spur to himself and his companion, saying, That it was not the honour of a victory which they sought of them, but their punishment: That they must make an account to die, but it was more honest and safe to hazard it fight (whereas every one giveth as well as taketh, and oftentimes the vanquished riseth, and the victor falleth) rather than to be led bound and manacled (after that we shall have seen our town burnt to ashes) to end our lives with torments, and all ignominy, in the sight of our wives and children, 
Honour and liberty animate valiant men.  who shall be made slaves. Wherefore they came resolutely to the walls, not only such as were able to carry arms, but old men, women, and children, which made resistance above their forces; they brought stones, and gave arms to those that did fight. It was not only a question of liberty which giveth courage to valiant men, but they did apprehend the horror of punishments, and the vild and ignominious death which they should suffer: every one took courage, seeing his companions valour: Wherefore if it was well assailed, it was better defended: so as this Roman army, which had subdued all Spain, being often repulsed by the inhabitants, did shamefully waver. Which Scipio perceiving, he feared least his men should faint after so many vain attempts, and the enemies should grow more hardy, wherefore he thought it needful to hazard his own person, and to be partaker of the danger: whereupon he commanded them to make ready their ladders again, and reproaching the soldiers of cowardice, he advanced to mount himself (if he had found them slack) and came near unto the walls, 
Scipio obstinate to vanquish or die.  not without great danger: but the soldiers being very careful of their General, began all to cry out; and carried ladders to all parts. Lelius did also press them on his side: so as then the valour of the defendants was forced to give place, and they abandoned the rampires. It happened, that during this tumult, the fort which was held impregnable was surprised: for certain soldiers of Africa revolted, which were in the Roman army, seeing that they of the town were busied to withstand an assault in the most dangerous places, and the Romans as busy to get an entry into the town, they observed the highest part of the town, covered with a steep rock, which had neither rampire, guard, nor defence. These men being active and nimble, began to creep up this rock, with the help of certain pikes of iron, which they did strike into the stones, and made steps of them, the first helping up their companions which followed; 
Illiturgis taken, and the execution cruel.  so as in the end they got up to the top of the rock, from whence they began to run with horrible cries towards the town, which was already won by the Romans. Then showed they the fruits of their choler and hatred: none were spared, but all put to the sword, men, and women, of all ages and sexes; yea, and poor infants: no man cared for spoil, the fire devoured what might be consumed, 
And quite ruined.  and the rest was ruined, for that the Romans would not leave the marks of a town, nor the memory of any habitation of such enemies.  
From thence Scipio led his army to Castulo. This town was not only kept by Spaniards, which were come thither from divers places, but also by the remainder of the Carthaginians, which were brought thither to garrison after the retreat of their army. But before that Scipio arrived, they had news of the taking of Illiturgis, which struck a great rerror among them, and made them almost to despair: and as every man's guilt was not alike, so every one sought to provide for his own safety. Wherefore they began to distrust one another, and in the end fell to an open division, the Spaniards separating themselves from the Carthaginians: Cordubelus commanded the Spaniards, who spoke openly, That they must yield unto the Romans: 
Cordubelus yieldeth up Castula, and the Carthaginian garrison.  Himilco was chief of the Carthaginians, whom Cordubelus delivered up with the town unto the Romans. By this voluntary reddition, being also not so culpable as they of Illiturgis, the victory was used with less rigour.  
22 From thence Martius was sent against them of that nation, which played the rebels, to subject them to the Roman yoke: and Scipio returned to new Carthage, to perform the vows which he had made unto his gods, and to represent the games of fencing which he had prepared in honour of his deceased father and uncle. These fencers which were brought forth, were none of his slaves, nor such as had been made free, which the master fencers were wont to present unto the people, which sell their blood, and are hired for money: but all those that did fight, came willingly without any fee: 
Combats upon furious ambition  for some were sent by the noblemen of the country, to show the valour and dexterity of the nation; others presented themselves unto the combat, for the love they bore unto their General; others thrust forth with glory, defied, or being challenged, accepted the combat willingly. Some there were, which not able to end their suits by pleading, resolved try it by the sword, who were of no base condition, but gentlemen of noble houses. Among others Corbis and Orsua, 
A suit decided by arms.  two cousin germines, who contended for the principality of the town of Ibis, would end their controversy by arms. Corbis was the elder. The father of Orsua had lately ruled in that town, having succeeded to that signiory by the death of his brother. Scipio would have reconciled them by justice, and knowledge of the cause; but they both answered, That it was not the custom among kinsfolks, and that they would not have any gods nor men to be their judges, but Mars. Corbis was the stronger, and Orsua the more courageous, by reason of his youth, both resolute to die, rather than to submit himself unto his adverse party. With this resolution they showed themselves to the whole army. The eldest also had more experience in his weapon, and was more cunning, so as he did easily vanquish the foolish presumption of the younger. To these sights of fencers were added funeral plays, according to the manner of the Pagans, with preparation fit for the country, and as at the war.  
23 During these shows, the Romans lost no time, Scipio's lieutenants being seriously employed about their affairs. Martius having past the river Betis (called Circe by them of the country) took two good and rich towns, without striking stroke. There was another town called Astapa, the which had always held the Carthaginians party, 
Astapa.  and made profession to hate the Romans deadly, yea when there was not any necessity of war: and yet their town was neither strong by nature, nor art, whereby they should grow proud: but the nature of these men (who had no delight but in thieving) had caused them to spoil the countries of the Roman allies, and to strip their victuallers, soldiers, or merchants, 
Astapians desperate thieves.  if they found them scattered; yea they had laid an ambush for a great troop of men passing through their country, and having surprised them in a straight, had slain them. When as the army came before the town, the inhabitants pricked with the feeling of their faults, expected no mercy of their enemies, and seeing no means to hold against a siege, they took a cruel and detestable resolution: for they brought into the midst of their market place all that was good and precious within the town, and laid it on a heap, upon the which they set their wives and children; then they planted great store of faggots and other wood round about it: this being done, they appointed fifty young men well armed, for the guard thereof, enjoining them, that whilst the event of the fight betwixt them and the Romans was doubtful, they should remain there, and be faithful guardians of their goods, and of those persons whom they held dearest: but if they saw it succeeded ill, and that the town was in danger to be lost, they might then be assured, that all they which had sallied out upon the enemies were slain in the fight: wherefore they did conjure them by all the celestial and infernal gods, 
A barbarous & detestable resolution of the Astapians.  to remember their liberties, which that day should end by an honest death, or by an infamous servitude: and therefore they should not leave any thing that belonged unto them, wherewith the enemy in his fury might glut his cruelty: to which end they had both fire and swords in their hands; and that therefore such things as were to perish, should be destroyed by the hands of their faithful friends, rather than be exposed to the scorn and insolency of the enemy. This spoken, they added an execrable curse upon those that should suffer themselves to be moved with any pity or tenderness of heart, and forbear to execute that which they had decreed; then having opened the gate, they marched directly to the Roman trenches, with more than a brutish fury. The Romans had no conceit they should sally thus forth upon them, wherefore they found the passages unto the camp but ill guarded. Some troops of horse and foot lightly armed, were suddenly sent out against them, where they came to fight with more fury than good order: Wherefore the horsemen which came first to charge the enemy (being repulsed) amazed the footmen, so as the Astapians had come unto the Romans camp, if the legions (having some little leisure) had not put themselves into battle. There the enemies like mad men, ran desperately upon their weapons: but the old soldiers keeping their ground, and overthrowing the foremost, stayed them that followed: then seeking to beat them back, finding them obstinately resolved to die where they stood, they opened their battailon, compassing them in with the multitude, and slew them all. This was done like soldiers, against incensed enemies, that were armed: but within the town there was a barbarous slaughter, 
The Astapians do barbarously murder their own wives and children.  where as the citizens themselves murdered the weak unarmed multitude of their wives and little children, casting their bodies yet breathing into the fire, whose blood did in a manner quench the flames. In the end being tired with this pitiful slaughter of their own, they leapt armed as they were into the midst of the fire. Thereupon the victorious Romans entered, who beholding this cruel spectacle, stood amazed for a season: then seeing the gold and silver shine through the fire (thrust on with greediness) they went in to gather it up; but many of them were roasted in the fire; being kept in by the press that followed them.  
Thus ended the siege of Astapa, being consumed by fire, with all her treasure, whereas the Romans got no spoil. After this exploit Martius took in many other places of the country, which yielded to his mercy, and then returned with his victorious army to new Carthage.  
About this time there came certain deputies secretly out of the island of Gades, who promised to yield up the town with the Governor, 
The Gaditanes offer to deliver their town unto the Roman●.  into the Romans hands, and all the Carthaginians which were there in garrison. Mago was retired thither, after the dissolution of the camp, when as he was forced to fly, who having gathered together certain ships, assembled some troops out of Spain and Africa, near unto the straight. These citizens being heard, and having plighted their faith one unto another, to observe what had been promised, they were sent back. Scipio sent Martius thither by land with his ablest troops (and Lelius by sea) with seven galleys and a galleass; to the end, that with a mutual consent they should manage this enterprise both by sea and land.  
24 Whilst they are busy to surprise Gades, Scipio fell very sick, 
Scipio falls very sick.  but it was made greater, according to the common custom of men: the which did much trouble the whole country, and even those that were farthest off: and it seemed by the discord which grew of this false brute, that if it had been true, it would have bred a great alteration of the affairs in Spain; for neither the allies, nor the Roman army, could contain themselves in their duties. Mandonius and Indibilis being sorry that the effect was not answerable to their conceptions, 
Ambition makes Mandonius and judibilis dis●oial  which was, to make themselves kings, as soon as the Carthaginians were expelled, moved the Lacetanes of their country to arms, with many Celtiberians, foraging and spoiling the fields of the Suessetanes and Sedetanes, who were allied to the Romans. Besides, there grew a mutiny in the Roman camp, near unto the river of Sucro, or Xucar, where as there lay eight thousand men in garrison, to keep the people in awe on this side the river of Ebro. These troops had begun to grow disordered, before the uncertain brute of Scipio's death: which grew through idleness, the which doth commonly fall out, 
Idleness makes soldiers insolent and 〈◊〉.  when as soldiers want employment. Then they grew licentious, and discontented, for that being accustomed to take spoils, and to riot at their enemy's charges, during the wars, they now saw themselves restrained, and governed according to the orders of the time, when as the war ceased. And these were their reasons. If they make war (said they) in any part of Spain, why do they keep us here, where there is no employment? If the war be ended, why do they not lead us back into Italy? Then they demanded their pay after an insolent manner, 
They that are accustomed to live upon spoil, cannot subject themselves to discipli●●.  not like unto soldiers well disciplined. When the captains and officers of companies went the round in the night, those that were in the corpse degard used many opprobrious speeches against them. Some stealing forth in the night, spoiled the country of their friends and neighbours: yea they grew so insolent, as even in the day time they would go out of the camp, and abandon their ensigns without leave. Finally, all was done after the appetite of soldiers which were without order or discipline, and without any command of their heads and Tribunes; only they were content there should be some form of a Roman camp maintained, and did suffer the captains to sit in their accustomed places to do justice: they took the word from them, went to the guard in their turns, and set their sentinels. And although they had in a manner suppressed the authority of their commanders, yet they made a show to obey them, whom in truth they commanded. This they did, thinking that in the end their captains, being infected with their frenzy, would join with them. But when they saw that they reprehended them sharply, and that they sought to suppress their furies, 
The Roman captains chased out of their camp by the mutined soldiers.  and openly refused to be companions unto them in their insolences, they chased them first from their seats, and in the end forced them to forsake the camp. Which done, they began to choose the most seditious among them for their leaders and captains, creating with a general consent C. Albius Calenus, and C. Atrius Umber, simple soldiers, to be their Tribunes: who not contented to take the marks of Tribunes, presumed to usurp the authority of the Sovereign head, causing rods and axes to be carried before them, not remembering that those rods and axes wherewith they thought to terrify other men, should fall upon their own shoulders: for the conceit they had of Scipio's death, did blind their understandings, imagining they would presently take arms throughout all Spain, and that in these tumults they should have means to spoil the champain country, and to ransack towns; and that any excess in such a tumultuous time, 
In a confusion of the state all excess seems light  would be held light. As they did expect from time to time fresh news not only of Scipio's death, but also of his funeral, when as they saw that not any one did come, and that this bruit did vanish by little and little, they began to find their own errors, demanding in a rage, Where they were that had abused them with that untruth; seeking to persuade themselves, that they had not maliciously invented it, but rather believed it inconsiderately. Wherefore these new captains were abandoned, and they began now to abhor the false marks and titles, and the command which they had usurped, apprehending the force of justice, whereunto they were subject. This sedition being somewhat pacified, and certain news come of Scipio's recovery, there came seven Colonels, sent by him unto the camp: at whose arrival the soldiers began again to fall into their frenzy, but they were pacified by them with good words, addressing themselves to such as were of their acquaintance: then going about the lodgings and tents, 
The discretion of the Colonels to pacify the mutiny.  even unto the General's seat and lodging, if they found any assembled together, they spoke mildly unto them, demanding the reason of their alteration, and blaming in some sort their actions. Their general excuse was, That they were not paid, and that they had been careful to punish them of Illiturgis for their wickedness committed after the defeat of two armies, and of two great captains, but not rewarded their desers, which after these misfortunes had maintained the honour of Rome, and preserved the country by their virtue and valour. The Tribunes or Colonels seemed to allow of their reasons; saying, That they would make report thereof unto Scipio, and that they were exceeding glad there was no harm, but that might be easily cured: that (thanks be to God) Scipio and the commonweal of Rome, had means both to content and reward them.  
Scipio was better acquainted with war than with civil seditions, so as he was somewhat troubled how he should carry himself in this action, fearing that as the soldiers had done in their excess, so he in punishing them might exceed measure: he therefore resolved to proceed with mildness. There were collectors sent presently to the tributary towns, to levy money, giving the soldiers hope by that means, that within few days they should be mustered and paid: and then he made a proclamation, That all the soldiers should come to new Carthage, to receive their pay, either all together, or by companies apart. In the mean time the Spaniards which were rebelled, retired home to their houses, the which did wholly pacify the sedition in the Romans camp. Mandonius and Indibilis being advertised, that Scipio was living, gave over their enterprise, and were abandoned by all those that had followed them, finding not any one, neither Roman nor stranger, that would be a companion of their follies.  
There grew a question among the seditious, Whether they should go to Carthage or not, every one casting what was most safe and expedient for them: if they must needs go, whether they should go all together, or in companies one after another: in the end they resolved, that their best course was to submit themselves unto Scipio's mercy; saying, 
The mutinous soldiers resolve to submit themselves to Scipio's mercy.  That he had pardoned enemies, and that their offence was none of the greatest, for there had not been any man slain nor wounded: And for the safest, they should go all together. Whilst they consulted what they should do, they also resolved at Carthage, how they should entreat them: Some were of opinion to punish them all in general; saying, That it was a mere rebellion, and no sedition: others advised to punish the authors only, which might be some five and thirty in all. This advice was followed, that the punishment should end whereas the offence began. And to the end they should not think this counsel was held to punish the seditious, as soon as ever they came forth, a proclamation was made, That every one should have his horse and arms ready to march against Mandonius and Indibilis, and that they should give order to have victuals ready for certain days, and to make other preparations for the army, which should march.  
The seven Tribunes which had been sent to the mutined soldiers, and who had pacified them with good words, were sent again to meet them; to either of which was given a note, in the which were written five names of the authors of this disorder, with commandment, That being among them, either of them should seek to draw them that were in his roll into his lodging, and there make them good cheer, and to drink of the best until they were drunk, and then to put them into safe keeping, without any brute. These troops approached to new Carthage, and understood by all those they met, that the next day they should march against the Lucetanes, under the conduct of Syllanus and Lelius: the which did greatly rejoice them, not only freeing their hearts from fear, but also persuading themselves, 
The heads of the seditious are punished for the multitude.  that by that means their General should rather be in their power, than they in his. About Sun set they entered into the town, finding the other soldiers preparing themselves to march. They were entertained with words fit for the business which was in hand; That their coming was pleasing unto the General, the other army being ready to march, with such like words. They lodged and refreshed themselves, and the heads of the mutines were drawn by a device into certain houses, where they were taken and bound. A little before day the baggage of the army which they made show should dislodge, began to march, and at the break of day the companies followed: but they stayed at the gates, whereas they set good guards, that no soldier might go out of the town. Then they called these soldiers newly come, to the assembly, who came before the General's Tribunal with great arrogancy, as if they would have terrified him. Then the General went up to his seat of justice, and at the same time the companies which were in arms at the gates, were called back, who compassed them in behind, they being unarmed: then their hearts began to faint, and that which did most amaze them (as they confessed afterward) was the vigorous countenance of Scipio, whom they expected to find lean and pale. Having continued there some space without any word speaking, until the chief offenders were brought unto the place; they being come, he began to reprehend them sharply, for that contrary to their duties and the natural bond they had unto their country, and against the oath made unto their commanders, they had showed themselves rebels, disobedient, perjured, and enemies both in word and deed: having followed men that were not well borne, nor esteemed for any virtue, but rascals, to whom they had given full power and command over them, such as Atrius Umber, and Calenus Albius. I do not think that you have all run willingly into this fury, 
Scipio makes a notable invective against the seditious soldiers.  but that some were the motives and beginners, and the rest were infected by their acquaintance, as with the plague: when I consider that the brute of my death hath been received, believed, and hoped for among my soldiers; who have so carried myself, as I need not fear that any one in Spain (the Carthaginians being chased away) should hate my life, no not our enemies themselves. I believe then, that our whole army is not so ill affected, but if it were so, I would willingly die here in your presence: I believe rather, that this mischief hath proceeded from the malice of some few. But I will forbear to speak of myself, and suppose you have my name in detestation, and disdain my command: think of your offences, and consider how great they are against your country, your parents and children, against the gods, witnesses of your oaths and promises, against your commanders and captains, against all order and martial discipline, and against the manners of your ancestors. What offence had your country done you, that you should take arms against it, and betray it, in conferring your counsels with Mandonius and Indibilis. What had the commonweal of Rome committed, whose majesty you have trodden under foot, wresting the authority out of the Tribunes hands, who were created by the people's voices, to give it unto private men? and not content to have them for Tribunes, you have given them the marks of a General, to them I say, who never yet commanded over a poor slave. Albius and Atrius have been lodged in the General's tent, by you Romans, the trumpet hath sounded before them, they have given you the word, they have set in the Proconsul Scipio's chair, they have had an officer to make place, when as they had the rods and axes carried before them. What more monstrous and detestable crimes can you imagine? the which in truth cannot be purged, but by the blood of such as have committed them. But what frenzy made you presume, being but eight thousand men (better without doubt than Albius and Atrius, to whom you have subjecteth yourselves) to be able to take the province of Spain from the Romans by force, I being dead or alive, the rest of the Roman forces being safe, with the which I have in one day taken new Carthage by assault, defeated four great captains, and chased four Carthaginian armies out of Spain? Think you that the greatness and strength of the Roman commonweal consists in the life or death of any captain whatsoever? What am I more than Flaminius, Paulus, Gracchus, Posthumus, Albinus, M. Marcellus, T. Crispinus, C. Fuluius, the two of our house, and so many other brave and valiant captains which have died in this war, and yet the people of Rome stand firm, and would still, although there should die a thousand more, either by sword or sickness? much less can the Roman state shrink or decay by my death. After that my father and uncle (who were your captains) had been slain in these countries, you yourselves did choose L. Septimius Martius to be your head against the pride and insolency of the Carthaginians (I speak of him as if Spain wanted other captains.) M. Syllanus, is not he here also, with equal authority to myself? L. Scipio my brother, and C. Lelius, lieutenants, are not they here also? Would not these men have maintained and defended the majesty of the Roman Empire? What comparison can you make betwixt the armies, the commanders, and the causes? And admit you had all advantages, should you therefore take arms against your country and fellow citizens, renounce the country which hath bred you, with your wives and children, to adhere unto the enemy, and to choose your abode at Succron? And what was the reason? for that your pay was a little protracted, by reason of your General's sickness? O worthy cause to make you violate all divine and human laws! O Romans, you have wonderfully erred, believe me, you have lost all reason and judgement, and the infirmity of your minds hath been worse than that which afflicted my body. My words seem sharp unto you, but your actions have been far more sharp: which if you repent, I desire there should be no more mention made of them, but remain buried in forgetfulness, holding the repentance of such detestable acts, to be a sufficient chastisement, for as much as concerns you all in general. But as for Albius Calenus, Atrius Umber, and others which have been the authors of this wicked sedition, they shall expiate their follies with their blood: the which should not be displeasing unto you, but rather desired and applauded, seeing they sought to ruin you, and have offended none more than you.  
In this manner Scipio spoke unto the seditious soldiers, and presently execution was done of these five and thirty men, with horror and great fear to all the rest of the offenders: For the armed soldiers which stood about the assembly, began to beat their targuets, the names of them that were condemned, were openly pronounced by the crier, 
The punishm●● of the chief offenders.  they were drawn naked, tied to posts, unto the place, beaten and torn with rods, and then beheaded, all the assistants being so amazed with fear, as there was not a sigh heard among them. The bodies being carried away, and the place cleansed, after the accustomed manner, Scipio made the soldiers to take a new oath, and they were paid what was due unto them, calling them by name one after another. This was the end of the mutiny and sedition made at Succron, virtuously and yet mildly chastised by Scipio, 
Sedition is a mischief which doth much import estates.  considering the quality of the crime, which was of such consequence for great estates, as many have not spared innocents themselves, to terrify others.  
At the same time Hanno had been sent by Mago to the mouth of Betis (which is now Guadalquiber) with a small number of Africanes, who gathered together some 4000 men upon those marches: but he was charged by L. Martius, and forced in his camp, and most of his soldiers slain, some at the assault of his ramparts, and the rest in the field, being pursued by the horsemen as they fled, and he with a small number saved himself. Whilst this was doing about that river, Lelius arrived with his sea army at Carteia, having past the straight, at the entry whereof this town is situated in the Ocean. 
The practice of the Gaditans discovered and suppressed.  The Romans thought they should have means to surprise the town of Gadiz by intelligence, as they had contrived it with some of the inhabitants: but this business was discovered before the execution; the complices were taken, and delivered by Mago unto the Praetor Adherbal, to be led to Carthage the great; who put the conspirators into a galeasse, and for that it was heavier and more slower than the galleys, he sent it a little before, & himself followed it with eight galleys. This galeasse was already entered into the straight; when as Lelius discovering it out of the port of Carteia, put forth also with a galeasse, being followed by his seven galleys, and assuring himself that the enemies galeasse carried by the current within that straight (being hard to force) could not turn back, he went to affront Adherbal and his galleys. 
A fight at the sea betwixt Lelius and Adherbal  The Carthaginian seeing himself surprised, was doubtful whether he should fly after his galeasse, or else make head. Whilst he stands in suspense, Lelius cometh upon him, and it was not in his power to avoid the combat. They were in a straight, whereas nothing could be done after the manner of sea-fights, by the judgement of captains and mariners: for the sea going high in that place, they could not turn their galleys at their pleasures, the which were carried by the waves as well against their own as against the enemies, notwithstanding all their endeavours; so that oftentimes they might have seen a galley flying turn her spur suddenly against that which pursued her, by the turning of a wave, and that which chased her, to fly away. The galleys being in this strife, it happened, that the Roman galeasse (whether by her weight, or the number of her oars) mastering the waves better than the rest, forced two Carthaginian galleys, stemming the one, and disarming the other of all her oars of the one side, as she passed by her, and would in like manner have endamaged the rest, if she had encountered them: but Adherbal with the help of his sails and oars, recovered that coast of Africa which was nearest. Lelius being victor, returned to Carteia, and informed of all that which had passed at Gadiz, how that their practice was discovered, and that the conspirators were sent to Carthage, he advertised Marius, that it was labour lost to stay there, being more expedient to return towards their General: which they did both within few days after, 
Mago brother to Hannibal and General of the Carthaginians, hopes to recover all Spain.  and came to new Carthage. Mago hearing of their departure, and freed from fear, did not only resume new courage, but was also in hope to recover all Spain by the rebellion of the Ilergetes; wherefore he sent presently to Carthage, to acquaint the Senate with the sedition which had lately happened in the Romans camp, and the rebellion and revolt of their allies, giving them charge to make them greater than they were; persuading them, that it was now a fit time to recover the Signiory of all Spain, which they had received from their ancestors, and therefore they should send forces to do it.  
As for Mandonius and Indibilis, who were gone to the field, upon the brute of Scipio's death, thinking to make use of the Roman soldiers which were mutined, when as they understood the truth of all things, they retired home to their houses without any alteration, attending what should be done unto the seditious; presuming, that if Scipio pardoned his own soldiers, he might also use the like clemency towards them: but when as they understood with what rigour he had punished them, they thought it was a presage for them to attend the like, for that they were guilty of the same crime: wherefore they gathered their forces together, and caused their confederates to arm, meeting in the territory of Sedera, where they had camped in the beginning of their revolt, being some 20000 foot and 2500 horse. 
Scipio prepares to go against Mandonius and Indibili●.  Scipio having easily pacified the discontentment of his soldiers, paying unto every man what was due unto him, showing them a good countenance, and using good words, to whom before his departure from Carthage, he made a speech in some bitter terms against the rebellion of these two noble men.  
I go not (said he) against these men to punish their ingratitude and wickedness with the like affection, 
Scipio's speech to his soldiers.  as when I did chastise the offences of our fellow citizens, for what I did then was very sparingly, as if I should have torn out part of mine own bowels; wherefore I was content to correct the error or the offence of 8000, by the punishment of 35 men: but now that I march with you to ruin the Ilergetes, to whom we are not tied neither by birth nor friendship, seeing that league which was betwixt us had been wickedly broken and violated by them, I know that all you of mine army are either Romans or Latins: besides, there are few of you which have not been brought out of Italy hither by my uncle Cn. Scipio, who first brought a Roman army into Spain, or by Publius my father, or by me, and that you are all accustomed to the names and conduct of the Scipios. Wherefore I desire to carry you back, that you may be partakers of the triumph, which we have well deserved. As for this war whither we go, let us not call it a war, if we will remember what we have done in this country. I do more esteem Mago, who hath saved himself in an island (out of the world as a man may say) with a few ships, than of the Ilergetes. He is a Carthaginian captain, and holds some form of a garrison where he is, but these are thieves, and captains of thieves, which are of no moment in a well governed war, but only to averrun and spoil their neighbour's fields, carry away their cattle, and set fire of their farms: whose force and valour consists in flying swiftly, and not in fight well. If I go first against them, do not think it is for any danger, or difficulty, or for any fear I have that the war will be long by their means, but only to the end so wicked a rebellion should not remain long unpunished, nor to leave any enemy in arms, if it be possible, in a province conquered with so great happiness and valour as we have done.  
Then he exhorted them to follow him under the conduct of the gods, not to the wars, but to punish wicked men: enjoining them to be ready for the next day. Being parted, he made ten lodgings with his camp, before he came to the river of Ebro, which having passed the fourth day following, they presented themselves in sight of the enemy. Betwixt both was a large valley, compassed in with mountains: there Scipio made some troops of cattle which had been taken in the enemy's country, to be put, to draw them forth to fight, causing them to be kept with some soldiers which were lightly armed. The Spaniards fall upon this booty, and the Roman soldiers go to rescue it. Hereupon Lelius arrives, being appointed to second these footmen, with some bands of horse, who arrived fitly, for the combat was doubtful. The Spaniards were repulsed by these succours with great slaughter, yet they fainted not for all this, but presented themselves the next day in order of battle, upon the same place: and for that the valley was not able to contain all their forces, they brought forth some two third parts of their foot, and all their horse. The Romans held the straightness of the place to be an advantage for them, for that their soldiers did fight better close than in an open field, who kept their ranks, and did not run up and down like unto the Spaniards: besides, they saw that they should have to deal but with two third parts of the enemy's army. And Scipio resolved of a stratagem: for seeing that he could not flank his footmen with his horse, by reason of the straightness of the place, and that by the same reason, the enemy's horse were also unprofitable, he commanded Lelius to lead all his horsemen about the hills, and to seek some passage to charge the Spanish horsemen upon the back, and to draw them from their foot. 
A battle betwixt the Romans and natural Spaniards.  And to the end the enemy should not discover what Lelius intended, he presently went against the enemy with his footmen, placing four companies only in front, for that he could not do otherwise: so the battle began in two several places, betwixt two battalions of foot, and two of horse, whereas one could not secure another, till in the end the Spanish foot being put to rout, their horsemen being priest before by the legions, and behind by the Roman horse, were all presently slain, so as of all the horse and foot which fought in the valley, there escaped not any one. The other third part of the Spanish army, which came not to fight, but had only been spectators in a safe place, on the top of the hills, had all means to fly away; among whom there escaped Mandonius & Indibilis. The camp and all their baggage was taken, with 3000 prisoners: and of the Romans there were slain about 1200, & about 3000 hurt. 
The Spaniards defeated.  There is no doubt, but they had gotten this victory with less blood, if the field had been larger, and that the Spaniards might have fled more easily. 
Mandonius and Indibilis yield to Scipiors' mercy.  After this rout, Indibilis resolved to lay aside arms, and as the safest way, to submit himself to Scipio's faith and clemency, the which he had tried: and therefore he sent Mandonius his brother unto him, who did prostrate himself at his feet, confessing their fault, which seemed (said he) to be as a fatal disease in that season: having not only run among the Ilergetes and Lacetanes, but also infected the camp and Roman army: finally, that both he and his brother were come thither, being ready either to yield up their lives to Scipio (from whom they had received them) if it were his pleasure, or in taking them again from him, to be for ever bound unto him. It was an ancient custom with the Romans, not to capitulate, nor to have any peace with them with whom they had no alliance nor friendship, before they did yield into their hands whatsoever they held, were it holy or profane, given hostages, delivered up their arms, and received garrisons into their towns. Scipio was content to receive Mandonius present, and Indibilis being absent at that time, 
Scipio pardons the rebellious Spaniards.  with some bitter speeches giving them to understand, that they had deserved death: but they received their lives by the grace of the people of Rome. Moreover, that he would not disarm them, which was the assurance they did usually take of rebels, but would they should hold them freely, and to be void from fear: but if they revolted again, they should know he would not be revenged of innocent hostages, but upon such as had offended, and that he would punish those that should present themselves in arms, and not the disarmed: Wherefore they should choose, whether they would have the Romans favourable unto them, or incensed against them. Thus was Mandonius sent away, without any other punishment than money, which they commanded him to furnish to pay the army. Scipio having sent L. Martius before, to pass the river of Ebro, and Syllanus to Tarracone, he stayed some time, until the Ilergetes had paid their money, and then he followed after Martius (who approached near unto the Ocean) with some few men, and no baggage.  
25 The treaty begun with Massinissa had been delayed for divers reasons: for this Numidian would treat with Scipio himself, and make his promises to him. This made Scipio to undertake a long voyage. Massinissa was in the island of Gades, where having intelligence by Marius, that Scipio approached, he told the Governor Mago, That the horses and horsemen were spoiled in the island, where they caused a dearth of all things, to the hurt of others; desiring him to give them leave to pass into the firm land, to make some courses into the enemy's country. Being past, he presently sent three of the chief among the Numidians to Scipio, two of the which should remain for hostages, and the third return to bring him notice of the day and place where the interview should be; 
A parley betwixt Massinissa and Scipio, to the prejudice of the Romans.  where they met with a small company. Massinissa first of all thanked Scipio, That he had sent him his nephew, his brother's son: then he said unto him, That he had long desired to see that day, and that he desired much to do something that might be acceptable unto him, and profitable to the Romans: wherein he would employ himself more willingly than any stranger whatsoever, the effects whereof he could not yet show in Spain (a country unknown unto him) but in place where he was borne and bred, hoping to succeed his father in the kingdom: and that if the Romans did send Scipio into Africa, he did hope to work so, as the estate of Carthage should not stand long. Massinissa was welcome unto Scipio, who heard his words with great content, knowing that whatsoever had been valiantly performed in Spain by the horsemen, was done under the only leading of Massinissa, who showed by his carriage and countenance, that he was a young prince of great hope. So having plighted their faith one unto another, they parted, Scipio towards Tarracone, and Massinissa to Gades: and to the end he would not seem to have passed into the firm land in vain, he spoiled some of the neighbour country, near the shore, with Scipio's consent.  
26 Mago being made frustrate of his conceived hope, to repair the Carthaginians affairs in Spain, by the Spaniards rebellion, under Mandonius and Indibilis, and the sedition of the Roman soldiers, resolved to go into Africa, when as being ready to departed, he received order from the Senate of Carthage, by the which he was commanded to pass with all the shipping he had at Calis, 
Mag●, Hannibal's brother, commanded to pass into Italy.  into Italy, and to levy all the soldiers he could in Gaul, and along the sea coast, and to join with his brother Hannibal, to the end the war which had been begun with such animosity, might be continued with the like resolution. For the effecting whereof they brought money from Carthage, and he for his part got all he could from the Gaditanes, 
Mago spoils the Gaditanes.  having not only exhausted their common treasure, but unfurnished their temples of their jewels and other riches, and forced every private man to bring him all the gold and silver he had. As he passed along the coast of Spain, coming near unto new Carthage he landed some soldiers, which foraged the country near unto the sea, and gave an alarm unto the whole province. Then he approached near unto the town, and having kept his soldiers aboard the galleys in the day time, at night he put them on shore, towards that part of the wall whereas the Romans had entered; supposing that Carthage had not been very well manned with soldiers, and that haply some of the inhabitants might revolt: but the flight of the countrymen, and the sentinels (which had discovered the army at sea the day before) had already given advertisement to the town, who imagined that it was notwithout some design, that the galleys had cast anchor so near unto them. Wherefore the garrison kept themselves in arms, and stood ready at the port next unto the pool, and towards the sea. 
Mago makes a vain attempt upon new Carthage.  The enemies came in troops mixed of soldiers and mariners, unto the foot of the wall, with more brute than effect: and then the port was set open, whereas the Romans made a furious ●allie upon them, with great cries, wherewith they were so amazed, as at the first charge, they turned their backs in disorder towards the sea, whither they were pursued with great slaughter: and if their galleys had not been very near to receive them, there had not any one escaped. Having gotten aboard, they were not yet assured, but feared that some of the enemy's galleys would come out of the port against them: wherefore they drew up their ladders and bridges speedily, and for that they would lose no time in weighing their anchors, they cut their cables. And it happened, that many thinking to save themselves by swimming, not able to discern their galleys, by reason of the darkness of the night, went out of their way, and were drowned. This army returned speedily towards the Ocean, from whence they had parted. Day being come, the Romans found above 800 men slain, betwixt the town and the shore, and above two thousand cuirasses. To Mago (who thought to return unto Gades) the entry was refused: wherefore he returned unto a place near unto it, called Cimbis, from whence he sent certain gentlemen unto Gades, to know the reason why they shut the gates against him, who was their friend and ally. To whom they answered, That it had been done by the multitude, who had been discontented at the spoils and insolences which the soldiers committed, when they embarked. Then he sought to draw their Suffetes out of the town (which were those that held the sovereign magistracy in that Phenician nation) to parley with them, 
Suffetes, Magistrates of the Gaditanes.  and with their chief treasurer. When he had them, he caused them to be scourged with rods, 
Magoes' tyrannous rigour against the Gaditanes.  and then to be hung upon a gibbet. Which done, he sailed towards the Pytiuses (being islands some hundred miles from the firm land, and inhabited at that time by Carthaginians) where both he and his whole army were well entertained, the which was not only refreshed with victuals, but furnished with soldiers and arms by those islanders. Mago relying upon these things, came unto the Baleares, some fifty miles from thence, thinking to winter in the greater of them, the which was rich, and full of men, with a large and safe port; for now Autumn drew near: But he found himself deceived: for the inhabitants of Majorca went in hostile manner against him, no less than the Romans would have done, and with their slings kept them from landing, so as the Carthaginians were forced to put out to sea, & went to Minorca, which is the other island of the Baleares, as fertile as the other, but not so strong of men. There they landed, and without any great resistance became masters of the town and island: where they enrolled two thousand men of that nation, the which they sent to Carthage to winter. When as Mago had left the Ocean, 
The Gaditanes yield unto the Romans.  to enter into the straight, the Gaditanes yielded unto the Romans.  
These were the affairs which passed in Spain, under the government of P. Corn. Scipio, who having resigned the province and the armies unto L. Lentulus, and L. Manlius Acidinus, returned to Rome with ten galleys: 
Scipio returns to Rome.  where being arrived, he made known unto the Senate the great exploits of war which he had done, the battles won, the towns taken, and the people and countries subdued under the obedience of the Romans; finally, that in Spain he had left no enemy. These things were delivered by him with great state, rather to see if they would grant him a triumphant entry into the city, than to demand a triumph: For in truth, unto that day there had not any captain entered in triumph into the city of Rome, how great soever his exploits had been, if it were not with the title of a Roman magistrate. Being entered into Rome, 
Proconsul's no magistrates in Rome.  he brought into the public treasury, of the remainders of the spoil of Spain, 14352 pounds of silver in mass, and great store of coined money.   

THE THIRD BOOK OF the History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 A Discourse of the disposition of the ancient Spaniards, and the factions that were among them after the departure of P. Com. Scipio.  
2 A new revolt of Mandonius and Indibilis against the Roman Proconsul's: their defeat and punishment.  
3 The Saguntines obedience to the Romans, and their favour to them.  
4 Covetousness of the Roman Governors in Spain, and the great spoils they carried to Rome.  
5 Spain divided into two governments, otherwise than before.  
6 War betwixt the Romans and Spaniards alone.  
7 M. Portius Cato sent into Spain with an army. His exploits and military stratagems.  
8 The good government of P. Corn. Scipio, son to Cn. Propretor, in the further province, and the unfortunate success of Sex. Digitius.  
9 Exploits of C. Flaminius, and M. Fuluius, Praetors in Spain.  
10 The deeds of L. Emilius, Praetor in the further Spain.  
11 The exploits of L. Quintius Crispinus, and Caius Calphurnius Piso, Praetors.  
12 Victory of Q. Fuluius Flaccus, in the hither Spain.  
13 The deeds of Titus Semp. Gracchus, and L. Posthumius Albinus.  
14 Accusation against the corruption of Governors, and the bad justice done at Rome.  
15 Revolt of the Celtiberians, and the exploits of Q. Fuluius Nobilior.  
16 Deeds of Marcus Marcellus, Consul in Spain.  
17 L. Lucullus Consul, and his covetous disloyalties in Spain.  
18 Mumius against Caesaras a captain of the Lusitanians.  
19 The wickedness of Serg. Galba, Praetor in the further province, which made Viriatus take arms.  
20 Defeat of C. Vetilius by Viriatus.  
21 Defeat of C. Plautius' by Viriatus.  
22 Victory of Viriatus against Cl. Vnimanus.  
23 C. Nigidius put to rout by Viriatus.  
24 The deeds of C. Lelius against Viriatus.  
25 The exploits of Q. Fab. Maximus Emilyen, in this war of Viriatus.  
26 The deed of Quintius.  
27 The deeds of Q. Fabius Maximus Seruilianus, against Viriatus.  
28 The exploits of Q. Cecilius Metellus, in Celtiberia.  
29 A peace made with Viriatus.  
30 Peace broken with Viriatus by Q. Cepio, and his death by the treason of his own men.   
THe 14 year of the second Punic war, which, according unto the most certain writers, was in the year 548 of the foundation of Rome, P. Corn. Scipio and P. Licinius Crassus were chosen Consuls. During their magistracy there grew a great war in Spain; and from that time the Roman affairs were nothing more quiet, notwithstanding they had chased away the Carthaginians: For the Spaniards, who are naturally enemies to rest, 
Concord the ground of liberty  and desirous of liberty, and yet contemning the only means to maintain it, which is, concord and good correspondency, did mutiny upon every light occasion. If they had been as wise in that point, as they were valiant and hardy in combats, the Romans had laboured in vain to subdue this country, where they employed much time, much policy, and the blood of their best men. Until Scipio's departure, & some time after, the Romans had not tried the nations dwelling in the mountains, which run through the midst of Spain, nor those which were towards the North: they had not yet extended their conquests far from the Mediterranean sea, nor gone much beyond the river of Betis. But afterwards they knew what difference there was among the Spaniards themselves, when as they were mercenaries, and carried arms for another's quarrel, and when they fought for their own liberties, houses, and families. And as they passed farther into the country, they found the difference betwixt those who by their frequentation with strangers, had accustomed themselves to gain, and to hunt after honours and delights: and the others, who being estranged from all commerce, had no other ambition, but not to be subject to any other but to their own laws; nor other covetousness, but of a prey conquered by arms, in the day time, and in fight, thrust on by necessity, without any other respect. These last for the most part were of the race of the ancient Gauls and Celtes, which had crept into Spain, and did hold all that which we call at this day Navarre, Biscaye, Alava, the Asturians, Gallicia, Castillia the old, and a great part of Portugal. All these did not know the Romans, but as men which laboured to take away other men's goods, to chase them out of their countries, or to subject them as slaves, and to make their profit of them. They were long before they made any alliances with them, loving them better far off than near. In the mean time all these people of Spain (who generally were courageous and hardy) wanted civility, and the knowledge of justice, neither knew they how to practise and entertain the laws of friendship among themselves: the which at length reduced them all into servitude, they of whom we have spoken, being the first which yielded unto the yoke, who had seen the Carthaginians and Romans among them, and had conversed with them for some years. For besides that they were before a mixed people, 
Whereas strangers aboard, there vice and corruption abounds.  by the access of Grecians, Phoenicians, Africanes, Celtes, and other nations, whose vices they had mingled with theirs, they were in the end wholly corrupted, by the promises and persuasions of either of these mighty commonweals, either of them seeking to draw aid and commodity from them against the other, during the wars; whereof they were glorious, proud, and ambitious, and if they were not held in such estimation, as they thought they had deserved, they were discontented. They were false and treacherous to strangers, 
The Spaniards were glorious, ambitious, envious and treacherous.  envious among themselves, and always apt to rebel, and to breed quarrels: of which vices the Romans (seeing themselves freed from the Carthaginian war) could wisely make use to subject them, who let them know, that notwithstanding all their seeking of the Spaniards, and the favours and gifts wherewith they had honoured some of that nation, yet their meaning was always to hold them in the rank of subjects, and not of companions: the which their foolish Spanish presumption could not discern, until they were taught it to their cost: as it happened to Mandonius and Indibilis, princes of the Ilergetes, people of Cattelonia, where as Lerida and Huesca are at this day.  
These people being puffed up with pride, and full of ingratitude (as soon as they did see Scipio out of Spain, thinking there was not his like among the Romans) in contempt of them which remained, 
The last rebellion of Mandonius and Indibilis.  they broke the peace, the which they had entertained only through fear, and admiration of his virtue: and knowing that the Romans were much troubled in Italy against Hannibal, they presumed they would send him no more back into Spain, and that he had carried away the best men with him, leaving only new soldiers in Spain, and those that were of least use for the wars. Wherefore thinking there could not be a better opportunity offered to effect their desires, and to make themselves kings of the other people of Spain, which unto that time had been subject, sometimes to the Carthaginians, and sometimes to the Romans, and oftentimes to both; they acquainted their subjects, and the Ausetanes their neighbours, with their design: vaunting, That if they maintained themselves in unity, they might easily expel the Romans out of Spain, as well as they had chased away the Carthaginians: With whom they prevailed so by their persuasions, as in few days they had gathered together in the fields of Sedete 30000 foot, 
A great army of Spaniards against the Romans.  and 4000 horse, and there made the body of their army. The leaders of the Roman army, were L. Lentulus and L. Manlius, who being advertised of this revolt, meaning to prevent this mischief in time, went speedily to field, and passing quietly through the Ausetanes country, as friends, they came whereas the enemies were, and encamped within a league of them. There they tried first by messages and embassages, to divert them from their foolish enterprise, persuading them to lay aside arms: but it was in vain. Some foragers of the Romans being charged by the Spanish horse, they were forced to send some troops of horse to secure them, where there was an encounter that day, but to no effect. The day following, at the Sun rising, the Spanish army advanced in battle, within a mile of the Roman camp. The Ausetanes held the midst, having the Ilergetes on the right hand, and on the left some other Spaniards of small fame. They had left betwixt the battailon in the midst and the two wings, a good large space, to give passage to their horsemen, when it should be time to come to the charge. The Romans ordered their army after their accustomed manner, 
A battle betwixt the Romans and Spaniards.  yet imitating the enemies therein, they left a space also to bring in their horsemen. This done, L. Lentulus bethought himself, that they should make best use of those horsemen which should enter with them first into these spaces which were betwixt the squadrons of the enemy's foot: Wherefore he commanded Ser. Cornelius, who had charge of the Roman horsemen, to enter into those spaces of the Spanish army. In the mean time he having the twelft legion, being priest in the beginning of the battle by the Ilergetes, on the left hand, made it good until they were seconded by the thirteenth legion, the which he caused to advance, to secure them in the front of the battle: and having thus assured that part, he ran towards L. Manlius, who did his duty, encouraging the soldiers, and sending supplies where he saw any need; advertising him, that the footmen on the left wing behaved themselves well, and that he had sent Ser. Cornelius with the horsemen, to charge furiously into the enemy's troops: the effect whereof did presently appear: for Ser. Cornelius being entered with his horse into the midst of the enemies, he made all their battle of foot to waver, and withal stopped the passage to the enemy's horse, so as they could not come to fight: which made the Spanish horsemen to leave their horses. The Roman captains seeing the Spaniards in some disorder, they cried out, encouraged, and entreated the soldiers to proceed valiantly, and to keep them from joining together again. The enemies began now to forsake the fight, if Indibilis leaving his horse, had not come and presented himself in the head of the footmen. There was a long and bloody fight, the which they maintained, until that Indibilis and those that fought about him, were overthrown and slain one upon another: 
The Spanish army defeated.  then they began to fly of all hands, and the Romans to pursue them, of whom they made a great slaughter, and withal took their camp, and all their baggage. There were 13000 slain upon the place, and about 800 prisoners. Of the Romans there died two hundred, or not many more, especially on the left wing. The Spaniards being thus defeated, the rest which escaped retired home into their country.  
The Spaniards being afterwards called to counsel by Mandonius, they complained much of their losses, and blaming the authors of this war, they said, That they were of opinion to send ambassadors unto the Romans, to beseech them to take them to mercy, and that they would deliver them their arms: 
The Spaniards sue to the Romans for mercy.  the which they did, and excused themselves, laying the fault upon Indibilis, Mandonius, and others, which had solicited them. To whom the Romans answered, That they would take them to mercy, upon condition they should deliver unto them the authors of this rebellion alive, else they would entreat the Ausetanes, Ilergetes, and other their confederates, as enemies.  
This answer being returned by their ambassadors, 
The chief authors of rebellion do always smart for the rest.  Mandonius and the other authors were taken, and sent to the Romans to receive the reward of their misdeeds. By this means the troubles in Spain were pacified, whereas they imposed a double tribute for that year, and a contribution of corn for six months, with cassocks and cloaks for the soldiers: besides, the Romans forced about thirty several provinces to give hostages.  
These things were done in Spain, whilst that P. Scipio prepared to go into Africa, to divert the war which was betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians in Italy, whither he had sent C. Lelius, Mago on the other side being arrived at Genes in Italy, and upon the coast of the Ligusticke sea.  
3 The Saguntines (for whose sake this second Punic war betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians had been undertaken) had sent ambassadors to Rome with Scipio, 
The Saguntines send ambassadors to Rome.  to thank the Senate for the care they had of their faithful allies, to protest of the love and affection the Commonweal of Sagunt had to the people of Rome, and to offer a crown of gold to jupiter Capitolinus his Temple; who were honourably entertained, and rewarded by the Senate: who having a desire to see Italy, were by a public decree conducted and accompanied with a good guard wheresoever they would go.  
Some months after, Hannibal being out of Italy, the same Saguntines surprised in Spain certain Commissaries and Carthaginian captains, with a good sum of money, wherewith they would have levied soldiers in that country, whom they sent to Rome with their money, and presented them to the Senate. The Commissaries and captains were detained prisoners, but the money was restored to the Saguntines, with thanks by the Senate: the sum was 250 pounds of gold, and 800 of silver.  
The Spaniards were so entreated under the government of L. Lentulus and L. Manlius, as of the goods and revenues of Spain both Rome and Italy were often relieved, with come, apparel, arms, and all other provisions which they drew from thence. In the end, the Romans having forced the Carthaginians to demand a peace, after the defeat which Scipio had given unto Hannibal in Africa, and near unto Carthage, it was resolved in the Senate at Rome, to call home the old soldiers which were in Spain, to leave only a Legion of Romans, with fifteen companies of Latins their allies, and to send a new Governor thither. Wherefore L. Corn. Lentulus returned to Rome: 
Ann. Rome 553  where having related what he had valiantly and profitably performed, he demanded leave to enter the city in triumph; the which they refused him, being against the precedents of their ancestors: for whosoever had the conduct of an army, 
Dictator's, Consuls, and Praetors were allowed to triumph.  being no Dictator, Consul, nor Praetor, but only holding the place of a Consul or Praetor, did not enter in triumph into the city: yet for that the exploits done by him were great and worthy, they were content he should enter so in a sort; which was not altogether so stately and pompous as a triumph; 
Ouatio.  the which in their language they called Ouatio. He brought into the Treasury 44000 pound weight of silver, and 2450 pounds of gold, and of the booty there was given to every soldier 120 Asses, which make about a crown and a fifth part, besides their ordinary pay. This was during the Consulship of Ser. Sulpitius Galba and C. Aurelius Cotta: but the year following L. Corn. Lentulus was created Consul, with P. julius Apulus, or P. vilius Tapulus; and in his place C. Corn. Cethegus was sent into Spain, who gave a great defeat unto the Spaniards in the fields of Sedeta, where there were about 15000 of the enemies slain, 
A great defeat of Spaniards.  and 78 ensigns taken. Cethegus and Manlius being afterwards called back to Rome, the people sent in their place Cn. Corn. Lentulus and L. Stertinius. The Senate granted to the Gaditanes (besides the conventions which they had made with L. Martius Septimius) That they should have no Governor. L. Manlius Acidinus being returned out of Spain, demanded of the Senate (for that he had well and virtuously governed the affairs) That he might enter into the Senate with the solemnity called Ouatio: but he was hindered by M. Portius Lecca, Tribune of the people, who opposed himself, for that he had not been in that government in quality of a Magistrate, but as a Vicegerent, being less favoured therein than Lentulus his companion: wherefore he made no entry: yet he brought in 1200 pounds of silver, and some 30 of gold. Soon after C. Corn. Lentulus returned from Spain, bringing also unto the public treasure 1515 pounds of gold, 20000 of silver, and 3455 deniers of silver coined. L. Stertinius being also returned, brought 50000 pounds of silver out of the farther Spain, and of the spoils he caused two arches to be made in the Ox market before the Temples of Fortune and of the goddess Matuta; and one in the great Lists, upon the which he set Images gilded. So as these Romans made sharp wars against the men, 
The Roman Governors great exactors.  but more against their purses; by reason whereof the inconstant nature of the Spaniards was now very wavering.  
C. Corn. Cethegus and Quin. Minutius Rufus being Consuls at Rome, 
Ann. Rome 556  Spain having until that time been but one consulary Province, governed by two Proconsuls, was divided into two governments, 
The government of Spain given to two Praetors.  and two Praetors sent thither, who had charge to make a division of their jurisdictions, whereof the one should be called the hither Spain, and the other the farther: but not as before, when as the river of Ebro made the limit, for the hither Spain passed much beyond it. C. Sempronius Tuditanus was sent into the hither Spain, and Marc. Heluius into the other, for Praetors. Both of them were entangled with great and doubtful wars: for against Heluius there did rise Colca and Lucinius, 
The Spaniards rise against Heluius the Praetor.  great noblemen of Spain, who conspired with many good towns, as Cardona, Bardona, and many others upon the sea coast, which had not yet revolted. As for C. Sempronius Tuditanus, he was defeated in his government, and so wounded, as he died soon after.  
Wherefore L. Furius Purpureo and M. Claud. Marcellus being created Consuls, Qu. Fabius Buteo and Q. Minutius Thermus were sent Praetors into Spain, either of them with a legion of Roman soldiers, and four thousand foot and three hundred horse, Latins, of their allies. Thus the war revived in Spain the fifth year, after the end of the second Punic war; and from that time the Romans had to deal with the Spaniards alone, without any support of the Carthaginians. The danger of this war was so apprehended by the Senate, that one of the two Consuls, with a Consular army of two legions, five thousand foot and five hundred horse of their allies, Latins, should go in person with twenty galleys, and such a number of other vessels, as should be fit to transport his army. L. Valerius Flaccus and M. Portius Cato were created Consuls: 
Ann● 558.  Spain was allotted unto Cato, to whom P. Manlius was appointed as Praetor in the hither part of Spain near unto Gaul, 
M. Portius Cato Consul sent into Spain.  and Appius Claudius Nero in the further Spain. To these Praetors were appointed (besides the legion which either of the Governors in Spain then had) two thousand foot and two hundred horse, newly levied.  
Whilst these things were preparing, Q. Minutius Thermus came to battle with Budares and Besasides, two commanders of the Spaniards, near unto Turbe, where he defeated them, and slew about twelve thousand of their men, 
The Spaniards defeated by Qu. Minutius Thermus.  took Budares' prisoner, and put the rest in rout. These news did somewhat revive the people of Rome, who were mightily perplexed for these wars of Spain. M. Portius Cato being Consul, passed into Spain the sixth year after the peace made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians, to reduce that Province wholly unto the obedience of the people of Rome: wherein his severe carriage did much avail: for mildness is not always fit for all nations, nor for all diseases. He embarked his army in the river of Genes, whither he had drawn five and twenty ships of war, whereof there were twenty of the state of Rome, and five of their allies, with a great number of others. They arrived safely at Rosas, then called Rhoda, at the foot of the Pyrenees, where they chased away a garrison of Spaniards which held the castle. From thence he passed to Empurias, and there he landed his soldiers. 
A strange and enutious manner of living of the Empuritanes.  At that time Empurias was a double town, divided with walls, the one inhabited by Grecians issued from Phocea (from whence also the Marsilians came) the other by Spaniards. The Greek town was in a manner all in the sea, and was not much above four hundred paces in circuit: the Spaniards habitation was much more, containing about three thousand paces; always living in jealousy one of another, assured only by their diligent guard, and continual discipline of war, as if the enemy had been at their gates. The Grecians entertained no Spaniard within their walls, neither did they go out rashly towards the land: the sea was free for all men. Amid these jealousies they received great commodities one from another: for the Spaniards (who were very ignorant of navigation) had many strange commodities from the Grecians, and did furnish them in exchange with the fruits of their country. This traffic was the cause that the Spaniards town was open unto the Grecians, who for their better safeties were allied unto the Romans, and maintained themselves with as great loyalty in their friendship, as the Marsilians themselves could do, although they were not so mighty. The Consul Cato arriving there, they received him with all the honour and bounty they could. He stayed there some time to discover what forces the enemies might have, 
Soldiers should be always in action.  and where they were; and for that he would not spend the time in idleness, he caused his soldiers to be trained. Cato's arrival was in harvest: wherefore he did forbid the purveyors and Commissaries to make any provision of corn, but sent them back to Rome, saying, That the war could maintain itself. Departing from Empurias, 
A sharp beginning of the war.  he put the enemy's country to sack by fire and sword, and filled all with terror.  
At the same time M. Heluius meaning to retire out of base Spain, which he had governed, being accompanied with 6000 men, which the Praetor Appius Claudius had given him for convoy, he was encountered by the way with 20000 Celtiberians, near unto the town of Illiturge (either that which Scipio had destroyed, 
A notable victory gotten by the Praetor Heluius.  being repaired, or another of that name) whom he did fight withal, and vanquish, and slew 12000 men: then he took Illiturge, where he put all the inhabitants above the age of 14 years to the sword: and from thence he came unto Cato's camp: from whence he afterwards passed to Rome; into the which he made a solemn entry, with ovation, for that he had governed his province happily. He brought 14732 pounds of silver in mass, 17000 Bigats (which is a piece of coin, stamped with a chariot drawn with two horses) and of the silver of Osca 120438. 
Qu. Minutius Thermus triumphed first at Rome for his victories in Spain.  Presently after Heluius, Q. Minutius Thermus returned to Rome, who had the honour of a triumph; which was the first that was granted, by reason of his victories in the wars of Spain: he brought also into the Treasury 34800 pounds of silver, 78000 Bigats, and 278000 of Osca.  
In the mean time the Consul Cato was not far encamped from Empurias, whereas three ambassadors came unto him from Bilistages, Lord of the Ilergetes; among the which was one of his sons, complaining, That their castles were besieged by the other Spaniards, whom they could not resist, but with aid from the Romans. That if it pleased him to send them five thousand men, it would be sufficient to force the enemy to retire. The Consul answered, That he was moved with the danger wherein they were: but he had not at that time such forces, as he might with safety send away so great a number, especially being not far from the enemy, with whom he expected to fight every day. The ambassadors hearing these words, cast themselves at his feet, and embracing his knees, besought him, not to abandon them in their great necessity, seeing the Romans were the only refuge they had in this world: they let him understand, That if they would have falsified their faith, and conspired with others that were revolted, they might easily have avoided that danger; but they would not do it, although they had been solicited with threats and terrifying, hoping, that the support of the Romans should be their warrant: but if that should fail them, and that the Consul should refuse to aid and defend them, they did protest before God and men, That they should be forced to leave the Roman party, lest they should fall into the miseries and calamities of them of Sagunt. That day Cato made them no other answer, yet he did not leave to meditate thereon all night, to find some means to free the Ilergetes from this danger, and not to diminish his forces: for that would have stayed him from fight with the enemy, as he desired, or else in fight he might be too weak and in danger. In the end he considered, that hypocrisy and dissembling in war have oftentimes availed much, and that those which attend succours, 
Dissembling in war doth often import.  being persuaded to have them speedily, have often upon this hope taken courage, and grown so resolute, as they have preserved themselves: Wherefore the next day he told the ambassadors, That he was content for their sakes to incommodate himself, and that notwithstanding that he had great occasion to employ his soldiers, yet he would send them succours. Hereupon he commanded they should take the third part of all the companies, and that they should prepare victuals and ships to embark them the third day. Whereupon he sent away two of these ambassadors, to carry news to Bilistages and the Ilergetes, retaining the third, who was son to Bilistages, making him good cheer, and honouring him with presents. The ambassadors before their departure saw the troops embarked, and being very well satisfied, went away, making great bruit of these succours. The Consul thinking that he had made show enough, caused the soldiers to land again, and to return to the camp. And for that the season began to grow unfit to make war, he caused Winter lodgings to be made for the army, within a mile of Empurias, from whence he sent the soldiers on every side to spoil the enemy's country. Leaving a sufficient garrison in the camp, he made them go forth in the night, that they might go the farther without discovery, and more easily surprise the Spaniards. In this manner he did exercise his new soldiers, and surprised many of the enemies, who durst no more go out of their forts. Cato having by this means sufficiently tried the hearts both of his own men and of the Spaniards, he called the Captains, Knights, and Centeniers together, 
Cato's speech to the captains.  and said unto them: That it was now time to set their hands to the work which they had so much desired, to show their virtue by a battle, and not by ranging and spoiling, as they had hitherto done, and that they must no more busy themselves with the prey of the champain country, but prepare themselves to enjoy the riches of towns. The estate of the affairs in Spain (said he) is reduced to that point, that whereas in the time of our predecessors, when as there was neither captain nor army for the Romans in this region, they did capitulate, That their power and command should extend unto the river of Ebro: and now when there is a Consul, two Praetors, and three Armies, and that the Carthaginians have been wholly excluded for these ten years, we have not in a manner any thing on this side that river. We must then recover it by our arms and valour, and reduce this nation (which hath been accustomed to begin war with more rashness, than to maintain it virtuously) unto the yoke, which they would shake of: wherefore go and refresh yourselves, and be ready to departed this night. 
Cato seeks to make his soldiers hardy by constraint, taking all places of retreat from them.  About midnight he dislodged, that he might encamp at his pleasure, before the enemy should have any intelligence. So as taking a long circuit, he marched beyond the Spaniards army; and when as day began to break, he put his men in battle, and sent three companies of foot unto the rampire of their camp.  
The Spaniards being amazed to see their enemies behind them, ran to arms: then the Consul said unto his soldiers: There is now no more hope but in our valour, the which I have done of purpose; for the enemy lies mid way betwixt us and our lodging: all that is behind us is the enemies; wherefore there is no better safety than to trust to our own virtues. He then caused his companies which were gone to skirmish, to retire, as if they would have fled, that he might draw forth the enemy, as he did: for the Spaniards (thinking that the Romans had retired for fear) left their camp, and came out armed, filling the place betwixt their trenches and the Romans army, and there put themselves confusedly and hastily into battle: but the Consul gave them no leisure, but caused certain troops of horsemen to advance, who came and charged these Barbarians thus disordered: but the Romans on the right hand were presently repulsed, and, retiring in haste, had almost put the footmen in rout. The Consul perceiving this, he presently sent two bands of foot, who passing along the enemies right flank, presented themselves behind, before the battaillons of foot came to join: the which did so amaze the enemies, as the party which before was doubtful for the Romans, by reason of the disorder of their horse, was now almost equal: yet both the horse and foot on the right wing were so troubled, as the Consul could hardly make them stand firm: yea, he was forced to take some by the hands, to turn them against the enemy. Whilst they did fight with their darts a far off, the encounter was doubtful: yea, the Romans wavering on the right wing, could hardly be kept in order. On the left wing and in front the Spaniards were sorely priest, and besides, they feared those companies which came in the rear to charge them: but when they were approached, and so joined, as no blow fell in vain, and that there remained no hope but in their resolutions and valours, being come to the sword, and that Cato had refreshed his tired men with new troops, 
The Spaniards defeated by Cato.  which charged the enemy like lightning, than were they forced and put to rout, so as they did what they could to save themselves in their camp. Then Cato galloping to the second Legion, which he had reserved for succours, he caused them to advance speedily towards the enemy's camp, to force it, but with such order, as if any one advanced too fast, or went out of his rank, he beat him into his order with a javeline which he carried, commanding the colonels and captains to do the like. Now did the Roman army give an assault unto the enemy's rampires & palisadoes, who defended themselves valiantly, repulsing their enemies with stones, staves, and other arms: where a new Legion arriving, the combat was more furious, both parties growing more courageous; the one through hope, the other through despair. The Consul riding about the camp, observed what part was worst manned, or weakliest defended: and finding that the gate on the left hand was but ill furnished with men, he sent some of the foremost ranks of the second Legion thither, and such as carried long staves, who forced the guard which was at this gate, and entered into the camp. The Spaniards seeing the enemies within their trenches, leave their arms and ensigns, fly out of their ports, and cast themselves over their rampires, every man seeking to save himself, and one hindering another with haste, so as there was a great slaughter of them that fled, 
A great slaughter of Spaniards.  and their baggage was all taken. Some hold, that there died in this battle forty thousand Spaniards. There are three commendable things noted in Cato in this action: First, to take all hope of safety from his soldiers, but by their arms and virtue, he had led them far from their camp and ships, betwixt the enemy's camp and his country: Secondly, that he did send two companies behind the enemy's army, whilst that he charged them in front: and for the third, that he had reserved the second Legion behind the rest, and led them in good order to assail the enemy's camp, whilst that all the other troops were disbanded and busy in fight.  
After this great victory, he gave his soldiers no great rest: for being a little refreshed in their camp, he led them to spoil the enemy's country; the which they did overrun at their pleasures, for that they were all fled. This was the cause which made the Spaniards of Empuria to yield, and many other people thereabouts. There were many inhabitants of other Cities and Commonalties fled to Empuria, whom Cato caused to come before him, and courteously entreated them, commanding to give them meat and drink, and then he sent them home to their houses. Soon after he marched with his army towards Tarracone, and in all places where he passed, he met with the ambassadors of towns, which yielded unto him; so as all Spain on this side Ebro was reduced under the obedience of the people of Rome before he came to Tarracone: and from all places there were presented unto him and freely given an infinite number of prisoners, Romans, Latins, and other allies, which had been taken by divers accidents. The bruit was, That he would lead his army into Turditane, which is the furthest part of Spain, towards the straight, and some said, That he would pass unto the mountains and places unknown. 
The Spaniards always apt to rebel.  Upon this false bruit, there were seven strong places in the country of the Bargistanes which rebelled, whom he subdued without any great toil, or memorable combat: but soon after the Consul being returned to Tarracone, 
Cato's severity in the Spaniards relapse.  they rebelled again; so as he leading his army thither again, subdued them: but they escaped not so good cheap as at the first; for he caused them all to be sold for slaves by the drum, to the end they should trouble the peace no more.  
In the mean time the Praetor P. Manlius having received the army from his predecessor Qu. Minutius, and being joined with that which Appius Claudius Nero had in the farther Spain, all old bands, he marched into the country of Turditania (the which is Andalousia) and the country adjoining. The Turditanians were esteemed the worst warriors among all the people of Spain; yet trusting in their multitudes, they came to encounter the Romans: when the Roman horsemen disordered them at the first charge; then the Legions arriving, they put them wholly to rout. But the war was not thus ended: for the Turditanians did entertain in pay ten thousand Celtiberians, and continued to make war with these mercenaries.  
The Consul being incensed at the double rebellion of the Bargistanes, used his natural rigour and severity against all the Spaniards which dwelled on this side the river of Ebro: for he disarmed them all, thinking, that if they were armed, they would upon any occasion fall into rebellion. This was taken so disdainfully by these people, as many grew furiously mad, and slew themselves: 
The Spaniards esteemed not the life which passed without arms.  A nation in truth fierce and warlike, who esteemed not that life which passed without arms: Whereof the Consul being advertised, he caused the Senators of all the towns of that country to come unto him, to whom he said: That what he had done, was more for their profits, than any interest of the Romans: For when they were to make war, you know (said he) it was decided with more misfortune and loss for the Spaniards, than trouble or pain for the Romans: Wherefore to preserve you hereafter from ruin, I thought there was but one only means; which is, to keep you from rebelling: Let us then bethink ourselves of the mildest course, and give me your advice; believe me I will not willingly entertain any, but what you shall give. These Senators demanded time to advise thereon: and being called again, they answered not any thing. Whereupon the Consul caused all their towns to be demanteled in one day: 
Cato demantels the towns in Spain.  and from thence marched with his army against their neighbours, which were yet in arms, whom he brought to obedience, namely, Segestica, a town of great importance, and rich, the which he took by sap. It was a greater difficulty for Cato to subdue these people of Spain, than it had been for the first captains which came thither for the Romans, when the Carthaginians did rule there: for at that time if the Spaniards were weary of the Carthaginians command, they had recourse unto the Romans: but Cato making war against them, they had no other refuge, but from an usurped liberty they must fall into slavery. Finally, he found all this Province altered, some having taken arms, some being besieged by their neighbours, to force them to take arms; who (if they had not been prevented in time) would have also rebelled with the rest. This Consul had such an active spirit, as all things both great and small must pass through his hands, neither did he think it sufficient to resolve, discourse, and command that which he held fit to be done, but he himself did execute many things; neither was he more strict and severe to any one in his commandments, than to his own person. There was not any one to be found in his army, that did watch, fast, and toil more than himself. Finally, he had no advantage among those that he commanded, but the honour to command.  
The Turditane war grew more difficult to P. Manlius, by reason of the mercenary Celtiberians: wherefore the Consul being called thither by letters from the Praetor, he marched with his army. At his arrival he found, that the Turditanes had their camp divided from the Celtiberians: 
Cato seeks to corrupt the Celtiberians.  being encamped, the Romans had continual skirmishes and light encounters with the Turditanes, who had always the worst. As for the Celtiberians, he caused them to be solicited by the colonels and captains of his army, propounding unto them the choice of three conditions: If they would turn unto the Romans, they should have double the pay which the Turditanes had promised them: or if they would retire to their houses without taking any party, they promised them abolition of all which they had done: and for the third, if they desired war, they should come to field, and present themselves in battle. The Celtiberians demanded respite to make answer, and then did communicate these propositions in open Council to the Turditanes; where there was great contention, but no conclusion: so as many days passed without any assurance of peace or war: during the which, the Romans overrun the enemy's country, and spoiled their towns, as if it had been in open war: oftentimes making private treaties and accords, they entered, went and came into their forts. The Consul Cato seeing that he could not draw the enemy to battle, he first sent some troops with their ensigns, to spoil that part of the country where they had not yet been: then hearing, 
Pliny makes mention of a Saguntia in the Betique Province, besides that which is now called Seguen●a.  that the Celtiberians had all their baggage in the town of Seguntia, he went thither to take it; and yet could he not draw them out of their camp. In the end having mustered and paid his army, he left all the forces with the Praetor, and returned with seven bands (which made about 3500 men) towards the river of Ebro. With these few men he took towns, and forced obedience from the Sedetanes, Ansetanes, and Suessetanes. As for the Lacetanes, (a people dwelling in a savage country, and out of the way) besides that their rough and barbarous disposition kept them in arms, they had highly offended the Romans, whilst that the Consul was busy in war upon the marches of the Turdules, overrunning and spoiling the lands of their allies: Wherefore the Consul led unto the siege of their town not only the Roman bands, but also the youth of those allies, whom they had wronged. 
This town it may be is that which they now call jacca.  This town was long, but not very broad. Encamping within four hundred paces of it; there he placed certain chosen companies, commanding them not to stir, until he returned unto them, and then he led the rest of his forces unto the other side of the town. There were a great number of Suessetane soldiers among the stranger's allies, whom he caused to march against the town, and to assail the wall. These being discovered by the Lacetanes, and known by their arms and ensigns to be soldiers of Suesse, whose territory they had spoiled at their pleasure, and many times defeated their troops, they sallied out upon them: but the Suessetanes scarce seeing them approach, crying out and shaking their arms, fled, and the others pursued them. The Consul, who expected no less, galloped along the walls unto the companies which he had left on the other side; and whilst the townsmen pursued the Suessetanes, he seized upon their town being vnmanned, and took it, before the townsmen were returned from the chase, forcing them to yield unto his mercy. Presently after this exploit, he went against a strong town, called Vergium, which was the receptacle of all the thieves in the country, who rob and spoiled all men which dwelled thereabouts, or passed that way. The Lord of the place came forth presently to meet with the Consul, excusing himself, That neither he nor his subjects did wrong any man, but that certain thieves being received into the town, they had made themselves masters thereof. The Consul said unto him, That if it were so, he should return into the town, and find some means (when he should give an assault) to seize upon the citadel or fort, with them of his faction, whilst the thieves were busy to defend the walls. 
Vergium taken by Cato.  This was cunningly put in practice, and the thieves which held the town were surprised in divers places, being encountered on the one side by the Roman army, and on the other side by them of the fort. Thus Cato won this place, and having pardoned them which held the fort, with their kinsfolks and friends, granting them their lives and goods, he commanded the Treasurer to sell all the rest of the Vergestanes for slaves, to them that would give most: and as for the thieves and robbers, he caused them all to be hanged.  
By these actions the Consul Cato had reduced the Province to more quietness, 
Cato disposeth of the revenues of Spain.  and then he began to dispose of the public revenues for the Romans in these countries, renting out the mines of iron and silver, which made it rich. The year of his Consulship being ended, he returned to Rome, whereas P. Corn. Scipio the second time, and Titus Semp. Longus had been created Consuls. There he entered in triumph, and brought into the Treasury 25000 pounds of silver in mass, 123000 Bigats, and 540 of Osca, 
Anno Rome 559  with 1400 pounds of gold. Besides, there was paid unto every footman 370 Asses, and thrice as much to every horseman, Cato saying, That every one must taste of their spoils.  
8 There were sent into Spain for Praetors P. Cor. Scipio, 
P. Cor. Scipio and Sex. Digitius sent Praetors into Spain.  son to Cn. cousin to the other, for the further Spain, and Sex. Digitius (it may be it was he which was honoured with a mural crown at the taking of new Carthage) into the hither part. As for the armies, that of the Praetors was entertained, and the Consuls cast. One of these Governors was more fortunate than the other: for P. Scipio did not only defend all that which belonged unto his province, but put the Lusitanians (who came to assail him) to rout. Sex. Digitius had many great troubles in his government, and many unfortunate encounters, 
Sex. Digitius unfortunate.  so as he delivered not half the men which he had received at his coming, to his successor: and without doubt all Spain had risen, if the other Praetor had done no better. P. Corn. son to Cn. by his judgement and dexterity did so terrify the enemies in the farthest parts of Spain, as above fifty Towns and Commonalties yielded unto him. After the expiration of his government, attending his successor, he set upon certain Lusitanian thieves, who returned with a great booty, which they had taken from the subjects and allies of the Romans: and although he were in great perplexity and danger in this charge, despairing almost of the victory, for the which (if he did obtain it) he did vow games to jupiter Olympicus: 
A great victory of P. Cor. Scipio, son to ●n against the Lusitanians.  yet he won it, and (being much inferior in number of soldiers) defeated the Lusitanians; where he slew twelve thousand upon the place, took five hundred and forty prisoners, all horsemen, and carried away an hundred thirty four Ensigns, having lost very few of his men. This encounter was near unto the town of Ilipa, whither the Praetor went with his army, and brought forth all the booty that was recovered, suffering every one to carry away the goods and cattle which had been taken from him by the enemy, and causing the rest to be sold, with the which the soldiers were recompensed. Scipio obtained this victory in quality of Vicepretor.  
9 L. Corn. Merula and Q. Minutius Thermus being created Consuls at Rome, 
Ann. Rome 560  C. Flaminius was chosen Praetor for the hither part of Spain, and M. Fuluius Nobilior for the further: C. Flaminius should succeed Sex. Digitius, to repair the bad success which had happened during his government. He demanded of the Senate, That he might take one of the Legions appointed for the city, and that mingling with them such soldiers as he should levy, he might choose out of the whole number 6500 foot & 300 horse; and that with this Legion thus made, he might undertake the affairs: for he did not much rely upon those forces which remained with Sext. Digitius, the which were in a manner ruined, saying, That the war growing hot in Spain, they might not go unfurnished; speaking of the good and bad success of that Province, as well by himself, as by his friends, much to his own advantage. The ancient Senators were not of opinion, 
The wisdom of the Romans respected no common bruits in matters of state.  That the Senate should make any decrees upon the reports of private men in favour of magistrates, and that they must not give credit to that which was spoken touching matters of government, if it were not advertised by the Governors themselves, or ambassadors sent to relate the success. Finally, the Senate resolved, That if there were any troubles in Spain, they should levy men there: yet they writ, That C. Flaminius went into Sicily, where he enroled certain bands; and that passing from thence into Spain, he was cast upon the coast of Africa, where he took an oath of some soldiers which he found there, being the remainders of the army of P. Scipio Africanus: and that besides all these, he levied men in Spain. But whatsoever he did, yet he found not the affairs of Spain so difficult as they had given it out. Being in his government (which extended unto the Oretanes) he took the town of Ilucia, and having lodged his soldiers to Winter, there were many light skirmishes betwixt him and the Spaniards, whereas he had not always the better, but lost many of his men.  
The other Praetor which governed the further Spain did great exploits: for he fought a battle with the Vacceans, Vectons, and Celtiberians all together, near unto Tolede, put them in rout, and defeated them, taking their king Hilerme alive. The year following the government was continued to these two Praetors. Flaminius took the town of Litabrum by force, the which was strong and very rich: he also took Corribilo, a nobleman of great fame, prisoner. 
The happy exploits of Fuluius Nobilior.  Fuluius in the further Spain did fight happily with two armies, took the towns of Vescelia and Holo from the Spaniards, with many castles, some by force, and some by composition: and then passing by the Oretanes country, he seized upon Nobilia & Cusibis, and came unto the river of Tayo, on the which Toledo stood, a small town, but strong of situation: whilst he did batter it, an army of the Vectons came to secure it, but he defeated it: then continuing his siege and battery, he took the town. This done, he returned to Rome, L. Emilius Paulus being chosen to succeed him, when as P. Cor. Scipio, son to Cn. and M. Attilius Glabrio were Consuls. He entered into Rome with the solemnity of ovation, bringing into the common treasury 130000 Bigats of silver, 12000 pounds of silver in mass, and 127 pounds of gold. C. Flaminius was continued in his Praetorship in the hither Spain.  
10 But whereas other Praetors had but six officers which carried rods and axes before them, L. Emilius had twelve, 
P. Emillius Praetor with consulary authority.  so as his Praetorship was equal with the honour & dignity of a Consul. To either of these Praetors (besides the armies which were in the country) were appointed a supply of 3000 foot and 300 horse, newly levied; two third parts of them of their allies, and the other third part of Roman citizens. Paulus did twice defeat the barbarous Spaniards in battle, and slew 30000, having taken his advantage upon the passage of a river. He brought under the obedience of the Romans 250 places, by their voluntary yielding, and yet with the honour of all these gallant exploits he returned to Rome, 
The great integrity of P. E. milius in his government. P. Emilius tut to rout by the Spaniards.  having not enriched himself one dragma during his government; the which is a rare thing in a man of command. His government being then continued for another year, he did somewhat blemish the glory of his victories, by a notable rout which he had in the Bastitanes country, whereas he lost 6000 men upon the place, the rest of his army recovered their camp with great difficulty, and then was forced with long marches to retire himself into places of more safety: but afterwards attending the coming of L. Bebius, who should succeed him, he was revenged of the Lusitanians for his former loss, of whom, he slew 18000, took 330, and won their camp, with their baggage.  
L. Bebius had been chosen at Rome to succeed him: but as he marched by the river of the Ligusticke sea, he was set upon by certain Ligurians, who slew most part of his men, and himself being wounded, 
The unfortunate encounter of L. Babius.  he was forced to save himself in Marseilles, with a small number, and without ushers, whereas the third day after he died. These news being sent to Rome by them of Marseilles, the Senate appointed, That P. Brutus in the praetors place should take the government of the further Spain, and leaving the army and province of Tuscan to one of his lieutenants, he should speedily departed. In the other part of Spain, 
Ann. Rome 564  nearer unto Gaul, L. Plautius Hipseus was appointed in C. Flaminius' place, whose government was reasonably quiet.  
M. Valertus Messala and C. Livius Salinator being made Consuls at Rome, the hither part of Spain was given to L. Manlius Acidinus, 
Anno 565.  and to C. Catinius the farther: who continued in the same charge the year following: in the which the Lusitanians and Celtiberians troubled the peace, & went armed to field: the which being written to Rome by the Praetors, they did choose L. Quintius Crispinus, who had that part of Spain which lies beyond the river of Ebro, and C. Calphurnius Piso for the other part. 
C. Catinlus defeats the Lusitanians.  Whilst they prepare, C. Catinius came to fight with the Lusitanians in the territory of Asta, whom he defeated in battle, won their camp, and slew 6000 upon the place: but as he gave an assault to the town of Asta (the which was taken without any great resistance) he was wounded, and died soon after. L. Manlius the other Vicepretor had an encounter with the Celtiberians in his government, yet no man knew who had the victory; 
He that leaves the field, confesseth he is vanquished.  only the Celtiberians dislodged the night following, confessing thereby, that they were vanquished. The Romans being masters of the field, had leisure to bury their dead, and to gather up their spoils.  
Within few days after the Celtiberians having augmented their forces, they came and assailed the Romans near to Calaguris, which now is Calahorra, but they were beaten, and lost 12000 men upon the place, 
The Celtiberians defeated.  2000 were taken prisoners, and they were chased out of their camp, and lost their baggage. And such was the heat of this victory, that if they had not been restrained by the coming of the new Praetors, the Celtiberians had been wholly subdued. Quintius and Calphurnius, as soon as they were within their provinces, lodged their armies to Winter. L. Manlius being returned to Rome, made his entry with the ceremony called Ouatio, whither he brought 52 crowns of gold, 132 pounds of gold, 16300 pounds of silver, and declared in open Senate, That besides all that, his Treasurer Qu. Fabius brought 10000 pounds of silver and 80 pounds of gold, to be put into the common Treasury.  
11 The Spring time being come, 
Beturia now called Estre●● Dura.  the two Praetors went to field with their armies, and joined together in Beturia, marching towards the Carpetanians country, where the enemies were then in field. The beginning of their exploits was not very successful, but in the end they made reparation of their errors. The fight began betwixt the foragers on either side, near unto the towns of Hippo and Tolede; to whose succours there came some from either army, and in the end all their forces came thither: so as the Spaniards seeing themselves in a convenient place for their manner of fight, the two Roman armies were defeated in this unexpected skirmish, 
The Romans defeated, but the Spaniards cannot pursue the victory.  and repulsed with great disorder and amazement, within their palisadoes and rampires, and yet the enemies could not follow their good fortunes. The praetors fearing to be assaulted, dislodged in the night: and at the break of day the Spaniards presented themselves before the trenches; but seeing no show of any enemy, they entered into the camp, whereas they made booty of that which the Romans could not carry away with them. This done, they stayed there some days, without attempting any thing. The Romans lost in this combat and in the flight about five thousand men, of their citizens and allies, with whose spoils the Spaniards armed themselves, and marched towards the banks of Tayo. All the respite the Roman Praetors had, they employed it to fill up their bands with Spanish soldiers of their friends and allies, and to assure the rest which had been beaten. Wherefore when as they did see their forces reasonably well repaired, and their soldiers hearts revived (who demanded nothing more than the enemy, to revenge the disgrace which they had received) they came and encamped within twelve miles of the river of Tayo: when as a good part of the night was spent, they took up their ensigns, and came by the break of day to the rivers side, whereas they put themselves into a square battle. The enemies were on the other side, encamped on the side of a hill, and the Romans having found a ford in two places passed over; Quintius on the right hand, and Calphurnius on the left, 
The Spaniards know not how to embrace the occasion.  but the enemy moved not: who being amazed at their sudden arrival, spent time in consultation what they should do, when they might have disordered all the Roman army, being troubled at the passage of this river. In the end all passed, both soldiers & baggage, the which they laid all together: for they neither had any convenient place, nor any leisure to make any trenches, nor to plant their camp, for that the enemy began to arm, so as they put themselves in order to fight, placing the strength of their army (which consisted in two Legions) in the midst. The field betwixt both enemies lay open, which did assure them from ambushes and surprises. The Spaniards seeing these two Legions in two great squadrons, put themselves in battle on the rivers side where they were, thinking to disorder them before they should be able to join with the body of their army; wherefore they went and gave them a furious charge. The fight in the beginning was fierce, the Spaniard being puffed up with pride for his former victory, and the Romans mad with desire to deface the ignominy to have been vanquished, contrary to their custom. The two Legions in the midst fought valiantly, and could not be forced: wherefore the Spaniards resolving to pierce through them by some means, they sent a great troop in form of a wedge, 
A battle betwixt the Romans and Spaniards.  to break this battaillon. The fury of the fight was great, and Calphurnius feared the Legions should not be able to resist: wherefore he sent T. Quintius Varus and L. Iwentius Thalua (two Lieutenants) unto them to advertise them, That there was no means to hold Spain, nor to save themselves, neither ever to see their houses, nor Italy; no, not to get unto the other side of the river of Tayo, if they did not vanquish their enemies: and he at the same instant, with the horsemen of the two Legions, went and charged this pointed troop in flank, and Quintius came on the other side with a certain number of horsemen, but with less courage than Calphurnius, who fought in the midst of the press: so as by reason of the praetors presence, and the danger whereinto he thrust himself, the legionary soldiers and all the rest were greatly encouraged to do their duties; so as they first put their enemies to rout, and then to flight, towards their camp: whither they were pursued by the horsemen, who entered pellmell with them that fled; where they were sorely priest by them that had been left to guard the baggage, so as they were forced to leave their horses, and to make head against them, until the fifth Legion arrived, and the other bands, one after another, who freed them from this danger, and put all the Spanish army to the sword: so as of five and thirty thousand which were in the beginning of the battle, 
A notable defeat of Spaniards.  there escaped but four thousand; whereof three thousand recovered a near mountain, and a thousand being naked and disarmed, wandered up and down the fields. The Romans carried away an hundred thirty three of the enemy's ensigns: they themselves lost in this conflict little above six hundred men, and about an hundred and fifty Spaniards of their confederates. Five Colonels and some Roman knights (which were slain there) made the victory seem less fortunate. The Roman army was lodged in the enemy's camp, for that they had no time to rampire their own. The day following Calphurnius did highly extol the soldiers valour, and gave them gifts in testimony of their virtue: to knights he gave comparisons, showing, that by their valour chiefly the battle had been won: many captains of the two Legions were also rewarded. These two Governors returned to Rome, A. Terentius Varro and P. Sempronius being chosen in their places, during the Consulship of P. Claudius Pulcher and L. Portius Licinius. They brought many crowns of gold, and ready money, with gold and silver in mass, whereof the number is uncertain; and they triumphed for the victories which they had gotten against the Lusitanians and Celtiberians.  
A. Terentius had the hither part of Spain, 
Ann. Rome 568  and Sempronius the further: they also had prolongation in their charge for the year following. Varro had some encounters in this second year with the Ausetanes, a people inhabiting in the country of Cattelogne, not far from the river of Ebro, and against the Celtiberians, whom he vanquished, and took some strong places and towns, which they made their retreat in those marches. As for Sempronius government, it was quiet: for the Lusitanians stood in awe of the Romans fortune, and the Praetor was continually afflicted with a troublesome disease, which made him unfit for all public government, and in the end killed him in Spain. P. Manlius did succeed him, who had once been Praetor in the hither Spain, when as Cato was Consul, and Quintus Fuluius Flaccus succeeded Varro.  
The hither Spain was in arms, and had need of a captain and soldiers to suppress the enemy: but in the other province the Romans had no worse enemies than themselves: for that by reason of Sempronius long infirmity, the soldiers were idle, and in a manner without a head, 
Idleness and ease an enemy to virtue, corrupt the Roman army.  all were corrupted, insolent, and without any military discipline; the which they must chiefly remedy. The Senate therefore decreed, That there should be four thousand foot and two hundred Roman horse newly levied, to be sent into Spain, with seven thousand foot and three hundred horse of their allies.  
Terentius Varro yielded up the province and the army to Qu. Fuluius Flaccus, who besieged a town called Vrbicua, whereas the Celtiberians came to assail him, making divers skirmishes to raise the siege, in the which many Romans were slain or hurt. But Fuluius continued firm, and by his perseverance won the town, the enemies (tired with fight) being forced to retire. The town being destitute of succours, was within few days taken and sacked. P. Manlius did no other thing in his government, but gather together the dispersed soldiers, so as both he and Fuluius after the taking of Vrbicua lodged the armies to Winter. Terentius being returned to Rome, entered in pomp, and brought into the treasure 9320 pounds of silver, 80 pounds of gold, and two crowns of gold of 67 pounds' weight.  
The year following these two Praetors were continued in their government, and the war grew hotter in Fuluius province than ever: for the Celtiberians went to field with thirty five thousand fight men: against whom, Fuluius fortified himself with all the Spaniards he could levy among the Roman confederates: but he did not equal the enemies in number: yet he marched into the Carpetanians country, and encamped near unto Ebura, into the which he put a garrison. The Celtiberians approached soon after, and planted their camp within half a league of the Romans, at the foot of a hill; whereas the Praetor sent to discover them by two companies of their confederates horses, being led by his brother M. Fuluius, commanding him to approach near unto the enemy's trenches, and to observe of what compass they were, and if they came forth to charge them, they should retire without fight: the which he executed accordingly. Some days were spent without any action of importance. In the end the Celtiberians resolved to go forth with all their forces, who presented themselves in battle, in the plain which was betwixt the two armies, and there attended the Romans: yet Fuluius stirred not, but kept his men four days together within his camp; during the which, the Spaniards showed always the same countenance: then seeing that the Romans lay still, and that there was no means to fight with them, they kept themselves also quiet for a time; only the horsemen went forth, keeping themselves ready, if the enemy should make show to assail them. The foragers on both sides went forth behind their armies without any let. This having continued some days, the Roman Praetor (thinking that he had made the enemy secure) commanded L. Acilius to march with six thousand Spanish foot of their allies, and some of the horsemen of the left wing, about the hill upon the enemies back, and there he should attend until he heard the cry of the Legionaries and the rest of the army, and that then he should come and assail the enemy's camp. Acilius parted in the night, because he would not be discovered. Fuluius at the break of day caused C. Stribonius Colonel of the Latins, to march towards the Celtiberians trenches, accompanied with the extraordinary horsemen of the left wing. The enemy seeing him better accompanied than the day before, sallied presently forth with all his horse, being followed by their footmen. Stribonius seeing them come, turned head, as he had been commanded, and retired towards the Romans camp. The Celtiberians pursued them speedily both with horse and foot, persuading themselves, the day should not pass, before they were masters of the Romans camp, being now within five hundred paces. Then Fuluius seeing that he had drawn them far enough from their fort, he made way for his army, being ready in their trenches, causing them to sally forth by three several ports at one instant, commanding them to make great shouts and cries, not so much to give courage to the soldiers, as it was their custom, as to advertise them that were in ambush behind the hill, attending a sign to assail the enemy's camp. When as they heard the cry, they ran unto their rampires according unto their directions: The Celtiberians had only left five hundred men to guard it, who made no great resistance, being amazed both at their own small number, and at the multitude of those that came suddenly to assail them. Acilius having won their camp, he presently set fire on such places as lay open to the enemy. The flame appearing, did much daunt the Celtiberians, and gave courage unto the Romans, being assured thereby, that their camp was taken. Notwithstanding, the Celtiberians seeing themselves destitute of a retreat, fought like desperate men, 
A memorable victory of Qu. Fuluius Flaccus against the Celtiberians.  and did much annoy the Romans: but in the end being oppressed both with the first troops and with fresh supplies, and by Acilius, who returned from the taking of the camp, and by the garrison of Ebura, who sallied forth in the heat of the battle, they were vanquished, and great numbers slain upon the place, and afterwards wholly defeated, the horsemen pursuing them that fled. They writ, That in this battle there died 23000 Spaniards, and 4800 prisoners taken: the Romans took above 500 horse, and 88 ensigns. Doubtless the victory was great, yet not without blood: for there were slain about 200 legionary Romans, 830 Latins, allies, and 2400 strangers. 
The number of the dead.  Which done, the Praetor brought back his victorious army into his camp. Acilius was sent unto the camp which he had taken, and the next day they gathered up the enemy's spoils, and the soldiers being publicly assembled, every one was rewarded according to his merits: then having left the wounded men at Ebura, the Legions were led to Contrebia, by the territory of the Carpetanians. This town being besieged, they sent to demand succours of the Celtiberians, 
Contrebia taken by the Romans.  but the town was yielded before they came. There had fallen such abundance of rain at this season, as Fuluius was forced to lodge his army within the town. The Celtiberians, who could not come by reason of the high waters and the badway, knew nothing of the yielding of this town, until they were charged by the Romans which were within it: for seeing no signs of a camp about it, they imagined the enemy had been gone; so as they approached the town without order, fearing no danger: from whence the Romans sallied forth upon them with great fury, and put them to flight: and although the field was spacious, and the commodity great to save themselves, yet there died twelve thousand men, 
Another defeat of the Celtiberians by Fuluius.  five thousand were taken prisoners, four hundred horses of service, and sixty two ensigns gotten. These Celtiberians being dispersed, they advertised their companions which came unto them, of their defeat: whereupon they returned, and all this preparation went to smoke. In the further or West part of Spain, the Praetor Manlius did also fight happily against the Lusitanians. After these exploits Q. Fuluius sent L. Minutius his Lieutenant to Rome, with two Colonels. T. Mevius and L. Terentius Massaliota, to carry news, That the Celtiberians had been wholly vanquished in two great battles, and that the Senate should not need to make provision of money or any other thing for the entertainment of their soldiers that year, for that (said they) the war was ended. They demanded also, That the Praetor might have leave to bring back the army, which he and others before him had so happily managed and employed: the which (they said) was not only reasonable, but very necessary, for that every one demanded leave, speaking openly, That if it were not granted them, they would take it.  
13 At the first general assembly A. Posth. Albinus Luscus 
Ann. Rom● 573  and C. Calphurnius Piso being made Consuls, they also created new Praetors to send into Spain: 
New Praetors sent into Spain.  the hither part by Ebro fell to T. Sempronius Gracchus, and L. Posthumius had the West part. T. Sempronius was not much pleased with the request made on Fuluius behalf, to whom he should succeed: whereupon he protested, That if they sent him thither with an army newly levied, he would keep himself within his garrisons, and not expose unexperienced soldiers against an enemy so long trained up in war. Thereupon the Senate did decree, That they should raise a Legion of five thousand two hundred foot, and three hundred Roman horse, and besides it a thousand Roman foot and fifty horse; and the Latines their allies should be enjoined to furnish seven thousand foot and four hundred horse: and that with this army Sempronius should go into Spain: giving leave unto Qu. Fuluius to bring back the soldiers which had been sent thither before that Sp. Posthumius and Qu. Martius were Consuls; which was six years before: and moreover, when the new levy were come into the country, it should be also lawful for him to bring all back that were above two complete Legions, of ten thousand four hundred foot and six hundred horse, Romans, and twelve thousand foot and six hundred horse of their allies, Latins, of those soldiers with the which Fuluius had gotten two victories against the Celtiberians.  
Whilst these new Praetors were expected in Spain, Qu. Fuluius in quality of Vicepretor undertook to go and assail the Celtiberians lying a far off, for that they had not yet reconciled themselves unto him. This did rather incense the Barbarians than amaze them: wherefore going to arms, they seized upon the straight or passage called Manlian, by the which they knew the Roman army must return. Gracchus had given charge to L. Posthumius Albinus, going to his government in the further Spain, to advertise Qu. Fuluius, That he should come and meet him with the army at Tarracone, where he would discharge the old bands, distribute the supplies which he had brought, and dispose of the whole army; appointing a short time unto Fuluius for the effecting thereof. Upon which news he was forced to departed suddenly out of the Celtiberians country: which made the people surmise, that he had some intelligence, that they did secretly arm, and that he retired for fear: 
The Romans charged by the Celtiberians in a strait.  Wherefore they began to guard the passage more straightly and proudly than before. The Roman army being entered into this passage at the break of day, they were assailed in two several places at one instant, Qu. Fuluius giving order for all things, according to the time and place, and making a brief exhortation to his soldiers, he assured them. The fight began to grow hot, but not with like advantage: for the legions and the Latins upon the wings did fight valiantly, but their Spanish soldiers could not resist their countrymen, who were better soldiers than they. The Celtiberians seeing they could not vanquish the Romans, fight hand to hand with them in a set battle, they had recourse unto their accustomed fashion, which was, to shape their troop like a wedge. Being thus ordered, they are more firm and violent, and can hardly be withstood: by this means they had almost disordered the legions. 
The Romans distressed.  The which the General perceiving, he ran presently to the legionary horsemen, ask them, What they did there, and what succour might be expected from them? To whom they answered, That they were ready to obey whatsoever he should command. join then (said he) all the horses together of the two legions, and with a full career break through that wedge of men which doth force our squadron; yea take the bridles from your horses, is our ancestors have often done with good success, that you may overthrow them with more violence. Whereunto the horsemen speedily obeyed, and setting spurs to their unbridled horses, they passed and repassed through this troop of the enemies, breaking their staves, and making great slaughter of them. 
Another great defeat of the Celtiberians by Qu. Fuluius.  When this wedge was broken and dispersed, in the which the Spaniards did wholly rely, they had no other thought but upon flight. The Latin horsemen moved with the valour of the Romans, without any further commandment, fell upon the enemies already broken, so as there was a great slaughter made in the flight throughout all the straight. For this victory the vice Praetor did vow a temple unto Fortune, and games unto jupiter. There died in this encounter seventeen thousand Celtiberians, 
The number of the dead of either side.  above three thousand prisoners, and two hundred threescore and seventeen ensigns taken, and about one thousand and one hundred horses gotten. The victorious army did neither entrench nor rampar for that day: But this victory was not without loss to the Romans, for there were four hundred threescore and ten citizens slain, a thousand and nineteen Latins, and of Spaniards and other strangers, their allies, three thousand. Thus this army having redoubled her fame by this victory, it arrived at Tarracone, whereas Sempronius the Praetor (who arrived there but two days before) went forth to meet him, and did congratulate with Fuluius and the soldiers, their happy exploits for the commonweal. Then did they lovingly and with great concord, discharge and retain what they thought fit among the soldiers, according to the decree of the Senate: And for that year there was little done in Spain by the new governors, for that they arrived late by reason of the death of one of the Consuls, and the subrogation of another, which stayed their expedition. The year following they were continued in their governments.  
Q. Fuluius Flaccus being returned to Rome, 
Anno Rome 574  when as he stayed without the town, to have order for his triumph according to the custom, he was chosen Consul with L. Manlius Acidinus, and then he entered in triumph, with the soldiers which he had brought out of Spain. He brought into the public treasury one hundred and twenty four crowns of gold, 31 pounds of gold, and 173200 deniers of coined money of Osca, besides he gave fifty deniers, being about five crowns, to every footman, twice as much to the centeniers, and thrice as much to the horsemen, as much to the allies and Latins, and to all in general double pay.  
This year the Governors in Spain divided the war betwixt them, so as Albinus should go and assail the Vaccens by the country of the Lusitanians, and from thence should come into the marches of the Celtiberians. Gracchus should enter into the heart of their country, for that the war was hottest there. There he first took the town of Munda by force, having set upon it suddenly in the night, and having taken hostages, and put in a garrison, he battered some castles, and did forage and burn the country until he came unto another strong town called Certima: whereas having begun to plant his engines to batter it, deputies came unto him from the inhabitants, who used a simple kind of speech unto him, after the ancient manner, without any dissembling, 
The f●ee simplicity of the Spaniards.  telling him freely, That they would make war if they had means, desiring that they might have leave to go unto the Celtiberians camp, to demand succours: the which if they could not obtain, they would then take counsel of their affairs distinctly from the other nations. Gracchus' yielded to their demand: 
Gracchus' his facility and courtesy to the Barbarians.  and within a few days after they returned, bringing with them ten other deputies. It was about noon. The first words which they spoke unto the Praetor, were, That they entreated him to command some of his people to bring them drink: which done, they demanded more, making all the assistants to laugh at their grossness, and want of civility. Then the eldest among them began to speak, saying, That they had been sent unto him by them of their nation, to know, upon what ground he was come to make war against them. Gracchus' answered, That it was upon the assurance of a goodly army, which he had, and if they would see it, to make a more certain report unto their men, he would suffer them, commanding some captains to cause them all to arm, and to make them march and skirmish together. These deputies reported unto their people what they had seen; which diverted them from sending any succours to the town besieged: The inhabitants whereof (seeing themselves abandoned) yielded, paying the value of 62000 crowns, and gave forty knights, of the noblest among them, not in show as hostages (for they put them among their bands to carry arms) although in effect they were as pawns of their promises and accords. From thence Gracchus led his army to Alce, a town whereas the Celtiberians (who had sent the ten deputies unto him) were camped, against whom for some days he sent his light horsemen, to tyre them with light skirmishes, even within their guards, sending more men daily, to the end he might draw them out of their trenches to battle. The which succeeding according to his desire, he commanded the General of the allies, to begin the fight, and that presently turning their backs, and making show to be oppressed with multitudes, they should return with all speed towards the camp. He in the mean time put his army in battle within the ramparts, near unto every gate, and suddenly when he saw his men turn head towards the camp flying, as he had commanded them, and the enemy following with no less speed; having retired his men, he drew forth his army by all those ports, with great cries, so as the enemies could not make any resistance: and it happened, that those which came running to take the Romans camp, 
Gracchus' victory against the Celtiberians.  could not defend their own; for presently they were repulsed, put to rout, and beaten into their palisadoes, where they were soon after forced. There were nine thousand slain that day upon the place, three hundred prisoners, 112 horses of service, and 37 ensigns won. On the Romans side there died but 109 men. After this defeat Gracchus led the legions to spoil the country of the Celtiberians, wasting and carrying all away. Wherefore many, either for fear, or otherwise forced, yielded unto him: so as in few days he reduced under the Romans obedience one hundred and thirteen towns, 
Some of the ancient said these 113 town● were but farms, or doue●●ouses, to eclipse the glory of Gracchus.  and took great spoils. From thence he returned again towards Alce, and began to assail it. The inhabitants endured the first assault, but afterwards seeing them prepare their engines to batter it, distrusting in their own strength, they retired all into the castle, the which yielded soon after, submitting themselves to Gracchus his mercy. The spoil was great, and many noblemen and of good houses were taken prisoners; among the which there was a son and a daughter of Thurtus, who was the greatest nobleman of the country, 
Thurtus a petty Spanish king lord of Alce.  and to whom the place belonged. Hearing what was happened, he came with a safeconduct into the army to Gracchus: of whom he demanded life, both for himself and his, whereof Gracchus assured him. Then he desired to be admitted to carry arms with the Romans, the which was granted him: and from that time he showed himself faithful and valiant in their service, and did greatly advance the Roman affairs in Spain.  
Ergavica a mighty and famous town, being amazed with the miseries and ruins of her neighbours, opened the gates to the Roman army. Some writ, that these yielding were not done faithfully, and that as soon as the legions were gone, they entered into rebellion, so as the Praetor had two encounters with the Celtiberians, 
Caunus, ●●ount Ca●o at this day.  the one near unto mount Caunus, where the fight continued six hours, with great slaughter on either side, neither party confessing himself to be vanquished. The second time (which was the third day after) the Romans had an assured victory▪ where there were 22000 of the enemies slain upon the place, and 300 prisoners, and as many horses, and 72 ensigns taken. By which defeat the war was ended in that country, and the Celtiberians demanded peace, the which they did faithfully entertain for a time, without rebelling. They writ, that L. Posthumius had at the same time won two battles of the Vaccens, others say, of the Brecaires, which are betwixt Minio and Duero, and had slain 35000 of the enemies, and took their camp.  
At Rome M. junius Brutus, & A. Manlius Volso being chosen consuls, 
Ann. Romae 575  M. Titinius & T. Fonteius Capito were created Praetors & governors of Spain: Titinius had that part which was nearest unto Gaul, and Capito the Western part: and then Sempronius Gracchus and L. Posthumius came to Rome, who had the honour of a triumph granted them, for that they had governed the affairs of the commonweal wisely and valiantly. Gracchus entered first in triumph for the Celtiberians, bringing into the treasury forty thousand pounds weight in silver. His companion entered some days after, triumphing for the Lusitanians, and other neighbour people, who also brought twenty thousand pounds. To every one of the soldiers was given five and twenty deniers, which is worth two crowns and a half: to the centeniers double, and to the horsemen triple as much, and to the soldiers of their allies as much as to them of Rome.  
Spain tired with war, was quiet during the government of the new Praetors, who continued there two years.  
The third year Cn. Corn. Scipio Hispalus, 
Anno 577.  and Q. Petilius Spurrinus being Consuls, M. Corn. Scipio Maluginensis, 
The new Praetors refuse their charge in Spain●  and P. Licinius Crassus, were chosen Praetors in Spain: Crassus had the hither Spain, and Scipio the further; but either of them pretended excuses not to go, and therefore Titinius and Fonteius were continued in the government as vice-Pretors, to whom there was appointed to fill up their armies, three thousand foot, citizens of Rome, and two hundred horse, and five thousand Latins of their allies, with three hundred horse: yet there is no mention of any tumult in Spain, during their abode, nor after they were changed, until the Consulship of Sp. Posthumius and Q. Mutius, which was two years after, in the which the government of the hither Spain fell to P. Furius Philo, 
Anno Rome 579  and the further to Cn. Servilius Cepio. We read that whilst these Praetors prepared themselves to go into their provinces, the Celtiberians being in arms, App. Claudius Cento (who was vicepretor there) gave them a great defeat, so as they were forced to submit themselves unto the yoke. They began their rebellion by a sudden assault which they came to give unto the Romans camp at the break of day: Being discovered by the sentinels, they cried to arms, so as the soldiers were presently armed, and ready to sally forth, as they did by the ports: but the Celtiberians were so near, as they kept them long from coming forth, so as the combat was in a manner equal. But the foremost ranks being thrust on by their companions, in the end they got out of their palisadoes into the plain, 
The Celtiberians defeated.  where they had means to draw out their front, and the wings of their battle, equal to that of the enemies, with the which they were in a manner compassed in: but they behaved themselves so well, as they repulsed them, and in less than two hours put them to flight, with the loss of above fifteen thousand of their men; so as the war was ended: for such as escaped, submitted themselves soon after to the Romans yoke, so as the new Governors had not any war.  
The next year L. Posth. Albinus, and M. Pompilius Lenas', being Consuls, Cn. Fabius Buteo, and M. Matienus were chosen to govern Spain: and then arrived App. Claudius, who entered the city with the pomp of ovation, bringing ten thousand pounds of silver, and five thousand of gold. Fabius Buteo, who had the hither Spain, going unto his government, fell sick at Marseilles, 
Public charges affected for private profit.  where he died, so as P. Furius Philo was continued in his government, and Matienus came into the further province. As it is a thing too well known, that governments are not affected but to get authority and wealth: so it falls out often, when as Governors find not matter to maintain their greatness among the enemies by the war, they can hardly do justice to their fellow citizens and allies in time of peace: then they begin to molest the richest families, by false accusations, to feign necessities, to exact upon the public, and to use other such practices, to fill their coffers, and enrich their ministers with the ruin and desolation of the commons. Thus did the Praetors and lieutenants of the people of Rome in Spain.  
These two Governors Furius and Matienus, either in his jurisdiction, having (by reason of the peace) no other prey but those that were given them in guard, 
The Spaniards complain of their governors covetousness.  they polled them in such sort, as not able any longer to endure their extortions and fraud, the poor Spaniards were constrained to send ambassadors to Rome, after that the Praetorship was ended: who having audience, casting themselves upon their knees, they made a pitiful complaint of the pride and covetousness of their Governors, beseeching the Senate not to suffer their friends and allies to be oppressed and spoiled by them with greater violence than if they were enemies. Many crimes were objected by them, but concussion was best verified. The Senate decreed, That Lu. Canuleius (to whom the government of Spain was fallen) should choose judges from among the Senators, 
Spain made one government, and L. Canuleius Praetor alone.  to examine the fact; and that the parties should choose advocates of the same order. Titinius, who had been Praetor, during the Consulship of A. Manlius and M. junius in the higher Spain, was drawn in question: but when as they had pleaded two several days, he was absolved: but P. Furius Philo (who had been Governor in the same province) and M. Matienus in the further Spain, being accused of divers crimes, and their causes often pleaded, when as it was again to be heard, they were excused, being absent, for that being loath to attend the sentence, they had voluntarily retired themselves, the one to Preneste, the other to Tybur: and so the matter was left undecided.  
Canuleius desiring to suppress this pursuit, to the end that many should not be molested by the Spaniards, began to give order for the affairs of his government, and to enroll soldiers, to lead them into the province which was appointed for them, and so he parted. The Senate letting pass what had been formerly done, provided for the future, that the Roman magistrates should set no tax upon corn, and that they should not force the Spaniards to sell the twentieth part at their pleasures, which was a certain tribute: and that they should send no more Commissaries into their towns to levy money.  
At the same time there came another kind of embassage to Rome, from them that had been borne of Roman soldiers and Spanish women, and not married. These were about four thousand men. The Senate commanded they should give in their names, and be enrolled by L. Canuleius the Praetor: and that such as he should make free, should be conducted unto Carteia, upon the Ocean sea, to dwell there. That the inhabitants of Carteia that would remain there, should be received, 
A colony of Libertines.  and portions of land assigned them: and this colony should be held for Latins, and be called the Libertines.  
It seems that the Romans having no wars at that i'm in Spain, 
Spain divided again into two governments.  were resolved to reduce it to one government, and to send but one Praetor. After Canuleius mention is made of Claudius Marcellus, and then of P. Fonteius: of whose deeds there is no mention in ancient writers; so as it is to be presumed, this province continued quiet. But in the year 586 of the foundation of Rome, Q. Aelius and M. junius being Consuls, they did again create two Praetors, which were Cn. Fuluius on the hither part, & about the river of Ebro; and C. Licinius Nerua in the further. After which the Romans contenting themselves for many years, with their conquests in Spain, they sought as it seemed to make them whom they had subjected, or drawn unto them, civil, and to fashion them by little and little to the manners and inclinations of the Romans: without seeking the other people which were more barbarous, who also for their parts were glad to be left in peace, being terrified with the Romans power, whom they would not incense, neither had they any care to seek their friendship, because they hated them, as violaters of the laws of nature, and oppressors of man's liberty.  
15 In the year 600 of the foundation of Rome, 
Ann. Rome 600  Q. Fuluius and T. Annius being Consuls, the Celtiberians (who had been vanquished and subdued by T. Gracchus five and twenty years before) began again to stir, 
The Celtiberians and other people repair the demanteled towns.  the inhabitants of Sediga, a town of the Arevaces, having (against their capitulations, and the commandment of Gracchus) repaired the walls of their town, and refused to pay tribute unto the Romans: by reason whereof other people being also rebelled in Spain, the Senate resolved to send an army, and a Consul to be the General, so as Q. Fuluius was sent, who was not very fortunate in the beginning. This year by a new custom the Consuls entered into charge the first of januarie, 
The Roman Magistrates change the day of entering into their Charges.  whereas before they did not begin their magistracy until the fifteenth of March: whereunto they were induced by the rebellion of the Spaniards: the which was afterwards continued. Of this beginning followed the war of Numancia, which lasted twenty years. The Senate of Rome having first forbidden them of Segida to raise their walls, and then commanded them to go to the war with their Consuls and Praetors, according to the pacification made by Gracchus, they answered, That they had capitulated, 
The stronger construe treaties as they please.  not to make any new forts, but not to repair their old. And as for going to the war, they were exempt from that charge, by the treaty of Gracchus: the which was true. But the Senate added a gloze to these conditions, that is, As long as it shall please us: the which the Spaniards would not hear of. Wherefore seeing that Quintus Fuluius Nobilior came against them with an army of thirty thousand men, they left their town, which was not yet in defence, sent their wives and children to their neighbours, and under the conduct of one Carus, they assembled to the number of 20000 foot, 
Carus a captain of the Spaniards  and 5000 horse, and came and camped in a place covered with wood, very fit to surprise their enemies, whom he met withal in the woods, and both gave and took many wounds. Afterwards in a great encounter Carus had the victory, having slain 6000 Romans, wherewith being grown insolent and careless, the Consul had means to have his revenge, sending his horsemen to charge the Spaniards which were scattered and out of order: who put 6000 to the sword, and more had been slain, if night had not separated them. This made the Celtiberians more circumspect. The same night the people of the country assembled at Numance, 
A conspiracy of the Spaniards at Numance.  and being resolved to resist the Romans, they made choice of Ambo. and Leuco for their captains. The Consul Fuluius having received 300 horse, with some Elephants, from king Massinissa, a Moor (an ancient friend to the people of Rome) marching forward, he came and offered battle to the enemies under Numance. He had placed his Elephants behind the first ranks, that they might not be seen, thinking to terrify them suddenly, and to defeat them by that means; but it fell out otherwise: for being come to join, and the ranks opened, when as the Elephants showed themselves, they did somewhat terrify the Spaniards and their horses, which were not accustomed to see such beasts; so as turning their backs they went towards the town: But one of these Elephants coming near the walls, being hit on the forehead with a stone, he entered into such a rage, as turning against the Romans themselves, he trod them under his feet; after whose example the rest began to run through the Roman troops, and disordered them: For it is the nature of these beasts, 
Elephants held by the wise to be common enemies.  when they are terrified, they know neither friend nor foe: wherefore many call them common enemies. The Spaniards which were within Numance, seeing this confusion, sallied out upon the Romans, and slew four thousand men, and took three Elephants, and many ensigns; yet they lost two thousand of their men.  
The Consul having refreshed himself somewhat after this rout, he was repulsed again at the fort of Axenium, the which he assailed, to have the victuals which the enemy had in it, and in this misfortune the Romans received a third rout, whereas Biasius a leader of some horse of their allies, was slain, with many good soldiers. These many losses did move the inhabitants of Ocilis, 
Ocelon revolts from the Roman party.  or Ocelon, allies to the Romans, and guardians of the money and victuals of their camp, to revolt, and to follow the Celtiberians party. So as vanquished with so many misfortunes, the Consul Fuluius could take no better course, than to fortify his camp for to winter: the which he did with the greatest want that might be, besides, hail, snow, rain, and all the rigour of the season, so as many of his soldiers perished for cold.  
16 The year following M. Claudius Marcellus succeeded Fuluius, 
M. Marcellus Consul sent into Spain.  and brought 8000 foot and 500 horse into Spain. This man was more politic than his predecessor, to keep himself from the surprises of his enemies, leading his army safely to Ocilis, the which he took in few days, and pardoned their offence, paying a fine of thirty talents, and some hostages, which he demanded of them. This clemency of his made the Nertobriges, another nation, to send ambassadors unto him, to demand peace and pardon: to whom he made a pleasing answer, demanding an hundred horsemen of them; the which they promised. But during this treaty, they sent certain troops, which fell upon the Romans baggage, and spoiled some of it. Hereupon the hundred horsemen, which the Consul had demanded, arrived, whom he committed to prison, and sold their horses, by reason of their treachery. Then he led his army against their town.  
The inhabitants seeing themselves environed with ditches and trenches, 
Ceremonies of the Barbarians when they are suitors.  sent forth a herald attired in a wolves skin (a ceremony used by the Barbarians in such supplications) craving pardon. To whom he made answer, That he would not grant it, if the Arevaces and the other rebels their allies did not sue for it all together. Which being known unto them, they all sent their ambassadors to entreat the Consul Marcellus to refer them to the accord made in former time with T. Gracchus, imposing upon them (according to his clemency) a tolerable punishment.  
There were some people allied unto the Romans, which having been wronged by them, opposed themselves to this demand: wherefore Marcellus sent them all to the Senate of Rome. The Senate made no other answer, having heard their debate, but that Marcellus should tell them what they were to do.  
17 In the mean time, 
Ann. Romae 602  in the year 602, Spain fell by lot to the Consul L. Lucullus, and then they began first to enroll soldiers by lot. Lucullus led with him P. Scipio Aemiltanus (he that made himself famous by the eversion of Carthage the great, and of Numantia.) Marcellus having advertised the Celtiberians of the coming of this Consul, and of the war which was prepared, he advised them, before they attended any greater extremity, to yield to his discretion, promising them all good usage, and reasonable conditions; for he desired to end this war before the coming of Lucullus: the which they did. This Marcellus (as Strabo writes) did build the city of Corduba, 
Corduba built by M●●tellus.  and imposed a tribute of six hundred talents upon Spain, continuing his government a good while after that Lucullus was chosen Consul, governing as Proconsul.  
Lucullus finding nothing to do at his arrival, 
Lucullus being covetous seeks occasion of war.  he laid the foundation of a new war, being as desirous to make some spoil (for he was but poor) as to get honour. He entered therefore as an enemy into the Vaccens country, who had in no sort offended the Romans: and having passed the river of Tayo, he went to besiege Cauca. The inhabitants demanded what he would of them, and why he besieged them. He answered, That they had wronged the Celtiberians, allies to the Romans, and that he came to revenge it. Whereupon they retired into their town, and put themselves in defence. Soon after they sallied forth suddenly upon them that went to forage, and slew a great number. But the Roman soldiers going forth to succour them, they repulsed the Spaniards, beating them even unto their town gates, whereas they smothered one another with the multitude, so as there were above three thousand slain. Those which remained being amazed with this loss, they sent the next day the most ancient among them, with garlands of olive branches, desiring Lucullus to receive them as friends, 
〈◊〉 burdens laid upon them of Cauca by Lucullus.  and to set down the conditions; who imposed an hundred talents of silver, and hostages, commanding them to send their horsemen to the war with him: which having granted, Lucullus said, That he would have them receive a garrison into their town: whereunto they were also willing to obey, so as presently there were two thousand of the best soldiers in the army sent, with commandment to seize upon the ports, towers, and strongest places of the town: which they did. Then Lucullus drew in all the rest of the soldiers, and by the sound of the trumpet, 
Lucullus treacherous cruelty against the inhabitants of Cauca.  did most cruelly put all the inhabitants to the sword, sparing neither age nor sex: yet some slipping over the walls, and creeping through the press, escaped, who proclaimed the Romans treachery, covetousness, and cruelty, throughout all Spain: whereupon all those that dwelled in the champain country, and in places of easy access, retired unto the mountains, or into fortified towns; carrying with them what was good and precious: and what they could not carry they burnt, being loath to leave any spoils to so cruel an enemy.  
Cauca being thus ruined, Lucullus led his army through a great part of the country which was barren and desert, until he came to the town of Intercatia, where there were some twenty thousand foot and two thousand Spanish horse, gathered together: of whom Lucullus demanded indiscreetly, 
Truth breeds hatred and fury in the wicked when they are touched.  If they would not come to composition with him. But they asked, If he would receive them with the like faith as he had done them of Cauca? reproaching unto him with opprobrious words, this treacherous and inhuman fact. Wherewith Lucullus being incensed (as commonly all those are which find themselves touched) he spoilt all their country, and then besieged them. They knowing there was no reason to come to battle with the Roman army, maintained themselves with skirmishes and sudden sallies. During this siege a Spanish cavalier richly armed, and bravely mounted, showed himself often betwixt the army and the town, challenging some Roman to the combat, and seeing that no man durst come forth, he scorned them. But Scipio Aemilianus being then very young, grieved to see the Roman knights thus dishonoured, 
Sclpio Aemilianus combats with a Spaniard and conquers him valiantly.  and having leave from the Consul, he went to encounter him, and vanquished him: the which bred admiration in both parties, considering the inequality of the stature of the combatants; for Scipio was little, and the Spaniard wonderful great and strong. The Romans conceived good hope of this victory: but in the night they were troubled with the cries of certain horsemen of the town, which were gone forth before that Lucullus did invest it, who being the same night returned, about the palisadoes of the Roman army, made great cries and shouts, to whom the besieged made answer: so as the Romans were forced to keep themselves in arms, not knowing what part to guard: besides, they were tired and grown weak, for that they wanted both bread, wine, oil, salt and vinegar, living only upon venison, hares, or powdered flesh, the which bred fluxes, whereof many died. Continuing their battery, they made a great breach, but coming to the assault, (whereas Scipio was one of the foremost) and being in a manner masters of the town, they were sharply repulsed: and in their retreat many through ignorance of the place fell into certain privies, where they were swallowed up. The besieged having repaired their breach, seemed resolute; but hunger pressing either party, they could not long dissemble their necessities: so as Lucullus persuaded the Spaniards to yield, with the best words he could, promising he would not deceive them, 
Intercatia taken by composition.  so as in the end they gave him credit, and yielded, upon condition to send six thousand archers to the war with him, giving a certain number of cattle, and some hostages. 
Covetousness, and no desire of honour, brought Lucullus into Spain.  Gold nor silver (the desire whereof had drawn Lucullus into Spain) there was not any: for the people of that country had never esteemed it. Matters being thus compounded, the Roman army was led against Palantia, a strong and well fortified town, whither many of the champain country, and lesser towns were retired. Most of the colonels and captains were of opinion, That they should not strive in vain against so mighty a town: but Lucullus, a covetous man, knowing it to be exceeding rich, would never leave it until that hunger forced him, the horsemen of the town (which were very many) sallying out daily upon the Romans which went to forage. 
Lucullus retire● from Pa●enza with shame.  Being thus pressed, he put his army into battle, and retired, the Palantines following him in the tail, and pursuing him unto the river of Duero, where they left their pursuit, and returned. Lucullus passing on, led his army to winter in the country of the Turditanes. Thus ended the war against the Vacceans, 
Lucullus making war without authority, is not punished.  for the which (although that Lucullus undertook it without authority or commandment from the Senate and people of Rome) he was never called into question.  
18 About that time the Lusitanians, and people of the further Spain, living under their own laws, had made incursions upon the friends and allies of the people of Rome, having a certain African for their captain, and chased Manlius and Calphurnius, Roman captains, killing above six thousand of their men, 
Romans defeated by the Lusitanians.  with Terentius Varro, their Questor or Treasurer. Wherewith this African grown proud, he went with a company of Vectons, a neighbour people, to assail the town of the Blastophenicians, a people who, they said, were brought and left in Spain by Hannibal. This captain being slain there with a stone, they did presently make choice of one called Caesaras to be head of their army: who gave battle unto Mumius which had been sent from Rome with an army; but he lost it: yet seeing that Mumius pursued his victory inconsiderately, he turned head, and repaired his loss, so as he slew nine thousand of the Roman army upon the place, 
Mumius defeats the Spaniards, and is beaten by the vanquished through his own negligence.  and not only recovered his own baggage, but took the enemies, and carried away a great number of ensigns, which the Lusitanians dragged up and down in scorn of the Romans. Mumius having gathered together five thousand soldiers which remained, and revived them as well as he could, he found an opportunity to charge the enemy going to forage, 
Mumius revengeth his losses.  and did so well, as he slew a great number, and recovered his ensigns.  
The Lusitanians which dwelled beyond the river of Tayo, having in like manner proclaimed war against the Romans, and took the town of Conistorgis by assault, a great and strong town, confederate to the Romans, they being led by a captain called Caucene: and not content to make a tumult in Spain, some of them passed the straight at Hercules pillars, and went to spoil Africa: the rest went to assail Ocile. But Mumius arriving with a thousand foot and five hundred horse, slew about fifteen thousand foragers, and made them to leave the siege of Ocile. Then going against others, who thought to escape with the prey, he left not one alive to carry news of their defeat. He distributed the booty which was portable among his soldiers, and the rest (being consecrated to those gods who he thought did preside over the wars) he burned. After all this, he returned to Rome, and triumphed.  
Attilius, or Acilius Balbus, succeeded Mumius, who at his first arrival cut seven hundred Lusitanians in pieces, and took Oxthraca, being the greatest and richest town they had, striking terror in all the neighbour people, which submitted themselves to his devotion as far as the Vectons. But when as Acilius had lodged his army for Winter, they rebelled, and began to annoy them that were friends and confederates to the Romans: Against whom Ser. Galba sent Praetor to succeed Acilius, meaning to secure them, made a march of 15 leagues, and being come in sight of the enemy, without giving rest to the soldiers, he led them to fight, 
Galba being victor is defeated by his rash pursuit.  and vanquished happily. But as the Romans pursued the flying enemy in disorder, and made many stands being weary, the Lusitanians turning head, slew seven thousand, and forced Galba to fly with his horsemen into Carmel, whither many that had escaped were retired: who having rallied them together, and levied twenty thousand men of their confederates, he wintered at Cunes. The Consul Lucullus who wintered in Turditania, hearing that the Lusitanians were in arms, he sent the best of his captains against them, and slew four thousand of them, and afterwards having made a new head near unto Gades, he cut five thousand and five hundred in pieces. And as Galba on his side pressed these people, they sent ambassadors unto him. seeming desirous to enjoy the accord made before with Attilius. Galba made show to pity them, and to excuse their excess for that poverty had made them to break the treaties, and to steal: saying, That he knew well that the Barbarians of the country was the cause of these inconveniences: but if they had a true intent to be friends, he would divide them into three troops, and send them into fertile places to live in. The Lusitanians being won with these promises, put themselves into three troops, and suffered themselves to be led to the places assigned by Galba, who spoke unto the first, as if they were in full peace, 
The treacherous cruelfie of Serg. Galba.  enjoining them to leave their arms; which having done, he caused them all to be massacred: and with the like fraud and cruelty he defeated the other two troops, before they could have any news of the slaughter of their companions. Many slipping through the armed troops, escaped; among the which was Viriatus, who revenged the treachery & cruelty of the Romans against his countrymen. Galba showing himself as treacherous, and it may be more covetous than Lucullus, having filled his coffers with the spoils of Lusitania, whereof he did defraud both his friends and soldiers, returned to Rome, where he was called in question for his abuses: but being the richest man in the city, he escaped by bribes.  
20 The Lusitanians which remained of Lucullus and Galba's treacheries, assembled together to the number of ten thousand, and did overrun the country of Turditania: against whom the Praetor C. Vetilius was sent; who having joined the army which he brought from Rome, with the forces he found in Spain, he went against them which spoiled their friend's country, and slew many of them, forcing the rest to retire to the side of a hill, where he besieged them, so as they must either end their days by hunger or by the sword: wherefore they resolved to sue for mercy, and to entreat him to appoint them a country to dwell in; the which he willingly granted. But Viriatus being in this besieged company, who had escaped from Galba's slaughter, began to speak in this manner. 
Viriatus encourageth his companions not to trust the Romans  How wretched are we, that having so often tried the treachery of these Romans, we will again offer our throats unto them, and be murdered by them, under the sweetness of their false promises? Do we not know that they with whom we have now to deal, are the same who by their notable treachery have slain our brethren and companions? Were it not better to keep our arms, and selling our lives at a dear rate, let them feel that we are men, than suffering ourselves to be disarmed by a foolish credulity, to be afterwards slain like beasts at the slaughter? No, my companions, let us not commit so gross an error, as to despair in that sort: let us rather try to force us a passage, and you shall find the difficulty is not so great as you imagine, if you do what I shall advise you. This soldier speaking with a great courage, revived their spirits, 
Viriatus chosen captain by the Lusitanians besieged, deceives the Praetor.  who with one voice cried out unto him, That in a good hour he should be their captain, and that he should lead them whither he should think good. Then he put them all in battle, except some thousand of the best appointed, which he kept with himself, and then he commanded every one to fly, appointing their Rendezvous at Tribola. Vetilius was in doubt to pursue them that fled, thinking it the safest course to assail Viriatus, & his thousand soldiers which were in battle on the side of the hill. But they having spent that day and a part of the next, in making a show that they would fight with the Romans, easily freed themselves, being well mounted, and knowing the country; and then came to Tribola: and so this Spanish army was preserved by the judgement and resolution of Viriatus, who of a shepherd became a huntsman, than afterwards a thief, lastly he was head of an army, and was in possibility to make himself king of Spain. 
The Praetor Vetilius defeated and taken prisover by Viriatus.  This action did win him much credit and reputation among the neighbour nations. Vetilius meaning to pursue him, fell into ambushes which he had laid in a certain passage covered with wood: so as being charged in front by Viriatus his horsemen, and on either side by his footmen, the Roman army was wholly defeated, and the Praetor Vetilius found among the prisoners, who being scorned as a man of no value by him that had taken him, for that he was old and fat, he was instantly slain. The Romans which escaped at this rout, 
An other defeat of the Romans.  gathered head at Tartesse, being some 6000 men, whom Vetilius, Questor or Treasurer, caused to rest for a time: and having made a new levy of 5000 of their allies, he sent them all to encounter Viriatus, but there returned not one, being all cut in pieces: whereupon the Questor kept himself within the walls, attending to be relieved by some other Roman army. In the mean time Viriatus spoiled the fertile fields of the Carpetanians.  
21 Then came C. Plautius for Praetor, bringing ten thousand foot, and thirteen hundred horse from Rome: Whereof Viriatus being advertised, he made show to fly, after whom Plautius sent 4000 of his best men, 
C. Plautius defeated by Viriatus.  who were suddenly charged by them that fled before them, and were in a manner all slain. Viriatus passing beyond the river of Tayo, went and campt in a certain mountain full of olives, called Venus mount: whereas Plautius burning with desire of revenge for their former losses, was vanquished again with great loss, and forced to retire before his time, and winter in his forts, not daring to show himself in field: so as Viriatus did run over all the country at his pleasure, and ransomed the towns which would save their corn, and other fruits which was ready to gather; else he set fire of it.  
22 Claudius Vnimanus, 
Cl. Vnimanus defeated by Viriatus.  an other Praetor, being sent against this captain, was also defeated, increasing the disgrace received by his predecessors: where he lost all the forces which he had brought. The rods and axes, the coats of arms of Captains, and other spoils taken from the Romans, were hung up by Viriatus in the mountains, in sign of his victories. And soon after 300 Lusitanians having encountered 1000 Romans in a certain strait, the Romans lost 320 of their men, and the others but 70: besides, as the Roman horsemen pursued some Lusitanians on foot which retired, one of the troop turning head, thrust a Romans horse through with a pike, and presently struck off the man's head with his sword; whereat the rest being amazed, they stayed, and pursued not this Lusitanian, who retired softly mocking them.  
23 After C. Vnimanus mention is made of C. Nigidius, who was sent Praetor into the further Spain, and was as unfortunate as the rest.  
24 Q. Fabius Maximus, 
An. Romae 608.  and L. Hostilius being Consuls, C. Lelius was sent Praetor into Spain, against Viriatus, who managed the war with great wisdom; but as the danger increased, and many people of Spain moved with the valour and fortune of Viriatus rebelled, the Senate of Rome decreed that one of the Consuls should go in person to that war, with a Consular army: so as Q. Fab. Maximus Aemilianus, 
Qu. Fab. Max. Consul sent against Viriatus.  son to Paulus Aemilius (who subdued Perseus' king of Macedon) was sent thither; a Captain instructed in the severe discipline of his father: who having levied two legions of new soldiers, with some bands of their allies, he led some 15000 foot, and 2000 horse into Spain. Being arrived at Orsone, a town in Spain, he would not expose his new soldiers, which had not been tried in any encounters, but kept them within their forts, and by little and little trained them with light skirmishes: but Viriatus carried away both spoil and honour for the first year. But Fabius charge being prolonged, and he remaining Proconsul in Spain, supposing that his army was now sufficiently trained, 
Qu. Fab. Max. defeats Viriatus.  he went to field, and vanquished Viriatus in a set battle, took two towns from him, and pursued him to a place called Becor. After this exploit he led his army to winter at Cordove.  
26 Viriatus finding himself neither so safe nor so strong as he was wont, he solicited the Arevaces, Bells, and Titthes, a warlike people, and drew them from the Romans alliance. These did raise a long and dangerous war, which was called the Numantine, by reason of Numance one of their towns. Viriatus had Quintius, a Roman captain, against him in an other quarter, by whom he was put to rout, & forced to retire into his fort on mount Venus: yet making roads from thence he slew 1000 of Quintius soldiers at one time, took some ensigns, and in the end made the enemy's army retire: besides, he chased away the garrison which was in Ituca, and spoiled the Basitans country: during which disorders Quintius kept himself within Cordove, either for cowardice, or want of judgement, sending a captain of the town of Italique in Spain against the enemy. Q. Metellus the Consul, was sent into Celtiberia, who subdued the Vacceans with great expedition, and continued his government above a year.  
27 Q. Fab. Maximus Seruilianus, 
Ann. Rom● 610  being Consul, succeeded Quintius, and went into Spain with an army according to his dignity, making about 16000 foot and 1600 horse: he also sent to Micipsa king of the Numidians for elephants. As this Consul conducted a part of his army to Ituca, Viriatus came and charged him with 6000 men, making horrible cries, and wearing long locks, after the accustomed manner of these barbarians in their wars, whom the Romans withstood with great difficulty: 
The Consul Seruilianus defeats Viriatus in Spain and is but to rout by him.  but when as the rest of their army was joined with them; and that ten elephants were arrived out of Lybia with 300 horses, the Consul Seruilianus went and provoked the enemy to fight, vanquished him, and put him to flight: yet he could not so well contain his men, but they pursued in disorder and confusion, as it falls out often: so as Viriatus watchful upon all occasions, turned head upon them that pursued, slew a great number, and pursued the rest unto their camp: the which he attempted to force, and without the virtue of Fannius, 
Fannius defends the Roman campel from Viriatus.  father in law to C. Lelius, he had entered; to the total ruin of the Roman army. Night approaching, made the enemy retire, leaving the Romans much troubled and amazed. But afterwards Viriatus, a man without rest, molested them day and night, sometimes by his soldiers lightly armed, sometimes by his horsemen, until that he forced the Consul to dislodge, and to retire to Ituca. Then he took the way of Lusitania, being in some extremity for want of victuals, and his forces decreasing. The Consul following him, and not able to overtake him, made war against the Beturians, dwelling in the country which is now called Extrema Dura: and caused five towns to be sacked, for that they had given aid and favour to Viriatus: then he retires to Cunes, from whence he marched soon after against Viriatus in Lusitania; 
The exploits of Qu. Fab. Max. Seruilianus as Proconsul.  and encountering Curius and Apuleius, two captains of thieves upon the way, having with them 10000 fight men, the Roman army was somewhat troubled; yet Curius was slain in the fight: after which the Romans got the advantage, so as Seruilianus took Escadie, Gemelle, & Oboliola, by force, with other places held by the garrisons of Viriatus, whereof some were abandoned to the spoil, others were pardoned: he took ten thousand prisoners, whereof five hundred were beheaded, the rest he caused to be sold: 
Se●ere Execution of Spanish prisoners.  and with this good fortune he retired his army the second time to winter, and then returned to Rome.  
28 Q. C●cilius Metellus having prorogation of his charge in the hither Spain or Celtiberia, in quality of Proconsul, he besieged Trebia, a rich town of that country, the which he took by his politic stratagems. It happened during this siege, that five companies being set in guard in a certain place, 
Metellus severity against soldiers whi●h had abandoned their guards.  were dislodged by the enemy: Metellus showed himself so severe, as he would not receive them, but commanded them to return to the place, unless they would be used as traitors, and as men that had abandoned the army: the which he did to make them feel the pain of their cowardice, commanding to cut them in pieces that should fly towards the camp. These soldiers forced by necessity, showed themselves valiant, and recovered the place from whence they had been chased. Besieging Centobrica, the chief man within the town, called Rhetogenes, retired to the Romans camp, wherewith the inhabitants being much incensed, they set this fugitives children upon the walls, whereas the Romans engines did batter: 
His humanity to poor Innocents.  the which did so move Metellus to pity, as he left the siege, forbearing rather to take the town, than to kill these poor innocent creatures, which act of humanity, did much daunt the Celtiberians, so as from that time they were more tractable. Being demanded to what end he made so many turnings and windings with his army, he answered, that if he thought his shirt knew his conceptions he would burn it. The glory of his great exploits in Spain, were blemished by the envy he bore to Q. Pompeius' his enemy, who he understood should succeed him in his charge: to the end he should find all things difficult, he gave leave to all soldiers that demanded it, without inquiry of the cause: he suffered them to spoil the victuals and munition which remained; 
Metellus seeks to dishonour his private enemy, with the prejudice of the public.  he commanded the Candiot archers, to break their bows and arrows, and did forbid to give the elephants their ordinary allowance. Having thus satisfied his spleen, he did frustrate himself of his triumph, which he had deserved by so many glorious deeds, knowing better how to surmount his enemies, than his own choler.  
29 Q. Fab. Maximus Aemilianus, or Seruilianus according unto some, Proconsul, made war in the mean time against Viriatus: and having taken a commander among the thieves called Connoba, by his voluntary yielding, he pardoned him: but he caused all his soldiers hands to be cut off, 
Fab. Max. doth cruelly execute the Spaniards.  and afterwards punished as many of the revolted as he could take, in the like manner. He besieged the town of Erisane, into the which Viriatus found means to enter by night: from whence at the break of day he sallied with great fury, with a troop of their best men, and not only chased away such as wrought in the ditches & trenches, but also some companies which were set there to guard them, with great slaughter: Yet Viriatus thinking now of the change of human things, and of the miseries which do often follow prosperity, using his good fortune with modesty, 
Viriatus favoured by the Senate of Rome, who gave him peace.  he began to give ear to conditions of peace, the which he obtained very favourable, both from the Proconsul and Senate, whom they called a friend to the people of Rome, and decreed, That such as had followed him, should enjoy the lands they then held: wherefore this dangerous war seemed to be ended, but soon after it was renewed.  
30 Q. Cepio Consul being come into the further Spain, 
Anno Romae 613  successor to the Proconsul Q. Fabius, began to blame the capitulations made with Viriatus, as unworthy of the honour & greatness of Rome, and had now got leave of the Senate, to molest Viriatus under hand, that he might take some subject to rebel. Then by his importune letters and many messages, he obtained a decree, 
Qu. Cepio breaks the treaty made with Viriantus.  to proclaim war against him: whereupon he went to besiege Arsa, the which yielded, Viriatus having abandoned it. Who marched into Carpetania, which is the jurisdiction of Toledo, spoiling and burning all he left behind him: yet he was followed and overtaken by the Consul, but being a politic captain, he would not hazard a battle, being but weak in regard of the Roman army, but gave leave to most of his soldiers to slip away by certain valleys covered with woods; and he himself in the mean time presented himself unto the enemy in a strong place, with some troops to keep them occupied, until he thought his men were retired into a place of safety. Then he suddenly vanished by secret passages, best known to himself, leaving the Romans amazed which way he should fly. Cepio marching towards the Vectons, and the Callaiques, spoiled their fields. At the same time did rise other troops of thieves in Lusitania, after the example of Viriatus, against whom (according unto some) Brutus was sent. Viriatus desiring to come unto the former accord, foreseeing that in the end he should not be able to resist the Roman power, sent Audax, Ditalcon, and Minure, three of his most familiar friends, unto Cepio, to treat an accord with him: but Cepio corrupted them with great gifts and promises, 
Barbarians easy to corrupt with money.  persuading them to murder their captain; the which they did execute in this manner. Viriatus was one that slept little, and for that he would be ready for all accidents, he slept most commonly armed, giving free access in the night to all his friends. Audax and his confederates embracing this opportunity, came into his tent, under colour of speaking with him concerning some great affairs: and finding him asleep all armed but the throat, they stabbed him in that place, and slew him. And then without any noise (being assured they had dispatched him) they retired to the Consul Cepio: 
Viriatus treacherously murdered to the dishonour of the Romans, and of the Consul Cepio Traitors deceived by him that suborned them.  who gave them leave to enjoy the possessions which they then held, but as for gifts and recompenses which he had promised, he sent them to the Senat. At the break of day, Viriatus servants and the whole army, wondering that he slept so long, contrary to his custom, some going in, found him wallowing in his own blood; which filled the whole camp with grief & tears, who besides their heaviness for the unworthy death of so valiant a man, they were in care of their own preservations, and for the dangers which did environ them. Besides, they were the more discontented, that the traitors were escaped. Wherefore taking his body, and wrapping it in a rich cloth, they laid it upon a high pile, and having sacrificed many beasts, they did celebrate his funerals, after their manner, the soldiers both horse and foot running about the fire, and filling the air with the name of Viriatus, until the fire had consumed all: after which in memory of his name, they had sword players which did fight for their lives. Thus Viriatus ended his days, being desired and lamented of all his soldiers, 
Viriatus lamented of his soldiers for his valour and bounty  for that in war he was the first in danger, but when it came to divide the spoils, he was but equal, & it may be inferior to all the rest: and he had that happiness above most captains, that having an army of divers nations, he led them to the wars for the space of eight years, without any mutiny or sedition among his soldiers; who in Viriatus place chose Tantalus for their captain, very contrary to him in manners and virtue. This fact did purchase no less infamy to Cepio, than to the traitors which did execute it. Tantalus was so priest by him, as he left both arms and army, upon composition, to whom there were certain lands appointed; so as for a time the Lusitanians contained themselves in peace.   

THE FOURTH BOOK OF the History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 War ill managed by Q. Pompeius against the Numantines.  
2 The exploits of M. Pompilius Lenas' his successor.  
3 The deeds of D. Brutus in Lusitania and Galatia.  
4 The miseries of Mancinus and his companion M. Aemilius Lepidus, in the Numantine war.  
5 The government of P. Furius Philus, by whom Mancinus was delivered unto the Numantines.  
6 The Numantine war ended by P. Scipio Emilianus.  
7 The expedition of Q. Caecilius Metellus, and his victories in the islands of the Baleares.  
8 The government of C. Marius and other Praetors in Spain, unto L. Corn. Dolabella.  
9 The acts of the Consul T. Didius.  
10 Fuluius Flaccus.  
11 Retreat of M. Crassus, flying the Roman sedition in Spain.  
12 Sertorius war in Spain, begun by Q. Caecilius Metellus, and ended by Pompey.  
13 Death of Cn. Piso in Spain.  
14 Governments of Calid. Tubero, and C. jul. Caesar.  
15 Pompey perpetual Proconsul in Spain.  
16 Caesar disarms Afranius and Petreius in Spain.  
17 Caesar constrains M. Varro to yield unto him.  
18 War betwixt Caesar and Pompey's children.  
19 Lepidus triumphs for Spain, having done no exploit of war there.  
20 The deeds of Augustus in Spain, and the absolute conquest thereof.  
21 Spain under Tiberius.  
22 Christian religion preached in Spain.  
23 Saint james son to Zebedee.  
24 Seneca and other learned Spaniards put to death by Nero.  
25 Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, and the persecutions of the Church of God under them.  
26 Cocceius, Nerua, trajan, and his edict to ruin the forts of Spain.  
27 The peopling of Spain by jews, under Adrian.  
28 Spain under the antonine.  
29 The Empire of Severus, Caracalla, and others unto Claudius.  
30 The enterprises of Tetricus upon Spain and the Gauls.  
31 Spain under Aurelian, Tacitus, and others, unto Dioclesian.  
32 Cruelties of Dioclesian against the Church of God, and of his companions in the Empire, and their ends.  
33 Constantine the Great his children, with julian and jovinian, Emperors.  
34 Valentinian and Valence, under whom the Goths invaded the Roman Empire in the East.  
35 Theodosius, Arcadius, and Honorius, his children, under whom the Goths assailed Italy, and the provinces of the Western Empire.   
1 QVintus Pompeius Aulus Consul, in the year 612 coming very late in his Province, and having received an army but in bad equipage from the hands of Q. Metellus, he went to beseech the Numantines; for of all the towns against whom Metellus had made war, only Numantia and Thermancia continued in arms: Thermancia was strong by nature, situated among the woods and betwixt two rivers, and therefore of hard access: 
Numantia attempted in vain by Qu. Pompeius.  wherefore he went first to Numantia, in the which there were eight thousand of the best and most resolute soldiers that were in all Spain, as the Romans found by experience. The Roman army was in all about thirty thousand foot and two thousand horse. Being at this siege, the Roman foragers were charged by a sudden sally of the besieged, so as many of them were slain upon the place. Pompey was then absent; who being advertised of this rout, hasted to the camp: but the Numantines notwithstanding his diligence retired without loss, and continued daily to skirmish with the soldiers, and to have the advantage: wherewith Pompey being discontented, he left it, and would attempt Thermancia, to see if he could repair his honour, and get some profit: but he lost seven hundred of his best men at the first encounter, and they chased a Colonel, which conducted victuals to the camp. Soon after he had a third rout, with the loss of many horse and foot, and with such an amazement of all the rest of the army, as they stood all night in arms; and day being come, the Thermantines running unto their trenches, and provoking the enemy, they fought with equal advantage all day long, until night. Whereupon Pompey did also dislodge from thence, 
Qu. Pompeius retires from Thermancia.  and marched towards Malia, a little town held by a garrison of the Numantines; the which was yielded by the treason of the inhabitants, having slain the soldiers which were set there to guard it: where having left some companies, after that he had disarmed the inhabitants, he marched towards Sedetane, to defend it from the spoils of Tangin, captain of the thieves, whom he defeated and took prisoner, with a great number of his soldiers, but he could neither draw ranson nor service from them: for these Barbarian captives entered into such a rage, 
The Barbarian impatient of servitude, kill themselves.  as in a manner they all slew themselves, or murdered their masters which had bought them; being unable to endure servitude: yea, some were so malicious, as passing the rivers, they made holes in boats, so as they sunk with their burdens. After all this, Pompey would needs return to Numantia, where he sought to divert the course of the river of Duero, which passed along the town, that he might cut off their passage for victuals. The inhabitants and soldiers within the town fight against his designs, repulsed both them that were at work, and those that guarded them, or that came to secure them; and in many skirmishes and sallies they slew many Roman horsemen, with Opius, a Colonel of a thousand foot: and in another place, at a trench which the Romans had made, the Numantines sallying forth suddenly, slew four hundred men, with the overseer of the work.  
During these exploits, there arrived certain Roman Senators at the camp, with some new bands, to supply the places of the old soldiers, which desired to be dismissed, having served six years in those wars. Pompey being ashamed of his bad success, did that which his predecessors had not yet done, continuing his siege before Numantia all the Winter: so as many which were not accustomed to the rain, snow, and cold of that Region, died of colics and pain in their bellies. Besides, he had another rout, seeking to secure his soldiers which were gone to forage, whereas he lost many, as well of the Roman nobility, as of private soldiers: so as tired and wasted with so many losses, he was forced to retire and to lodge his army, attending him that should come to succeed him in the Spring. 
Negligence and cowardice of captains punished sometimes at Rome.  But fearing to be censured, for that he had managed that war so ill, he resolved to make a kind of composition with them of Numantia: who being much weakened with the miseries which they had endured, and fearing they should be distressed for victuals, living in a barren country, they consented to send ambassadors to Pompey, who in open show demanded, That they should yield unto the Romans discretion; 
Dissimulation of Pompey to cover his faults.  but under hand he granted many of their demands, drawing from them some talents, certain hostages, and them that were revolted. There remained yet some part of the composition money to pay, for the which Pompey stayed, 
Ann. Romae 614  when as M. Popilius Lenas' a Consul arrived in Spain to succeed him. Then Pompey being freed from the care of the war, 
Pompey doth impudently deceive the Numantines.  denied that he had accorded any thing unto the Numantines, notwithstanding that many captains and Roman Senators did affirm the contrary: Whereupon Popilius sent this controversy to Rome unto the Senate, 
Popilius Lenas' unfortunate in the war of Numantia.  whereas the ambassadors of Numantia and Pompey did plead: but the Senate was of opinion not to confirm any thing that Pompey had done, and that the war should continue against the Numantines. Popilius then continuing war against them, did nothing that was memorable, although his charge were prolonged, but lost his honour, and many good soldiers.  
3 During his time, 
Ann. Rom●e 615  the Lusitanians having rebelled again, D. junius Brutus was sent into the further Spain. Others say, That he did execute that which follows, under the Consul Q. Cepio, and that he was sent by him as his Lieutenant, by reason of the distance of places betwixt the rivers of Betis, Anas, Tagus, Durius, and Lethe's, by the which the thieves escaped, and made sudden incursions, not only molesting them that pursued them, but also putting them out of hope to take them, 
Exploits of D. Brutus the Consul.  by reason of the strength of the places. Brutus therefore took this course, he would not trouble himself in running after these nimble fellows, who knew all the means to escape; but went directly to their own country, that he might in one expedition both punish them, and enrich his soldiers with their spoils; assuring himself, they would come to defend their holes: wherein he was nothing deceived: for both men and women came running to repulse the Roman army, fight with a desperate fury: so as being half dead, 
The obstinate courage of the Barbarians.  dismembered, or covered with wounds, they were never heard groan: yet many less courageous, taking up as much as they could carry, fled to the mountains, whom Brutus afterwards (upon their suit) pardoned. Having passed the river of Duero, he subdued many people, 
Brutus the first Roman that entered with an army into Galicia.  and took hostages, and was the first of all the Romans which led an army beyond the river of Lethe's, called Limia, where he assailed the Brecaires, a people of Galicia, who had spoiled the victuallers coming to his camp. This nation was accustomed to lead their wives to the war, 
Women in Spain warriors and valiant.  and both men and women did fight so obstinately, as they were never seen to turn their backs, nor cast out any cries unworthy of soldiers for any wounds which they received. The women that were taken prisoners, slew themselves and their children, rather than to be slaves. Many of their towns and retreats yielded unto Brutus, but he was constrained to subdue them again; for finding him somewhat retired, they rebelled again. The inhabitants of Talabrica in another part of the province made trial of the magnanimity and clemency of the ancient Romans: for being often revolted, and having abused the pardon which he had given them, Brutus having forced them to yield to his discretion, demanded first the fugitives, and then the prisoners taken in war. Then he disarmed them, and took the chief among them for hostages: which done, he made them all go out of the town, with their wives and children, and having caused them to be environed by the armed bands, he spoke unto them, 
Brutus' magnanimity and clemency to rebels.  reproaching them with their many rebellions and ingratitudes; for the which they attended no less than the sentence of death: but he ended his speech with reproaches and bitter words, and then beyond all hope sent them home to their houses, depriving them only of their arms, horses, and other equipage for war, and of their common treasure. They writ, That he did assign lands for them that had served Viriatus in the war, and that he gave them the town of Valence in Lusitania to dwell in. 
A worthy punishment of a cowardly captain.  This year C. Matienus being accused at Rome, That he had abandoned the army, whereof he had charge in Spain, was beaten with rods, and sold for a Sesterce (which in our English money is a penny) by a decree of the people.  
As for Popilius, who made war against the Numantines, or rather they made war against him, he returned to Rome, at the coming of the Consul C. Hostilius Mancinus, who was altogether unfortunate in his enterprises; the which was signified unto him by presages, before he came out of Italy: for as he took shipping at Port Hercules, there was a strange voice heard, saying, 
Hostilius Mancinus unfortunate is Spain.  Mancinus stay; and as he took port at Genes, there was a great Snake found in his ship, the which escaped. He was beaten every where by the Numantines, having thirty thousand men in his army. Being terrified with a bruit, That the Cantabrians and Vacceans came to succour Numantia, he fled in the night into desert places, whereas Nobilior had encamped in former time, and there without any munition or rampire, he was the next morning found and besieged by the enemy, and constrained to capitulate a peace with them upon like conditions, engaging his faith to make them be ratified by the Senate. Tib. Gracchus (who was afterwards slain) being Tribune of the people, than Questor in this army, was the negotiator of this peace: who was so favoured by the Numantines, as they having spoiled the Romans camp, and among other things carried away the accounts, quittances, and other papers of Gracchus, 
Mancinus called to Rome to answer the ignominious accord made with the Numantines.  they restored them to him again very willingly. Although this composition were ignominious, yet did it save the lives of twenty thousand Roman citizens: Which being known at Rome, M. Aemilius Lepidus the other Consul was presently sent into Spain, and Mancinus called home to Rome, to give an account of his action, the Numantine war remaining for a time suspended. By reason whereof, M. Aemilius being impatient to remain in the Province idle (for captains never go to the war, but to get honour and profit) whilst that Mancinus process was in hand, and that he had received news, he began to molest the Vacceans, 
M. Aemilius the Consul attempts war rashly against the Vacceans.  saying, That they had relieved the Numantines, and under that pretext besieged Palantia, their chief town, being strong and rich, calling D. Brutus his father in law to assist him at this work, who had his charge prorogued in quality of Proconsul of the further Spain. The Senate advertised hereof, sent Cinna and Caecilius ambassadors into Spain, to let him understand, That the Romans did not hold it convenient (after so many losses) to attempt a new war, and presented unto him the Senate's decree, by the which he was forbidden to make war against the Vacceans. Aemilius (who had already begun the siege) answered, That the Senate was not well informed how matters passed in Spain, nor how that he had joined his forces with those of Brutus: and that he was well assured, that the Vacceans had relieved the Numantines with victuals, men, and money: that if he should retire in that sort, it would be a dishonour, and that many of their allies would take occasion thereby to quit the Romans friendship, and to contemn them. With these reasons (the which the Consul did also write unto the Senate) Cinna returned. Then did the Consul AEmilius Lepidus and Brutus the Proconsul busy themselves to plant many engines to batter the town, and to furnish their army with victuals. Flaccus (who was Commissarie general of the camp) causing great store of corn to be brought, was surprised by the enemy, and so enclosed, 
The policy of Flaccu● Commissarie of the victuals.  as it was impossible to escape: but he by a singular policy caused it to be bruited among his troops, That the Consul had taken Palantia, the which did so amaze the enemies, as with a foolish credulity they quit their prey, and retired. The siege of Palantia growing tedious, the Roman army began to suffer so much, as both men and beasts perished for hunger: 
A shameful retreat of two Roman 〈◊〉 from before Palantia.  so as in the end he was forced to leave the siege, and retire in the night, in great disorder: for there were many sick men, who desired them not to abandon them to the enemy's sword; which moved all men to pity: and therefore it was a great hindrance unto the army, being pursued by the Palantines: who losing this wished opportunity, returned, as if some Angel had stood before them, to prevent the total ruin of the Roman army: yet Paulus Orosius writes, That there were six thousand men slain, and that the rest were put in rout, 
Aemilius Lepid● punished for his disobedience.  and saved themselves without arms. M. Aemilius Lepidus being called to Rome by reason of these errors, was degraded and condemned in a great fine. Brutus continuing in his charge of Proconsul in the further Spain, spent much time to order things in his Province, and afterwards triumphed at Rome: he was afterwards called Callaique or Gallique, for that he had subdued the people of Gallicia.  
As for the question betwixt Mancinus and the ambassadors of Numantia, 
The Romans discharged of their bonds, in delivering the magistrates which made then.  it was judged, That the accord made without the authority of the Senate should be void, and they decreed, That Mancinus, who was bound unto the Numantines, should be delivered unto them, to dispose of him at their pleasure, after the example of the ancient Romans, who had for the like offence delivered twenty captains unto the Samnites. According unto which decree, Mancinus was brought into Spain by P. Furius Philus or Philo, Consul in the year 617, and was delivered by him naked and bound unto the Numantines, 
Mancinu● delivered bound unto the Numantines.  who refused him. This Furius in a bravery made Q. Metellus and Q. Pompeius' Consular men, and his enemies, come with him into Spain, to serve him as his Lieutenants: and this year the war was managed in Spain with three Consular armies: but P. Furius did nothing that was memorable. After whom, Q. Calphurnius Piso came into the Province: who having overrun the territory of Palantia, and taken some little prey, he spent the rest of his time shut up in Carpetania: and this year the Romans received a rout by them of the town of Numantia.  
6 The people of Rome being weary of this Numantine war, which grew daily more difficult, 
Scipio Aemilianus sent into Spain.  in the year 619 they did choose P. Corn. Scipio AEmilianus, called Africanus, Consul, for that some few years before he had ruined the mighty city of Carthage; unto whom Spain was given without lot: whither he went with some voluntaries, and a small number of his friends, being some four thousand men; for Spain had too many soldiers, and wanted only good captains. He gave this troop in charge to Buteon his nephew, and he himself went speedily before. Being arrived in Spain, he found what he had heard before; That the army was very ill disciplined: Wherefore holding it a part of great wisdom first of all to reform the corrupt manners of the soldiers, as soon as he arrived, he chased out of the camp all merchants, 
Scipio reforms the army.  strumpets, tellers of fortune, and the new superstitious sacrificers; to which things the soldiers were too much given: he cut off their carts and baggage, forbidding them to bring any thing into the camp that was not necessary. He did forbid beds, and he himself gave example unto others, lying upon coverings spread upon girts. Finally, he set such an order among the soldiers (submitting himself unto the rigour of his own ordinances, as in a short time they became modest, temperate, and obedient. Then he began to train them in warlike exercises, removing his camp often, whereas he caused the soldiers to dig and make rampires, himself being always present, from the day break to the Sun set; and commonly he made them to march in a square battle, 
The patterns of a good and wise captain.  punishing any one that went out of his rank. He went about his army to see if they marched in good order, and if he found any sick or tired, he set them on horseback, causing others to alight: and he was no less just unto beasts: for if there were any horses overladen, he distributed their superfluous burdens among the footmen, He appointed every man his charge and office, and limited a time for the finishing of their works, which they might not neglect. When as he found his soldiers sufficiently enured to labour, and accustomed to obey their commanders, than he came to encamp near unto Numantia, whereas he would not lodge his army in quarters, 
A good beginning is of great importance in matters of war.  as others before him had done, but kept it all united, that the enemy should get no advantage of him in the beginning; the which is of great consequence. He had no will to suffer any one to go forth to skirmish, until he was well informed how to make war with that people, of the opportunities he must seek, and of their manner of proceeding, their counsels and resolutions; keeping the enemy by that means from straying abroad, and maintaining the country, which was behind his army, assured for his foragers: saying always, That light skirmishes affected upon bravery, without necessity, should be rejected by a wise and expert captain, who should respect nothing but necessity, profit, and occasion, and then he should show himself courageous and hardy. When as he saw a convenient time, he marched with his army, and taking a great circuit, he came and encamped in the territory of the Vacceans, from whence the Numantines had their victuals. There he wasted the country, burning all that could not serve to feed his army. Not far from Palantia is a place called Coplain, 
The Palantihes mighty among the Spaniards.  where behind a hill the Palantines had lodged a great troop of men, having in the mean time sent out some companies against the Romans, which went to forage the country: for whose guard Scipio sent Rutilius Rufus with four bands of horsemen, who repulsed the enemy, but with such an inconsiderate heat, as they were carried pellmell unto the top of the hill, where they discovered the enemies which lay in ambush: Then Rufus commanded his men to make a stand, and to cease their pursuit, for they were to defend themselves: from which danger they were freed by the Consul Scipio, who arrived with the rest of the horsemen: for hearing that the enemy began to fly at the sight of Rufus, he doubted there was some stratagem. Being advertised, that there were some ambushes prepared at the passage of the river, which was full of mud, he took another way, and spared not his soldiers pains to free them from danger. 
The 〈◊〉 of Scipio.  In this long and dry passage he digged Wells for to ease his soldiers, being oppressed with the violent heat, but they found the waters bitter. In the end he came into a more fertile country, with the loss only of some horses and beasts of carriage.  
Passing by the territory of Cauca, whereas Lucullus had made that great slaughter, he made proclamations, 
Scipio repairs Lucullus faults.  That the Caucians which were absent might return freely to their lands, and from thence he led his army to winter in the territory of the Numantines, whereas jugurthe, grand child to Massinissa, came unto him, bringing certain companies of archers and casters with slings, with twelve Elephants. In this place some Romans foraging and spoiling the neighbour country, were surprised in a Bourg, behind the which the enemies lay hidden in a valley; who were repulsed by Scipio's speedy coming to assist them, but he had no will to pursue them. Approaching soon after to Numantia, he besieged it with two camps; one of the which was commanded by Q. Fab. Maximus his brother. There the besieged made many sallies, provoking the Romans to skirmish: but the Consul laughed at them, saying, it had been a great indiscretion in him to fight with desperate and mad men, whom he was assured to take in a short time by famine. He undertook to cast a ditch and a rampire of a league and a half compass about the town: 
Scipio shut● up the Numantines  for the defence of which work, having set guards in convenient places, he commanded every man to be careful in his quarter, and that when as the enemy should offer to charge in one place, that suddenly they should in the day time hand up a red cloth on a pike, and in the night make a fire, that he and his brother might come to secure them. This work being finished, without it he drew another ditch, making a wall with piles, of eight foot broad and ten high, the which he flanked with towers a hundred and twenty foot one from another: and for that there was a marish ground on the one side, he caused a causey to be raised of the height of this wall, which joined unto it. The river of Duero running through these rampires, brought great commodity to the besieged; for that way men went both in and out, and boats entered by favour of the wind and swiftness of the stream: 
Scipio seeks to take away the use of the river from the Numantines.  to take away the use whereof, Scipio built two forts upon the banks, from the which he cast pieces of timber into the water, from one bank unto the other, in the which were fastened great pikes of iron, which went very deep into the water; and these beams were so tied together, as they did turn continually with the force of the stream, so as not any one could pass, either by boat or swimming: for Scipio held it a good course to amaze the enemy, to take from him all means to have intelligence from abroad, and withal to cut off his victuals. For the guard of these fortifications he appointed thirty thousand men, being the one half of his army; to secure the which, he ordained twenty thousand more, reserving the other ten thousand for a third supply: which upon a sign given should come unto their quarters, without confusion. The Numantines attempted often to force these rampires, but they found too great resistance, the Consul himself going the round day and night, and visiting the whole circuit, being almost two leagues; making his account, that the enemy wanting victuals, arms, and succours, could not long hold out. Matters being in this estate, Rhetogenes, surnamed Caraunius, one of the chief and most resolute men within the town, 
Resolution of Rhetogene● the Numantine.  adventured with five of his friends, and so many servants, all well mounted, to come in a dark night unto the enemy's rampires, where they mounted and slew the enemy's sentinels, and with certain engines which they carried, passed over their horses: having sent their servants back, they dispersed themselves in the country of the Arevaces, where they besought those people, That as friends, kinsmen, and allies to the Numantines, they would secure them. Many fearing the Romans, commanded them to departed out of their countries, refusing to hear them: but the young men of Lutia, a rich town, some ten leagues from Numantia, pitying these poor creatures besieged, did solicit the people to relieve them: whereof Scipio being advertised by the ancients of the town, went thither with some troops, and within eight hours space showed himself about their walls, commanding, That the chief of these seditious young men should be delivered unto him, threatening (if they failed) to sack their town: 
Scipio's 〈◊〉 execution upo● rebel.  so as no excuse prevailing, about four hundred were brought unto him, whose hands he caused to be cut off, and the next day returned to the camp. The Numantines priest with hunger and all other extremities, sent five of their citizens unto Scipio, to understand if he would receive them upon any reasonable conditions. avarus, the chief of this embassage, 
An●ill advised and importune ambassador.  coming before him, began to discourse of the virtues and generous disposition of the Numantines, with high words maintaining, That it should not be imputed unto them for a crime, if they had so eagrely defended their liberties, their wives and children, for the which they were now fallen into that calamity. Wherefore (said he) it is reasonable, o Scipio, that (according to thy singular virtue) thou pardon our brave and valiant race, and that thou propound unto us such honest conditions, as we may endure them: for it is in thy power to have the town by this means, or to try what soldiers (who esteem their liberty more than their lives) can do. To whom Scipio made no other answer, but that they must deliver themselves, their town, their arms, and all they had, at his discretion, for he was sufficiently advertised by prisoners, in what estate they were. When this answer was brought unto the besieged (although they expected no better) they entered into such a rage against these poor deputies, 
Brutish fury of the Barbarians.  as they cut them in pieces, being jealous that they had made some agreement with the Romans for their own particular. Then resolving upon all extremities, after that their victuals were consumed, having devoured raw hides, and such like things, in the end they fed upon dead men's flesh: and they fell into such misery, as the stronger oppressed the weaker, 
Miseries of a place besieged.  every man regarding his own particular, being also consumed with pestilent diseases, which grew through the extremities which they endured, and from the corruption and stink of dead carcases. Wherefore vanquished with all these calamities, in the end they took counsel to yield, and came and presented themselves to Scipio like hideous suppliants, 
Numantines reduced to extremity.  deformed, filthy, and torn; their hair and beards long, clotted and staring, resembling rather savage beasts than reasonable creatures: whom Scipio commanded to deliver up their arms that day, and the next day they should all yield themselves in a certain place appointed them. To this they demanded a days respite, for that many were yet remaining within the town, being resolved to die rather by the sword or famine, than to yield, but upon honest conditions. So being returned, and having consulted what was to be done, they resolved, after they had once glutted themselves with that small store which remained, they would sally out upon the enemy, and die fight virtuously for their country. But Scipio knowing, that he had to deal with mad men, restrained his soldiers all he could: the which did the more inflame the Numantines, who notwithstanding all that he could do, issued forth, and forced the Romans to defend themselves, having great need to be commanded by a wise and valiant captain; for they were more than once forced to fight flying: yet in the end the Numantines were repulsed, having lost their best men; notwithstanding they retired without disorder: 
Despair of the Numantines.  their last remedy was to fly out of the town with their arms: but that being stopped, they shut their gates, and slew one another, by sword, poison, or fire, and by all other kinds of deaths: so as Scipio entering into the town, he found all consumed with fire, and not a man living. Others writ, That Scipio burned and razed the town without the consent of the Senate, and not the Numantines, for the hatred which he did naturally bear to them, which he took by force: besides that, by the destruction of such famous towns he made his renown greater, or else that he held it to be expedient & profitable for the Commonweal: they said also, That but some of them slew themselves, and the rest were sold for slaves, only fifty were reserved, to lead them in triumph.  
Thus the taking of Numantia is diversly written, the which did so long resist the Romans, and gave them so many routs, having in the beginning but eight thousand men, the which in the end were reduced to less than four thousand; which notwithstanding did greatly importune their enemies. The territory of Numantia was afterwards divided among the neighbour people; and Scipio (being then Proconsull) having visited the country, and done right to all men, punishing the inconstant allies by words or threats, and some by pecuniary fines, he returned to Rome, 
Ann. Romae 621  where in one year he triumphed of the Numantines, and D. Brutus of the Lusitanians and Gallicians. The Senate deputed ten Senators to go into Spain, to dispose of the affairs of that Province. Thus the troubles were pacified, without any alteration for some years.  
7 In the year 630, Q. Caecilius Metellus and T. Quintius Flaminius being Consuls, the inhabitants of the Islands of the Baleares, which we call Maiorca and Minorca, living by piracy and thieving by sea, ministered occasion to the Romans to send the Consul Metellus, eldest son to him that was called Macedonicus, who after a great slaughter of these thieves brought them to a more civil life; 
Metellus makes war against the Maiorquin●.  where having left some Colonies of Romans, he triumphed at Rome.  
8 C. Marius (he that was afterwards seven times Consul) about the year 640 had the charge of the further Spain as Praetor, where he cleansed the whole country of thieves: which trade those people could not forget, holding it in old time to be very honourable. Q. Servilius Caepio was also sent with the like charge, who fought with the Lusitanians, and did triumph. A while after there did arise new tumults among the Celtiberians: for the appeasing whereof Calphurnius Piso was sent, and after him Sergius Galba, Praetors: but for that the Romans were much troubled with the wars of Italy, as well against the Cimbrians (a nation coming from the borders of the Northern Ocean) as against the slaves which were in arms again, and foraged Sicily, they sent certain Commissioners to pacify the troubles without arms, if it might be. These Cimbrians being vanquished a little before by the Consul Carbo, had fallen upon the Gauls and Spain, from whence they had been repulsed, and in the year 644 returned again to invade Italy, where they defeated the army of M. Syllanus Consul: 
Anno 648.  but the Lusitanians in the year 648 (P. Rutilius Rufus and C. Manilius being Consuls) defeated a Roman army: 
The Lusitanians revolt and defeat the Romans.  the Authors speak not of his name that was the General, nor of his that was sent to suppress them, in the year 652, who subdued them. It may be it was D. junius Silanus. And they stayed not long to minister matter of triumph to the Roman captains, having rebelled again in the year 654, against whom L. Corn. Dolabella a Praetor was sent, who vanquished them and triumphed. The Consul T. Didius, at the same time, after that the Cimbrians had been driven out of Italy, having had the government of Spain about Ebro, 
Thermises taken and razed by T. Didius Consul.  slew in battle 20000 Arevaces and Vacceans, and took the town of Thermise, which was great and strong by situation, commanding the inhabitants for a punishment of their ordinary rebellion to dwell in the plain, and not to inwall themselves: after seven months siege he also took the town of Colenda, and sold the inhabitants. Other people of the Celtiberians continuing in their thieving, were by him condemned to die, by the advice of ten Commissioners, which were then in Spain for the people of Rome. Having then gathered them together, under colour that he would give them land to manure, he caused them to be environed by his soldiers, and cut in pieces: for which deeds he triumphed at his return to Rome. 
Qu. Sertorius.  In the army of this T. Didius was at that time Q. Sertorius, who had charge of 1000 men, a man of judgement and valour, whereof he made good proof, when as under this Consul Didius, the Castalonians attempted, with the help of them of Girize, to cut his regiment in pieces which wintered in their town, for that during the tumult he rallied them together which escaped the slaughter, with the which he revenged the death of his soldiers, putting all the conspirators which he found armed to the sword: & having attired some of his men with their apparel and arms, he marched speedily towards Girize, where being let in by reason of this disguising, he made a great slaughter of the inhabitants, and sold the rest.  
10 The Lusitanians and people of the further Spain in the year 656 drew against them the Consul P. Licinius Crassus, 
Fuluius Flaccus defeats the Celtiberians.  who triumphed in like manner. And in the year 659 Fuluius Flaccus being sent against the Celtiberians, who had rebelled, he slew 20000 in battle, and restrained the rest by justice, even those which had burnt their own Senators, opposing themselves against the rebellion which they had intended; rasing and demanteling some towns. Spain by means of these executions remained quiet, until the civil dissensions betwixt Marius and Sylla, which ministered occasion of new war.  
11 Whilst this Marian sedition continued, M. Crassus having seen his father and brother slain by Cinna and Marius, fled into Spain, where he had been in time passed at the wars with his father, 
A friend is tried in need.  and there had gotten some friends: but finding that every one stood in fear of Marius, he retired to a country house belonging to Vibius Paciacus, where he hide himself in a cave, causing some to sound Vibius' mind, who hearing that Crassus was escaped, he caused him to be secretly fed there eight months by a slave of his, unto the death of Cinna.  
12 After the civil war betwixt Marius and Sylla, the infection of this madness passed into Spain, 
Sertorius war in Spain.  by the means of Q. Sertorius, who having held the party of Cinna and Marius, after the defeats of Carbo, Scipio and Norbanus by Sylla, he retired into Spain, where he had been under the Consul Didius, and there he fortified himself against the enterprises of the Dictator Sylla, causing julius Salinator to keep the passages of the Pyrenee mountains, with 6000 foot, but it was not long before that Sylla sent C. Annius, who not able to force the enemy in a place of such advantage, obtained the passage by the death of Salinator, whom Calphurnius Lanarius (that did malign him) slew in treason. This made Sertorius retire, who had but three thousand men remaining in new Carthage, from whence he passed into Africa, and from thence the barbarians chased him: afterwards thinking to return, he was repulsed from landing in Spain: wherefore he seized upon one of the islands of Pytiuses, in despite of C. Annius garrison: but he was chased from thence also, so as being accompanied with some foists of Cicilian pirates, he was forced to put out to sea for some days. In the end he passed the straight, 
Settorius having endured many crosses, resolves to go and live at the fortunate islands at Canaries.  and put to land above the mouth of the river of Betis, where having information by some mariners of the fortunate islands, he began to resolve to live there in rest: whereupon these pirates disliking his design, abandoned him, and put themselves in pay under a Moor, named Ascalius, who contended with an other for the kingdom of the Marusians, whose party Sertorius maintained. Coming to fight Ascalius was defeated, and after him one of Syllias' captains, called Paccianus, who came to secure him: after which Ascalius was besieged in the town of Tingis, and taken. By this good success Sertorius augmented his army with the remainders of the vanquished enemies soldiers, which came to serve under him. He did so win the hearts of the Moors, using this victory modestly, as they were afterwards all at his commandment: but as he was in great care what course to take, there came ambassadors unto him from the Lusitanians, 
Sertorius called by the Lusitanians.  entreating him to be their General; for that the Romans of Sulla's party made war against them, and therefore they had need of a man of judgement & experience, which honour they did according to his merits offer unto him: upon which summons he left Africa, leading with him about 2500 soldiers, which he called Romans, & yet they were for the most part Africans; with the which having joined 4000 Lusitanians and 700 horses, 
What forces were against Sertorius in Spain.  he made head against four great Roman captains, under whom there were above 120000 foot and 6000 horses, and had in a manner all the towns of Spain at their devotion.  
At the beginning of this war, 
Cotta, Didius and Thoranius defeated by Sertorius.  he defeated Cotta in a sea fight, near unto the town of Mellaria, and put to rout Didius or Fidius, Praetor of Betica, near unto the river of Betis, where he slew 10000 of his men: and by the diligence of his Questor Hertuleius, he also defeated Thoranius, lieutenant to the Consul Q. Metellus Pius, to whom that province was assigned in the year 673. Afterwards he had to deal with Metellus himself, and did so annoy him being a great and an expert captain, as Manlius the Proconsul of Gaul was forced to come to his succours, with three legions and 1500 horse: but Manlius being encountered by Hertuleius Sertorius Questor, 
Sertorius defeats Manlius, and kills L. Domitius.  was defeated, put to flight, and forced to save himself in a manner alone within Lerida. L. Domitius was more unfortunate, who was slain upon the place in an other encounter: all which exploits were done by surprises, and in flying or retiring, the Roman captains not being able to draw Sertorius to fight in a pitched field: whereupon the Senate of Rome, considering that Metellus age (which was somewhat advanced) made him more slow, and therefore not fit to encounter Sertorius, who was in the flower of his age, accompanied with soldiers as light as the wind, enured to labour, hunger, thirst, and all the discommodities of war, 
Pompey sent into Spain to assist Metellus.  were of opinion to send Cn. Pompeius unto him, as an assistant & companion with like authority. In the mean time Metellus besieged the town of the Langobriges, thinking to take it without difficulty, for want of water, knowing there was but one only well in the whole town: but Sertorius provided for this inconvenience; for having promised a reward to such as would carry goats skins filled with water, the Moors and other adventurous people went in with a great quantity: so as Metellus (who had victuals but for five days) was forced to retire, after that Aquinus one of his lieutenants, whom he had sent to forage with 6000 men, had been defeated by Sertorius, who lay continually in ambush.  
About that time M. Perpenna arrived in Spain, with a great army, the which he joined to that of Sertorius, not of his own free will, meaning to make war apart, but by constraint, for that the soldiers having a better conceit of Sertorius than of him, would not follow him: which made Perpenna to envy and hate Sertorius. 
Virtue 〈◊〉 always envied.  With these forces in a manner all Spain beyond Ebro, was conquered by him. When as Pompey was come to Metellus camp, many through his fame, which was great, began to doubt of Sertorius affairs, and many towns which were allied unto him began to waver; but that which happened at Lauronne did confirm them: for Sertorius having besieged Lauronne, 
Lauronne besieged and taken by Sertorius in Pompey's presence.  & Pompey coming thither to raise the siege, when as the armies were near, & that Pompey expected to give him battle, he perceived that at one instant Sertorius held both the town & his army besieged; for he had lodged 6000 men behind Pompey's army, watching an opportunity to compass him in, so as he was forced to be more careful how to save himself, than to deliver the Lauronitanes, whose town he did see taken & burnt before his face: the which Sertorius did, not upon any cruelty (for in the whole course of his life he was never noted of that excess, if it were not by constraint) but to let them know (who made so great esteem of Pompey) that he knew more than he; whom he termed a young man, and Sulla's disciple; and in this act of Lauronna, he said, That a wise captain doth always look more to that which is behind, than before. And to say the truth, Sertorius was one of the politickst captains of his time, as it appeared in this war, whereas he maintained himself and those he led, always invincible, being never beaten but by his Lieutenants, through whose errors he received many prejudicial losses: the which he repaired afterwards with great honour, as the defeat of Hirtuleius by Metellus, near unto the town of Italica, where he lost twenty thousand men.  
After the taking of Lauronne, the armies of either side having wintered (the one in Lusitania, the other near unto the Pyrenees) they began to seek one another: and it happened, that Pompey having encountered Herennius and Perpenna near unto Valence, 
Battle betwixt Pompey and Sertorius, whereas Sertorius had the better.  he defeated them, and in like sort Hirtuleius, who was slain at that time: wherewith grown proud, he marched towards Sertorius, and without attending Metellus and his forces, he came to fight with him, near unto the river of Sucro or Xucar, whereas Pompey was put to flight, and hurt. Metellus arriving, caused Sertorius to retire; with whom he did afterwards fight in the territory of Sagunt, whereas Memmius, Pompey's Questor, was slain, and Metellus wounded: but Sertorius seeing that he had the worst, retired himself cunningly, suffering himself to be besieged in the town of Calaorre, a strong town in a mountain country, where he did more annoy the enemy, than they did him: in the mean time levying men in the towns of his allies, he made a furious sally, and dispersed his enemies; so as Metellus went to Winter in Gaul, and Pompey in the territory of the Vacceans: where having besieged Palantia, Sertorius made him to raise his siege. In this country Pompey found himself much distressed, so as he was forced to demand money, clothes, and come for his army, from the Senate, else he should be forced to bring it back into Italy: Whereupon the Consul Lucullus gave order he should be furnished, fearing, that if he brought his army back into Italy, he would sue unto the people for a Commission to make war against Mithridates, which charge he affected.  
During the Consulship of L. Lucullus and M. Cotta, 
Ann. 679.  the Proconsul's Metellus and Pompey did all they could against the towns allied to Sertoriusi who did so terrify them, as Metellus despairing ever to vanquish him with all the force of the Romans during his life, made a proclamation by the sound of the trumpet, to give 100 talents to him that could kill him, amounting to 60000 crowns, 
Sertorius life set to sale, contrary to the virtue of the ancient Romans.  and besides, 20000 acres of land, if he were a Roman; if a banished man, restitution to all his goods and honours. The banished Senators of Rome, which followed Sertorius army, did all malice their General, whereunto Perpenna (always jealous of his glory) did still incite them: wherefore they began to cross him under hand in many gallant designs, abusing the authority which Sertorius had given them over the Spaniards, proudly, covetously and cruelly, under colour of justice, exacting extraordinary tributes; so as many towns did mutiny, and the love which they did bear unto Sertorius, was turned into hatred: wherefore Sertorius was forced (for the suppressing of many tumults which did arise) to show himself severe, against his own nature, 
Sertorius grows cruel against his nature.  and at the last became cruel: so as in the end he put to death many children of noble houses, whom he held in the town of Osca, under colour to instruct them in learning, and to teach them the manners of the Romans; the which (to speak truly) were so many hostages: and others he sold, to punish the infidelity of the Spaniards, which he discovered daily; the which did much blemish the lustre of his virtues. Perpenna through his malice drew him to this excess, and did procure him infinite enemies, as well Romans as Spaniards, and having found many confederates, he conspired with Aufidius Graecinus, Manlius, Antonius, and others, to murder him; the which he put in execution, having invited him to supper in his lodging, 
Perpenna and his adherents murder Sertorius treacherously  with the whole troop of conspirators, where they stabbed him with their daggers. Such an end had this great captain, by the treason of his own followers; the which being published, all the people of Spain sent ambassadors unto Metellus and Pompey, and yielded unto him. The inhabitants of Ebora attribute the foundation of their town to Sertorius, where there are certain inscriptions to be seen, making mention, that he was buried there. He had many times made offer to Metellus, to lay aside arms, so as he might be called home by a public decree: for he protested that he made not war for the Spaniards greatness, but to maintain the people of Rome, whom he loved and honoured: so as there is no doubt but he was of a mild and gentle disposition, but that necessity had forced him to this contumacy and rebellion, and the violent and ambitious pursuit of his fellow citizens. Perpenna thinking to do some great exploit, made use of Sertorius forces, 
Perpenna puninished for his treason.  but he was deceived: for it soon appeared, that he was not fit to command, being in a short time vanquished, taken, and slain by Pompey. This traitor to redeem his life, offered Sertorius papers unto Pompey, where there were many letters from the Senators of Rome, persuading Sertorius to pass with his army into Italy: but Pompey took these papers, and would not once read them, but burned them all, and so put Perpenna to death, to the end he should not name any one, nor reveal that which was contained in them; the which might have raised a new civil war: 
Pompey's wisdom to extinguish the civil war.  which was no act of a young man. Of all the towns in Spain, Auxima, at this day Osma, and Calagurri, held out for a time against Pompey: but in the end they were taken by force and ruined; Auxima by Pompey, and Calagurri by Afranius: and so this Sertorian war was ended: the last exploits whereof were about Osca and Ilerda in Catelogna, ten years after the beginning thereof, 
Anno 682.  in the year 682: in the which, Metellus and Pompey for their successful exploits in Spain triumphed. At that time Pompey was but a Roman knight; and they say, That he afterwards erected his trophies in the Pyrenee mountains, where he caused to be written the names of 871 towns in his victories, 
Pompey's trophies, and the beginning of Pampelone.  among the which, he would not put that of Sertorius. This was the beginning of Pampelone, according unto some. There were found in those days, in the valleys of Andorre and of Altavaca, certain great buckles of iron, soldered into the rocks with lead, which were held to be the trophies of Pompey. A year after we find mention made of M. Puppius Piso Praetor, who triumphed also for some victories gotten in Spain.  
13 In the year 688 L. Aurelius Cotta and Lucius Manlius Torquatus being Consuls, 
Cn. Piso slain in Spain.  Cn. Piso a young man, audacious, poor, and seditious, suspected to have conspired with Catiline, was sent into Spain with charge (under pretext to do him honour, but the true cause was to get him out of Rome) where he was slain, troubling the province with exactions, and other excess: & some say it was plotted by Pompey. Then mention is made of Q. Calidius a Praetor in the year 692: and after him, of Tubero in the further Spain, who gave the Province to Caius jul. Caesar his Questor, in quality of Praetor, Q. Metellus and L. Afranius being Consuls at Rome, in the year 693 of the foundation thereof: whereas in few days he subjected under the Roman yoke all that was to be subdued in Galicia, 
Clul. Caesar's exploits in Spain being Praetor.  Brecaire, and Lusitania: among others, he destroyed Brigantium in Galicia (the which is Bragance, if it be not the Port of Corugna, or the Groin, called in old time Portus Brigantinus:) He dispersed the Herminian mountainers, inhabiting betwixt the rivers of Duero and Minio, and forced them to retire into the islands of Cincies, which are those of Bayonne of Minio. And if he showed himself active and valiant in matters of war, he won no less honour in administration of justice, and other actions of peace: above all things he pacified many suits, commenced by usurers against their debtors; the which he so ordered, as the creditors should have two third parts of their debtors goods, and the rest they should have for their maintenance, until the debt were paid: and he made many other good ordinances, for the which he was much honoured. After Caesar's return, he being Consul, there was a complot made betwixt him, Crassus, and Pompey, who divided the Roman Provinces betwixt them: whereof Spain fell to Pompey; the which he governed by his Lieutenants: then P. Lentulus was sent thither as Proconsul, and after him Q. Metellus Nepos: in whose time the Gauls of Aquitania made war against Caesar and the Romans, employing the captains and Spanish soldiers which had carried arms under Sertorius.  
From that time Spain was governed by Pompey, or men of his faction: so as upon the beginning of the civil war betwixt him and Caesar, L. Afranius, M. Petreius, 
Pompey perpetual Governor in Spain.  and M. Varro did govern it for him: against whom Caesar marched, after that he had chased Pompey out of Italy; knowing well, that Spain was a seminary for soldiers, and if he took it not from Pompey, his designs would prove but vain: being well advertised, that Pompey had sent Vibullius Rufus thither, to keep that great province at his devotion, and to oppose him against Caesar in those parts. The lieutenants upon Vibullius coming put themselves in order, every one in his government. Petreius made a levy of horsemen in Lusitania: 
Great preparations to resist Caesar in Spain.  Afranius did the like among the Celtiberians, and that part of the Cantabrians, where he commanded. They joined their forces together on this side the river of Ebro, making their storehouse for the war at Ilerda, having in their armies five Roman legions, almost 80 companies of Spaniards, and about 5000 horse. Caesar being resolved to fight with them, and to chase them out of Spain, had sent C. Fabius with three legions to seize upon the passages of the Pyrenee mountains: then he followed with about 6000 Italian foot, which had always served him in the wars of Gaul, and 3000 horse, and the like number of other soldiers levied in Aquitania, most of them of the mountains; of whom he had politickely borrowed all the money they had to pay his army: where he found, that Fabius and the Pompeians were near, and often skirmished about the river of Sicoris or Sigro, whereas Fabius had made two bridges, by the which he sent his soldiers to forage, for all near unto him was consumed, Petreius and Afranius lying beneath the enemy. It happened, that Fabius meaning to pass two legions over one of his bridges, to second his foragers, when as the soldiers were passed, & the baggage following them, the bridge was so overcharged with weight, as it broke; so as Fabius' army was divided, and these two legions engaged, and cut off by the river from the rest of their horse and foot: which the enemies (who lay beneath them) perceiving by the timber and other stuff which came down with the stream, Afranius did suddenly cause four legions and all his horse to pass, to charge Fabius two legions, which were led by L. Plancus: who having put them into a long form of battle, lest he should be environed by these horsemen, he endured the shock of these four legions, until that C. Fabius came to secure him, and to ungage him: for when he saw the bridge broken, he doubted what the enemies would do, and therefore had caused all the rest of his army to pass by the other bridge, which was a good league above it. Hereupon Caesar arrived with his army, and marched towards the enemies to draw them to battle, but he could not: skirmishing for three days together under the town of Ilerda, with loss on either side, Caesar's army (which lay then in a country about seven leagues compass, betwixt the two rivers of Sicoris and Cinga, which were not to be waded through) was much annoyed with rain and tempests that fell, wherewith (the rivers being much risen) the bridges which Fabius had repaired were carried away; so as they could not bring any victuals from their confederate towns, nor out of Gaul nor Italy, neither yet go to forage: and if any did stray out far to seek victuals, they were compassed in by the waters, and could not return to the camp. And on the other side, Afranius and Petreius army lived in abundance: and to increase Caesar's miseries, great store of victuals, stayed by the rivers which were overflown, being conducted out of Gaul, with a good number of foot and horse, were stopped and dispersed by Afranius, who departed in the night with three legions and all his horsemen to defeat them. But the Gauls defended themselves so valiantly, as most of them escaped in the mountains, the which Caesar (having found means soon after to repair his bridges) received, with their leaders. Many days were spent in light skirmishes, and to cut off them that went for forage: in the mean time there were many secret practices; so as Caesar drew unto him five towns and nations; Osca, Calagurri, Tarracone, the Lacetanes and Ausetanes: and in the end, the Spaniards which were in Afranius camp began to disband, and to fly to Caesar's camp, yea, whole bands of the Ilurgavonians: And after the example of these near towns, those that were farthest off sued to Caesar for his friendship; who making many ditches and trenches, drew the river of Sigro or Sicoris into so many streams, as his horsemen might wade through it. Afranius and Petreius being amazed thereat, resolved to dislodge, and pass the river of Ebro, to retire into the Celtiberians country, where they did think to get many horsemen, victuals, and other commodities. According to this resolution, they dislodged in the night from Ilerda, where they left a good garrison, and marched towards Ebro. Caesar having passed his horse, followed them in the rear, and in the end he was so importuned by the legions, as he caused them to wade through the river whereas the horsemen had passed, and made such speed, as he overtook the enemies in the morning, so as the armies were again near together, yet did they neither fight nor march, spending some time to discover the country; yet Caesar in the end found means to get (but not without a sharp encounter) certain straits, whereby he stopped Afranius and Petreius design for their going to Ebro. Whilst they consult what they had to do, 
C●sar disarms Afranius and Petrei●●.  and how to prevent Caesar's surprises, their army weary of them, and won with Caesar's fame and reputation, was easily corrupted by the Caesarian soldiers: the which Afranius and Petreius sought to hinder; yea, Petreius using his absolute authority, slew many of them that parled. Thinking afterwards to return towards Ilerda, and to pass the river Sicoris, but being hindered by Caesar, they put their army in battle ready to fight: but Caesar holding them as it were besieged, reduced them to that extremity, as they demanded their lives of him, resigning their Legions up unto him, and all the Province.  
17 M. Varro, 
Varro follows the time and occasions.  who was in the further Spain, hearing the success of the affairs in Italy, in the beginning, he did hold Pompey's ruin to be most certain: wherefore he spoke very honourably of Caesar, and seemed to desire to be a neuter in these quarrels: but when as he understood, that Afranius and Petreius were gone to field with so great an army, and in what difficulties Caesar was under Ilerda for want of victuals, he then changed his mind, and followed Pompey's party; and filling up two legions which he had, to the which he joined about thirty bands of allies, he began to make provision of great store of corn to send to Afranius, and in like manner to the Marsilians, whom Caesar caused to be besieged: and assuring himself of the city of Gades, he caused all the gold, silver, and jewels which were in Hercules' Temple, to be transported thither, making Caius Gallonius, a Roman knight, Governor thereof, with six companies of Spaniards, carrying all the citizens arms into his lodging. Then he began to change his speech of Caesar, and of his exploits, contrary to that which he had of late used: wherefore the citizens of Rome being dispersed over the Province, being amazed, did easily suffer themselves to be taxed in a great sum of money, for the service of the Commonweal, not sparing (as it is to be conjectured) the towns which he thought to be affected unto Caesar. 
Varro ●andies himself against Caesar.  And if there were any one which durst speak against them that followed Pompey, he did confiscate their goods, forcing every one to take an oath to him and to Pompey, and so he prepared himself to the war, making his account to lodge with his two legions in Gades, upon all events, and to bring all the corn thither, and to gather together all the shipping of that province, the which he knew to be too well affected unto Caesar. Finally, he persuaded himself, That he might prolong the war in this island as much as he pleased. Caesar's affairs priest him to return into Italy, yet holding it necessary to disarm all those that held Pompey's part in Spain, he sent two legions towards Betica, under the command of Q. Cassius, Tribune of the people; after the which he went with some troops of horse, having in the mean time order for the calling of a general assembly at Cordova: whither deputies came from all the towns, and in a manner all the Romans that were in those marches, being much inclined to do what Caesar should command them. M. Varro was excluded by the assembly of Cordova, who set guards in their ports and towers, and they of Carmone chased away the garrison which Varro had placed there, which made him hast the more to bring his two legions to Gades, lest he should be prevented: but he was not far advanced, before he received letters, by the which he was advertised, That the Gaditanes having agreed with the captains of the garrison which was within their town, had forced Gallonius to departed, protesting, That they would keep the town for Caesar: whereupon one of Varroes' legions resolved to leave him, taking the way towards Sevill. 
Varro disarmed by Caesar.  Wherewith Varro being amazed, and seeing himself cooped up in that country, so as he had no means to pass into Italy, he resolved to yield unto Caesar, delivering up his legion which remained, with all the money and victuals that was in his power. Caesar held an assembly at Cordova, and thanked the deputies of towns, the citizens of Rome, and all the captains and others which had showed themselves favourable to his cause: he restored every man to his goods that had been spoiled, and filled all men with hope by his promises. From Cordova he passed to Gades, and restored to Hercules Temple the gold and jewels which had been taken away: and having left Q. Cassius with four legions to govern the Province, he passed by sea to Tarracone, where the deputies of all that part of Spain attended him: with whom having conferred, and disposed of the affairs, he went by land towards Narbone, and from thence to Marseilles, which his lieutenants did besiege. This was in the year 704.  
18 At Marseilles Caesar had news, 
Ann. Rome 704 Cassius cruelty and covetousness thrusts Caesar into a new war.  That he was created Dictator at Rome by M. Lepidus the Praetor: after which time Spain was governed in his name by M. Lepidus and Q. Cassius his lieutenants: But they of Corduba oppressed with the cruelty & covetousness of Cassius, forsook (with two legions) Caesar's party; whereby the war was revived in Spain by Pompey's children, after the defeat and death of their father, in the year 708. This Cassius being covetous, and a great exactor, did incense the soldiers against him; who hurt him, and had like to have stabbed him with their daggers: The authors of this excess were L. Rucilio, Annius Scapula, and Minutius Silo: yet he was cured; and as he thought to pass into Africa by Caesar's commandment, almost all his soldiers abandoned him, and did choose one Thorus, of the town of Italica, for their leader. To this Thorus (who made a show to besiege Cordova) Marcellus did join, but they did invest Mia (which is likely to be Montemajor at this day:) thereupon M. Lepidus came from Rome, where he had proclaimed Caesar Dictator, who kept them from forcing and taking Cassius. Marcellus referred their quarrels to Lepidus: but Cassius being loath to trust him, was content to leave the province, and to give place to Caius Trebonius. Being embarked at Malaca, with all that he had gotten in Spain, to pass into Italy, his ship was cast by a tempest upon the coast, where it perished, not far from the mouth of Ebro.  
These two legions were somewhat pacified by C. Trebonius, who succeeded Cassius Longinus, yet they feared to be punished for their rebellion: wherefore they solicited Scipio, who held Africa for the Pompeyan faction, to send Cn. Pompeius, son to the great Pompey, into Spain; who went thitherward: but he stayed long at the islands of the Baleares, as well to subdue them, as by reason of sickness. The legions hearing afterwards of Scipio's defeat in Italy, and that Caesar sent Didius with an army against them, fearing to be oppressed before Pompey's coming, they did choose T. Quintius Scapula, and Q. Apponius, for their commanders, chase C. Trebonius out of the Betique province. 
Cn. Pompeius gets the further Spain to be at his devotion.  Hereupon Pompey arrived, whom they acknowledged for their General; so as in a short time he reduced the further Spain under his devotion: with whom there came Actius Varus, and Labienus. Caesar advertised of these things, being in Italy, he sent Q. Pedius and Q. Fabius Maximus into Spain: but they were not able to resist Pompey's forces; so as Caesar being solicited by the towns that were allied unto him (especially by them of Corduba) he went in person into Spain. Then did Sextus Pompeius, the younger of the brethren, hold Cordova, the chief town of the government, with a good garrison, and Cn. the elder brother besieged Vlloa, into the which Caesar found opportunity to put some succours, by the means of a great wind and rain, and by the dexterity of L. junius Paciecus, a Spaniard, to whom he had given the charge: which put Cn. Pompeius out of hope to take it: whereupon he dislodged, and led his army towards Cordova, whither Sextus his brother, fearing to be forced by Caesar, did solicit him to approach. Having encountered Caesar upon the banks of Betis, there were many bloody skirmishes, with variable success. Caesar dislodged in the night, and went to besiege Ategua, whither Pompey went, and camped betwixt Ategua and Vcubis, having thirteen legions in his army; yet he made no account but of three, for all the rest were composed of fugitives, and men of no value. Caesar was much stronger in horse, and Pompey had no will to fight, but was willing to prolong the war all he could: yet being desirous to force a certain garrison which Caesar had set to keep a piece of ground which was commodious for either of them, there was a great skirmish, Caesar coming himself to second his men with three legions; so as the Pompeyans had the worst, and were repulsed. Wherewith Pompey being amazed, there being new supplies of horse come to Caesar's camp, he dislodged, and retired towards Cordova, being followed by Caesar's horse, whereof he slew many, being engaged in one of his legions. Some past from his camp unto Caesar, 
Ategua taken by Caesar.  among the which were Q. Martius and C. Fundanius. Ategua being sorely battered, and well defended for many days, in the end yielded. The which Pompey understanding, he marched towards Vcubis, where he caused a search to be made for all the inhabitants which favoured Caesar, cutting off the heads of seventy four, and casting many women and children over the walls; which made many to fly to Caesar's camp, yea captains, and heads of bands, and the soldiers of some legions, with some towns. Wherefore Pompey fearing that by his delays he should lose both his allies, & his army itself, having spent some days in turning up and down, in the end he resolved to give Caesar battle near unto Munda. In both armies, besides Romans and Italian allies and Spaniards, there were many Moors: 
moors in both the armies of Caesar and Pompey.  for Boechus a Moorish king, had sent two of his sons to succour Pompey; and Bogud another king of the same nation, was in person in Caesar's army: yet the battle was fought in a manner by the Romans alone. On Caesar's side the soldiers were encouraged by their General's presence, and did wonderful deeds of arms. In Pompey's army, whereas the sugitive legionaries were, 
Battle betwixt Caesar and Pompey.  despair to get their pardon made them to fight resolutely. Being come to join, the allies of either part turned their backs presently, so as the Romans must try it who should have the better, the which was done with great obstinacy on either side; so as there could no groans nor lamentations be heard, of any one that was dying or wounded, but only striking and killing, one encouraging another, and showing themselves more prompt with their hands than tongues. The battle was long doubtful, neither could Caesar or Pompey judge which had the better, who after they had long beheld it in great perplexity, they came among them to encourage their soldiers, whereof there was no great need. King Bogud was the cause of Caesar's victory, who standing without the battle with his Moors, went unto the trenches of Pompey's camp, to spoil it: the which Labienus perceiving, he went out of his rank to make head against him: but the rest of Pompey's soldiers taking it to be a flight, with the apprehension thereof they were all put to rout; and although they did soon after find their own errors, 
A mistaking is the cause of Pompey's ruin.  yet could they not rally themselves together again, but some fled to their camp, and some towards the town of Munde. The slaughter was great on either side, 
Great slaughter on both sides.  even at the taking of the camp, whereas Caesar's men could never enter, before they had slain all those that defended it, with like loss of their own men. Caesar having gotten the victory with great difficulty and danger, he said unto his soldiers, That he had often fought for honour, but now he had fought for his life. There died of Pompey's soldiers 30000.  
After this rout Cordova being abandoned by Sex. Pompeius, yielded, in the which Scapula (who had been author of the soldiers sedition) caused a slave of his to kill him, and to burn his body, with all the treasure he had. seville, Munde, and other places, were some taken by force, with great slaughter of the inhabitants, and some by composition. Many towns in Spain (flattering Caesar) after these victories, called themselves after his name: Vcubis was called Claritas julia, Ebora, Libertas julia. At this time Caesar did not spare the treasure of Hercules temple in Gades, being greatly distressed for money: He took away many of their lands, & laid new taxes upon those towns which had rebelled, that he might reward his friends.  
Pompey having escaped by flight, he came to Carteia, where he thought to make use of the army at sea, which he had kept ready thereabouts: but he was pursued, and the ships after a great fight falling into the power of Didius, were some of them carried away by him, and the rest burnt; so as Pompey sore wounded in the shoulder and leg, seeking to fly by land, was pursued, overtaken, 
Cn. Pompeius the son slain.  and slain, with many of his men, by the horsemen and some companies of foot which were sent after him. For these victories gotten in Spain, not against strangers, but against citizens of Rome, Caesar, Q. Fabius, and Q. Pedius, did triumph at Rome, to the great grief of the people. After that these things had been exploited by Caesar, and all civil dissensions quenched, as he thought to enjoy his Dictatorship, suffering kingly honours to be done unto him, he was slain by Cassius, Brutus, and other conspirators. Then was the estate of Rome in greater confusion than ever, by the division betwixt Octavius Caesar and M. Anthony, and afterwards by the cruel proscriptions of Octavius, M. Anthony, and Lepidus: which Lepidus had triumphed for Spain in the year 707, I know not for what victories. It is certain that he governed the hither part of Spain by Caesar's gift, 
Lepidus governs Spain under Caesar.  but it was by his lieutenants, having never done any exploit of war. Dio saith, That he persuaded Sex. Pompeius to leave Spain, promising him restitution of his father's goods. Domitius calvinus, C. Norbanus, Flaccus, and Asinius Pollio, were afterwards Governors of Spain, of whose exploits there is no memorable mention. In the year 713 Cornel. Balbus, borne at Calis, was Consul at Rome: and in the year 714, the second division of the empire being made betwixt Octavius Caesar, M. Anthony, and M. Lepidus, after the reconciliation betwixt Octavius and M. Anthony, and the Perusine war, among other provinces, Spain fell to Octavius: and from that year the Spaniards began to account their years by the Ark or rule of Caesar, the which was 38 years before the coming of our Saviour, the which they did continue until the year 1383 of our salvation, when as this custom was left, as shall be said.  
20 In the year 726 of the foundation of Rome, 
Augustus in Spain.  Augustus being sole Emperor, he undertook to subdue the Cantabrians, Asturians, and Gallicians, who had always held their liberty, laws, and ancient customs, to rob and spoil their neighbours, and would wholly subject them under his empire: wherefore he resolved to go in person into Spain, where he found those nations assured in their countenances, and full of contempt, relying in the strength of their mountains, from whence they made many sudden enterprises, very prejudicial to the emperors army, the which camped at Sigisama (the which some think was that which at this present they call Veisama, in Guipuscoa or Biscaye, and not Sigisama julia) where he made three troops of his forces. Having spent many days there, and nothing advanced his affairs, Augustus fell sick with care and travel: wherefore having left the charge of the war to C. Antistius, he caused himself to be carried to Tarracona. The Cantabrians assailed both by land and sea towards Gaul Aquitaine, came to fight with Antistius and Firmius, by whom they were defeated in many encounters, and their towns taken. A great number of Gallicians having fortified themselves on a mountain, then called Medullius, near unto the river of Minio, 
Cruel 〈◊〉 of Barbarians.  they were besieged, and so pressed as they must of necessity either fight or yield: but having not the courage to defend themselves, and being loath to fall into servitude, they all slew themselves. The Asturians being camped near unto the river which gives the name unto their country, thought to surprise the Roman army, and without doubt had defeated them, if their enterprise had not been discovered. They were afterwards put to rout by P. Carisius, but not without great slaughter of his men. He also took Lancia, the chief town of Asturia, being abandoned. So the war ended, and at the same instant Augustus having dismissed the old soldiers, he gave them leave to build the town of Emerita in Lusitania, 
Emerita sounded by Augustus' Sarag●sse.  at this day it is Merida in Portugal. Then also the town of Salduba was first called Cesar Augusta, in honour of Octavius Augustus, it is now Saragosse, the which he did much enlarge with buildings. Five and twenty years before the birth of our Saviour, the way was paved from Cordova to Astigi upon the Ocean. It appears by this inscription which is at Cordova, on a pillar of green stone, whereon Augustus' name is graven, and the number of twelve miles, which is the distance from Cordova to the sea. 
Imp. Caesar. Divi. F. Augustus  
Cos. VIII. Trib. Potest. XXI.  
Pont. Max. A. Baete. & jano.  
Augusto. Ad. Oceanum.  
C. XXI.   
This Temple of janus was by all conjectures built by Augustus at Cordova, in sign of a perpetual peace. After Caesar's return Sextus Apuleius Proconsul, showed some proofs of his valour in Spain, for the which he triumphed: and afterwards L. Aemilius suppressed the Cantabrians, 
Government of Spain under the emperors.  and Asturians, who rebelled again: After which time Spain was governed by Praetors and Proconsul's, the which are sometimes called in Latin Praesides, unto the time of Dioclesian and Maximin. Strabo saith, That in his time, which was during the empires of Augustus and Tiberius, the province of Betica was given unto the people of Rome, who appointed a Governor or Praetor, having a Lieutenant and a Treasurer; the rest of Spain remaining at the emperors disposition: who sent two lieutenants, the one in quality of Vicepretor, the other as vice-consul. The Vicepretor, with the help of a lieutenant or legate, did justice, and had jurisdiction over all Lusitania, from the river of Betis unto Duero: the other part, being Taracconese, did obey the vice-consul, who had a great army entertained with three lieutenants; the one commanded the Cantabrians, Asturians, and the country of Gallicia; the other governed along the Mediterranean sea; and the third had charge of the inner countries. The General's place of residence was at Carthagene, or Tarracone. The emperors which came after, made first two, and then one Governor of Spain, and not always of one sort. About the time of Maximinian and Dioclesian, the Governors were called Earls, 
Earls and Vicars governing Spain.  and their lieutenant's Vicars: and when as the Goths began to erect a kingdom, that small portion which held for the Romans, along the shore of the province of Carthagene, and the mountains of the Cantabrians and Asturians, 
Dukes called Pr●fecti.  were governed by Dukes, whom they called Praefecti.  
Octavius Caesar, surnamed Augustus, 
The fi●st year of Christ. 752 of Rome.  had held the empire about two and forty years, when our Saviour jesus Christ the eternal son of God, was borne God and man, of the virgin Marie, of the tribe of juda, in the city of Bethlehem of juda, which was in the year 757 of the foundation of Rome. The night when as the Lord of peace came upon the earth, was (as some writ) as bright and clear in Spain, as the noon day. The computation of times shall hereafter be taken from the birth of our Saviour; 
An. 16 of Christ  in the 16 year of whose life Augustus died. Then Sextilius Hena, a Poet of Cordova, flourished in Spain, being now brought wholly to the manners of the Romans.  
21 The Spaniards being much affected to Augustus, did obtain of C. Tiberius Nero, his successor, leave to build a goodly temple in honour of him, in the town of Tarracone. This emperor kept the Gallicians, Asturians, and Cantabrians under, with strong garrisons, having been formerly subdued by Augustus. In his time they of Lisbon gave it out, That they had seen and heard Triton in certain hollow rocks, 
Triton a devilish illusion.  singing and playing upon a comet, as they painted him: And Pliny reports, that upon the sea shore a Nereide had been seen covered with scales, yea whereas she carried a human shape: and that they had heard the groans and complaints she made dying. 
Vibius Serenus a tyrannous governor punished.  Under Tiberius, Vibius Serenus Proconsul of the further Spain, accused by his own son, and convicted, was condemned as a tyrant, and banished into the island Amorgos, one of the Cycladeses. junius Gallio, brother to Seneca the Senator, was also banished, for that he had propounded in Senate, to honour the old soldiers which had been dismissed, with higher seats in the Theatre, and at public shows; having not first spoken thereof unto the emperor Tiberius. The Spanish flatterers, doing idolatry unto princes, would also have made a temple unto Tiberius and to his mother, the which was prohibited; Tiberius saying, 
Tiberius doth mades●ly refuse divine honours. Anno 16.  That he was a man and no god, demanding no other thing of them, but that they would retain a good and commendable memory of him after his death.  
The six and twentieth year of our salvation, L. Piso, a great oppressor of the people, was slain in the hither Spain, where he was Praetor, 
An exacting governor slain by a peasant.  by a peasant of Terms, who being taken and tortured, would never confess who had made him to commit this murder. This man slipping out of the officers hands which led him to the rack again, beat his own head so violently against a stone, as instantly he lost both sense and life. In those times one of the richest men of Spain, called Sextus Marius, was accused, to have accompanied with his own daughter carnally: for the which he was cast down headlong from the rock Tarpeien: but his great wealth was the cause of his death, more than his crime.  
Tiberius had reigned seventeen years, 
Anno 34.  when as our Saviour jesus Christ suffered death for the redemption of mankind, having finished the three and thirtieth year of his life.  
22 The healthful doctrine of our redemption by him, 
The Gospel preached in Spain in Tiberius' time.  was during the empire of Tiberius known in Spain, as some hold: but it is doubtful who was the Apostle. We read in the Epistles of Saint Paul, that he had a desire to go thither, but it is not certain that he performed that voyage, although that Epiphanius and others do believe it. The Spaniards affirm, That Saint james the son of Zebedee, came thither to preach the Gospel in the seven and thirtieth year, and that he only converted nine persons: Others, as Pope Calixtus, writ, That he had many Disciples, but that he had twelve special ones, nine whereof he converted in Gallicia. Others affirm, That when he preached at Saragosse, he dedicated to the virgin Marie, the temple which is at this day called Nuestra Segnora del pillar: and that having left two of his Disciples in Spain, he returned into judea. We comprehend by the holy writ, that this holy Apostle lived almost all his life in jerusalem, and thereabouts: and we know, that Herodes caused his head to be cut off, in the third year of the empire of Claudius.  
The nine and thirtieth year of our salvation, 
Anno 39 H●rodes & Herodian died in Spain, as the Spaniards affirm.  as some authors write, Herodes and Herodias (she which incited her incestuous husband, to cut off Saint john Baptists head) retired themselves into Spain: who (being spoiled of all their goods and dignities, by C. Caligula) died there for sorrow. Caligula was slain by Cherca and other conspirators: But before them Aemilius Regula of Cordova, having attempted his death, was prevented and executed. This year M. Anneus Lucanus the Poet, was borne at Cordova, whose father was Luc. Anneus Mela, brother to Seneca the Philosopher: his mother was called C. Acilia, daughter to Acilius Lucanus the Orator. This child being but eight months old, was carried to Rome.  
23 We have said, That Saint james the son of Zebedeus was beheaded in jerusalem by Herod's commandment, in the third year of the emperor Claudius. The Spaniards and other authors write, That his Disciples gathering up his body and head, embarked it at joppa, and carried it into Spain, 
The Spaniards opinion of S. james body.  for fear of the jews; and that they landed at a place called Iria Flavia, now Padron, where they buried it in a secret place, where since it was discovered, and carried to Compostella. In Claudius' time lived Pomponius Mela, borne at Mellaria, and Turanius Graccula. Anneus Seneca of Cordova, banished by Claudius, was in favour of Agrippina (whom the Emperor had newly married) called home again, made Praetor at Rome, and appointed schoolmaster and governor to Nero. This Seneca was a famous Orator and Philosopher, as it appears by his works, highly honoured for his great memory, and auditor to Sotion the Philosopher: L. Anneus Seneca the tragical Poet was his son. Then did also flourish Portius Latro, a Spaniard, an excellent Orator. Under the Emperor Claudius there governed Spain, on this side Ebro, Drusillanus Rotundus his Libertine, with the title of Dispenser, and Vmbonius Silio ruled Betica.  
In those times, as Buter says, S. Saturnin was sent into Spain, he who was afterwards Bishop of Tolouse, and preached at Pampelone, where in seven days he coverted forty thousand persons; a great number for that place: among the which was S. Fremin, a citizen of Pampelone.  
In the year 61 of the nativity of Christ, 
Anno 61. Otho a modest Governor in Spain.  Otho (who was Emperor after Galba) was sent by Nero into Lusitania: which province he governed ten years modestly, and without oppression of the people; the which was strange, considering the disposition of the man.  
In the year 64 Lucan the Poet, a confederate of Pisos conspiracy, caused his veins to be opened, and died in the 28 year of his age. His father Mela pressing Nero with great importunity, for the restitution of his sons goods, was accused as guilty of the same treason, and forced to have his veins opened, 
The death of many learned Spaniards by Nero.  and so die. Seneca was brought to the same death by his disciple Nero, against the promises which he had so often made and sworn, not to give ear to his accusers, nor to hurt him in any sort: Seeing the blood come slowly out of his veins, he hastened his own death, with poison taken in a hot bath, the 114 year of his age, or according unto some, the 120. Paulina his chaste wife, and a rare precedent of love to her husband, caused her veins to be opened, to follow him: but whether through womanish weakness, or that Nero hindered it, she suffered them to be bound up. L. junius Moderatus Columella lived also in those times, the author of the books of Husbandry, borne in Gades.  
In the year 70, which was the last of the life of Nero, 
Anno 70.  Sillius Italicus was Consul at Rome, being borne in Italica, a town in the province of Betica, not far from Sevill: and at that time Clwius Rufus was in Spain with some command. The abominable disposition of Nero made the Spaniards and many other nations to rebel against the Roman Empire, a little before his death; 
Galba sent to suppress rebels in Spain.  for the suppressing of whom, he sent Sergius Galba: but this old man (who had before time governed the province of Tarraconese eight years) having discovered, that Nero had given a secret Commission to kill him, he declared himself Emperor, and in stead of a judge, became head and captain of the rebellion; whereunto both the Province and the Roman army did consent: but his Empire lasted not long, nor of his two successors, Otho and Vitellius: for in less than two years they lost both their lives and the the Empire; one defeating another, to make place for Vespasian, who came unto the imperial seat in the 72 year of the Nativity of our Saviour Christ, and granted unto the Spaniards the privileges of the Latins, 
Ann. 72.  which were, That they might demand offices, and enjoy some immunities, but not so amply as the citizens of Rome, yet somewhat more than the liberties of other cities of Italy. Otho was the first which joined Mauritania Tingitania unto Betica in Spain, making it of the jurisdiction of Gades. At that time lived Bellila, a Spanish Christian woman. Fabius Quintilian had been brought unto the city of Rome very young by Sergius Galba: about the 90 year he erected a school at Rome, with a public pension, and had many scholars; among the which, they name Juvenal and the younger Pliny: As for Juvenal, they doubt whether he were a Spaniard, but Martial without all question was borne, and died at Bilbilis, seated near unto the place whereas now stands Calataiud or Calataiub, of the name of Aiub a Moor, who built it with the ruins of Bilbilis. Canius a Poet, who lived also in that age, was a Gaditan, and Decian of Emerita.  
After Vespasian, his children reigned at Rome. 
Anno 81. Domitian the second persecutor of the church.  Titus in the year 81, and two years after Domitian, the second scourge of the Church of God, in whose time lived Eugenius, the first bishop of Toledo, Disciple, as they say, to Denis Areopagita. This Eugenius was slain at Paris, whither he was come to visit his master. Of the Flavian family, from whence these emperors were issued, there remained some marks and remembrances in Spain, by the denomination of many towns, as Flavio Brigo, Flavium Brigantium, Iria Flavia, Flavium Axatitanum, Aquae Flaviae in Gallicia, etc.  
Domitian did prohibit by a new edict, That they should not plant any more vines in Spain, fearing least come should fail them. 
A division of the government of Spain.  Under these Flavian emperors they number eight Roman Colonies, planted in the province of Betica: and four places for justice, which they termed Colonels, at Gades, Sevill, Astigis, and Cordova.  
Lusitania had five Roman Colonies, one privileged city called Olisippo, and now Lisbon, and three seats of justice at Emerita, Pax Augusta, and Scalabis. In the rest of Spain which was the quietest government, there were fourteen Roman Colonies, thirteen privileged towns, and seven courts for justice. At new Carthage, Tarracona, Sarragossa, Clunia, Asturica, Lugo, and Bracara.  
Cocceius Nerua came unto the Empire in the year 97. a prince who seemed to be called by God, 
Anno 97.  to repair the confusion which Domitian had caused in the world, under whom the Christians had some rest. 
trajan a Spaniard the third persecutor of the church.  The Spaniards will have him to be of their nation, but it appears not plainly. But he adopted Vlpius trajan a Spaniard without all doubt, borne in the town of Italica, who through error caused the third persecution of the Church, whereof being admonished by Plinius Secundus, he moderated his edicts. Mancius a citizen of Rome in this tempest suffered death for the confession of the Christian faith at Ebora in Lusitania, under the government of Validius. By the liberality and bounty of trajan, Spain was enriched with many goodly buildings, among the which is the bridge of Alcantara, 
The bridge of Alcantara Traian's work.  upon the river of Tayo, where at this day are to be seen these inscriptions following. Imp. Caesari Divi Neruae F. Traiano Aug. Germ. Dacico. Pontif. Max. Trib. Potes. VIII. Imp. VI Cos. V P. P.  
Under the Arch is in a Table on the one side, 

Municipiae.  
Provinciae.  
Lusitaniae stipe conlata  
Quae opus Pontis perfecerunt.  
Icaeditani.  
Lancienses Oppidani.  
Talori.  
Interannienses.  
Colarni.  
Lancienses Transcudani.  
Aravi.  
Meidubrigenses.  
Arabrigenses.  
Banienses.  
Paesures.    
There is place for three other such like Tables, which have been taken away.  
Over the door of S. julians' church, at the end of the bridge, is written that which followeth, in Roman capital letters. Imp. Neruae. Traiano Caesari. Augusto. Germanico. Dacico. Sacrum. 
Templum in rupe Tagi Superis & Caesare plenum.  
Ars ubi materia vincitur ipsa sua.  
Quis quali dederit voto fortasse requiret,  
Cura viatorum quos nova fama juuat.  
Ingentem vasta Pontem quod mole peregit,  
Sacra litaturo fecit honore Lacer.  
Qui Pontem fecit Lacer & nova Templa dicavit  
Illi● se solu Vota litant.  
Pontem perpetui mansurum in secula mundi  
Fecit divina nobilis arte Lacer.  
Idem Romule is Templum cum Caesare Divis  
Constituit foelix utraque causa Sacri.  C. julius Lacer. H. S. F. & dedicavit amico Curio Lacone Icaeditano.  
The aqueduct of Segobia, is also held to be Traian's work, where they may easily observe the stately manner of building of the Romans. This emperor sent two legions (of fourteen, 
Edict to race the towns standing in the mountains  which were appointed to keep the provinces of the empire in awe) into Spain, to put his edicts in execution, and to raze all the towns and castles which were situated upon the mountains or places of strength: with commandment to the people, to build in the open country, where the access was easy. Sublantia was ruined by virtue of this decree, and a town built, 
The city of Leon Built.  which then was called Legio Germanica, or Gemina, according unto some, but now it is Leon, a royal city. Under trajan Pliny the younger had charge in Spain.  
Adrian, who was emperor after trajan, 
Anno 118.  in the year of our Saviour 118, was also borne in the town of Italica, in the province of Betica, as Eutropius, Orosus, and Ser. Sulpitius do witness. Domitia Paulina his mother, was of Gades. He had some instruction, or good opinion of the Christian religion. Being at Tarracone (where he had called a general assembly of all the people of Spain) he caused (at his own charge) Augustus temple, which went to ruin, to be repaired. In which town he was in danger to have been slain by a slave that was mad, who set upon him with his sword drawn, as he walked without any fear in a garden. This slave being taken, 
A generous act of Adrian.  when as the emperor understood that he was mad, he said nothing, but that they must put him into the physicians hands. Having subdued the jews which were rebelled in Palestina, 
Adrian peoples Spain with jews.  he sent a great number in exile into Spain, so as from that time this sect was settled there, & had their Synagogues, until the reign of Dom Fernando and D. Isabel, in the time of our forefathers. Spain was then divided into six governments, two ruled by vice-Consuls appointed by the Senate, which were Betica and Lusitania; and four by the emperor's lieutenants, which were the provinces of Carthagene, Tarracone, Gallicia, and Mauritania Tingitana, where the straight is.  
28 After the decease of Adrian, there succeeded in the empire, 
Anno 139.  in the year 139, T. Aurelius Fuluius Antonius Pius, whom the Spaniards hold to be of their nation. As for his successor M. Aelius Aurelius, coming to the empire in the year 162, he was without doubt of a Spanish race; for his predecessors were of the town of Succubite in Betica. He was the first which had a companion in the empire, imparting his authority with Lucius Commodus Verus, who was the fourth persecutor in the Christian Church. 
L. Commodus Vorus, a persecutor of the Church.  In the time of M. Aurelius, the Moors invaded Spain, and did infinite harm: whom notwithstanding he repulsed by his lieutenants, namely by Severus, who afterwards was emperor. This prince was wise, virtuous, and courteous: but as he was endowed with all good qualities, so his son Commodus, who reigned after him in the year 181, 
Ann. 181.  was detestable and vicious. He was the first of the Roman princes, which through covetousness sold offices for money. Vespasian had done it before him, but through necessity, finding the commonweal charged with debts, and the treasure exhausted. Under Commodus were slain in Gallicia, Facundus and Primitius, holy Christian soldiers, upon the banks of the river Cea, by Atticus the governor. After him, about the year 194. Rome lost two emperors in less than a year, Pertinax and Didius julian, so as in the year 195, 
Anno 195.  L. Septimius Severus, a great parsonage, borne in Africa, he who had governed Spain in the time of M. Aurelius, took the government of the empire. Under him was the fift persecution of the Church, especially in Spain, whereas Cornelius was governor, who put Felix a priest, 
The fift persecution under  Fortunatus, and Archilochus to death at Valence, for that they had preached the Gospel.  
Under his son Caracalla, Opilius Macrinus, Heliogabalus, and Alexander Severus, who reigned from the year two hundred and thirteen, unto two hundred thirty and eight, the Spanish history doth not furnish anything memorable, although those times did not pass without great exploits, whereof there remain some obscure marks among the stones and medailles. At Gades there is the basis of the image of Mammea, mother to Alexander Severus, where this inscription is to be seen. 
juliae Mammeae. Aug. Matri. Impe. Caesaris.  
M. Aurelij Severi. Alexandri Pij. F. Aug.  
M. Castrorum. Col. jul. Gem. Accitana.  
Devot. Numini. M. Q. Eius.   
But Maximin being come to the empire, the sixth persecution began of the Christians, in the which Maximus and many other faithful were slain, near unto Tarracone. After Maximin unto Decius, the empire of Rome was in great combustion, by reason of the ordinary murders of such as did affect the sovereignty, for the space of fifteen years; in the which there perished by a violent death, Maximin Balbinus, Puienus, Gordian, and Philip: during which time we find not any thing of Spain worth the writing, 
Anno 241.  but that about the year 241, Antherus bishop of Rome did write unto the bishops of the provinces of Betica and Toledo, admonishing them among other things to be grave and constant, and not to fleet from church to church, if necessity and the public good did not press them: whereby it will appear by this history, that their successors had small regard unto this advertisement, but have rather sought their private commodity. Many other epistles of holy men are found written to the bishops of Spain, and to their churches, & among others an epistle decretal of S. Cyprian and other bishops assembled at the Council of afric, 
Basilides and Martial condemned by the Council of Africa. The seventh persecution.  by the which Basilides and Martial, Idolaters and infected with many vices, were declared unworthy of all Episcopal dignities: and it seems that the one was bishop of Legio Gemina, and the other of Emerita. Whilst that Decius governed the empire (under whom began the 7 persecution of the Church) the first Council of Spain was held at Toledo, whereas Xyste a Grecian was present, who soon after was bishop of Rome: yet there is no mention made of this Council but by Spaniards. The Spanish histories writ nothing of his time, nor of Gallus, Volusianus, nor Aemilianus, which succeeded him. As for Valerian, 
Anno 256.  who came to the empire in the year 256, he was very cruel against the Christians, and his persecution is accounted the eight. 
The eight persecution under Valorian.  Under him and Decius, S. Laurence borne at Osca in Catelognia, was martyred, whom Xiste, who (as we have said) was come to the Council of Toledo, had led with him to Rome, passing by Sarragossa, whereas this holy man spent his time in study. Under the same Valerian, by the commandment of Emylian, the governor, there were also put to death for the faith of Christ, Fructuosus bishop of Tarracone, with Augurius and Eulogia, two deacons, of whom Prudentius, a Christian Poet, did write hymns. Parmenius was also put to death at Cordova. Valerian author of these wicked persecutions, did soon after receive a worthy reward for his impiety: for he was taken by Sapor king of Persia, and kept all his life time ignominiously in chains, the which it seems did move Galen his son and companion, to leave the Churches in quiet, although he were the most corrupted prince upon the earth; whose baseness caused many tyrants to usurp the title of Sovereign, in divers provinces of the empire, and encouraged barbarous nations to invade them: for in his time Spain was full of great troops of Germans, 
Saxons and French invade Spain.  Saxons, and French, under the conduct of Anthaire and Lothaire, princes, who ruined Tarracone, and spoiled the country, almost for the space of 12 years. To the former martyrs we will add Narcissus, who came to Girone to preach the Gospel.  
30 After Galen, Claudius was emperor, upon whom Tetricus usurped Spain and Gaul, being the chief strength and sinews of the empire. 
The ninth persecution under Aurelian.  During the reign of Aurelian (under whom was the ninth persecution of the Church) and of Tacitus and Florian, which were from the year 273, unto 280, there is no mention made of Spain. But Probus gave leave to the Spaniards and Gauls, to plant vines: for good husbands held it not profitable for the commonweal, that the land should be too much employed to this kind of plant: but Probus was much affected to it, and therefore he caused the mountains of Almus and Aureus in Hungary and Mysia, to be planted at his own charge. In his time the Spaniards did mutiny, but Saturninus did pacify them. One called Bonosius, borne and bred in Spain, whose father was a Britain, and his mother a Gauloise, a great drinker, caused himself to be proclaimed emperor in Germany, and with one Proculus would have seized upon Spain, Gaul, and other provinces: but they were defeated by Probus. The short empire of Carus Numerianus and Carinus, make no mention of any thing that belongs to Spain. Dioclesianus iovius, who succeeded them in the year 288, & Maximianus Herculeius, 
Anno 288.  made companion of the same dignity the year after, have left (by their great cruelty against the faithful) an infamous memory of them, in Spain, & throughout all the world. 
Ann. 306.  They made an edict in the year 306, That all the Christians temples should be beaten down, 
Edict to ruin the Christian churches. The tenth persecution.  and all those that confessed jesus Christ, tormented and massacred. This was the 10 & the cruelest persecution of the Church of God: for during the space of 10 years, there was nothing to be seen but burning of temples, running away of poor innocents, murders, and executions of martyrs, whereof Spain (it may be) did furnish as many as any nation in the world, to their great commendation. The names of these constant witnesses of the truth of Christ, 
Martyrs as Sarragosse.  should not be suppress. In Sarragosse there were 18 at one time, of whom the Christian Poet Prudentius made a goodly hymn. These were Optatus, Successus, Vrbanus, Pubius, Felix, Euentius, Lupercus, Martialis, julius, Fronto, Caecilianus, Primitiws, Quintilianus, Apodemius, and four Saturnines. Encratia a noble virgin, daughter to a great nobleman of Lusitania, betrothed to a duke or governor of Gaul Narbonoise, did there also end this fugitive life. Dacian was then Governor of Spain, and a diligent minister of these impieties; who residing at Sarragosse, and seeing the constancy of the Christians to surpass his inhumanity, he caused a proclamation to be made by the sound of the trumpet, that all those that were Christians should departed the town, and have leave to retire where they pleased. The faithful being joyful hereof, went forth in great troops, thanking God for this liberty, thinking they would suffer them to departed: but they were not gone far from the gates, before they were compassed in by armed soldiers, and cut in pieces. The multitude of those that were thus villainously murdered, was very great, and therefore in those days the Christians by a certain human affection, 
From a human affection of the ancient Christians, is grown the superstition, which in the end is become impious.  more than for any religion, made account of the ashes, bones, and all things which did belong unto those holy martyrs, and did reverence the places where they had frequented, or were buried: not for any superstition, but to incite the living to imitate their piety. This cruel Governor having committed this horrible massacre, sought also to deprive the faithful servants (if any remained in the country) of all comfort: Wherefore having gathered all their bodies together, and murdered upon them all the offenders, which were committed for any crimes, he burned them all together, that the ashes (being thus mingled) should not be gathered up by the Christians: whereupon the bruit was, That God (meaning to give a testimony of the innocency of his people) made the ashes of the faithful to appear very white among the rest, the which, with a small shower which fell, were gathered together in white heaps: whereof those which have come after, being moved with another zeal than the Christians of those times, have made their profit. Lambert serving a country man, was also beheaded, for that he would not renounce jesus Christ. The bruit was, That having taken his head in his hands, he went two good leagues, until he came unto the place where the bodies of the martyrs above mentioned lay, and that there he began to sing, Exultabunt sancti in gloria, and that they answered, Et letabuntur in cubilibus suis; and then he fell upon them: the which I will not call into question, considering the end of miracles. There were many others put to death in Spain, for the profession of the Gospel, during the government of Dacian, whose names for brevities sake I omit, being not much pertinent to a history. Dacian, a bloody instrument of these cruelties, was during these executions slain with fire from heaven. 
The wicked end of Ducian the persecutor.  The like persecutions were in the other provinces of the empire.  
At this time lived Prudentius, borne in the province of Cantabria, of the country which is now called Alaba: he was bishop of Tarracone, and not the Poet above mentioned. There is a decretal epistle extant of Melchiades bishop of Rome, who lived in those times, unto the bishops of Spain, touching the Primacy of the Roman Sea: but it savours not of the Latin stile of that age, no more than those of Marcelin, Marcellus, Eusebius, Sylvester, Mare, julius, Liberius, Damasus, and Syricius: which must be read with judgement. As for the politic Arts of Dioclesian and Maximian, although they were great, and worthy of memory, yet the histories of Spain make no mention of them. They received into their company to govern the empire, Maximus Galerius, and Constantius Chlorus: the last in a good time took upon him the government of Spain and Gaul, who dying in England, left the dignity of Caesar to Constantine his son, who learned the first principles of religion, of a certain Spaniard, as some writ. Galerius adopted Severus, and Maximian the young. At the same time Dioclesian and Maximian resigned the imperial dignity at Milan: but Maximian repenting himself, as he did strive to resume his authority at Rome, being rejected by his son Maxenc● and the Praetorian soldiers, he fled towards his son in law Constantine, against whom he practised treason, and was slain at Marseilles. Dioclesian a strange monster, who caused himself to be called, Brother to the Sun and Moon, and to be worshipped, lived long a private life: but God showed a testimony of his wrath upon him in the end of his days; for he died mad, 
The miserable end of tyrants.  eaten with vermin, and so infected and stinking, as none could endure to come near him, howling (as Nicephorus writes) like a dog. Galerius slew himself, as cruel as a butcher; for 〈◊〉 he had been from his youth. Severus was slain by the faction of Maxence, whom the Pretorians had created Caesar. Maximian the younger died eaten with worms, having been vanquished near unto Tharse, by Licinius, whom Constantine had sent against him. Maxence, a cruel tyrant, and therefore hated of the Romans, as he thought to make head against Constantine, was defeated in battle near unto Rome, and drowned himself in the river of Tiber: all cruel and bloody princes, enemies to the Church of God, remarkable for such as persecute it. After these, Licinius and Constantine held the empire, the one in the East, the other in the West. But Licinius who had married Constantine's sister, a cruel and barbarous man, 
Licinius an 〈…〉 learning.  an enemy to Christians and all learning, terming them a plague to the commonweal, having no good thing in him, but that he persecuted the courtesans, whom he termed mice, sought to break the order made betwixt him and Constantine: wherefore after that he had been suppressed above once, and reconciled to his brother in law, by the means of his wife Constance, he was slain by his commandment at Thessalonica; so as Constantine called the Great, remained sole emperor, who gave peace unto the Churches, much desired, and (if they could have used it to the advancement thereof) most happy. 
Constantine a good prince.  This prince did great honour unto the Christians, embraced the true religion, endowed the churches with rents and riches, caused the Gentiles temples to be beaten down in many places, assembled by his imperial authority the Council of Nice in Bithynia, 
Anno 326.  in the year 326, or 328, where there met 318 bishops of divers countries; among the which was Osius bishop of Cordova, who was also at the Council of Gangre, 
Nice the first general Council  celebrated the same year. That of Nice is held the first general Council, where the impiety of the Arrians was condemned, the which notwithstanding did afterwards infect many nations. That Constantine made a donation of the city of Rome, of Italy, and of all the Western empire, unto Silvester then bishop of Rome, or that he had declared him head and primate over other bishops, and granted unto him and his successors, other things contained in that which is called Constantine's donation, 
A false donation fathere● v●on Constantine.  besides, that Pope Pius the second doth jest at it, there is no receivable testimony there of, nor any probable conjecture: besides, the histories of following emperors, do argue the contrary, even they of the West. In the time of this emperor the Northern nations invaded Spain, and spoiled that part of the country which lies near the Ocean, from Gallicia unto the straight: whither he led a great army, chased away the enemies, & restored the Spaniards (which were fled into mountains) unto their houses, and settled an order in the province, as well for that which concerned the temporalty, as the churches. There was a provincial Council held by his commandment at Illiberis, 
Illiberis where Callibre was built.  at the foot of the Pyrenees, some call it Eliberis, a town in the marches of Grenado: whither came Helena the mother of Constantine, with Constantine his eldest son, to whom he had assigned the Gauls and Spain, for his portion. In this Council Spain was divided into five provinces; 
Spain under Constantine divided into five 〈◊〉.  that is, that of Tarracone, Carthagene, Betica, Lusitania, and Gallicia, in either of the which there was a Metropolitan appointed at Tarracone, new Carthage (to whom Toledo hath since succeeded) at Sevill, at Merida, and at Bracara. Some hold, that this Council was more ancient than that of Nice, among which Beuter affirms, That Conscius bishop of Cordova, Osius predecessor, was there present: others say, that it was Osius himself, & Quintian bishop of Ebora. Some believe that the emperor Constantine was not baptised until he drew near his death, being deceived by the error of some, which believed that the circumstance of places gave more authority to baptism: for he had a great desire to be baptised in jordan. Many thought, that in the end of his days he fell into the heresy of the Arrians, for that he had banished Athanasius by the persuasion of the Arrians, & that his sister Constance living with him was an Arrian: but it is most certain, that before his death he commanded that Athanasius should be called home again, and that he did not believe the confession of faith, nor the exposition made by Arrius, after that he had called him from banishment, but sent it to the Council of jerusalem, there to be examined. Of Constantine's deeds in Spain there are many medailles found in that country, and elsewhere, in our time, that bear witness. After him there reigned in the West Constantine and Constans, his sons, the East remaining to Constantius their brother. 
Constantine the young had Spain and other provinces for his portion.  To Constantine was assigned Spain, Gaul, and the islands of Britain, or that which the Romans held there. But Constantine being a proud and turbulent prince, he would make war against his brother Constans, and take Italy from him: in which enterprise he was slain near unto Aquilea, in the 25 year of his age: wherefore all the provinces of his portion fell unto Constans: in whose time the Poet Aurelius Prudentius Clement was borne at Sarragossa, or rather at Calaorra: Pacian bishop of Barcelona flourished in doctrine and good life.  
The repeal of Arrius, granted by Constantine the great, had caused greater troubles in the Church than before: for being returned into Alexandria, he had confirmed his doctrine, and drawn many bishops unto him; yea the emperor Constantius, who held the empire in the East, was infected with this error, and did persecute the faithful believers: so as Athanasius being banished again by him, and Paul of Constantinople, who retired to Constans his brother, they wrought so, as by the consent of the two brethren princes, a general Council was called at Sardica, 
The Council of Sardica.  a town in Illir●a; whither came two hundred and fifty bishops, among the which was Osius bishop of Cordova, who was then very old, Annianus of Castulo, Costus of Sarragossa, Domitian of Augusta (that is to say, Bracar) Florentine of Emerita, and Pretextatus bishop of Barcelona. There the confession of the faith, or Symbol of the Council of Nice, was confirmed: But at the same time by reason of the bad agreement which was betwixt the two brethren Constans and Constantius, there was another assembly of the Eastern bishops at Philipopolis in Thracia, who agreed not with any that held with Athanasius and Paul. 
Council of Syrmium.  And after that there was another held at Syrmium in Hungary (whither Constantius went in person) and others elsewhere. The Council of Sardica being ended, Constans entreated his brother Constantius, to restore Athanasius: the which he did, partly for love, and partly for fear of war: But Constans being dead, Athanasius was forced to save himself by flight, being accused to have persuaded Constans to make war against his brother for his sake: 
Arrians persecute the faithful  and then the Arrian bishops began to persecute them that made profession of Athanasius his doctrine, more cruelly than the Dioclesian's or Maximians. The Council of Syrmium, 
Anno 360.  contrary to that of Nice, was held in the year three hundred and threescore, or three hundred fifty and six, according unto some, whereas many wicked decrees were made and maintained, especially by Photinus, bishop of that place, who revived the blasphemies of Samosatenus, denying the two natures in jesus Christ, borne of the virgin Marie.  
This Council, to suppress all controversies, would disguise the terms and manner of speaking, received in the Church; and in stead of saying, That jesus Christ was coessential with the Father, or of the same essence, they propounded the term of Like in essence: Which two words in the Greek tongue, do somewhat symbolise, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By this disguising, under which the poison lay hidden, the good old man Osius the Spaniard, having constantly maintained the truth all his life time, 
The error of Osius.  suffered himself to be deceived and won: whether that his great age had dulled his understanding, or that he did it for fear of the emperor, who examined him upon that point, and threatened him in the town of Rimini, where he had again assembled many bishops, causing him to commit this error; saying, That both the one and the other said well. But the Orthodoxes did soon after reject that word of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as captious and deceitful. Osius, as Isidore writes, died soon after in his impiety, strucken with the hand of God, in his bishopric: and that being brought to Cordova, Gregory bishop of Illiberis, according to the Edict made by Constantius the emperor, against the Christians, to force them to the Arrians opinion, he refusing to yield unto it, 
The magistrate did not meddle with clergy men, before they were degraded.  Osius priest Clementine Governor of the province, to banish him: but he answered, That he could not banish a bishop before he was deposed from his bishopric, and judged incapable. Whereupon Osius richly attired like a king, meaning to give sentence against Gregory, who lay prostrate upon the earth, praying unto God, that he would maintain the glory of his name, and his truth, against all apostates: the which he demanded earnestly, not to save his life, the which he was ready to lose a thousand times for the confession of the faith, but to the end the simple should not be abused with the deceits of the Apostate Osius. Whereupon it happened, that as Osius was ready to pronounce sentence against Gregory, he sunk down to the ground, 
Osius strucken with the hard of God, dieth.  having his mouth and neck drawn on the one side, and so died. The Governor amazed at this strange accident, kneeling down, asked Gregory forgiveness, confessing his ignorance, and excusing it upon the commandment of the emperor his prince. These things are written by Isidorus: but S. Augustine gives a better testimony of Osius, writing against Parmenian.  
In the year of our redemption 369, 
Anno 369.  there came unto the bishopric of Rome, which was not yet sovereign, Damasus a Spaniard, borne at Vimaranes, a place in Portugal, betwixt Minio and Duero, three leagues from Braga: he succeeded Felix, who was an Arrian, and therefore not numbered in the catalogue of the Bishops of Rome; for that they would make this 〈◊〉 without all blemish. Among his other qualities, they say, he was a good Poet: Saint jerosme was his Secretary. During the time of Constantine's children, Iwencus, a Spanish priest, and Poet, lived. Constantius the emperor was already dead, with julian and jovinian his successors, of whom Spain hath nothing to speak. And then did Valentinian reign in the West, and Valens in the East. Under Valens the Goths chased by the Dacians, invaded the Roman empire, whereas as the first they were received in peace: but the covetousness and wickedness of Governors made them take arms, 
The Goths invade the 〈◊〉 empire.  so as there grew a sharp war, in the which the emperor Valens himself was slain. This nation did erect a kingdom in Spain, whose race, according to the common opinion, hath continued unto this day. 
The impiety of Valens.  The emperor Valens was addicted to the Arrian heresy, to negromancy, and other impieties. We read, that being careful who should succeed him in the empire, he was deceived by the enemy of mankind, a murderer from the beginning, who showed him the letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and persuaded him, that his name that should hold the empire after him, should begin with them: Whereof the emperor growing jealous, he caused all the Theodores, Theodoses, Theophiles, and others, whose names were compounded of Theos, to be slain. But Theodosius, who succeeded him, a Spaniard bome, fell not into his hands. He was adopted by Gratian in the year three hundred fourscore and two, 
Anno 383.  or fourscore and three, according unto some, and reigned after him in the East, Valentinian the second brother to Gratian holding the Western empire. His father was called Theodosius, and his mother Thermantia, and descended from the race of trajan. During his empire, there came out of Italy into Spain, Paulin the Poet, a great friend to Ausonius, who became a monk, and lived a solitary life. At the same time Priscilian bishop of Auila, published his heresy, mingled with the impieties of the Manicheans and Gnostics, the which was condemned in a Counsel held at Bourdeaux, some time after. He was a sectary to one Mark, a Disciple to Basilides, who during the empire of the antonine had brought this heresy into Spain, where it was received and favoured by a great lady called Agape, and drew to his opinions Helpidius a Rhetorician; so as this mischief lay smothered for a time, until that Priscilian did publish it: a man issued from a noble family in Gallicia, eloquent and subtle. The fourth year of Theodosius empire, 
Ann. 368.  which was in the year three hundred fourscore and six, or fourscore and seven, there died at Constantinople in Theodosius his court, Athanaric king of the Goths, who was become a friend and ally to the Romans. Isidorus affirms, That the year following the Goths, being impatient of the Roman yoke, did choose Alaric for their king. Others hold, that it was 14 years after, whereof we will entreat at large in the next book.  
In the year 388 Priscilian having been condemned in the Counsel of Bourdeaux, he retired to Treves, 
Priscilian the heretic 〈…〉.  to a tyrant called Maximin, some call him Clemens Maximus: who having caused Euodius his constable to hear him, he cut off his head, and of other his sectaries, among the which was Matronianus a Spaniard, 
Bishop's 〈◊〉 for that they made themselves 〈◊〉 parties 〈…〉.  an excellent Poet. Ithacius and Visatius, Bishops, were accusers, and parties against Priscilian, by reason whereof they were excommunicated and banished. Sigebert saith, That it was taken ill, when as by the accusation of any man a Bishop was put to death. For one heretic, author of a sect in Spain, there lived in those times many religious and learned men; as Lucinius, Beticus, Abigaus, Abundius, Auitus, Olympus, Audentius, Vigilantius, who although he were a Gaul, yet he did reside at Barcelona; against whom S. jerosme did write very vehemently, for that he did condemn the superfluous honour done unto the relics. Theodosius having in the year 387 made his son Arcadius, Caesar; ten years after he advanced Honorius his other son to the same dignity, who after his decease were Emperors, Arcadius in the East, and Honorius in the West, by the death of Valentinian the second, and of Eugenius the tyrant: these two princes were borne in Spain, as the Poet Claudian writes. In their time the Goths began to disperse themselves over the West, where they committed infinite spoils, until in the end they settled themselves in Gaul, Spain, and lastly in Italy, blemishing the name and majesty of the Emperors in these rich Provinces.   

❧ THE FIFTH BOOK OF the History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 THe beginning of the Goths, and their adventures in Hungary, Mesia, and Thrace.  
2 Their Religion.  
3 Their wars against the Emperors of the East.  
4 Descent of the Goths into Italy under Alaric.  
5 Athaulphe who first erected the Goths kingdom in Gaul, and invaded Spain.  
6 First Council of Toledo, and the estate of religion then in Spain.  
7 Vallia the first king of the Goths, which erected a kingdom in Spain.  
8 Reign of the Sueves in Gallicia.  
9 Reign of Theodoric the second king of Goths in Spain.  
10 Torismond the third king of Goths.  
11 Theodoric the second of that name, and fourth king of Goths.  
12 Henry, the fifth king.  
13 Alaric the second of that name, sixth king.  
14 Gensalaric the seventh king, his cruelties and death.  
15 Amalaric the eight king, and under him the second Council of Toledo.  
16 Counsels at Tarracone, Girone, Sarragosse, Ilerda, and Valencia.  
17 The second Council of Toledo.  
18 Discourse upon the uncertainty of the histories of Spain, touching the reign of Amalaric, and deeds of Theodoric king of Italy, whom the Spaniards make his grandfather by the mother's side.  
19 Theude the ninth king of the Goths in Spain.  
20 Theodiscle the tenth king of the Goths in Spain.  
21 Agila the eleventh king.  
22 athanagild the twelfth king.  
23 Luiba the thirteenth king.  
24 Leonigilde the fourteenth king, and his deeds.  
25 End of the reign of the Sueves in Gallicia.  
26 Ricared the fifteenth king: abjuration of the Arrian heresy at the third Council of Toledo: reformation of the Gothicke laws.  
27 Luiba the second of that name, sixteenth king, cruel, his death.  
28 Vuiteric the seventcenth king, a tyrant.  
29 Gundamyr the eighteenth king.  
30 Sizebut the nineteenth king.  
31 Suintilla the twentieth king, deposed for his vices.  
32 Sizenand the one and twentieth king: the fourth Council of Toledo.  
33 Cinthilla the two and twentieth king: and the fift and sixth Counsels of Toledo.  
34 Tulba the three and twentieth king.  
35 Cindasuinthe the four and twentieth king, under whom was the seventh Council of Toledo.  
36 Recesuinthe the five and twentieth king: and the ninth and tenth Counsels of Toledo.  
37 Bamba the six and twentieth king: rebellion of Paul and others in Gothike Gaul, and their punishment.  
38 The eleventh Council of Toledo under him, and some decrees.  
39 Eringe the seven and twentieth king, and under him the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth Counsels of Toledo.  
40 Egica the eight and twentieth king, under whom were the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth Counsels of Toledo.  
41 Vitiza the nine and twentieth king, cruel and infamous: the eighteenth Council at Toledo.  
42 Roderic the thirtieth and last king of Goths in Spain, his vices: invasion of Spain by the Moors and Arabians, and the end of the Goths reign.  
43 A Catalogue of the ancient Bishops of Spain.   
BEing to treat of the Goths kingdom in Spain, it is fit to know from what region they are come, and by what accidents they first seated themselves in Spain, Honorius son to Theodosius the Great then reigning in the West.  
1 The Goths are issued from the Geteses, 
The Goths come out of Asia into Europe.  and their first beginning was in Asia: they passed into Europe long before, and did first seize upon the higher country of Thrace and Mysia, which is at this day Bulgaria, Bosna, Rascia, Servia, and, it may be, a part of Hungary; and in the end they came to either bank of the river of Danube: and then by degrees peopling all that lies betwixt that river and the Northern shore of the Baltike sea, they did in the end hold all that continent, which extends itself in manner of an island in the bosom thereof, with all the neighbour islands. They were famous for a long time in Dacia, in those regions which we now call Valachia, Transyluania, 
Goths, Ge●es, & Gepides, all one nation.  and Moldavia, where they were called Geteses and Gepides. In the times of Alexander the Great there were certain encounters betwixt the Grecians and the Goths, not far from the island of Peuce, above Constantinople; at the mouths of Danube, or Ister, as they called it in that place. Syrmius reigned over that nation at that time. We read also, That Lysimachus, one of Alexander's successors, was vanquished in battle, and taken by a king of the Goths, whom he afterwards set freely at liberty, and married his daughter. After which, in tract of time other nations being mingled with them, those which did inhabit the great Peninsule, which the ancients called Scandia and Scandinavia (yet little known to them) retained the name of Goths and the language; the which, as some affirm, was like unto that of the Celtes: others hold, That it was the Teuton or Dutch tongue: which languages being corrupted, differ much at this day from those times, when they were in their greatest purity. From these Northern regions, which contain at this day the realms of Suethland and Denmark, often and upon divers occasions there came great troops of people, who took possession again of the countries joining to the Venedique or Baltike sea, 
The Gothish tongue.  and of the islands thereof, chase away the inhabitants; and advancing into the main land, they did repossess Dacia and Mysia, and overrun the higher Thrace, under Filymer, son to Gandaric, who was the fift king after this return. In these countries they planted their bounds upon the Danube, and there reigned some ages: they did increase their fame with great victories, and did give their name to many nations whom they subjected. They invaded the Roman Empire in the time of Decius, under the conduct of their king Giva, and did vanquish the Romans in a great battle, whereas Decius and his son were slain: after which, by many victories they made themselves fearful to the Romans, so as the Emperors were often glad to have them for friends and companions in arms; and by the virtue and valour of their troops, which they entertained, did often execute great matters.  
About the time of Valentinian and Valens, Hermanaric reigned over the Goths, 
The Hunschase the Goths out of their conquests.  who vanquished many nations: who notwithstanding yielded to the force of the Huns, fathers to the Hungarians, who came at that time out of Asia into Europe, in great numbers, through the fens of Meotides. Hermanaric being dead, and Vithimir his successor slain in battle, the Goths estate was overthrown, and trodden under foot by the Huns: wherefore such as would not live under the Conqueror's subjection, retired themselves into divers other countries. Athanaric, who had showed himself an enemy to Valens, in supporting Procopius his rebel, would not trust him, and therefore he took his course towards the North, and did inhabit with his troops in the forests of Sarmatia. But Fritigerne and Alavin being followed with a great number of Goths, came unto the banks of Danube, upon the confines of the Empire, where desiring to be admitted to dwell with the other subjects, Valens consented, supposing that they should serve as a rampire against foreign nations, that would invade the empire on that side.  
Then there arrived upon the same marches Vitheric, 
Distinction of the East and West Goths.  son to Vithimir, with his tutors Alathee and Safrax, and also Farnabe, conductors of other great troops. Then did the Romans begin to distinguish these people, into Ostrogoths or East Goths, and Visigoths or West Goths: calling those which did remain under the domination of the Huns, Ostrogoths; and those Visigots which had passed the Danube, and dwelled in Hungary, Mysia, and Thracia: the which distinction was ancient among them, according to their countries and abodes, and was again practised in Italy, Gaul, and Spain, when as this nation had erected kingdoms there; whereof the princes were divided into two families or factions: that is, the H●mels or Amales, and the Baltes.  
2 The name of jesus Christ had been many years preached among this nation, 
Christian religion among the Goths.  before the Emperor Valens time: for we read, That at the Council of Nice, which was under Constantine the Great, among others, there came Theophilus a Bishop of the Goths: wherefore they were already Christians and Orthodoxes, although there were some idolatrous princes among them, and by consequence, part of the people: so as when they came upon the territories of the Empire, Valens reigning in the East, they had Bishops, whereof the most famous was Vulphilas.  
The manner how they became Arrians, is reported by Theodorite, in the fourth book of the Ecclesiastical History, 
Goths made Arrians by the Romans.  saying, That after the Goths had passed the river of Ister or Danube, and that they had made their peace with Valens, Eudoxus who was an Arrian, persuaded Valens, who was also infected with this heresy, to draw the Goths to his opinions, for that conformity in religion would make the peace more firm. Wherewith Valens having acquainted the princes & heads of the Gothike nation, they made answer, That they could not change the doctrine of their ancestors. Then Eudoxus addressing himself to Vulphilas, whom he knew to be covetous and ambitious, he prevailed so with fair words & money, as he got him to persuade the Goths to receive the Emperor's confession of faith: the which he did, saying, That they were but childish contentions, 
docility of the Gothike nation.  and debates for words, and not for doctrine: for this Vu●philas was in great credit with the Goths, and they say, that he invented the Gothike letters, and translated the Bible into that tongue. Thus were these people governed by their Bishops and Prelates: they were a free people and courageous, and withal, tractable and apt to learning and Philosophy, the which they learned, frequenting with more civil nations: hardy and valiant, and yet familiar and liberal; apt to arms, tall and of a goodly stature, strong and patiented to endure all the discommodities of war.  
This new nation being seated in the territories of the Empire, 
The cruelty, avarice, and infidelity of Valen●s and his lieutenants against the Goths.  the Emperor was advised to make his profit of them, and to draw money and other commodities from them for their dwellings, and for the use of the land, water, and air which he granted them; the which he could well put in practice, especially his governors & lieutenants, so as this nation found themselves in a short time oppressed with a harder servitude under the Roman Empire, than their countrymen were under the Huns: For the Goths being distressed for victuals, Lupicin and Maximus Governors of Thrace, invented all the wicked devices they could to make them poor, and to strip them of that they had, making them to eat dogs and other beasts, for every one of which they were forced to give a man to be a slave. Besides Lupicin having caused Fritigerne and Alavin, captains of the Goths, to come to Martianopolis, to confer with them upon the complaints which were made of these inhumanities', he incensed them with proud and injurious words: so as having cunningly escaped out of his hands, they afterwards declared themselves enemies to the Roman Empire, so as there grew a great and cruel war betwixt the Goths and the Romans, by the which the Emperor and his lieutenants were punished for their covetousness and impieties: Lupicin seeking to suppress the spoils which the Goths made, was defeated, and in the end after many unfortunate encounters betwixt both parties, 
Defeat of the Emperor Valens army, and his miserable end.  the Emperor Valens having lost a battle, where the best of his men died, he also lost his life, being burnt by the Goths in a country house, into the which he was retired wounded, after the loss of the battle: and without the valour and wisdom of Theodosius (whom God raised up to succeed Valens in the East) the Goths had rooted out the name of the Romans in that country. But Theodosius a Spaniard, 
Theodosius a good Prince.  a wise and virtuous prince, did suppress them, and afterwards made a peace with them: so as after the death of Fritigerne, his successor Athanaric, a friend and well affected to the Roman Empire, died in Theodosius court: after which, the Goths remained 14 years quietly under the Roman Emperors, without any king of their nation, 
Alaric chief of the Goths.  until that Alaric, one of their captains, who had served Theodosius in his wars against Eugenius the tyrant, rebelled, and put the Goths in arms, Arcadius and Honorius, sons to Theodosius, sitting in the imperial seat.  
3 The Goths disdaining to be any more subject to the Romans, and meaning to choose a king of their own, there grew a sedition and war among themselves; some desiring Alaric, others Radagase: but Alaric had the sovereignty. Wherefore Radagase with above two hundred thousand of that nation went into Italy, whilst that Alaric oppressed Hungary; against whom Stilico, who governed the Western Empire under Honorius, opposed himself: and finding this army of Goths shut up in the Apennine hills, bordering upon Tuscan, it was consumed with hunger and poverty: 
Radagase slain, and his army of Goths ruived.  their leader Radagase was taken and strangled, and those which remained, were sold in great troops, for slaves, at a small rate. This Radagase was an idolater, and would have planted idolatry again in Italy. It was at such a season, when as the Roman Empire was in greatest combustion, especially in the West: for besides the invasion of the Goths in Italy, 
The French invade Gaul.  the Frenchmen, a people of Germany, bordering upon Gaul, sought to make a breach there, and entered in great troops upon the country adjoining upon the river of Rhine: against whom, Stilico (who was a Henete or Sclavonian born) meaning to fortify himself with barbarous nations) called into Gaul the Bourgognons, Sueves, Alanes, and Vandals, nations which were chased out of their countries, on the one side by the Huns, and on the other by the Goths: who afterwards ranged and spoiled Gaul themselves, and would have seized thereon; for the which they had many encounters with the emperors Lieutenants, with variable success. Great was the virtue and valour then of Constantius Patricius, who governed Gaul Narbonoise, the which we now call by the name of Provence and Languedoc, by whom the Vandals were repulsed, and forced to pass into Spain; where for a time they did overrun the country, and being afterwards followed by the Alanes and Sueves, they sought to settle themselves there. Gunderic reigned over the Vandals, Hermeric over the Sueves, and the Alanes were commanded by Resplandian or Atace, according unto some. These divided Spain betwixt them: 
The Barbarians divide the conquest of Spain betwixt them.  so as the Alanes should make war in the country of Carthagene, and in part of Portugal or Lusitania, as it was then called: part of the Vandals, called Silinges, should conquer Betica, called since Andalusia: and the other Vandals, with the Sueves, should settle in Gallicia.  
4 After the defeat of Radagase, Alaric marched into Italy with a great army, 
Alaric passeth into Italy.  and demanded to divide the Empire with Honorius; to whom by the counsel of Stilico, Honorius granted the possession of Gaul and Spain, who were also in prey to the French and other nations. Alaric and the Goths marching towards the Alpes, doubting no surprise, were charged by an army which Stilico had sent after them, to keep them from spoiling Italy, under the command of a jew called Saul, who had a secret commandment to set upon the Goths army, when they should be most busied in the straits of the mountains; the which he could not put in execution: for the Goths seeing themselves betrayed, gathered their forces together, and put themselves in battle as well as they could, 
Treachery of Still●● and defeat of the imperial army.  defending themselves so valiantly, as the imperial army was defeated: wherefore Alaric being victor, and full of a furious desire of revenge, leaving the way to Gaul, he turned back, and did miserably spoil the countries, which were since called Lombardy, Tuscan, and Romania, putting all to fire and sword, 
Rome taken by the Goths.  even to the gates of Rome; the which he took after a long siege, and sacked it, pardoning the holy places, and those that were fled into them. From thence he did overrun Italy, even unto the furthest bounds: then returning towards Rome, he died suddenly near unto Cosence, and was buried in the river of Barsente, turned out of her course for that cause, 
The death of Alaric.  and afterwards drawn again into her old bed by the Goths: who after his death made choice of Ataulphe, his cousin, for their king, being a very wise man. Having brought back the army to Rome, he spoiled all that remained of the first sack: yet he was somewhat pacified by the love of Placidia Galla, 
Ataulphe Alarics successors pacified by P●a●idia.  sister to the Emperor Honorius, being prisoner; whom by reason of her nobility and beauty; he married at Forly in Romania. From that time having some respect to Honorius, as his ally, he resolved to leave Italy, and take his way into Gaul, according to the first agreement betwixt Honorius and Alaric; where be erected the kingdom of the Visigothes, restrained the French within certain limits, and helped to chase away the rest of the Vandals, Alanes, and Sueves, beyond the Pyrenees, where he afterwards pursued them.  
A little before these accidents, one Constantine, of a simple soldier being grown captain of the Legions which were in great Britain, having slain a tyrant who had seized upon that island under the Roman Empire, 
Constantine a tyrant.  called Gratian, had passed into Gaul, to usurp the imperial title there, and from thence had sent Governors into Spain. But two noblemen Spaniards, Didimus and Severianus, or Verianus, or Verinianus (for this diversity is found in authors) rich and mighty men, opposed themselves: and seeking to preserve the province for the lawful Emperor, they gathered some troops together, of friends and subjects, and seized upon the passages of the mountains, to keep these governors and their companies from passing. Against these Spaniards, the tyrant sent a son of his called Constant, whom he had drawn out of a Monastery, and proclaimed him Caesar: who being followed by an army of Barbarians, which he called Honoriaques, he defeated and slew the two brethren. These Honoriaques being masters of the straits and passages of the Pyrenees by this victory, and having afterwards rebelled with their captain Gerontius, they (as some hold) delivered Spain to the Vandals, Alanes, and Sueves, after the death of the tyrant Constantine, and of his son Constant, whereof the one was taken at Arles, and the other dispatched at Vienna: These nations joining together to rob and spoil, Palantia, since called Palenza, was the first town of Spain, which fell in prey to these Barbarians, who besieged Toledo in vain, ransomed Lisbon, and committed infinite spoils, whilst that Maximus, 
Maximus a tyrant.  another tyrant, being rebelled against the Emperor, sought during these combustions to make himself king of Spain of another side: who being taken by them that did yet reverence the majesty of the Roman Empire, he was deprived of his usurped royalty, yet his life was saved.  
Spain for the space of two years was thus miserably oppressed, as well by tyrants as by these cruel nations: so as there remained nothing but the mountains of the Cantabrians, at this present Biscaye and Navarre, in the quiet possession of the Romans, maintained by Constantius Patricius, who was the emperors Lieutenant on this side the Alpes: which was at such time as the Vandals, Sueves, and Alanes made the division of Spain. Then did Ataulphe pass into Spain, to dispossess them, according to the right he had by an accord made with Honorius his brother in law: but as he was at Barcelona, he was slain, with six children which he had had by another wife than Placidia. The time and cause of his death are not reported alike. jornandes saith, 
A●aulph● slain by his own men.  That he was slain (having reigned three years in Spain and Gaul) being thrust into the flank by Vernulphe, whom he was accustomed to jest at. Some affirm, That he had been chased, and forced to pass into Spain by Constantius Patricius Governor of Gaul.  
The Christian religion during these troubles and foreign invasions was not neglected among the Spaniards: 
Ann. 402.  for in the year 402 (although others writ 420) was held at Toledo the first Council by 29 Bishops, 
The first Council of Toledo.  where Patron Bishop of Toledo did preside against the heresy of Priscilian. He had been Bishop of Auila, and had published an heresy mixed with the errors of the Gnostics, Manicheans, and ancient Philosophers: among other opinions, he maintained, That the soul of man was a portion of the Divinity: he was condemned first at a Council held at Bourdeaux, and from thence he appealed to Maximus the tyrant, who caused him to be heard at Treves; then he commanded his head to be cut off, with some of his followers. This Council notwithstanding gave place to a single life, and decreed, That priests should live continually unmarried. This decree was contradicted by Vigilantius, who lived then at Barcelona, who did also write against the abuse of relics, against whom S. jerosme was very bitter. Many learned men lived at that time in Spain, 
Learned men in Spain.  as Lucinius, Abigaus, Abundius, Auitus, Olympus, Audentius, Turbius, P. Orosius, and others: yet the Church was declined much from her ancient purity, and then grew in request ceremonies, vows, merits, relics, and miracles; for the clergy was then much infected with covetousness and ambition. Then came the Vandals and Goths, who were all infected with the heresy of Arrian, who did in some sort persecute the good, as we shall hear.  
Ataulphe being dead, the Goths did choose Sigeric for their king, who reigned but a year, and was slain by his own men, in disdain that he was too desirous of peace. He left many children, Giseric, Huneric, Guntemaud, Trasamund, and Hilderic: yet Vallia succeeded him, to the end he should break the peace with the Romans: but God had otherwise decreed, for he confirmed it more. With him (according unto some) gins the reign of the Vice-Gothes in Spain.  

Vallia first King of the Goths.  
7 IN the year of Christ 418 Vallia was chosen king of the Goths, whereof next unto Narbone, 
Ann. 418.  Tolouse was the royal seat. In his time the French began to erect a kingdom in Gaul under Pharamont. Constantius Patricius, Governor for the Emperor in Gaul and Spain, was admitted by Honorius to the dignity of Caesar, which in those days was a degree to attain unto the Empire, as in our time the dignity of king of Romans, during the life of the Emperor of Germany. 
Vallia a friend to the Romans, makes war against the Barbatians in Spain  This Vallia showed himself a friend and well affected to the Roman Empire. He restored to Honorius Placidia his sister, widow to king Ataulphe, whom he had honoured, and kept in his house since the death of her husband. She was afterwards married to Constantius Caesar above mentioned, by whom she had Valentinian the third, who was the last Emperor in the West until Charlemaigne. Vallia undertook by a contract made with Constantius, to chase the barbarous nations of Vandals, Alanes, and Sueves, out of Spain, to the benefit of the Roman Empire, and his own: whereupon he entered into Spain, 
Alanes and Vandals defeated by the Goths.  being called by Constantius to begin this war, in the year 420, and assailed the Alanes and Vandals, who held Betica and Lusitania, slew their king Atace, and reduced them to that extremity, as those few which remained went and joined with Gunderic, who reigned over the other Vandals in Gallicia: the battle wherein they were wholly defeated, was given near unto Emerita, the which is Merida in Portugal. These victories obtained, he meant to pass into Africa, but he was put back by a storm, and therefore returned into Gaul, where he purchased unto the Goths all the country from Tolouse to the Ocean, bounded in by the Pyrenee mountains, and the river of Garonne.  
8 Sometime after the Alanes, which were retired to Gunderic in Gallicia, shook of his yoke, being loath to subject themselves unto him, and returned into Lusitania, Betica, and the province of Carthagena, yet not choosing any prince over them: there they obtained certain lands, and lived tributaries to the Romans, dispersing themselves as far as the river of Ebro, and to the foot of the Pyrenee mountains, where some maintain, that of their name the country of Cattelogne was called Cattalania, for that they did inhabit there, being mingled with the Cats, a nation of Germany, which had passed with them into Spain. In Gallicia (which contained at that time part of the realm of Portugal) there grew debate betwixt Gunderic king of the Vandals, and Hermeric king of the Sueves, so as they fell to arms, 
War in Spain betwixt the Vandals and Sueves.  and the Sueves were besieged in the mountains called Narbaseens: but the Vandals left them there, despising that barren country, and came into the provinces of Betica and Carthagena, the which they foraged: then passing into the islands of Maiorca and Minorca, they sacked them: returning into Spain, they took and ruined Carthagena, 
Betica takes the name of Vandalusia of the Vandals.  and brought back their army into Betica, the which was afterwards called Vandalusia, of their name: there they ruined the town of Sevill, and made the country desolate. Gunderic died at the sack of Sevill, upon the threshold of S. Vincents temple, which he had commanded should be spoiled: he was son to Godigisque, after whose decease Giseric or Genseric his bastard brother was chosen king of the Vandals.  
Vallia entered again into Spain, to suppress the spoils and cruelties of these Vandals, whither there was also sent by the Emperor a captain called Castinus, who should join with Boniface Governor of Africa, and jointly make war against the Barbarians. But as Castinus had nothing in him but vanity and foolish presumption, he disdained Boniface, who was a valiant and wise nobleman; 
Dissension betwixt the Emperor's lieutenants, causeth the loss of Spain and Africa.  against whom he did also bandy Aetius Governor of Gauls, either through emulation and envy, or for some other cause of hatred: so as when Vallia came with his army of Goths to set upon the Vandals, Boniface, who was retired into his government of Africa, being incensed, sent messengers unto Genseric, to solicit him to pass the straight, promising to give him means to lodge himself in Africa with all his men, in despite of the Emperor; the which fell out happily for him, being oppressed with many enemies: wherefore he left Spain, but not without blood: for in a battle which was given him by the people of Spain, 
Boniface delivers Africa to Gonseric and the Vandals.  subjects to the Romans, and by the Goths, he slew twenty thousand of his enemies upon the place at his departure. The Vandals being then passed into Africa with all their families, there remained not any foreign power to make head in Spain, but that of the Sueves, with their king Hermeric, who being fallen into a grievous sickness, died about that time, after he had languished long. In the mean time Vallia incensed against the Vandals, prepared to pursue them into Africa, but he was prevented by death, having reigned 22 years.   

2. Theodoric or Roderic.  
9 THeodoric succeeded Vallia, Valentinian the third being Emperor in the West, 
Anno 440.  in the year 440. Hermeric about a little before his death had so pacified the people of Gallicia, as he reigned over them, and of two nations he made one, taking his son Rechilan for companion, whom he made his heir and successor in the kingdom, and sent him into Betica or Vandalusia against Andenot, a Roman captain, whom he defeated near unto Singil, a river upon that continent, where he was much enriched. Returning, he besieged Merida, took it, and enlarged the kingdom of the Sueves, the which had a beginning about the year 437. Theodoric reigning over the Goths, 
Romans assailed by the Sueves in Spain, and by the Goths in Gaul.  they broke the peace made by Vallia with the Emperor Honorius, & besieged Narbonne, the which was relieved by Lictorius, Governor in those parts for the Empire under the General Aetius: but Lictorius was defeated soon after by the same Goths, the which was a great prejudice to the Romans. By reason of this defeat, the peace was renewed among these potentates.  
Rechilan being king of Gallicia after his father's decease, he sought also to enlarge his limits: 
Rechilan 2. king of Sueves in Gallicia.  wherefore he first assailed Vandalusia, and the country about new Carthage, the which he made subject unto his crown, and did wholly suppress the name of the Silinges Vandals in Betica. He made a certain composition with the Romans, to whom he yielded the country of Toledo in Carpetania, and new Carthage, called now Carthagena.  
Theodoric having also made a peace with the Romans in Gaul, made a design upon Spain; yet being called back to join with the Romans against the Huns, who were entered in infinite numbers into Gaul under Attila: 
Defeat of Attila Anno 453.  he was in that memorable battle, whereas Attila was defeated, in the which there died above an hundred and eighty thousand men upon the field; and among others, Theodoric king of the Goths, having reigned fourteen years, according unto some. The cause of this war, which Attila undertook, was his bad disposition to ruin the whole world: whereunto he was incited by Genseric, king of the Vandals, who was treacherous, cruel, and inhuman, having a desire to ruin the Visigothes in Gaul and Spain, both for that he had been chased and pursued by them, as also fearing that Theodoric their king would seek to revenge the injury done unto his daughter, who being married unto Humeric, the son of Genseric, had been sent back by him unto her father disfigured, without a nose, upon a suspicion which Genseric had, that she would have poisoned him. In this battle there were five kings: Atila king of the Huns, General of the war: Valamir, of the Ostrogothes, who were tributaries to Atila: Theodoric, of the Visigothes in Gaul and Spain: 
Five kings in the battel● whereas Atila was defeated.  Ardaric of the Gepides: and Merove of the French. This was in the year 453, and was fought in the fields of Maroche, a word corrupted of Maurice, otherwise called Cathalaunians: a battle as remarkable as hath been since the deluge, in regard of the great number of men that were in arms, and the strange designs of Atila, a common enemy of all mankind. Besides those that died in the battle, there was an encounter the night before betwixt the Gepides and the French, in the which there were above 90000 men slain.  
Rechilan died a little before in Merida, 
Recciaire third K. of the Sueves in Gallicia.  being an idolater, and after him his son Recciaire reigned over the Sueves in Gallicia, who was baptised, and had received the Christian religion. He had also married a daughter of Theodorics, king of Goths, whereby he grew proud, aspiring to great matters. He invaded the Vascons country, which is now Navarre, and spoilt it. From thence he went to see his father in law, and in his return, with the help of the Goths, he sacked Sarragosse, and all the country which we now call Arragon, the which obeyed the Empire. He spoiled that of Carthagene, the which his father by a treaty made with the Romans had yielded unto them. This past before the defeat of the Huns.   

3. Torismund.  
10 AFter that Theodoric had been slain in that great battle, 
An. 453.  the which was won by the favour of God, and to the great good of all the countries of Europe, against that cruel tyrant Attila; his son Torismund succeeded him over the Visigothes, whose seat was at Tolouse. He had many brethren, Theodoric, Frederic, Turic, Rothemer, and Huneric. Aetius lieutenant General for the Emperor Valentinian, made him jealous of them, lest they should seize upon the realm in his absence, advising him to go speedily to Tolouse, and to cause himself to be crowned. This Aetius did, for that he disinherited the Goths, whom he loved not near him; yea, he was grieved to see this young prince full of courage after this victory lately gotten against the Huns, having a desire to pursue the remainder of this defeated army, and to root them out quite; the which Aetius held not profitable for the Romans: for knowing the nature of the Goths to be proud and active, he feared, that being puffed up with many victories, they should enter into the territories of the Romans: wherefore he suffered the remainders of the defeated army of the Huns to slip away, which gave his enemy's subject to disgrace him with the Emperor Valentinian, who afterwards put him to death: whereby (as some said) he cut off the right arm of his estate; for he was a wise and valiant captain: yet some say, That betwixt Torismund and Atila there were some happy encounters for the Goths. Torismund having reigned three years, was slain by his enemies, as he was let blood, being sick. They writ, That one stole away his arms, which he kept by his bed, yet having a penknife in his hand, 
Torismund slain by his brethren's procurement.  he slew some of the murderers which came to assault him. It is doubtful whether they were his brethren, or others by their procurement. Some say, That the murderers name was Ascalerne, and that he reigned but a year.   

4. Theodoric the second of that name.  
11 THeodoric the 2. succeeded his brother Torismund, 
A damnable desire of revenge in a woman.  about the time that Valentinian the 3 was slain by the friends of Aetius. The Empire of Rome was then held by one Maximus, who married Eudoxia by force, being widow to Valentinian that was slain, thinking by this conjunction to be more respected in the imperial dignity, which he usurped: but this woman mad for the wrong she thought was done unto her, sought to be revenged of Maximus, to the prejudice of herself, of Rome, Italy, & of the whole Empire: for by the means of Boniface she caused Genseric to come out of Africa, who with an army of Vandals, Africanes, Moors, & others, entered Rome, and slew Maximus, sacked and burnt the town, spoiled all Italy, and led away Eudoxia and her daughters, with many thousands others, prisoners into Africa: yet afterwards he set Eudoxia and her daughters free, except one, whom he kept to marry to his son. This was done by a treaty made with the Emperor Martian, who reigned in the East at Constantinople, who also suffered Theodoric, in recompense of the succours which the Visigothes had given the Romans against Attila, to reign in Spain, and to get what he could from the Sueves.  
Theodoric then entered into Spain in the year 458, 
Ann. 458.  against whom, Recchiaire king of the Sueves opposed himself, reigning in Lusitania and Gallicia: there was a battle fought near unto the river of Vrbic, twelve miles from Asturica, betwixt Asturica and Leon, in the which the chief of the nobility of the Sueves were slain, and Recchiaire was constrained to save himself by flight: 
Defeat of the Sueves, and the death of Recchiaire.  meaning to pass into Africa, to Genseric king of the Vandals, he was put back by a tempest to Porto, and there taken and delivered to Theodoric, who caused him to be slain, although he were his brother in law. Gallicia being come into Theodorics power by this victory, he left one of his captains called Acliulf of Auvergne, Governor in his name, whilst that he pursued his conquests: but when as Acliulf saw that Theodoric had turned his back, he caused himself to be proclaimed king, and seized upon the kingdom, forgetting his faith, 
Acliulf punished for his treachery.  and the duty which he ought unto his master, who had honoured him so much: wherewith Theodoric being much moved, he returned, and finding him ready to resist him, he fought with him, and slew him upon the place.  
The Sueves desirous to be reconciled to Theodoric, caused their Bishops to sue for their pardon; the which they not only obtained, but he also gave them leave to choose a king of their own nation. So the Sueves in the furthest parts of Gallicia made choice of Masdra, the son of Massila, 
Humanity of the Goths to the Sueves vanquished  for their king; but being of sundry opinions, another faction proclaimed Frauta. Theodoric after all this passed into Lusitania, meaning to sack Emerita or Merida, but either for the respect he bore to S. Eulalie, or for fear (as they say) he did abstain. From that time having divided his army into three, he sent one part into Vandalusia, under the command of a captain named Cherula or Ceurila: another into Gallicia, led by Sigeric and Nepotian; these did much annoy the disagreeing Sueves: and he himself with the other third part returned into Gaul Gothique, which was Languedoc, where in few days he took Narbonne, by the treason of Count Agrippin or Ravennius, who was Governor thereof: or, according unto some, he received it of Gilon, who then reigned in France, during the time that Childeric was in exile, meaning by this bounty to fortify himself with the Visigothes against the French, who began to be discontented with his exactions and tyrannies. The majesty of the Roman Empire in the West was then trodden underfoot, 
governors ambitious and disloyal.  after the death of Valentinian: for in every province the governors and captains of armies caused themselves to be proclaimed Emperors, and supported one another: so as Spain was wholly abandoned to the Visigothes, and the Gauls to them and the French, and to petty tyrants.  
The Sueves being divided in Gallicia, had chosen (as is said) two kings; one faction would have Masdra, the other obeyed Frauta, but he died within few days; after whom, the same faction did choose Rechimund, who having made an accord with Masdra, they entered jointly with a great army into Lusitania, 
Four kings of the Sueves in Spain.  and spoiled it. Masdra was slain by his own people; after whom, that party created Frumar king, but Rechimund opposed himself: so as these two petty kings impatient one of another, fell to spoil Gallicia, one on the one side, and the other on the other side. 
Arismund 8. K. of the Sueves.  Frumar being dead, Remismund or Arismund, the son of Masdra, brought all the Sueves under his obedience, and was peaceable king of Gallicia. The Sueves since Recchiaire had received the Christian religion, reasonably pure concerning the principal points, and had continued in the same, until the time of this king Arismund, who received a certain Gaul called ajax an Arrian, thinking ill of the mystery of the holy Trinity, into Gallicia, who infected the whole country with his heresy, the which was maintained many years by many kings, whose names and deeds have been buried by writers in hatred of their impieties.  
In the mean time there had been ten Emperors in Italy of small fame, and of less exploits, who made no great opposition against the Visigothes and French: so as the one seized upon Spain, and the other upon Gaul, leaving but very obscure marks of the imperial authority: it may be for the good of these two rich regions, who were better governed under those generous and free nations, than they should have been under the Romans, who were corrupted with all vices, and but a medley of all other nations. In these times the Bishops of Spain would in their life time choose successors to their bishoprics; the which was reproved in a Council held at Rome, 
Resignation of Bishoprics reproved.  under Pope Hilary. Remismund or Arismund sought friendship and peace with Theodoric, the which he did courteously grant: and moreover, Theodoric made an alliance with him, by the marriage of a daughter of his, the which he sent him under the conduct of Sallan, Maior of the palace, with rich presents. Remismund grown proud with these honours, he seized again upon Lusitania, where he took Conimbrica, and spoiled it: Lisbon was delivered unto him by Lusides, who commanded there: during which things, Theodoric was slain at Tolouse by his brother Euric or Henry, having reigned fourteen years: under him lived Sydonius Apollinaris, who of an Earl became a Bishop.   

5. Henry or Euric or Eoric.  
12 DEsire to reign induced Henry to kill his brother Theodoric, 
Ann. 471.  who (as some say) received that which he had done to another: for some did think, that Theodoric and Frederic had been authors of the death of Torismund their eldest brother. Leon was at that time Emperor of Rome, 
Exploits of Henry.  sitting at Constantinople. As soon as Henry was seated in the royal throne of the Visigothes, he entered into Spain with a great army, and seized upon the whole country on this side Ebro; for he took Pampelone, Sarragosse, and other places of the province of Tarracona: then running into Lusitania, and seeing the combustions which were in the Roman Empire, on this side the Pyrenees, he assailed Arles and Marseilles, and joined them unto his kingdom, and defeated Riothime, king of the Britons, who came against him in favour of the Romans, with twelve thousand men. Vindemir, brother to Theodomir, and uncle to Theodoric, an Ostrogothe, being king of Italy, brought him forces out of Hungary, and gave him means to seize upon part of Gaul. He caused the Goths laws to be set down in writing, 
Proidigies.  who until that time had been governed by customs. Being at Arles, where he held a general assembly in arms, according to the manner of that nation, they did see the iron of their lances and other weapons change colour, looking green, red, black, yellow, and of divers other colours; and soon after the king died, having reigned 17 years: He was an Arrian, 
Henry an Arrian a persecutor of the Church.  as his predecessors, and did persecute the churches, shut up the temples, and caused them to be hedged about with thorns, that they should forget the way to assemble. During the reign of this Henry, Odoacer a Herule or Saxon entered into Italy, who having forced Augustule (who termed himself Emperor) to leave his purple rob, he made himself king of Italy, the which he held the space of 15 or 16 years.   

6. Alaric.  
13 ALaric succeeded his father Euric, 
Punishment of a treacherous Governor.  being the second of that name, who reigned over the Visigothes at Tolouse, when as Clovis the first Christian king reigned over the French. In his reign the Romans had yet some lands in Spain, and in Gaul, where they had governors; one of the which called Burdunel, seized upon the country which he commanded in Spain, and became a tyrant, but he was taken by the Goths, and burnt at Tolouse in a bull of brass. Apollinaris was also at that time Earl, and governor of Auvergne, kinsman to Sydonius.  
Before this time the Visigothes and the French had been good friends: but Clovis with most of his people having embraced the Christian religion, and left their idols, he thought himself also bound to pursue those that were not of the same opinion, 
War for irreligion betwixt the French and the Visigothes.  and to force them thereunto by arms. He therefore fell in dislike of Alaric and the Visigothes, for that they were Arrians: besides, he took an occasion, for that his enemies and the banished men of France had sought refuge at Tolouse and other places belonging unto Alaric: and moreover Clovis complained, That a day and place being appointed them to parley, he was advertised, that Alaric had laid an ambush to kill him: wherefore there grew a great quarrel betwixt these two princes, the which they would decide by single combat betwixt themselves: but king Theodoric (who had newly dispossessed Odoacer of Italy, and there erected the kingdom of the Ostrogothes, a wise and valiant prince) reconciled them for that time, and the Visigothes turned the war into Spain, where they took Tortose, and slew one Peter who had played the tyrant there, whose head was carried to Sarragosse.  
The hatred betwixt the French and the Goths increased daily, 
Battle of Voglad in Poicto● and the death of Alaric.  so as they must come to blows, and there was a battle fought near unto Poitiers, in the plain of Voglad, 10 leagues from the town, whereas Alaric was slain, and with him Apollinaris Earl of Auvergne. There was also another battle near unto Bourdeaux, where there were an infinite number of Goths Arrians slain, so as the place is to this day called the field of Arri. Among the spoils of the Visigothes, there were certain vessels found, consecrated in old time to the temple of jerusalem. This king Clovis is by some called Lodom. By means of these victories the French seized upon Aquitain, & on Tolouse, the chief town of the Visigothes, they besieged Carcassone, and meant to pursue their victory, but Theodoric coming out of Italy, made them to raise their siege.  
At that time Toledo was the royal town in Spain. Many Christian Bishops chased out of Africa by the Vandals Arrians, 
Toledo the chief town of the Goths kingdom in Spain.  were retired into Italy; from whence some were sent into Spain. At that time lived Fulgentius, Bishop of Ruspence, a learned & an eloquent man, who was chased away and persecuted by the Arrian Goths. Alaric (as the Spaniards writ) had married Amalasunta, daughter to Theodoric, king of the Ostrogothes and of Italy, and had a son by her called Amalaric, who was yet a child, when his father died: wherefore Gesselaric (who was bastard brother to Alaric) took the government of the kingdom, his brother having reigned 22 years.   

7. Gensolaric or Gesselaric.  
14 GEnsolaric was son to Euric, 
Ann. 508.  by a concubine, he usurped the crown at Narbone, his nephew Amalaric being yet but five years old. He was base and a coward: for being assailed by Gundebault king of the Bourgognons (who had also erected another kingdom in Gaul, to the prejudice of the Romans) after that he had received a great rout near unto Narbone, he fled ignominiously into Spain, and shut himself up in Barcelone, until that Ilba (sent by Theodoric king of Ostrogothes, grandfather as they said by the mother's side unto young Amalaric) came out of Italy to chase him from thence. Some make this Gesselaric bastard son to Alaric, and brother to young Amalaric.  
This K. Theodoric sent 80000 men out of Italy into Gaul against the French, to revenge the death of Alaric. Ilba (who was General) joined his forces with the Visigoths, 
French defeated by the Ostrogothes.  and defeated the French, where there were above 20000 of them slain. Provence remained then unto the Ostrogothes, and was a member of the realm of Italy, and Languedoc and Gasconie returned unto the Visigothes, as before. Ilba then passed into Spain, to settle the estate of young Amalaric, and chased K. Gesselaric out of Barcelone, the third year of his reign, who fled into Africa to the Vandals, hoping to recover his dignity by their means, but he laboured in vain: wherefore being returned into Gaul, he was slain near unto Durance.   

Amalaric eight King of the Goths.  
15 THe Spaniards writ, 
Ann. 511.  That K. Theodoric came out of Italy (where he had reigned 18 years) expressly into Spain, to settle his grandchild Amalaric in his kingdom, where (as they say) he continued 15 years, and that Clovis the French king being dead, and his kingdom divided betwixt his four sons, they made a peace with young Amalaric, & assured him their sister Clotilde, restoring to him Tolouse, or at the least the usufruit of it. This treaty was made with Theodoric his grandfather and tutor.  
16 Under these Arrian princes the Christian religion was somewhat maintained by the Bishops, 
Counsels at Tarracone, Sarragosse, and other places.  touching the fundamental points, although intermixed with superstitions, the which increased daily. There assembled ten Bishops at Tarracone, who decreed, That the feast of Sunday should begin on Saturday. From whence it came that in Spain and many other places they hold it a profane thing to work on the Saturday; no not the women to spin. This Council makes mention of the first Monks in Spain. At Girone was another provincial assembly of 7 Bishops: at Sarragosse of 12: in Ilerda at the foot of the Pyrenees of 8: at Valence of 6 Bishops, whereas always the Bishop of that place did preside. These Counsels were not very free nor assured in the Arrians jurisdiction: but in those places which the Romans did yet hold in Spain, the pure Christian religion was favoured. The counsel of Sarragosse did ordain, that no Nun should were a veil nor be professed before the age of 40 years. Theodoric king of the Ostrogoths, regent in Spain, took to wife, as the Spanish authors write, a noble woman of that country, at whose entreaty he set at liberty all those of her nation that were in prison, and had by her a son, called Severin, Duke of Carthagena, father to Leandre and Isidore, 
An. 526.  who were saints. The 15 year of his government, he resigned the kingdom of the Visigoths to his graundchild Amalaric, being now of age to command, and returned to his realm of Italy. This was in the year 526, 
End of the Vandals reign in Africa.  when as justinian being emperor, the war began in Africa by Bellisarius against the Vandals, and Gilimer their king, whereof followed the taking of the king, and the end of the Vandals royalty, the which had continued in these countries 113 years. Under the reign of Amalaric was celebrated the second Council of Toledo by eight Christian Bishops, although the king were an Arrian. He having (as we have said) married Clotilde, daughter to Clovis king of France, entreated her very ill, by reason of the diversity of religion (for she was well instructed) so as going through the streets, 
Diversity of religion kills all charity.  the people cast stones and dirt at her in contempt: being retired she wiped off the blood and dirt with a handkerchief, the which she sent unto her brethren, letting them understand the disgraces and wrongs which she suffered: wherewith being incensed, they proclaimed war against Amalaric: the armies encountered near unto Narbone, whereas Amlaaric was vanquished, who thinking to save himself in Barcellone, 
Amalaric slain by the French and the Goths defeated.  was slain, being forsaken by his men. The annals of France say, that Childebert king of Paris did this execution, and that he took Toledo, the royal seat, spoiled the temples, and carried back into France, 60 chalices, fifteen plates, and twenty little coffers, where they kept the books of the Gospel, all of pure gold, and much other treasure, and that he did distribute these ornaments among the Churches of France. Amalaric reigned five years and eight months after the government of Theodoric. After his death, the kingdom of the Visigoths remained unto Amalasunta his mother, say the Spaniards, I know not by what title. I cannot concur with them in this opinion, that this Amalasunta was daughter to Theodoric king of Italy, the which we read was married to a prince of the blood royal of the Visigoths, and of the family of Hamels, called Euthaire, and had Athalaric by him, to whom Theodoric his grandfather dying, left the kingdom of the Ostrogoths in Italy. Procopius says, that the wife of Alaric, and mother to this Amalaric, was called Theudetuse, the which by the report of jourdain, who names her Theudicode, Theodoric had by a concubine when he was yet in Misia: others say, that this Theudicode was married to Gundebault king of Bourgogne, and that the wife of Alaric, mother to Amalaric was called Ostrogotte, bastard also to this king Theodoric. Howsoever it be, it is not credible that Theodoric king of Italy, should so much affect the affairs of Spain, as he should abandon Italy for fifteen years, to remain in Spain. And there is less likelihood, seeing that Athalaric son of Euthaire and of Amalasunta succeeded him in the realm of the Ostrogothes, the which he had of a lawful marriage, whatsoever the Spaniards writ, duke Severian of Carthage, father to Isidore and Leandre bishops of Sevill, and others, the which Severian should rather have succeeded him in the realm of the Ostrogothes, than his graundchild, the son of his daughter. That which others writ, that he sent Ilba with an army against the French, to revenge the death of Alaric his kinsman, and that he had retained for his pains and the charges of war, Provence (for these princes notwithstanding all their charity, did not labour for nothing) and that for the love of consanguinity, being all of the family of Hamels, he had sent one of his captains called Theude into Spain, to be tutor and regent of the young king Amalaric and of the realm of the Visigots, with his mother Theudetuse or Amalasunta, as she was called: that I say comes near unto the truth, as we may see by Procopius. All the reign of Amalaric, as well under his tutors, as alone, is counted by all probability 15. years.   

Theude the ninth King.  
19 SO it is, that Theude or Theodat, 
An. 526.  as others name him, reigned after the death of Amalaric, if we shall believe Procopius, having married a great lady of the country of Spain, who, the Spaniards say, was mother to the deceased king. The resemblance of names hath deceived them in all their discourses: for at the same time, or thereabouts, Amalasunta mother to Athalaric, heir of the realm of Italy, married an other Theude or Theodat (seeing that she was not feared not respected by the Ostrogoths, for that she was a woman) and made him tutor to her son, and regent to the realm, to her own prejudice, but this hath nothing common with Spain. At the coming of Theude the Visigoth, the French entered into Spain, and spoiled the country of Arragon, and other places thereabouts: but they were defeated by the Visigothes, 
The French defeated in Spain.  led by Theodiscle their captain, who seized upon all the passages and straits of the Pyrenees. They say, that seeing themselves enclosed, they entreated them to give them a day and a night to pass away, the which the Goths granted, and all that remained behind, after that time, were put to the sword: a remarkable victory, but it was afterwards blemished by the defeat of the Goths in Africa, as we will show. The French notwithstanding returned, 
The French invade Spain.  and took Sarragosse, with other towns in Spain: and forced the inhabitants to abjure the Arrian sect, thinking they should do much for the Christian religion, if they forced their bodies by arms, being ignorant that religion is a profession of the spirit, the which may well be persuaded by reasons and doctrine, but no ways forced. It was the cause of all the French wars in those days, joined with ambition and the insatiable desire of reign, which vice they thought to obscure, fight (said they) for the Christian religion, and enriching the Clergy men of their country, with spoils and other gifts. In the mean time most of the Monks that were then in credit, song in the Churches, and the bishops became like dumb dogs, following the courts of princes, and armies; a mischief which hath not been since repaired. In Spain, whereas the Clergy was not in so good estate, their government was somewhat better: for many of their bishops were learned, 
Learned and religious Bishops in Spain.  according unto those times, as some writings, which yet remain, do witness, namely Aprugius bishop of Paccence, justinian of Valence, just of vrgel his brother, Leandre of Sevill, and according to some of Toledo, and others, who did often assemble for the affairs of the Church, and held Provincial counsels: yet they were not without blemishes, busying themselves more than was fit, about services, ceremonies and exterior ornaments: from whence sprung many superstitions. Childebert brought from Sarragosse, as some say, Saint Vincents shirt, the which was put at Saint Germains by Paris, where he built a temple to that Saint: and the authors say, that they of Sarragosse redeemed their town from spoils by this jewel, the which is credible, considering the devotion of that nation. After the retreat of the French, the Visigoths would pass the straight into Africa, to chase away the Romans, who had surprised the town of Septe from them: but as this nation possessed with a superfluous fear, would not use their arms upon a Sunday, for the reverence of the day, the Romans who had no such scruple; 
The Goths defeated in afric by the Romans.  fell upon them, and finding them careless and disarmed, they made a pitiful slaughter; so as there escaped not any one to carry news. It happened at the same time that King Theude (the news of this rout being published abroad) was slain in his chamber, by one that made himself a jester, to have the better access, who stabbed him in the belly with a dagger. The king feeling himself wounded to the death, conjured the noblemen that were about him, not to do any harm to him that had hurt him, saying, that God had sent him a worthy reward for his merits, for that he had also been the murderer of his captain. He reigned 17. years and five months.   

10. Theodiscle.  
20 THeodiscle seized upon the realm: he was general or Constable of the Goths armies, 
An. 544.  he gave himself to lust and adulteries, polluting honest families and great houses, the which he filled with murders by reason of his excess: wherefore the chief of the Goths conspired to kill him at Sevill, 
The reward of a lustful tyrant.  rioting in his banquets. Some say, that he was son to the sister of Totilas king of the Ostrogothes in Italy, and held the kingdom one year & 7 months.   

11. Agila.  
21 THe Goths did choose Agila for their king, 
Anno 546.  who assailed the town and territory of Corduba, 
Cruelty of Agila against the Christians.  or Cordova, & did all the disgraces he could unto the Christians, treading the bones of Asciscles and Victor, who were martyrs, under his horses feet, whereof among that nation the superstition was great. Coming afterwards to fight against the Goths, which were of a contrary faction, he was vanquished, his army defeated, his son slain, and all his baggage, which was very rich, lost: he himself flying into Merida, was slain by the faction of athanagild, who succeeded him, having reigned five years.   

12. athanagild.  
22 During the life of Agila, 
Anno 551.  athanagild had attempted to seize upon the kingdom of the Visigothes by force, the which after his death he obtained without any difficulty: about the same time the kingdom of the Ostrogothes in Italy was extinguished by justinian, or Bellisarius, General of his armies, and his lieutenant in the West. The Visigothes were divided; some followed athanagild, 
Division among the Goths.  whom others loved better for a companion than a master. There was an army raised against him by Agila, who was head of the other party: being come to battle near unto the town of Sevill, Agila was defeated. Hereupon the Goths considering, that by reason of their dissensions, the Romans, and Spaniards lying under their authority, might invade them, to their great prejudice, they agreed in the end, and did acknowledge athanagild for their king, Agila having been vanquished and slain at Merida. They hold, that this king did secretly detest the profession of the Arrians, and favoured the Christians. He died at Toledo, 
athanagild dislikes the Arrian heresy.  of a natural death, having reigned fourteen years: during the which he had many encounters with the Romans and their party, with variable success. In his time the Sueves of Gallicia left the Arrian sect, and submitted themselves to the Christians Church. Theodemir was the first king of Gallicia which embraced the true religion, by the persuasion of a bishop, or an Abbot of Dume, called Martin, who reform the churches of Gallicia, 
Bru●haut or Brunichilde.  by the Counsels held at Bracar and at Lugo. Brunichilde, who was daughter to athanagild, was married to Sigebert king of Mets, to be a plague to France.   

13. Luiba, or Liuba.  
23 THe Goths disagreeing in the election of a king, 
Anno 565.  the royal seat was vacant for some months: in the end they chose Luiba at Narbone, who admitted Leovigilde his brother to be partner in the kingdom, giving him the government of the hither Spain. This Leovigilde took to wife the widow of athanagild, called Gosuintha; but he had had another wife, which was Theodosia daughter to Severian duke of Carthagene, by whom he had Hermingilde and Ricared. This Severian of whom we have made mention, 
Severian and his posterity.  is held to be the son of Theodoric king of the Ostrogothes in Italy: and the Spanish authors say, that he had many sons and daughters by Theodora his wife, issued from the blood royal, all which were Saints and men of the Church, as S. Leandre and S. Isidore bishops of Sevill, Fulgentius bishop of Astigi, and then of Carthagene; Florence an Abbess, whom some call justina, and others. Luiba having reigned 3 years, died at Narbone, leaving no other memory of him, for he was not warlike.   

14. Leovigilde.  
24 Leovigilde remained sole king of the Goths, 
Ann. 567.  both on this side and beyond the Pyrenees, after the decease of Luiba his brother: He did overrun the territories of the Bastitanes, and of Malaca, which is the country of Grenado and Mutcia at this day. He took Asinode, or rather Assidon, a very strong town, by a composition made with one Framedanc, who commanded there, and added it to the Goths kingdom. This place had a garrison of Roman soldiers, and had defended themselves till then under the majesty of the Roman empire, justine the young sitting then in the imperial seat at Constantinople. Leovigilde did many other exploits of war against the Romans and their partisans in Spain, 
Exploits of Leovigilde.  and did much enlarge the Goths dominions. Cordova (which they had often attempted in vain) was by this king surprised in the night, many towns & castles forced, with great slaughter of the people. Upon the frontiers of Gaul he made war against them of Savoy and Dauphin, if writers err not. He divided his kingdoms betwixt his sons Hermengilde and Ricared, the which he had by his first wife.  
Miro king of the Sueves in Gallicia, made war at that time against the Vascons, which are the Navarrois and Biscanes: but Leovigilde stayed him, and sent his own forces to the Cantabrians, towards the Ocean (that is Biscaie) from whence he chased all such as had usurped any towns or signiories, reducing in a manner all those petty potentates which were risen in Spain, to the prejudice of the Roman empire, under the crown and sceptre of the Visigothes. He made a peace notwithstanding for a time with Miro, by means of his ambassadors: So having enlarged his dominions in Spain, he gave himself to civil affairs.  
He built a town called Ripol, 
The politic actions of Leovigilde.  in the hither Spain, beautified it with buildings, and endowed it with privileges. He also built the town of Victoria in Biscaie, which is not Victoria at this day. He married his eldest son to jugunde daughter to Sigebert king of the French: he caused a Council to be called at Toledo, of the Arrian bishops, where he heaped error upon error, 
The Arrians baptism.  forcing the Christians to be rebaptized, after the Arrian manner, which was, In the name of the Father, to the Son, by the holy Ghost: and not, In the name of the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost: meaning thereby to make three essences of that which is but one, distinct in three qualities. Herein he was assisted by Vincent bishop of Sarragosse, an Apostate, against whom Severus a Christian bishop of Malaca did write.  
As Leovigilde busied himself about these matters, 
Conspiracle of the mother in law and the son against the father.  some good and profitable, others profane and wicked, his peace was troubled by the rebellion of his own son; who either through desire to reign alone, or otherwise, and by the persuasion of Gosuinthe his mother in law, he seized upon Sevill, and many other places; and levied men to fortify himself against his father: who having put a great army to field, marched to Sevill, to suppress the rashness of his ill advised son, besieged the town on all sides, and began to batter it with all sorts of engines. Miro king of Gallicia came to this siege, with good troops, as a friend and ally to aid him. The ancient town of Italica was not far from Sevill: for we read, that Leovigilde made his storehouse for the war there during the siege, having caused the walls, which were ruined, to be repaired, the which did much annoy them of Sevill; from the which he turned the river of Betis, and priest the besieged by continual batteries, assaults, cutting off their victuals, and all other acts of hostility: so as in the end he took it, and soon after the town of Cordova also, in the which his son had fortified himself, with all the other places which he had usurped. Being thus spoiled of all, and deprived of his dignity, Hermengilde was confined to Valence. This civil war did afflict Spain, more than all the former, as the Spaniards write.  
25 During the siege of Sevill, 
The end of the kingdom of the Sueves in Gallicia  Miro king of Gallicia died, to whom Eburic his son succeeded: but Andeca seized upon the realm of the Sueves, married Siseguta, left by king Miro, took Eburic, and shut him up in a cloister of Monks. To revenge this injury, and also to make his profit thereof, Leovigilde entered into Gallicia with an army, took Andeca, caused him to be polled, and sent him to Badaios, to live for ever in a cloister. He reduced Gallicia to a province, and joined it to the Goths kingdom, the which had continued an hundred seventy and seven years.  
Hermengilde being found at Tarracone, was there slain by Sisbert: yet the Spaniards vary in this point, 
Hermengilde a Christian slain by his father's commandment, being an Arrian  some saying, That he was shut up in a tower at Sevill, where he lost his head, holding him for a Saint, and that he was slain on Easter day, by the commandment of his father, who was an Arrian, for that he had embraced the Christian religion, for the which he had rebelled, and had caused great troubles in Spain; the which Saint Gregory and Beda doth witness: and it is likely that this prince was drawn unto the true doctrine by Leandre bishop of Sevill, and by his wife jugunde a French woman, whom, they say, he, put in the beginning of the civil wars, into the hands of those that governed the lands of the empire in Spain, under Maurice the emperor, being newly brought in bed of a son, fearing the threats and fury of his father: and that after her husband's death the Romans caused her to pass into Africa with her little infant, where she died; but the child was carried to Constantinople. Childebert king of France, 
War betwixt the the French and the Goths, for the death of Hermengilde.  to revenge the wrong done unto his brother in law, took arms against the Goths, and hoping to recover his sister and his nephew, he made a league with the emperor Maurice. Against the French which did forage Languedoc, was sent Ricaire the other son of Leovigilde, who repulsed them with great loss of their men, entering into their territories, where he took a great spoil.  
They speak of many miracles during the reign of this king, which God did in favour and confirmation of the Christian religion, 
Miracles.  against the Arrians and their sect, the which he had decreed should have an end with this king Leovigilde. The civil war being (as we have said) hot in Spain, the army of Leovigilde pursuing his son, and passing by the territories of Valencia and Murcia, the Monks of the Abbey of Saint Martin in those marches, being terrified, abandoned their Abbot, and fled all into an island of the sea near adjoining. The soldiers being entered into the Abbey, and finding the Abbot all alone, being a very devout and religious man, and crooked with age, they did him many outrages: one of them having drawn out his sword to cut off his head, he fell down stark dead; the which did so terrify the rest, as they presently fled. This being reported unto king Leovigilde, he commanded, that all the goods which had been taken in that monastery, should be restored. An Arrian bishop meaning to deceive the king (who reproached him, that the Arrians did no miracles) suborned one of his sect, who could counterfeit himself blind, causing him to stand in the way whereas he knew the king should pass: there this gallant began to cry out, and to entreat this bishop which did accompany the king, that he would make him recover his sightby his prayers. The bishop approached, and laying his hands arrogantly upon his eyes, the king being present, and attending to see this miracle, it happened, that he which did counterfeit himself blind, 
Acounterfeit beggar divinely punished.  lost his sight in good earnest; and withal was so full of pain in that part, as detesting the bishop and his cozenage, he confessed openly before the king and his train, That the bishop had induced him to act this tragedy, and had corrupted him with money. Many other signs are written to have been seen in those times, the which we will not call into question, for that the end and use of miracles, is to witness, and to give credit to the word of God, and his true doctrine, which was then disgraced by the Arrian princes.  
Spain was furnished with many learned and holy men, whilst that the Arrians did reign in Africa, and did persecute the Christians. They make mention of one Donat an Abbot, who passed out of Africa into Spain, with about 70 Monks, and a goodly library, where he was the founder of the monastery Seruitane: and that they were entertained by a rich lady called Minicea, who then built the first monastery at Setabis, which is Xativa. This Donat did first set down certain rules and orders for a monastical life among them; for until that time they were not tied by any vows, neither had they lived in cloisters, but were dispersed in woods and deserts, leading a solitary life, from whence he retired them. Leandre bishop of Sevill, was then famous for his learning and holiness, a great friend to S. Gregory, whom he had known at Constantinople: of which friendship, they say, that the image of the virgin Marie, which is in great, yea in superstitious veneration in these days at Guadalupe, is a witness, and that S. Gregory sent it to Leandre.  
As one kind of Antichrist should have an end, so it was necessary, that (to exercise the Church of God) others should come. Wherefore during the reign of Leovigilde, Mahumet the great seducer was borne, 
Birth of Mahumet.  with whose doctrine the Arabians did a while after infect Spain; and soon after that grew the quarrel for the Primacy, betwixt the bishops of Constantinople and Rome. And as among those which made profession of the Christian religion there were many abuses which had been received and embraced, or else dissembled by the most learned and religious, the rashness of the one, and the negligence of the other, gave place to impiety, the which hath since prevailed in the world, using force with the one hand, 
Anno 580.  and fraud with the other. This was in the year 580, which the Spaniards account 618 of their Aera: yet others say, That it was in the year of Christ 591, that this scourge of God's Church was borne in Arabia, of the race of Agar and Ishmael. His father was called Abdalia, or Abedela, his mother Emina. A little before the death of Leovigilde, Amalaric the tyrant would have made himself king of Gallicia, but he was taken by the king's lieutenants in those marches.  
Leovigilde having reigned eighteen years, 
Repentance Leovigilde.  died at Toledo: who by the report of Saint Gregory, repent himself of the rigour and cruelty he had used to his son Hermengilde, being desirous to reform himself to the pure religion; and dying, recommended his other son Ricared to Leandre, entreating him to instruct him as he had done his other son: and he commanded Ricared to call home the Christian bishops which he had banished. He was the first king of the Goths reigning in Spain, which used a rob of purple, or other royal ornaments: for until that time the kings of that nation were appareled like unto the other nobles. He first of all began to heap up treasure, and filled his coffers with spoils of temples, confiscations, and other violences used to good men, whereof many were put to death by him. He corrected the laws made by Euric his predecessor, and reduced them into better form.   

15. Ricared.  
26 RIcared being crowned by Leandre, 
An. 585.  as Luke Tudensis writes, he was instructed in the true Christian religion, the first year of his reign, and prevailed so with mild words and strong reasons, as he persuaded many of the Arrian bishops to leave that heresy, and to follow the better party; and so consequently the noblemen & common people. He ordained, That the goods which had been taken and confiscated for that cause, should be restored; and of a destroyer he became a builder of churches. He put Sisbert the murderer of his brother Hermingilde ignominiously to death: 
Ricared of a destroyer becomes a nurse of the churches.  he discovered & suppressed the conspiracy of bishop Sunna, and of Sugga, Arrians, who would have made themselves tyrants. The bishop was banished, and Suggas hands cut off, and then confined into Gallicia. There was another conspiracy averred of bishop Vldila, and of queen Gosuintha, against Ricared, and punished: Vldila was banished, and Gosuintha died soon after: she had been a perpetual enemy to the Christians. The French being come into Languedoc with a great army of above threescore thousand men, under a captain called Desiderius, and then under Boson, being sent by Guntran king of Orleans, Ricared sent claud duke of Lusitania against them, who obtained one of the greatest and most memorable victories that ever was, 
An admirable victory, and scarce credible.  near unto Carcassonne: For we read, that with 300 men or thereabouts, he defeated all this great power of the French, and took all their baggage.  
The fourth year of his reign he caused a Council to be called at Toledo, which was the third; 
3 Council of Toledo, where the Goths absured the Arrian heresy.  at the which there were assembled threescore and two bishops of his realm, of either side of the Pyrenee mountains, or threescore and ten, according unto some. There he did renounce and abjure the Arrain heresy, and Badda his wife, with all the noblemen Goths, did the like, all confessing the equality of the three persons in one divinity. The metropolitans at this Council were: 1 Mausona of Merida. 2 Leandre of Sevill, whom Luke Tudensis calls Primate and the Pope's Legat. 3 Euphemius of Toledo. 4 Pantard of Bracara. 5 Nigith of Narbona. 6 Stephen of Tarracone.  
These were the Archbishops and metropolitans, by the which the Arrian heresy was condemned, with the which the noblemen Goths had been abused two hundred and thirteen years. At this Council did preside Leandre bishop of Sevill, and Eutropius Abbot of the monastery of servi, afterwards bishop of Valence. Among other decrees it was ordained, That no jew should be admitted to any public charge. The acts of this Council were not only allowed by the king, but also confirmed under his hand. Since that time the custom is in Spain, that every one that presents himself unto the Communion, is bound to rehearse the articles of the Apostles Creed after the priest. This was in the year of our Saviour five hundred eighty nine, 
An. 589.  and adding thereunto thirty eight years, it makes the 627 of the Spaniards Aera. King Ricared being thus in peace, and employing his time about matters of religion in Spain, he discovered domestic treacheries, which did much trouble him: for a chamberlain of his, of the number of his captains, called Arg●mund, attempted against his estate and life, 
Argemund a trailor punished  to reign in his place. The enterprise being proved, his partisans were executed, and he also, after that he had been whipped, and led upon an ass through the city of Toledo, to serve for an example to all subjects, not to rebel against their princes for ambition.  
The jews did what they could to procure the king to abolish the decree of the Council made against them: and as in a manner all that nation have ever given themselves to the trade of merchandise, and are therefore full of money, they offered a great sum to have it effected: but the king continued constant, and they must have patience. This holy resolution of king Ricared and his nobility, was ill seconded by the Pope and the Prelates of those times, being already accustomed to make superfluous shows, and oftentimes merchandise of external things, which were of small use for piety. The king sent royal presents to pope Gregory the first, who was called Holy, and an Angel upon earth: and he requited him with relics, with a link of the chain wherewith Saint Peter had been bound by the neck, 
Relics.  when he suffered martyrdom; of the wood of the very cross, of Saint john Baptists hair, and such other singularities, with an Archbishop's cloak for Leandre bishop of Sevill. These were the exercises of piety, which were then too much used among Christians. At that time there was another Council held at Sevill, of eight bishops, 
Council at Sevill.  whereas Leandre their pastor did preside.  
In Spain there did flourish in those times, 
Learned and religious bishops.  besides the abovenamed bishops, john abbot of Va●claire, who was afterwards bishop of Girone, a Goth by race, but borne at Scalabis in Lusitania, who hath written a Chronicle unto the year five hundred and ninety: Fulgentius bishop of Astigi, then of Carthage, brother to Leandre, a man well seen in the Greek, Latin, Arabike, and Syriack tongues, and hath written many books: Severus bishop of Carthage, Licinian of Malaca, and others. Florentine the sister of Leandre, was Prioress of forty Nuns in the town of Astigi.  
Queen Badda, who was daughter to king Arthure of great Britain, died; after which Ricared married Clotosinde sister to king Childebert of Mets: by means of which marriage a peace was concluded betwixt the Goths and the French.  
Pope Gregory would not have the name of Primate, yet in the mean time he did exercise a jurisdiction in Spain: for januarius being deposed from his bishopric of Malaca, by the practices of some of his enemies, he sent one called john to take knowledge of the cause, who with apostolic authority, restored him to his bishopric, and punished his adversaries. Ricared having held the kingdom of the Goths in Spain and in Gaul fifteen years, 
The death of Ricared: and his virtues.  died at Toledo, much lamented of all men: for he had reigned very mildly, so as they called him Father of the people. He reduced the Gothike laws into order, enlarged his dominions, having been always in arms against the Romans, and their partisans which remained in Spain: he was very devout and bountiful to the Clergy, so as he was commended for a very religious prince, especially for that he had given unto the church of S. Felix at Gironne, the crown of gold which he ware upon his head: but, that which is of more esteem, he purged Spain of all heresies.   

16. Luiba 2, and Victerix 17.  
27 TO Ricared succeeded his son Luiba, 
Anno 601.  or Liwa, Maurice reigning then at Constantinople. Some Spaniards say, That he was a bastard; others deny it, and give him two brethren, Suinthila and Geila. Victeric seized upon the Goths kingdom, and taking this young prince, who was but sixteen years old, he cut off his right hand, and in the end slew him the second year of his reign. Then died Leandre, 
Cruelty of Victeric to young Luiba.  to whom succeeded Isidore his brother at Sevill.  
28 Victeric was an unfortunate king, for in many encounters which he had with the Romans, and those that held their party in Spain, he was still beaten. Moreover he strived to advance the Arrian heresy again, and in these miserable designs reigned seven years. He married his daughter Hermenberge to Theodoric king of Mets, who could never know her, wherefore he sent her back to her father a virgin uncorrupted: and they say that Brunichilde, Theodorics grandmother, had bewitched him, and made him unable to use his wife, whom she hated, Theodoric being otherwise very licentious, and had made good proof with other women. We read, 
A discourse of Mahumet not very credible.  that during the reign of Victeric, in the year six hundred and five, Mahumet came into Spain, to preach his doctrine at Cordova; and that being discovered as they went to seize on him, he fled away so secretly, as no man knew what became of him. But we know, that Mahumet proceeded to the publication of his doctrine after a more violent means, having by money and persuasions corrupted the Arabian thieves, whose arms he employed to propagate his errors, among other nations, under the empire of Heraclius: yet it is not impossible, that Mahumet, being then about five and twenty years old, serving a rich merchant of Arabia, whose widow he after married, should come into Spain for his master's affairs, and to have given some knowledge of the poison which lay in his breast. King Victeric (whom others call Deteric, and some Bertric) as he had put the innocent prince Liuba miserably to death, 
The miserable end of the tyrant Victerie.  was by a just revenge miserably slain by his own people, as he sat at the table: a base king, who did nothing advance the kingdom of the Goths, but in taking the town of Siguensa from the Romans.   

18. Gundamir.  
29 THe Goths after the death of Victeric, 
Anno 610.  created Gundamir king, who came to the crown about the sixth year of the empire of Phocas, in the year 610: his wife was called Hilduare. This king at his coming made the church's sanctuaries, 
Liberties of Churches.  forbidding to take or force any criminal person that had fled thither: the which was done at the pursuit of a Council then held at Toledo, of fourteen bishops, and other Clergy men, Aurasius being bishop there: in the which the Archbishop of Toledo was declared Primate of Spain. All writers make not mention of this Council, but only (as the Spaniards say) there are memorial found thereof at Toledo: and it is written, That the rights of this Metropolitan were debated there, where he had his Suffragans assigned him in all the province of Carpetania, which did comprehend Carthagene: so as in this regard the Metropolitan of Toledo had then a greater jurisdiction than at this day. Isidore of Sevill, Innocent of Merida, Eusebius of Tarracone, and Benjamin of Dumes, among others, assisted at this Council. He had war against the Vascons or Navarrois, and against the Romans or their partisans with happy success. He reigned two years, and died at Toledo, of his natural death.   

19 Sisebuth.  
30 SIsebuth succeeded Gundamir, 
Anno 612.  a wise and valiant prince, learned and eloquent (as the Spaniards say.) He chased away the jews which would not be baptised, wherewith France was soon filled: but they were again forced to fly, Dagobert the French king having made an edict, by the which they were enjoined to conform themselves to the Christian religion, upon pain of death. Sisebuth employed his time to conquer the towns, castles, forts, straits and passages of the mountains, which were yet held by the Roman garrisons, and did in a manner make himself master of all Spain, Caesarius commanding there for the Romans.  
The zeal of religion was great in many at that time in Spain, but most of them wanted the true knowledge. The Church of Toledo was governed by Heladius, who of a Courtier became a Monk, and from thence had been taken and advanced, in his age, to the archiepiscopal dignity, the which was now grown full of state, but not such as it hath been since. Agapite, or Agapie, being also turned from a soldier to a Monk, had been made bishop of Corduba, not for any learning he had, but for mere zeal. The nourishment he gave to his diocesans, and his religious exercises, were in the invention and veneration of relics of the bodies of martyrs: whereunto the world was then more addicted, than to know the grounds of their Faith. Yet there was a Council held at Sevill, 
A Council at Sevill.  of eight bishops, against the heretics which were called Acephali, or without a head, the which denied the truth of the two natures, divine and human, in jesus Christ, where as a certain Syrian bishop, a great defender of that heresy, was vanquished by the strong arguments of Isidorus bishop of that place, and Precedent of the Council. In all the Ecclesiastical orders which were made in Spain, during the reign of king Sisebuth, he interposed his authority. He forced Cecilius bishop of Mentesa, to give a reason, for that abandoning his bishopric he had made himself a Monk: and he deposed Eusebius bishop of Barcelona, for that he had suffered certain Comedians to make plays of the false Pagan gods. At the said Council of Sevill, it was decreed, That Nuns should not talk to any man, except the Abbess to the Abbot or Monk which had the charge of their monastery, and that before one or two witnesses. Mahumets' sect began then to spread in Africa, 
Anno 620.  which was in the year six hundred and twenty of our Saviour, and the six hundredth fifty and eight of the Spaniards Aera; the which did run wonderfully throughout all Asia, and part of Europe, in a short time: whilst that the Pastors of the Church of Christ did busy themselves to adorn their exterior Hierarchy, and to convert it into a mundane Principality; and that the sum of the doctrine of the Gospel was reduced by them to build churches and chapels, and to heap up rents and re●enewes, to seek out and oftentimes to suppose the dead bodies of Saints, and that which had belonged unto them in this corporal life, to reverence them after an extraordinary manner, with other such like traditions; which approached near to impiety, covering all with a cloak of well meaning. We read in the acts of Sisebuth, 
Laws of king Sisebuth.  That he made a law, by the which he cursed all his successors kings, which should suffer any Christian to be held as a slave, or to serve a jew. There is another law of his found, which ordains, That those which should not go to the war when the army should march, or should fly from the enemy, should be for ever noted with infamy. This last hath been since corrected, as too severe. He was happy in war, subdued them of Asturia, who had rebelled, and triumphed twice for the victories he obtained against the Romans: To conclude, he was so mild and courteous, even unto his enemies, 
His mildness and christian bounty.  as being prisoners he paid their ransoms to his own men, and sent them home free; so as he exhausted his treasure in the redeeming of prisoners. He built the church of Saint Leocadia at Toledo, and having reigned eight years, he died, leaving Ricared his son, successor in the realm; but very young, and of a short life, whom they do not put in the number of the kings of Spain. Some writ, that he lived but three months after him, others seven.   

20. Suintilla.  
31 THe Goths did choose Suintilla for their king, 
Anno 621.  being son to the first Ricared. This was the first king of the Goths, which obtained the absolute monarchy of Spain, and wholly dispossessed the Romans. By that which hath been said they conclude, 
Monarchy of the Goths in Spain.  That among the Goths they did not reign by right of succession from father to son; but those were chosen kings among them, which were held worthy to govern: which election was made by the nobility and the people: 
Royalty of the Goths elective.  and if any one did affect that dignity by any other unlawful means, he was excommunicated, and rejected from the company of Christians, as it appeareth by the fift Council of Toledo. The Vascons inhabiting the country which is now called Navarre, were entered into Arragon, whom he suppressed, and forced them to build at their own charges, the town called Olit, or Oligil, near to Tafalla (which hath since been the king's houses in Navarre) to keep them in awe. We find that the town of Fo●tarabie was the work of this king Suintilla, called properly Ondarrivia, which signifies in the Basques language, sand of the river. He admitted his son Ricamire to a part of the government. In the beginning he was a good prince, but in the end he grew exceeding covetous and cruel: wherefore the Goths made him to resign his kingdom, the which Sisenand his adversary obtained, 
Suintilla deposed for his vices.  with the consent of the people, and with the help of king Dagobert of France, who sent Abondant and Venerand, two of his captains, into Spain, with forces which they had levied of the nobility of Bourgogne. Suintilla was not only deprived of the crown, but also excommunicated by the bishops (whose power at that time began to equal that of kings) at the fourth Council of Toledo, 
The power of bishops balancing that of kings.  where they did interdict him, Geilan his brother, with their wives and children, the communion and fellowship of the Church, and the possession of their goods, gotten by violent and tyrannous means. Suintilla reigned ten years.   

21. Sisenand.  
32 SIsenand being seated in the royal throne, 
Ann▪ 635.  by the aid of the French, the fourth Council of Toledo was celebrated, 
4 Council at Toledo.  of sixty bishops, or sixty seven, according unto some, and as others say, by seventy: whither among the rest came Isidorus of Sevill, justus of Toledo, who did preside, julian of Bracar, Stephen of Merida, A●dax of Tarracone, silva of Narbona, all Archbishops. In this Council it was decreed, That from thenceforth the jews should not be forced to make themselves Christians: for the spirit by the which the doctrine is apprehended, is not to be forced, but persuaded. The jews were in the mean time debarred of all public charges, lest they should thereby do injury unto the Christians. Clergy men were exempt from all politic care, that they might with more liberty attend that which did belong unto their spiritual charge; and as Baleus writes, who hath taken it out of Isidorus, lawful marriage was restored unto the Clergy, and the use of concubines forbidden: And it was decreed, That no priest should be admitted, before he were thirty years old. Yet were these good and wholesome constitutions, mingled with external ceremonies, which were in great credit in those days. Some good men had then care of the Church, but there were others which were violent and ill instructed. They say, that justus Archbishop of Toledo was strangled in his bed, by some of his own Clergy: he was a man without modesty, and so violent in his actions, as before his death his senses failed him. King Sisenand died nineteen days after the Archbishop justus, having reigned about six years. The Goths laws and ordinance in Spain, were also reform in this king's time, with the authority of the Council above mentioned, in the which was received the razing of Clergy men's hair in manner of a crown.   

22. Cinthilla.  
33 CInthilla reigned after Sisenand; 
Ann. 637.  in the first year of whose reign the fift Council was held at Toledo, 
5 Council of Toledo.  Eugenius the Archbishop of that place presiding, where there assembled 24 bishops, among the which the virtue and doctrine of brawl bishop of Sarragosse was famous. Eugenius was also learned, especially in Astrology. The same year Isidorus Archbishop of Sevill died, of whom the Spaniards make great esteem, for his sanctity and learning, and for the number of books which he hath written. The year following there was another Council held at Toledo, whither came 44 bishops, 
6 Council of Toledo.  and six suffragans, or vicar's, being, in all as some writ, 52; where Eugenius did also preside. There was a perpetual law imposed upon the kings of Spain, 
A violent decree of the sixth Council of Toledo.  not to suffer any one to live within their dominions, that was not a Catholic, the which their kings should solemnly swear before they were crowned: and if any king should go against that law which he had thus sworn, he should be excommunicate and accursed. Thus did those reverend Father's labour to draw the sick and languishing to their salvation, after the example of our Saviour jesus Christ and his Apostles. Cinthilla died the fourth year of his reign.   

23. Tulca.  
34 AFter him Tulca was chosen king, 
Anno 641.  endowed with all the virtues requisite for a prince, but he died the second year of his reign, as the Spaniards write: but Sigebert saith, that the Visigothes did reject him, for his lightness and youth; and that he was made a Clergy man.   

24. Cindasiunthe and his son.  
35 CIndasiunthe took the place of Tulca, and reigned six years alone over the Goths, 
Anno 742.  and four years and seven months with his son Flavius Reccesiunthe. The bishops of Rome were now enthronized in their Primate, & began to force obedience throughout all Christendom, 
Popes Pri●●●●  no less from princes and kings, than from their fellow bishops: wherefore to settle the Primate in Spain, they were forced to have a Bull and permission from Pope Theodore the first, or Martin the first, then reigning; by the which this primacy was referred to the election of the bishops of that province. Until that time the Archbishop of Sevill had held this rank, rather of honour than of power: but it falling out, that Theodisque the Archbishop, a Grecian borne, a man more learned in the tongues, than religious, seeing himself pursued by the other bishops and prelates of Spain, being accused to have corrupted the works of Isidorus, who was held a Saint, and therefore deposed from his archbishopric in open Council, he was so transported, as having abandoned the Christian religion, he retired himself into Africa with the Mahumetists, the Primacy of Spain was then transferred from Sevill to Toledo, 
Sevill yields the Primacy to Toledo.  whereas the seventh Synod was celebrated, by forty bishops, the fift year of the reign of Cindasiunthe, when as he received his son for a companion and assistant in the government of his estate, 
7 Council at Toledo.  seeking thereby to make the kingdom of the Goths hereditary. This young prince was held very devout and studious of divinity; but above all things he was curious to build and enrich churches. During their reign there lived another Eugenius, successor to the Archbishop of Toledo, above mentioned, famous for his sanctity of life and doctrine, advanced by force by the king to the archbishopric.  
King Cindasiunthe died of poison, as some believe, having reigned ten years, or thereabouts: he and his wife are interred in the monastery of S. Roman, at this day called Hormisga, betwixt Toro and Tordesillas, upon the river of Duero.   

25. Reccesiunthe.  
36 REccesiunthe his son, 
Ann. 652.  reigned alone, and soon after his father's decease there was a Council held at Toledo of eight and forty bishops, and ten vicar's, of such as had lawful lets and could not come; 
8 Council of Toledo.  there were some abbots, and many earls and dukes did assist there. In those times, earls were of greater dignity than dukes. In this Council, being the eight, it was decreed, That they should abstain from eating flesh in Lent, without leave, in cases of inevitable necessity, upon pain of excommunication, and not to eat any flesh in a year after: so much they did regard these accessaries of religion, confirming and amplifying in the mean time their authority with the people.  
In Lusitania certain lewd and cruel persons sought to ravish a virgin called Irene, 
Irene a chaste virgin.  against whom she made such resistance, as being impatient in their damnable lust, they slew her, and cast her into the river of Nabanin. Her body was carried to the town of Salabis, the which changed the name, and is called Saint Irene; an argument of great sanctity, seeing she preferred her chastity before her life. The chief of these lustful murderers was called Britaud.  
Portamius Archbishop of Bracar, 
Decree of the 9 Council of Toledo.  was not so virtuous: for the celibate of Clergy men being then in request, and the children begotten by them declared incapable to inherit their father's goods, and were delivered for slaves to churches, by the ninth Council held at Toledo, in the seventh year of Reccesiunthe, he fell to be lose of life: yet he did acknowledge it openly in the Council following, held at Toledo, which was the tenth, and did willingly resign his archbishopric; to whom Fructuosus succeeded, a man of a noble family, being then bishop of Dume, the founder of many monasteries and chapels. The eight year of the reign of Reccesiunthe Spain was much terrified, for that there appeared stars in the firmament at noon day, and the Sun was eclipsed.  
There came two heretics, 
Heretics HeluidianS.  called Theude and Pelagius, out of Gothike Gaul into Spain, who denied the perpetual virginity of Marie the mother of our Saviour; renewing the heresy of helvidius: the which were confuted by Alphonsus, nephew and successor to Eugenius in the archbishopric of Toledo, who wrote a book upon that argument. Whereupon the Spaniards say, that the virgin Marie appeared unto him: and to this apparition they add the gift of a cope, to wear when he should say Mass, the which they affirm is kept at Toledo, or at Ouiedo; but they know not well at which of these two places it remains: for being not lawful for any one to use it after the death of Alphonsus, 
Apparitions and r●ueiations believed by the Spaniards.  it hath remained invisible. To this Archbishop, they say, that Saint Leocadia did also appear, who revealed unto him the place where his body was buried, and had lain many years hidden. Such grave testimonies have they of the holiness of this Archbishop Alphonsus, surnaming him Chrysostome, the Anchor of the Faith, attributing unto him other like epithets, by reason of his learning and piety.  
There is no other thing found written of this king Reccesiunthe, being credible, that having no wars, he did not much trouble himself, leaving all the affairs of state and Clergy to be managed by the Prelates and frequent Counsels: yet there are some laws found made by him. Having reigned nineteen years and three months, he died at Toledo, leaving two brethren, Theofred, who was father to Roderic, the last king of the Goths in Spain and jafila. He was interred in the town which in old time was called Gertic, and now Bamba, in the territory of Palenza.   

26. Bamba.  
37 THe same day that Reccesiunthe died, 
Anno 673.  Bamba before desired by the noblemen Goths, was chosen king. Some say, that he would never have received this honour and charge but by constraint; and that refusing it absolutely, there was a nobleman among the Goths, 
Bamba made king against his will: a rare example.  which drew his sword, and threatened to kill him, if he did not yield to the Goths entreaties: whereupon he condescended, more for fear, than for any desire to reign, and was crowned by Quirin, or Quirice, Archbishop of Toledo, in our Lady's church; where they report, that there was seen coming out of his head, from among his hair, a vapour like smoke, in form of a pillar, going upward. There he made a confession of the Catholic Faith, confirmed the civil laws and ordinances of the kings his predecessors, and received a solemn oath from the people. These ceremonies were scarce ended, when as they had news, 
Hilderic earl or Governor of Norbons'.  That the earl of Nismes, called Hilperic, or Hilderic, contemning the ordinances of the precedent kings of the Goths, had brought the jews again into the country, and made all Gothike Gaul in a manner to rebel against the king. And for that Arege bishop of Nismes had contradicted him in this excess, he had chased him away, and against the canons had consecrated another by two bishops of his faction. Gumild bishop of Maguelone did counsel and assist him in these actions. Wherefore Bamba to suppress the insolency of this earl, sent a captain named Paul, allied to the deceased king, but faithless and treacherous to his prince; who turned the army which had been given him, against him, and made an agreement with the enemy, 
Distolaltie of Paul, Bambas captains.  causing himself to be crowned king at Narbone, where he set upon his head the crown which king Ricared had given to Saint Felix church at Girone. He drew unto his party Rasmonde duke of Tarracone, and Hildigise, who was Gardingue (which was an office of the Crown) and used all the treacheries he could devise against king Bamba. He spoiled all the churches of Languedoc, and fortified himself with men which he had levied in France and Gascoine. But as such attempts do seldom prosper, so this succeeded ill with him: for Bamba having raised great forces in Spain, came against him, and in less than six months did happily end a most difficult war: He took Barcelone, Girone, and Narbone, the which he besieged both by sea and land; then Magdelone, aged, 
Defeat of the rebels.  Beziers, and in the end Nismes, whereas the chief of this rebellion with the rest of his faction fell into his hands, the same day twelve months that he came unto the Crown. He repaired the ruins which had been made at Nismes, and throughout all Gothike Gaul, and caused restitution to be made of that which had been taken out of the churches. At the entreaty of Argebaud Archbishop of Narbone, he gave the offenders their lives, reserving to himself all other punishment. He repulsed Loup a Commander of certain French bands, near unto Beziers. These things being happily performed by him, 
Punishment of the rebels.  he returned to Toledo, triumphing, and carrying his rebels in pomp before him, having their beards and heads shaven, bare legged, attired in sackcloth, and mounted upon Camels. Among others Paul the chief of the rebels, carrying a crown of pitched leather, followed by a long train of his confederates, was led in show, and exposed to be scorned of all men, and in the end they were all put into dark filthy dungeons, where they miserably ended their days.  
These troubles being pacified, king Bamba caused the walls of Toledo to be built, and fortified them with towers and bulwarks, in one of the which were written these Latin verses. 
Erexit fautore Deo Rexinclytus urbem,  
Bamba, suae celebrem protendens gentis honorem.   
And upon a port near unto the bridge called Alcantara: 
Vos Domini sancti, quorum hic praesentia fulget,  
Hanc urbem, & plebem solito seruate favore.   
He caused the eleventh Council of Toledo to be held, 
11 Council of Toledo.  under Quirice, or Quirin, Archbishop of that place, and Primate of Spain; where there were sixteen bishops present, and many deputies for others that were absent. They had been many years without calling of any Council, wherewith the Fathers had been much troubled, this was in the year 675: there king Bamba having caused the acts of the kings his predecessors to be sought out, according to that which they had decreed, and with the consent of the Fathers, he assigned to every diocese the bounds of his jurisdiction. The bishoprics of Lugo and Leon were declared exempt, and not subject to any Metropolitan, as they had been until that time. Another Council was held at Bracar: these were provincial Counsels, which were to be held every year; 
Provincial Counsels annual  and at certain times they were to call a general Council of all the bishops of the Goths kingdom, of either side of the Pyrenee mountains, the which was done at Toledo the chief town.  
In this kings reign the Arabians holding Afrique, began to invade Spain: they had a fleet at sea of two hundred threescore and ten vessels, 
Arabians first attempt upon Spain.  the which by the diligence and valour of Bamba were in a manner all burnt, and the Arabians put to the sword. They did then spoil a great part of the country along the coast. There was in the Court a nobleman called Eruinge, issued from a daughter of king Cindausinthe, and a gentleman of Greece, called Ardavaste, who being chased from Constantinople, had fled into Spain, where he had been well entertained, and honoured with this alliance. This Eruinge being ambitious of command, poisoned king Bamba, 
Bamba poisoned by Eruinge.  so as he became mad; for the curing whereof there were many remedies applied, both natural and superstitious, but to small effect: so as Bamba (either willingly, finding himself unable, or otherwise) quit the crown, and retired himself into a monastery, where he lived seven years and one month, after that he had been king nine years. The place where he passed the remainder of his life, is called Pampliga, near Burgos. Thus Eruinge seized by force, as they say, of the kingdom of the Visigothes in Spain, the which the Archbishop of Toledo doth affirm: yet it doth not accord well with the acts of the twelfth Council held at Toledo, under Eruinge, where the election of this king Eruinge is confirmed, and allowed as lawful. But to reconcile these contrarieties, it is to be presumed, that Eruinge being king, and having power in his hands, gratifying the Fathers in some sort, that he was also gratified by them, as one hand washeth another, or, as they say in France, one Barber shaves another.   

27. Eruinge.  
39 WHen as Eruinge was seated in the royal throne, 
Anno 681.  he confirmed the laws of the kings of the Goths his predecessors, and did authorize with his name, some made by Saint Isidorus: and that to the end it should not seem, that the Clergy under the title of the Church, would usurp a civil jurisdiction; he rejected many of the plebeians from all dignities and honours, having gotten them by money, and other unlawful means, to the dishonour of nobility: he ordained (but with the advice of the Roman See) That no Archbishop should be subject to the primates. To fortify the beginning of his reign against Theofrede the son of Bamba (whom he feared much) he gave Cixilone his daughter, whom he had by Luibigotte his wife, to an Earl who was rich, and of great authority among the Goths called Egica, 
12 Council of Toledo.  cousin to Bamba deceased. And soon after the twelfth Council was held at Toledo, which was in the year 681, julian Archbishop of Sevill being Precedent, where there assisted one and forty Bishops, 
An. 681.  five Abbots, and fifteen great Noblemen. By the acts of this Council in the seventh Article it appears, 
Nomination of Bishops belonged to the kings of Spain.  That the kings of Spain had power to give bishoprics, and that to that collation, the confirmation of the other Bishops of Spain was required, especially of the Archbishop of Toledo; the which doth also appear by the answer of an Epistle written by brawl Bishop of Sarragosse, to S. Isidorus, where he is admonished to choose some good man in the place of Eusebius, Archbishop of Tarracone deceased: Isidorus answers him, That he did not know the king's pleasure therein. This Council did abolish certain Bishops newly erected, and created by king Bamba, in some towns which were not very convenient.  
Three years after, 
13 Council of Toledo.  in the year 684, was another Council held at Toledo, which was the thirteenth, of eight & forty Bishops, and three Archbishops, of Toledo, Bracar, and Merida; yet the Authors vary in the number of these Bishops: 
An. 684.  one of the decrees of these fathers was, 
Decree not to marry the king's widow.  That neither the king nor any other should marry the widow of the deceased king, nor defile her by adultery, upon pain of excommunication, and to be damned to hell fire. And in the year 685 the fourteenth Council was assembled at Toledo, of sixteen Bishops, and many Vicars of them that were absent, 
14 Council of Toledo.  to confirm the acts of the sixth Council of Constantinople, begun under Constantine the fourth, and some years after ended, against the errors of Apollinaris, renewed then, denying the two natures, divine and human in jesus Christ: which acts the Pope sent into Spain, that in a general assembly of the Prelates they might be read, and by their authority allowed, and published throughout all the kingdom of the Goths. The Archbishop of Toledo was then called julian Pomer, of the jews race, whose father and mother had made themselves Christians; a learned man, religious, and of a good life. Eruinge having reigned seven years, died at Toledo of a natural death, leaving his kingdom to Egica his son in law. In his time there was a great famine in Spain.   

28. Egica.  
40 AS soon as Egica, 
An. 688.  or (as others call him) Egican was king, he put away his wife Cixilone, for the wickedness which her father had committed against king Bamba; yet he did avow the infant Vitisa which he had had by her, and caused it to be nourished (in hope to make it his heir) in the town of Tude or Tuy in Gallicia, as if he had given it the realm of Gallicia, and of the Sueves, for a portion, whilst that he reigned over the Goths. He caused himself to be absolved at a Council held at Toledo, 
15 Council of Toledo.  in the first year of his reign, of the oath which he had taken against his duty to that unlawful king. This Council was called the fifteenth at Toledo, whereas julian the Archbishop of that place did preside, where there were sixty one Bishops, or sixty six, according unto some. There julian did maintain by reasons and good authority, what he had written in a confession of the Faith sent to Rome, as well in his name, as of all the Bishops of Spain; which was, That in our Lord jesus Christ were the word, the body, and the soul; 
Pope Benedict an heretic.  the which had been rejected by Pope Benedict the second, who (as it seems) did not well understand these things: the Article was allowed by the Council of Toledo, and afterwards being well considered, was received at Rome. The acts of this Council were published in Gothique Gaul in the Cathedral Churches, for that the Bishops of that Province could not come to Toledo by reason of the plague; being enjoined to receive them upon pain of excommunication, and the loss of the tenth part of their goods that should oppugn them. 
16 Council of Toledo.  Six years after there was the sixteenth Council held at Toledo, Sigebert being Archbishop of that place, after the death of julian, and was deposed by this Council for his ill deserving, and in his place was set Felix Archbishop of Sevill. Faustin Archbishop of Bracar was advanced to Sevill, and Felix Bishop of Portogallo to Bracar: this alteration being made, they did proceed to the acts. The cause why they deposed Sigebert, was, for that he had attempted to deprive king Egica of the realm, for the which he was degraded, banished, his goods confiscated, and excommunicated; so as he might not receive the Sacraments but at the hour of his death: yea, a penalty was inflicted upon all clergy men, of what degree soever they were, that should attempt against their prince.  
The year following, 
17 Council of Toledo.  which was 694, the seventeenth Council was held at Toledo, whereas the king with great humility demanded many things of the Fathers: among other, there was a decree made against the jews, 
An. 694.  who being accused not only to have revolted from the Christian religion (in the which they had been once baptised) but also to have conspired against the King and the State of Spain, it was said, That their goods should be confiscated, 
A decree against the jews.  their persons, wives and children, and their descendants held for slaves, and dispersed throughout Spain: That those which had them in service, should not suffer them to exercise their jewish ceremonies: That their children being once seven years old, should be sent away from their parents, and given to Christians to bring up, and then married to Christians, and by all means drawn from the conversation and acquaintance of their parents, and men of their sect: this is to be seen in the eight article.  
These last Counsels were general assemblies of the nation, 
What the Counsels of these times were.  whereas the Clergy held the first place, the which in name and show were made to determine of matters concerning religion, but in effect they treated of matters of State, whereas controversies betwixt great men and other politic matters were there decided: and although there were men of all estates, yea and of the noblest houses, and that there was an order, that regular men should take knowledge of regular causes, and secular causes should be decided by the secular men, yet it is easy to judge, that the sovereign and last decision depended upon the authority of the Fathers in all things: so as the spirituality in the confusion of these two powers did often vanish among worldly affairs, and civil policy usurped by clergy men, became tyranny, as we shall soon see.  
Egica grown old, 
Fafila Governor of Biscaye.  had settled his son Vitiza as Viceroy in Gallicia, holding his seat at Tuy, than Tude, whither a little before he had confined Fafila, duke or governor of Biscaye, son to king Cindasiunthe, as some hold, for certain attempts made against him, whose wife was corrupted by Vitiza, who afterwards by her instigation slew Fafila, that they might enjoy their loves more freely. This excess happened in a town which was then called Douzemains, and now Palatio, near unto the river Vrbicum. This Fafila was father to king Pelagius, who restored Spain, being oppressed and ruined by the Moors. Egica having reigned about thirteen years, died at Toledo, being honoured for a wise and temperate king.   

29. Vitiza.  
41 THe dishonour and infamy of the kings of the Goths was in the person of this Vitiza, 
Ann. 701.  being full of all excess in his lust, without fear or reverence of God in his actions, an hypocrite and dissembler: for at his first coming he showed himself mild, liberal, and religious, but soon after he turned to his own nature. He called a Council of Bishops and Noblemen at Toledo, 
18 Council of Toledo.  to consult touching the government of his realm: he caused Theofreds' eyes to be pulled out, who had been confined to Cordova, lest that he who was beloved of the people, and brother to Reccesiunthe, should aspire unto the Crown. He intended to do the like to Pelagius, the son of Fafila, whom he had slain, but he escaped, and fled into Biscaye, being reserved for greater matters. He committed many villainies the first two years, yet secretly, but afterwards he exceeded in all vices, without any shame: he filled his palace with many wives which he had married, and an infinite number of concubines, the which he would have publicly allowed unto all men, 
The imp●re and lend life of Vitiza.  and did persuade the Noblemen to follow his example. He did likewise disannul the Pope's Constitutions for a single life, and by an Edict which he caused to be set forth, suffered Clergy men to marry, and to have as many women married or unmarried as they pleased, using all the enticements he could to infect them with his licentiousness, lest they should oppose themselves against him, and by their censures draw the people from obeying of so filthy and unchaste a king. And to prevent all rebellions, this man blinded with his lustful pleasures, caused (under the colour of peace, which Spain did then enjoy) all the towns of his realm to be demanteled, 
Towns of Spain demanteled, and the people disarmed by Vitiza.  except Leon, Toledo, and Asturica. Besides he disarmed the people, and deprived Sinderede Archbishop of Toledo (were it justly or unjustly) of his dignity, giving it to his brother Opas, who was Archbishop of Sevill: he disannulled all the immunities and privileges of Churches, called back the jews, and restored the banished men to their goods and possessions, giving them more privileges than ever they had before. Finally, as a presage of the future miseries, he showed (in all sorts of excess and violence contrary to the laws of God and men) what princes, ill instructed and ignorant of true piety, could do. In the mean time blind Theofred, confined to Cordova, being newly married to Recilone, a lady of the blood royal of the Goths, had begotten two sons of her, Roderic and Costa, to whom Vitiza would have done as much as he had done to the father; but they escaped, and implored the Romans aid, as the Archbishop Rodrigo doth report, or else of the nobility of the Goths, who in remembrance of Reccesiunthe gave them aid, to chase this infamous monster out of the royal throne, which he did unworthily hold. Being come to battle, Vitiza was defeated and taken, 
Vitiza taken and his eyes put out by Roderic and Costa, sons to Theofred.  and according to the precedent which he had given, his own eyes were put out, and he confined to Cordova, without title or honour, where he spent the rest of his life in misery, having reigned ten years. Thus Roderic obtained the crown by the favour of the Romans and the suffrages of the people.   

30. Roderic last King of the Goths.  
42 THe time was now come when as the kingdom of the Goths in Spain must have an end, 
Ann. 711.  being come to the height of their iniquities: for in their Commonweal all things, both holy and profane, were managed with fraud and violence, and their princes affected confusion, to satisfy their ambition and infamous lusts: wherefore it pleased God to confound them in their imaginations, to blind them that would be blind, to root out the incorrigible, and to take his graces from them that did obstinately contemn him. 
Roderic more vicious than Vitiza.  Roderic having been an instrument to punish a tyrant, made no use of this correction, nor acknowledged the favour from whence it came, but presently after his coming to the crown he followed Vitizaes' steps, yea, he exceeded him in all vices. He showed himself cruel and inhuman to Sisebut and Elba, the children of Vitiza, whom he pursued with all the indignities that might be, and forced them to fly into Africa, deprived of all their goods, where they were entertained by Recila, Earl and Governor of Tanger or Tingis. He addressed himself to the daughter of julian, Earl or Governor of Ceuta, called Caba or cause, the which was bred up in the Court, as other virgins of noble families, according to the custom, and ravished her, whilst that her father was in embassage in Africa, for the affairs of the kingdom. 
Palardie the cause of the 〈◊〉 of the Goths kingdom.  The place where he committed this rape is called Pancoruo, betwixt Victoria and Burgos. This was the occasion which made the Moors to invade Spain. Some authors write, That Caba or Cava was wife and not daughter to Count julian; yet we find, that his wife was called Faldrina, and that she was sister to king Vitiza. The Earl did wickedly revenge this private injury by the ruin of the whole kingdom: 
A private injury furiously pursued with the ruin of the public.  for returning into Africa, whither he led Cava, causing her to embark at Malaga, of whom the port of the said town is yet named, he went to Musa Abenzair, Governor for the Emperor of the Arabians, whose name was Vlit, and promised to make him Lord of all Spain, if he would give him men and means to make war there. Musa having advertised Vlit, he advised him not to give too much credit unto the Earl, before he had tried him: Wherefore at that time they gave him a hundred horse and four hundred foot, with promise of greater forces.  
This man transported with the dishonour done unto his house, 
Count julian brings the Moors into Spain.  led these Moors into Spain, 
Anno 713.  and having joined with some of the country, whom he had corrupted, he spoiled all the coast along the Ocean, which now is Andalusia and Portugal, and then led them back into Africa, laden with spoils for a testimony of his actions. This first descent of the Moors was in the year 713. The Arabians having made this trial of Count julians' affection, the Governor Musa gave him twelve thousand Moors, under the conduct of Tarif Aben Zarca; which Tarif (according unto some) had been in the first passage of the Moors into Spain. Passing the straight, he landed his men at the foot of the mountain Calpe: by reason whereof this place changed his name, 
Gibaltar so called of Tarif, a captain of the Moors.  and was in the Arabian tongue called Gebel Tarif, that is to say, the mount of Tarif. And the next town taken by that captain, which was either the ancient Carteia, or Mellaria, was called Tariffe. This army being secretly favoured by Sisibut and Eba, the sons of Vitiza, aided and fortified by Ricila Governor of Tanger, and other noblemen Goths, to whom the present estate was displeasing, being friends and affected, and it may be alike interessed with Count julian, overran and spoiled all Andalusia, and a part of Lusitania, entering into Sevill, and many other places which had been demanteled, by the foolish advice of king Vitiza. In these combustions, Roderic his successor both in his vices and kingdom, was so unprovided, as his enemies had means to do what they would, without resistance. In the end having assembled some troops in haste, he sent them against the Moors, under the command of a kinsman of his, called by some Inigo, by others Sanche. But the Goths having in a manner forgotten to manage arms, by reason of the long peace which they had enjoyed, 
Goth● defeated. An Estate without arms in 〈◊〉 and defective.  could not withstand the Moors force, having been for many years in continual war, so as they were defeated, which made Count julian to grow proud and insolent, and his enterprises to be more favoured: so as upon the news of this victory in Africa, an infinite number of Arabians, Moors or Saracens, and other Africanes, passed into Spain, as to the assured spoil of one of the richest regions in the world.  
Roderic seeing this fire to increase daily, having called all the Nobility together, and raised an army, he marched against his enemies, having not all his forces yet joined (for they of Biscaye and of the Asturies, and in a manner all those on this side the river of Ebro, were not yet arrived) finding the Arabians upon the river of Guadalette, near to Assidone, which either is Xeres or Medina Sidonia at this day; whereas the two armies standing in view one of another, for the space of eight days, they had many bloody skirmishes, without any great advantage: but in the end they came to a battle betwixt Medina Sidonia and Xeres, upon a Sunday in September, 
Anno 714.  in the year 714, whereas king Roderic was a spectator of his soldiers devoires, being mounted upon a great horse which they called Orelia, in a royal mantle, and a crown upon his head, with other rich ornaments, after the manner of the kings of the Goths in those times, which made his soldiers the more courageous, and was the cause of a great slaughter that day of Saracens or Arabians: but the multitude of the enemies one supporting another, and the tired being still relieved with fresh supplies, in the end made the Goths and Spaniards to quit the field: 
The total defeat of the Goths.  and it is written, That the sons of Vitiza, called home by Roderic, and to whom indiscreetly he had given the command of two points of his army, revolted during the fight; whereupon all his men were cut in pieces, and all Spain was thereby lost in few days, except the Asturies, Biscaye, and some part of the Pyrenees, whither the remainders of the Nobility and people fled, which refused to live under the Arabians government. King Roderic was never seen more; his horse and spoils were only found in a bog: yet in the town of Viseo in Portugal there is at this day this inscription to be seen in Latin.  
Hic jacet Rodericus, 
An Epitaph upon K. Roderic.  ultimus Rex Gottorum: maledictus furor impius juliani, quia pertinax & indignatio, quia dura, Vcsanus furia, animosus furore, oblitus fidelitatis, Immemor religionis, contemptor Divinitatis, crudelis in se, Homicida in Dominum, Hostis in Domesticos, Vastator in Patriam, Reus in omnes: Memoria eius in omni ore amarescet, & nomen eius in aeternum putrescet.  
In this king ended the Goths kingdom in Spain, the which had continued (if we account as the Spaniards do, 
The continuance of the Goths reign.  according unto Isidorus, from Athanaric, who reigned in the year 370 in Mysia and Thrace) 344 years: but for that he had no entrance into Spain, but only Ataulphe, who reigned in the year 413, and was the first Gothish king which entered there about the year 417, the Goths reign in Spain had continued but 297 years.  
After this defeat there was no order nor government among the Goths, every man followed what party did best please him. Some retired into the mountains of Asturia and Biscaye, and into Navarre; others went into Gaul: many passed into Italy, Germany, and England, begging aid from those princes (but in vain) to restore the ruined estate of Spain, and elsewhere as God directed them. Sindered Archbishop of Toledo (who had been deposed by the violence of Vitiza) attended not the end of the war, but leaving his flock, fled into Italy. Oppa who had succeeded him, took part with the Moors, and negotiating for them, lost himself in Asturia; in whose place the afflicted Christians did choose one Vrbain, a religious man. 
Traitors frustrate of their hopes.  The traitors which had drawn in the Moors to revenge their private injuries, were all disappointed of the promises which had been made them, and did perish miserably in divers seasons, and after divers manners: especially julian, after that he had seen his wife stoned by the Moors (who allowed the treason, 
The miserable end of ●ount julian, 〈◊〉 wife and children.  but hated the traitors) his son cast from the top of a tower in the town of Ceuta, himself miserable, being despoiled of all his goods, died in a prison in Arragon, in the territory of Huesca, as some writ. The name of the Goths from that time was in a manner rooted out from the face of the earth: for since there is no memory of any Estate, Policy, or Government of this nation under this name, the which in former times was so great and famous, as well in the East as West, since the first remembrance of any people. The loss of one battle did blemish all the beauty of their posterity, who had vanquished and slain that great Cyrus' king of Persia, and of all Asia: who had made head against the armies of Alexander the Great, foraged the kingdoms conquered by him, and carried away the kings (his successors) prisoners: 
The weakness and vanit●e of human greatness.  trodden under foot the majesty of the Roman Empire, triumphed over Emperors, and over so many great Captains and armies: taking the best towns in Italy; yea Rome, the Queen of all other towns, sacked by them: the which had seized upon the most populous and richest Provinces of the West; where they had reigned happily for so many years, with so many remarkable examples of piety, justice, and valour. This brave nation was in one day overthrown, so weak is the support of human greatness.  
THis ruin of the kingdom of the Goths in Spain having caused so great a confusion in all things, as not only religion, the manners of the inhabitants, the language, and the laws, but even the face of the earth, and the feat and names of towns were perverted and changed, it shall not be from the purpose, if we make a catalogue of the ancient bishoprics established by the Christians in that region, whereof mention is made by writers, and namely, in the treaties of Counsels, the which have been governed by many holy Pastors, as well in the time of the Roman Emperors, as of the kings of the Goths, and were at the entry of the Arabians ruined wheresoever they commanded: wherein for the more ease of the reader, we will observe the order of the Alphabet.  
These words Tol. Merid. Brag. Sevil. Tarrag. noted in the margin, signify Toledo, Merida, Braga, Sevill, and Tarracone, Archbishoprickes or Metropolitan seas, whereof were Suffragans the Bishops or bishoprics set in their places.  

A  
Abdera, whose Bishop was called Abderitain, was whereas now the city of Almerie stands, or that of Vera, according unto some. Sevil.  
Abula, now Auila, a Bishopric also in our time. Merid.  
Acci, whose Bishop was called Accitanus, is likely to be Guadix in Grenado. Tol.  
Agra, and the Bishop Agragensis: it is a question whether it were a town in Spain or Africa. Sevil.  
Arcobrica, and the Bishop Arcobricensis, in the province of Tarracona, not far from Calatajub. Tol.  
Assindon, the Bishop Assindonensis, whereas now Medina Sidonia, or Xeres in Andalusia stands. Sevil.  
Astigia, the Bishop was called Astigianus, it is held to be Eccia in Andalusia. Sevil.  
Asturica, Astorga, and the Bishop Asturicensis, it is a Bishopric at this day. Augusta was a common name to many towns in Spain: for Bracar, Asturica, and others were so named, yet it is to be presumed, when as they do simply make mention of the Bishop of Augusta, they mean Bracar or Braga, as they say at this day. Brag.  
Auriensis Episc. possible it is that of Orense, which is a Bishopric at this day. Brag.  
Ausonia, the Bishop Ausoniensis, at this present Vic or Vic-d'Ossone in Cattelogne. Tarrag.  
Auca, a city not far from the place where since the city of Burgos was built: the Bishop Aucitanus, in the mountain Idubeda, upon that continent which now they call the mountains of Oca or Auca. Tarrag.   

B  
Barcino and Barcinonensis Episc. Barcelone. Tarrag.  
Bassetania, a region where the town of Osca stood, as Pliny writes: the Bishop was called Bassetanus or Bassitanus. Tarrag.  
Bastitania, Baza at this day, in the kingdom of Murcia, and the Bishop was called Bastitanus. Tol.  
Biaria, Barra. Tol.  
Bigastrensis or Bistargensis, it was a Bishopric in the province of Carthagena. Tol.  
Bigerra, at this day Beijar, Bigerrensis Episcopus. Merid.  
Bracar, it is Braga an archbishopric, contending for the primacy with Toledo. Metropol.  
Britolensis Episc. it was a town near unto Tuy. Brag.   

C  
Cauria, at this present Coria, retaining the name and Episcopal seat. Merid.  
Cesar Augusta, and Caesar Augustanus Episc. Sarragosse a famous archbishopric in these times. Tarrag.  
Calagurris, it may be Calaorre at this day, the Bishop Calagurritanus. Tarrag.  
Colimbrica or Conimbrica, Coimbra in Portugal, and Colimbrensis Episc. or it may be Conimbrensis, a Bishopric and famous University at this day. Merid.  
Carthago nova, Carthaginensis Episc. Carthagena, in old time the chief town of all Spain. Tol.  
Castulo, at this day Caslona, Castulonensis Episc. Sevil.  
Catraleuci, people in old time about the river of Guadiana, Catraleucensis Episcopus. Merid.  
Complutum, and Complutensis Episc. Alcala of Henares. Tol.  
Corduba, and Cordubensis Episc. it retains the name and Bishopric at this day. Sevil.   

D  
Dertosa, and Dertosanus Episc. Tortosa upon Ebro, it hath his Bishop. Tarrag.  
Dianium, Dianiensis, Denia, now it is no Bishopric. Tol.  
Dumiensis, it was a Monastery near to Braga, where there is a church to be seen at this day. Brag.   

E  
Egarensis Episc. it may be it was of those people which were called Egurti, near to Medina del Riosecco. Tol.  
Egitanus Episc. or rather Igeditanus: for Igedita was a city in Lusitania, now a little Bourg called Edania. Merid.  
Egibinensis, it may be they should have written Egosensis: for Egosa was a town in Cattelogne near to Girone. Tarrag.  
Ebora is a renowned town in Portugal, the king's abode; the Bishop was called by the Latines Elborensis. Merid.  
Eliberis, in old time a great and well peopled city, near to Granado, since reduced to a castle, built and inhabited by the jews, and therefore was called the jews town: the Bishops of Eliberis were called Eliberitani. There was another town of that name at the foot of the Pyrenees, but the one and the other were by some called Illiberis, and more properly. Sevil.  
Eliocrota, and the Bishop called Eliocrotensis, betwixt Carthagena and Caslona: Some hold, that the Vandals ruined it.  
Elna, and Elnensis Episc. in Gaul Narbonoise. Tol.  
Emerita, Emeritanus Episc. called Augusta, it is Merida at this day: it hath nothing singular, but some ruins and marks of antiquity. Metropol.  
Eminium or Euminium, betwixt Coimbra and Porto, upon a river of that name, Eminiensis Episcopus. Brag.  
Ergavica a town of Arragon, now called Alcanniz: it is no Bishopric at this day. Tarrag.   

G  
Gerunda, and Gerundensis Episc. Girone. Tarrag.  
Gerabrica or jerabrica, betwixt Lisbon and S. Irene, Gerabricensis Episc. Merid.   

H  
Hispalis, and Hispalensis Episc. Sevill. Metropol.   

I  
Ilerda Lerida, Ilerdensis Episc. in Arragon, now a Bishopric and an University. Tarrag.  
Ilice, Ilicensis Episc. from whence Sinus Ilicitanus was named, in the kingdom of Valence, upon the sea, looking to the islands of Pityeuses. Tol.  
islands of Majorque and Minorque had their Bishop. Sevil.  
Ilipa, a city in the straight of Betica or Andalusia. Tarrag.  
Illiberis or Eliberis, at the foot of the Pyrenees, near to Colibre. Tarrag.  
Immotinensis, it may be Imomontensis Episc. there is now no memory of it: some think it is Montanches. Merid.  
Imopyreneus, was called the Bishop of Rhoda: it is Roses at this day, of the diocese of Girone. Tarrag.  
Impuritanus, or rather Emporitanus of Empuria, of the same diocese. Tarrag.  
jugastrensis Episc. or rather juncariensis: juncaria was near to Girone, junquera. Brag.  
Intercatiensis, Intercatia was near to the Astures. Brag.  
Iria flavia had a Bishop called Iriensis, at this day it is Padron: the Bishops See was transferred from thence to Compostella. Sevil.  
Italica a city near to Sevill, whereof there are not any marks remaining, Italicensis Episc. Hispalis the old. Sevil.   

L  
Lambria, and Lambrionensis, near to the river Limia in Portugal. Brag.  
Lacobrica, and Lacobricensis Episc. there were two towns of this name, the one at Cap S. Vincent, the other near to Palenza. Merid.  
Lameca is a Bishopric yet in Portugal, Lamecensis Episc. Merid.  
Legio, Legionensis Episc. at this day Leon, the chief town of a realm, and a Bishopric, enjoying the privileges of a Metropolitan. Brag.  
Lucensis Episc. Lugo in Gallicia. Brag.   

M  
Malaca, and Malacitanus Episc. it is at this day a city and Episcopal See. Sevil.  
Mentesa, now Montijo, or else jaen in Andalusia. Tol.   

N  
Noviensis, Novium in Gallicia, it may be Noya. Brag.   

O  
Olisipo, and Olisiponensis Episc. Lisbon, most famous in our time. Merid.  
Orcelis, whose Bishop was at the Council of Arles. Merid.  
Oretan, and Oretanus Episc. Calatrava, where there is an order of knights. Tol.  
Osca, that is Huesca in Arragon, a Bishopric and an University. Tarrag.  
Ossobonensis Episc. Ossobona was in Algarbe, near to Pharo, which by the Moors was called Exuba. Merid.  
Oxoniensis and Oxoviensis, it is Osona, a Bishopric at this day: Vxania, Pliny. Tol.   

P  
Pacensis Episc. a Pace Augusta: it is now Badaios, which the Moors did call Baxangus, corrupting the word. Merid.  
Palentia or Palantia, and the Bishop Palentinensis: it is a Bishopric at this time of the same name. Tol.  
Pampelonensis Episc. or Pampilonensis, Pampelone, the chief city of Navarre: it is a Bishopric at this day. Tarrag.  
Placentia, and the Bishop Placentin: it is now so called. Merid.  
Porto or Portogallo, Portogalensis Episc. at this day a good port of the sea, and a Bishopric. Brag.   

S  
Salmantica, Salmanticensis Episc. Salamanca a Bishopric, and a famous University. Merid.  
Segobia, and the Bishop Segobiensis, it holds yet the name and dignity; in old time Secobia Antonin, Segovia Pliny. Tol.  
Segobrica, Segobricensis, Segorbia in Arragon. Tol.  
Seguntia, Siguença, Seguntinus Episc. in the limits of Castille and Arragon: it keeps the name and the dignity. Tol.  
Setabis, Xativa in the realm of Valence, and the Bishop Setabiensis: it is now no Bishopric. Tol.  
Sarabriensis Episc. in whose place is written in the books of Counsels, Sibariensis. Sarabris it may be was Zamore or Toro. Merid.  
Sitia, Sitianensis Episc. it was in Betica, depending upon Corduba for the temporal. Sevil.  
Sitalensis and Sitialensis, all one. Sevil.   

T  
Tarracon, Tarraconensis Episc. it is an archbishopric at this day. Metropol.  
Turiasso, Turiassonensis Episc. Tarrassone in the limits of Navarre. Tarrag.  
Toletum, Toletanus, a well known archbishopric, Primate of Spain, in old time Metropolitan. Metropol.  
Tucca, Tuccitanus Episc. it was in Betica, near to Castulo. Sevil.  
Tude or tide, it is Tuy in Gallicia, now upon the river of Minio, Episc. Tudensis: it holds the dignity. Brag.  
Tullica, and his Bishop Tullicensis, in Cantabria among the Autrigons, whereof Calagurris was the chief. Tarrag.   

V  
Valence, a famous archbishopric at this day. Valeria, at this day Concia or Cuenca, Conciensis Episc. it was sometimes called Valeriensis. Tol.  
Vellensis or Veliensis, it was a Bishopric among the Autrigons. Tarrag.  
Vesci, Vesciensis Episc. it is Viseo a city in Portugal. Merid.  
Vrci, Vrcitanus Episc. near Murcia or Almerie. Tol.  
Vrgelitanus, it is Vrgel in Arragon, a Bishopric Tarrag.  
Vxama. Tol.   
These towns until the destruction of the Goths kingdom have been Bishops seats, according to the order and discipline which was then observed in Christian churches. Those of Sevill, Toledo, Merida, Braga, and Tarragone, were Archbishoprickes, metropolitans, and primates: divers names, but of one signification, which did not infer any superiority one over another, for they were equal in power: and they did preside in Counsels, according to the antiquities of their seas.    

❧ THE sixth BOOK OF the History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 OF the Moors or Arabians which invaded Spain, their beginning and manners.  
2 Mahumets' sect, his birth, designs, and Empire, & of his successors, unto Vlit the tenth Caliph.  
3 Conquest of Spain by the Moors.  
4 Pelagius the deliverer of Spain, and first king of Ouiedo.  
5 Garcia Ximenes deliverer of the Christians oppressed in Spain, first king in Sobrarbre and Navarre.  
6 Fafila second king of Ouiedo: many Governors moors in Spain in his time.  
7 Alphonse third king of Ouiedo.  
8 D. Froila fourth king of Ouiedo, the first which used the title of Don.  
9 Abderamen first sovereign king of the Moors in Spain, sitting at Cordova.  
10 D. Aurelle fift king of Ouiedo.  
11 D. Sillo sixth king of Ouiedo.  
12 D. Aznar first Earl of Arragon under Navarre.  
13 D. Garcia Inigo second king of Sobrarbre or Navarre.  
14 D. Mauregat seventh king of Ouiedo.  
15 D. Bermund eight king of Ouiedo.  
16 Hizen second sovereign king over the Moors in Spain.  
17 D. Galinde second Earl of Arragon.  
18 Cattelogne, the name, and the government of the Christians in that province under Bernard.  
19 D. Alphonse the chaste, ninth king of Ouiedo.  
20 Invention of S. jaques his sepulchre, as the Spaniards affirm.  
21 Haliathan third sovereign king over the Spanish Moors.  
22 Expedition of Charlemaigne into Spain, and the defeat at Ronceaux.  
23 D. Fortune third king of Sobrarbre and Navarre.  
24 D. Sancho Garces fourth king of Navarre.  
25 D. Ximen Aznaris third Earl of Arragon.  
26 D. Ximen Garces fourth Earl of Arragon.  
D. Garci Aznaris fift and D. Fortune Ximenes sixth Earl of Arragon.  
27 Geoffrey of Aria the stem of the Earls of Barcelone.  
28 D. Ramit the first of that name, tenth king of Ouiedo.  
29 D. Ximen Inigo fift king of Navarre.  
30 D. Ordogno eleventh king of Ouiedo and Leon.  
31 Muza Aben-Cacin makes himself king of Toledo.  
32 Mahumet fift Miralmumin or king of the Moors in Spain, the first of that name.  
33 D. Geoffroy second Earl of Barcelone, successor to Bernard.  
34 D. Alphonse third of that name and twelfth king of Leon.  
35 Toledo reduced under the obedience of the Moors kings of Cordova.  
36 D. Inigo Arista sixth king of Sobrarbe and Navarre.  
37 D. Garcia Inigo third of that name, seventh king of Navarre.  
38 D. Suria a Scottish man, the beginner of the Lords of Biscaye.  
39 Almundir sixth Moorish king in Spain.  
40 D. Garcia first of that name, the thirteenth king of Ouiedo and Leon.  
41 Abdalla seventh king of the Moors in Spain.  
42 D. Fortune second of that name, eight king of Navarre.  
43 D. Solomon third Earl of Barcelone.  
44 D. Geoffrey the hairy, fourth Earl of Barcelone, and first Proprietary.  
45 D. Ordogno second of that name, fourteenth king of Ouiedo and Leon.  
46 Abderamen Almansor eighth king of the Moors.  
47 The death of the Earls of Castille, among the which was D. Diego Porcello.  
48 D. Froila second of that name, fifteenth king of Leon.  
49 The alteration of the state in Castille, and the government of the Province by two judges.   
❧ In this sixth Book there is special mention made of the beginning of the Estates of Ouiedo and Leon, of Sobrarbe and Navarre, of Cordova, Cattelogne, Castille, and Arragon, and of the Provinces thereof, which were these.  

OVIEDO and LEON. Kings.  
1 Pelagius.  
2 Fafila.  
3 Alphonso 1.  
4 Froila 1.  
5 Aurelle.  
6 Sillo.  
7 Mauregat.  
8 Bermund 1.  
9 Alphonso 2.  
10 Ramir 1.  
11 Ordogno 1.  
12 Alphonso 3.  
13 Garcia 1.  
14 Ordogno 2.  
15 Froila 2.   

NAVARRE. Kings.  
1 Garcia Ximenes 1.  
2 Garcia Inigo 2.  
3 Fortune 1.  
4 Sancho Garces 1.  
5 Ximen Inigo.  
6 Inigo Aristia.  
7 Garcia Inigo 3.  
8 Fortune 2.   

ARRAGON. Earls.  
1 Aznar.  
2 Galinde.  
3 Ximen Aznaris.  
4 Ximen Garces.  
5 Garci Aznaris.  
6 Fortune Ximenes.   

CASTILLE. Earls.  
1 Nugno Fernandes.  
2 Diego Porcello.  
3 Nugno Bellides.   

judges.  
1 Nugno Razura.  
2 Flavin Caluo. Gonçal Nugnes.   

CATTELOGNE. Governors.  
1 Bernard.  
2 Geoffrey Aria.  
3 Solomon.   

A proprietary Earl.  
1 Geoffrey the hairy.   

MOORS.  

There were many Governors under the Caliphes' and Miralmumins of Asia and Africa, unto Abderamen, who first erected a Sovereignty at Cordova.    

Kings.  
1 Abderamen 1.  
2 Hizen.  
3 Hali Athan.  
4 Abderamen 2.  
5 Mahumet 1.  
6 Almundir.  
7 Abdalla.  
8 Abderam●n 3.   
THe Arabians Mahumetists which conquered Spain, 
Arabians western Moors.  were also called Moors, for that they crossed Mauritania, a region of afric, which is opposite unto Spain, from the which Tingitana is divided by a small strait, the which when as Tarif passed, was subject unto the Goths, and governed by Recila, a friend and partisan to Count julian. It is therefore expedient to speak something of this nation, whose power in a short time did in a manner surpass all the Monarchies which have been in the world.  
Arabia is a spacious region, 
Arabia and the parts.  divided into many parts: The ancients made a partition into three; the Happy, the Stony, and the Desert. Arabia the Happy was so called, in regard of the two other which are barren, little known to the ancients, and nothing at all annoyed by the Roman armies. Arabia Petrea or stony carried that name of the capital city Petra, which had their kings, sometimes friends and allied, but most commonly enemies unto their neighbours, and often tributaries to the ancient kings of Persia and Egypt (whereunto they join) and afterwards to the Romans. The Desert Arabia hath not at any time had any certain policy, and very few towns, whose princes were but leaders of troops of thieves, enemies to all quiet, 
The manners of the Arabians.  seeking nothing but war, mercenary to kings and princes that would employ them, a people without humanity, without faith, and without any religion. All this country extends from East to West, almost from the flood Euphrates unto Nile, having Syria on the North side, and the Ocean to the South. Whilst that the Roman Emperors were in continual war against the kings of Parthia and Persia, either party employed this nation, who went for the most part to the war on horseback, fit to spoil a country, to seize suddenly upon a passage, to discover, surprise, or do any other action of war, which required expedition, especially if there were more question to forage & spoil than to fight. This race is descended from Ishmael, 
Arabians Ismael●tes.  of whom it is said, That his hand should be against all, and all hands against him.  
2 Among these people Mahumet was borne, 
Mahumet his birth and country.  in the year of our redemption 580 (some say, it was in the year 591, and others 593) to trouble Christendom, and to punish their ingratitude, which termed themselves Christians, Maurice being then Emperor of Constantinople. The place of his birth was called Itrarip, a little town near unto Mecque; his father called Abedela, was a Pagan and an Idolater, and his mother Emina a jew, a poor begging girl, the which was taken up by Abedela for love, for that she seemed fair. At the age of two years he was left an orphan; whereupon he was taken by an uncle of his, called Salutaleb●, and bred up in his house by Hal●ma his wife, until the age of sixteen years, and then he was carried away by a troop of Arabian thieves, who met him alone, and sold him to a rich merchant, who said, That he was of the race of Ishmael, and was called Abdimonepli, who employed Mahumet some years in his trade of merchandise, whereby he had occasion to see many countries, and to taste many religions, especially the jewish and Pagan, to the which was added the Christian religion, which was then much corrupted, and was made much worse to him by the conversation of an Arrian Monk called Sergus, 
Ambition the mother of heresies.  who haunted the house of his master Abdimonepli. With this Monk and others he laid a plot to make himself famous by a remarkable impiety, and framed a doctrine drawn from the jewish and the Arrian, mingled with other their inventions: the which he afterwards brought in, partly by persuasions, partly by money, and partly by force, being enriched with his master's treasure, after whose death he had married his widow called Adegiah; so as about the year 623 he was received and acknowledged by the Arabians for their captain and great Prophet. 
Mahumets' doctrine published in Heraclius time.  Then was Heraclius in the imperial seat at Constantinople; and a little before there had risen many seditions in Syria and Egypt, during the which, Mahumet had plotted his designs, and had made himself famous among the seditious. And moreover, certain mercenary bands of Arabian Scenits being cast and sent away with injuries by the Commissaries of Heraclius the Emperor, he drew them unto him, and with these forces in a short time seized upon a great part of Arabia, namely, of the towns of Mecque and Itrarip, the place of his birth, 
The Arabians begin the account of their years at 617.  the which was afterwards called Medinath-Al-Nabi, that is to say, the city of the great Prophet; and from the day that place was taken, in the year 617, the Arabians and sectaries of Mahumet account their years, as we do ours from the Nativity of our Lord jesus Christ. Others say, That Medina or Almedina was another rich town inhabited by rich jews, whereof Mahumet gave the spoil to his soldiers, abhorring it above all other sects, for it seemed more opposite to his doctrine than any other; yet it is most certain, that he used jews to compound his doctrine. And upon a defeat which the Persians had by the Romans in those times, he took occasion to invade Syria, and seized upon the country about Damas', and then tried to extend his limits all he could, employing in the end of his days his Lieutenants to make his conquests, whilst that he rested at Mecque, which was in the beginning the seat of his Empire. In his later days he made four captains, the which he called the cutting swords of God, the common sort termed them Amiraux; 
Amiraux.  the which were Ebubezer, whom some call Vbequar, others Bubacus or Eubocara; then Homar, Ozmen, and Aly. This last was son to Salutaleby, Mahumets' uncle. Ebubezer was his father in law; for Mahumet had many wives, and Ebubezers daughter was called Aixa or Aissa. This monster having reigned about ten years, he died at Medinath Al-Nabi, 
Death of Mahumet.  in the house of this Ebubezer, of poison, as some say: for having published among other articles, That he should rise again within three days after his decease, one of his disciples impatient to attend, and curious to see the experience of his doctrine, poisoned him secretly: and some say, That he kept him 12 days, and in the end seeing that he was dead, and his body so corrupted and stinking, as no man could endure it, this disciple being forced to retire by reason of the abominable smell of carrion, and returning soon after, he found the dogs had torn it in pieces: wherefore he gathered the bones together, the which were put in a coffin of iron, and in time caused a chapel to be built, vaulted with adamant stone, so as the coffer being put into it, the virtue of the stone drew it up into the air, where it did hang, which seemed miraculous unto the ignorant: yet such as have traveled into those countries in our time, say there is no such thing now to be seen. He had one son called Cacin, 
Cacin, Mahumets' son. Fatima and Zeineb his daughters.  who died before him, and many daughters, whereof Fatima is famous among the Arabians, as the stem of the royal race of Aben-Alabecy, & was wife to Aly, according to the most certain. Zeineb also, another of Mahumets' daughters, wife to Ozmen, or (as some say) to Muhavias' (it may be to both successively) is honoured by this nation, and Muhavias' her husband (as the beginning of another royal family) called Aben-Humeya. There is mention made of Imicultin and of Nephissa, daughters or near kinswomen to this false Prophet: The sepulchre of the last was found in Cairo by Sultan Selym, Emperor of the Turks in our father's time, and in it above the value of 500000 ducats in gold coined, with much other treasure, which was given and carried thither for alms.  
Mahumet had decreed, That Aly his cousin german, and son in law, one of the abovenamed Amiraux, should succeed him in the realm established by him: but Ebubezer his father in law, who was rich and mighty, and had Ozmen and Homar on his side, broke this ordinance: for he pretended, that Mahumet had gotten a great part of that which he enjoyed at his death, by his means, credit, & wealth, & seeing that he died in his house, it was reason he should be his heir. Ozmen and Homar were nothing discontented: for having also a desire to reign, they were more willing the crown should come to Ebubezer (who they did confidently believe would soon die, by reason of his age) than unto Aly, who was young and in the prime of his age. Ebubezer therefore reigned, 
Ebubezer Caliph or High Priest of the Arabians in the 11 year.  & was created High Priest of the Arabians, otherwise called Saracens, as in the time of the Christian Emperors of the East, who did willingly entertain this nation, they were commonly called. The name comes of the country Saracena, in Arabia foelix, or the happy, in which region, according to the same author, was the town of Saraca, but far off from these other people. 
Saracens why so called.  Howsoever it be, it seemeth this name comes from Sara, Abraham's wife, notwithstanding they avow themselves to be descended from Ishmael the son of Agar: but they take no pleasure she should be termed a chambermaid. Having reigned 3 years, he died, not without suspicion of poison: after which time these princes entitled themselves Caliphs', that is to say, Governors, Rectors, and sovereign Princes, properly heirs and successors.  
After Ebubezer, Homar held the sceptre over the Arabians, 
Homar Caliph the 14 year of the Arabians.  being sometimes called Haumar, sometimes Humar, Hemer & Homer, by writers, to whom is attributed the taking of the town of Bozra, the chief of Arabia, of Damas' and of jerusalem, and in the end of all Phenicia, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt. And having vanquished Orismada or Horsmida, King of Persia, in battle, he seized upon that great and mighty kingdom, to whose succour then came the Turks from the Caspian ports and straits, but in vain: so as the name of the Persians was then extinguished, and they were all called Saracens. He was suspected to be a Christian; for his father Catah was a friend and benefactor to the Christians, whom he drew to jerusalem, and for that cause built the temple which remains unto this day, with other shows of superstition. Homer being in this esteem with his people, he was slain by a servant of his, a Persian, called Amigira, making his prayers unto God. This prince was hardy and warlike, and did effect great matters: he reigned ten years. He died in the year of Christ 641, and the 24 of the Arabians reign.  
Ozmen, or Hotman, Asman and Autumar, 
Ozman the 4 Caliph the 24 year of the Arabians.  for this diversity of names are found in authors, son in law to Mahumet (for they hold, that he was married to two of his daughters, whereof it may be Zeineb was one) was the fourth Caliph of the Arabians. There was already grown great contention among this nation, touching matters of religion, it being vain and without ground, by reason of many absurdities, which did contradict one another: which was no marvel; for Mahumet being ignorant of all learning, 
Mahumet ignorant of all learning.  could not set down his conceptions with any good method or order; but as they came into his brain he wrote them down, and never perused them after: so as oftentimes forgetting what he had before set down, preached, or otherwise published, he ordained divers things which were repugnant and absurd. Whereunto the people which then followed him, being all given to arms, poor, needy, gross and ignorant, took no good regard, their spirit being attentive to the exterior countenance; and if there were any more subtle, force and danger stopped their mouths. But after some years, they had more liberty and leisure to think thereof, and to examine Mahumets' doctrine which was taught, so as they grew into many disputes. To remedy the which, Ozmen caused the papers of the Prophet to be sought out, whereof they found a great coffer full in the house of Aissa his widow, 
Alcoran of the Arabians.  with the help whereof he caused their Alcoran, or Alfurcan, to be compiled, showing himself very liberal to them that laboured therein. Yet some think, that this work was begun by his predecessor Homar, and that he did reduce it into a better method, and into chapters.  
Hucba one of his lieutenants invaded Africa, and ruined Carthage, so as Tunis came then to be well peopled, 
Cairoan built.  and soon after Cairoan, an hundred miles up in the country, and somewhat far from the sea, was built, which since was a royal seat of the Arabians. Muhavias' also who governed Egypt, went with an infinite number of vessels into Cypress, which island he spoiled. 
Cairo built by Muhavias'.  This Muhavias' was the founder of Cairo, near unto the ruins of the ancient Memphis, the which from a little burrow came to the greatness and state we have seen it in our father's time, and by his wisdom and conduct the estate of the Arabians was much augmented. He assailed the Romans army upon the confines of Lycia, and put it to rout, so as the emperor Constant then reigning, was forced to fly in a disguised habit. Muhavias' being puffed up with this victory, 
Rhodes taken by Muhavias'.  he besieged and took Rhodes, beat down that great Colosse of the Sun, being 70 cubits high, or 80, as some writ, and sold the metal to a merchant jew, who laded 900 camels therewith, and carried moreover out of that island, infinite other goodly and rich works, for it was replenished with such things, as Pliny writes, who witnesseth, that there hath been numbered in it 73000 figures, or statues, and an hundred Colossuses.  
After these exploits he sent his army at sea to the island of Sicily, from whence they were repulsed by Olympius, Exarch or Governor of Italy. He himself returned into Syria, and there raised a great army by land, to invade Capadocia, whither he marched. By these high exploits Muhavias' was in great reputation among the Arabians, which made him aspire to the sovereign dignity, whereunto the death of the Caliph Ozmen seemed to invite him, wherefore he brought back his army.  
Ozmen died in the twelfth year of his reign, 
The miserable death of Ozmen  the 653 of our Saviour, and the 36 of the Arabians, being set upon in his palace by the Saracens, which were of the faction of Ali his brother in law, they forced him to kill himself, for that he would not fall alive into their hands. Some writ, that Ali himself slew him, by the persuasion of Aissa Mahumets' widow.  
There was great dissension then among the Arabians, upon the election of a new Caliph: the competitors were Ali, Muhavias', and Mahumet: Ali obtained it by arms against Mahumet, but he was to try it with Muhavias', who finding himself followed by a great army of old soldiers, Egyptians and Syrians, and himself being also and expert captain, he gave him many crosses for the space of a 11 months, so as by a common consent their quarrel was put to the arbitrement of Alascates and Alasci, two old men of great reputation among them; who notwithstanding could never agree, so as they returned again to arms, till that Ali was slain by the practices of Muhavias', near unto the town of Cufa in Arabia, and there buried: wherefore the place is called unto this day Massad Ali, that is to say, the house of Ali. The inhabitants of Cufa and Aratha, did choose for Caliph in his place Alhacem, eldest son to him and to Fatima, eldest daughter to Mahumet, who in his carriage and behaviour represented his grandfather by his mother's side. Being established, he marched with an army against Muhavias', but being one near unto another, when as every man attended a bloody battle, suddenly Albacem, either moved by fear, or piety, and his natural mildness, came and cast himself at Muhavias' feet, acknowledging him his superior: so as they entered into Cufa, the which they did ransom for a great sum of money; and being come from thence to jetrib, Muhavias' set the royal diadem with his own hands upon Alhacems' head, and would have him reign, which he assured himself would not be long, for he died within six months after. Thus Muhavias' being freed from all competitors, 
Muhavias' Caliph of the Arabians.  reigned alone: he was (according unto some) son in law to Mahumet, having married his daughter Zeineb, as it is likely, in her second marriage, from which marriage the royal family of Aben Humeia is descended. It is he which changed the Caliphes' seat to Damas. 
Damas' the seat of the Caliphes'.  He first invaded the Roman empire with happy success, Constant sitting in the imperial seat, from whom he did exact a tribute. He overrun Africa, from whence there were brought by the Saracens above fourscore thousand persons, slaves: And in the time of Constantine, surnamed Pogonat, or the Bearded, he took Cizicus a sea town, from whence afterwards with a great fleet of ships he infested the provinces of the empire, yea and Constantinople itself, but unfortunately for the Arabians: for after great losses both by sea and land, Muhavias' remained tributary to the Romans, 
Arabians tributaries to the Romane●.  to whom he promised to pay yearly three thousand pounds of gold, fourscore slaves, and as many horses, and withal to deliver 50 Christian prisoners at the emperor's choice. By this means there was a peace, or truce concluded for thirty years, betwixt the Romans and Arabians; during the which Muhavias' begins to trouble the Potentates of his own sect, reform and subdued the Persians, and gave them Matur for their Governor.  
Mahumets' sect was spread far into the East, but with great inconstancy, and mingled with heresies: 
A Council of Mahumetists at Damas.  by reason whereof he called a Council at Damas', of the Alfaquins of Mahumets' law; whither he commanded to bring all the writings that could be recovered as well of their Prophet Mahumet, as of the Caliphes' his successors, and other interpreters: but there was nothing but contention and confusion, without any resolution: Wherefore there were five of the most learned men chosen, that is, Boar, Buora, Anoeci, Aterminde, and David, who were enjoined to gather out of all the volumes (the which as they writ would have laden two hundred camels) what they thought came nearest to their Prophet's will, which they held the truth. These being shut into a house, after they had turned over, and conferred these writings, they made six books of Mahumets' doctrine, the which were presented by them, unto the king or Caliph Muhavias', who published them, and by his authority caused them to be received, upon pain of death to any one that should dispute the contrary. The rest of the papers were torn in pieces, and cast into the river. From these six volumes there have since grown four sects among them, 
Four sect in Mahume●● religion.  the Melicians, Asafians, Alambelians, and Buanifians, the which maintain themselves at this day in the great city of Cairo. After these things Muhavias' died at Damas', an excellent prince, and very warlike of an active spirit, nature recompensing that which he wanted by art: for he could neither read nor write, 
Muhavias' unlearned.  to the great grief of them of his sect, whom they held very fit to ha●e advanced it, if he had been learned. He died in the threescore and seventeenth year of his age, 678 of our redemption, and sixty one of the reign of the Arabians, having reigned 24 or 25 years.  
Hizit his son, or Gizit, or jezid, was chosen Caliph after him, degenerating wholly from his father: 
Hizit 6 Caliph  For as he was active, resolute, and valiant, so this was base, voluptuous, and a coward: Whereupon Mutar (whom his father had placed Governor of Persia) made himself king and Caliph, feigning to be a Prophet; and of his race the Sophies which reign there at this day are descended. The people of Cufa in Arabia, seeing the unworthiness of Hizit, chose Hocem the son of Ali Caliph against him; but he was slain by Abdalla the son of Hizit, leaving twelve sons, which were, Zemal Abadin, Zemal Muamed, Baguer Muamed, Taguin Muamed, Giafar Cadeneg, Giafar Musa, Ali Mucerati, Awl Muamet, Taguin Muamet, Halmaguin Awl, Hacem Asquerin, Hacem Muamed Mahadin, the which are buried in divers places. The Persians believe, that Hacem Muamed Mahadin alone of all the brethren, is not yet dead, and that he will come one day mounted upon a brave horse, to convert all the world, and to preach the law to all men, beginning with the town of Massad-Ali, where his grandfather was interred, where at this day they keep a horse ready for him, the which they lead unto their Mosque, when they do their service, with torches and and lights in great pomp.  
Hocem being slain, 
Civil wars in Arabia.  and Hizit dead the third year of his reign, Abdalla there reigned: but for that he was a tyrant, they advanced Maruan to the dignity of Caliph, betwixt which two the war continued two years: at the end whereof the Arabians held an assembly, in manner of parliament, 
Abdalla deposed and Abdimelec chosen the ninth Caliph.  at Cufa, a town in Arabia the happy, where Abdalla being deposed, Abdimelec was chosen in his place, who was very young, of the race of Aly, and therefore much honoured by the Arabians: For, Ali (as we have said) was appointed heir and successor of the kingdom, by the Prophet Mahumet, whereas Abdalla descended from Ebubezer, who had been an usurper. There was another nobleman of Arabia, called Dadac, which did bandy himself against Abdimelec, and was vanquished by him: but Abdalla did still hold the city of Damas', and pursued another Caliph which was risen in Mesopotamia, which country is now called Diarbec. Against him Abdimelec sent a great captain, a kinsman of his, called Ciafas: who having encountered Abdalla upon the river Euphrates, returning victoriously from Mesopotamia to Damas', fought with him, and defeated him, but with great effusion of blood. Abdalla being vanquished, thinking to save himself in Damas', he was kept out by the inhabitants, for his tyrannies: wherefore he fled to Cairo, which at that time was not very great, where they also refused him the entry. Being therefore chased, and abandoned by all men, thinking to cross over into Greece, he was slain in a little island, whither a torment had cast him. 
Race of the Caliphes' Maraunians chased from Damas.  With him ended the race of the Caliphes' of Damas', called by the Arabians, Maraunians, descending from Muavia and Ebubezer. Ciafar pursuing his victory, entered into Damas', and there used all the cruelties he could against the Maraunians, taking the bones of the Caliph Hizit out of his grave, the which he burned publicly, and cast the ashes into the river. Yet one of Muavias' descendants, called Abedramun, escaped, flying into the furthest parts of Libya, towards the West Ocean, into Mauritania Tingitana, whither the Arabians were newly come: For all the length of afric, from Nile unto the Ocean (except some places upon the sea coast, which were yet subject unto the Roman empire) had been overrun and subdued by this nation. There this prince being acknowledged by the Saracens to be of the race of the Caliphes' of Damas', 
Abderamun the flemme of the kings of Maroc.  was well entertained and honoured by them: Wherefore taking courage, he erected an Estate, and built the town of Maroc, which was afterwards the head of a great kingdom. He was the first which called himself Miralmumin, that is to say, Prince of the believers. Abdimelec nor Ciafas pursued him not, being very far off, and for that he had limited his designs and ambition in those remote parts, not affecting to make himself greater: besides, the plague, famine, and many seditions, but above all the attempts of the Romans, did much trouble Abdimelec, so as he was forced to renew a peace with the emperors of Constantinople, and make the Arabians again tributary to justinian the 2 then reigning, promising to pay him ten pounds of gold, a slave, and a horse every day: by reason of which peace so dearly bought, 
A grievous tribute paid by the Arabians to the Romans.  he converted his forces against Persia, whereas one Abdalla Zubir had newly seized upon that region, after that he had vanquished and slain Mutar, who had usurped it upon the Caliph Hizit. Abdimelec sent all his forces against this Abdalla, and having chased him out of Persia, he recovered that province. Then he sent one of his captains, called Cagian, to pursue Abdalla, who was retired to Mecque, where he was besieged, the town taken, and Abdalla slain by Cagian, who then burned the ancient idol, and the temple there.  
After these things, the Caliph Abdimelec was again engaged in war against the Christians, by the treachery of justinian, who smarted for it: for being defeated with most of the Grecians, he was forced to save himself by flight, and was afterwards chased out of the imperial seat by Leonce, with great troubles throughout all the Eastern empire of the Christians: whereby the Caliph had not only means to recover all that the Romans had taken from him in Asia, 
Romans chased out of Spain.  but also to chase their Governors and armies out of all Afrique; so as there was nothing remaining of the Roman name: yet his lieutenants were beaten invading Cilicia, by the care and conduct of Heraclius, a Roman captain, about which time Abdimelec died, having reigned over the Arabians one and twenty years. Whilst he was busy in these wars, the fame of the sanctity and justice of Abedramon (who as we have said had built Maroc) grew so great, as he was held by those Western Arabians for Caliph, and more than a Caliph: and the opinion of his virtues passing into Arabia, and throughout all the East, it happened, that dying and leaving his son Vlit successor of his goods and good fame, all the Arabians with one general consent chose him for their Caliph in the place of Abdimelec, who died in the year seven hundred and seven. So the race of the Maraunians reigned again, which was the posterity of Zeineb, daughter to Mahumet, engendered (as some believe) on Aissa the daughter of Ebubezer.  
Vlit was the mightiest of all the Arabian princes, 
Vlit Caliph of the Arabians, the 90 year of the Arabians, and the 707 of Christ.  his predecessors, reigning in a manner from the Western Ocean, unto the river Indus. He gave the government of afric to Musa, with the title of Admiral, and in a manner absolute power, all which was subject to his empire, except a small portion of the country which the Goths held near unto the straight, whereas the town of Cepta stands, the which is now called Ceuta: all the rest had been conquered by his predecessors, Caliphs'. You must understand, that the Arabians entering into Africa, they brought in Mahumets' law, their language and their manners: so as the great number of Christians was much decreased, but not wholly extinguished, and many goodly churches came to ruin: 
The Arabian tongue common in Africa.  the African tongue was in a manner lost, and the Arabian was made common. Yet there is at this day a certain people found, which have preserved the African tongue, as the Biscanes have done the ancient Spanish, as some hold. They dwell in the mountains of the kingdom of Sus, about Cap d' Aguer, towards the Western Ocean, and call their language Thamazel, the which differs from the Arabian as much as the Biscane from the Castillan: and the Moors of quality in that country, learn the Arabic tongue in schools, or in courts, that they may be able to converse with them. It hath also appeared since, that many families have retained the Christian religion, and the holy Scriptures, with some form of Sacraments, but not altogether pure: 
Christian religion preserved in Africa.  for Ferdinand the third, called the Holy, reigning in Castille, and since in the reign of john the first, there were found in the city of Maroc, certain ancient families, called Farfanes, which retained still the name and profession of Christians, above 680 years after that the Saracens had seized upon afric, whereof some came into Spain, to Alcala de Henares. Moreover, it was seen in our days, that after that the city of Tunis had been taken by the emperor Charles the 5, from Haradin Barberousse, there were many habitations of Christians in that city, having retained, and as it were inherited from father to son, for the space of above 800 years, the articles of our Faith, not without great admiration of the divine providence, who lived in a suburbs without the town, at the South gate, men much esteemed of their kings, and valiant and hardy in the wars. They had a temple separated from the Moors, 
Rabatines' Christians in afric.  who called them Rabatines, and of them the guards of the king's person did consist. These Rabatines were afterwards transported to Naples by the emperor, that they might be instructed in the Romish religion.  
3 Whilst that Vlit reigned over the Arabians, and that Musa governed afric, the Moors passed into Spain, 
The wrath of God upon states for their 〈◊〉.  as we have said, against the kingdom of the Goths, whereby there followed a lamentable desolation: a nation without doubt fatal to Christendom, which had showed itself rebellious, and to contemn so many graces it had received: For in that age, ambition and tyranny did tread all divine and human laws under foot, and all good order was perverted, as well in Ecclesiastical as civil governments. The bishops did then contend for the Primacy, 
Faults in the ●eads.  being grown insolent, by the carelessness of princes, who had referred the whole charge of affairs unto them, abandoning themselves in the mean time to pleasures and disordinate lusts, with an opinion to be absolved of all their excess, in building of churches, convents, and retreats for Clergy men, and endowing them with great revenues, dividing with them the spoils they took from the people: who for their parts being ill instructed, 
Faults in the people.  and corrupted with the superstitions and traditions of men, could do no other service unto God, but set up Images and altars, seek out the bones of dead Saints, and such other things, little serving to true piety; thinking the pain they took in these exercises, a good satisfaction for all their offences. To conclude, there was then so great a confusion (the which is not yet amended) as God being justly offended, gave scope to the fury of the Arabian nation, 
Admirable effects of the forces of the Arabians.  the which invaded the Potentates of Christendom with such fury, as in less than an hundred years they overthrew all the power and riches of the Roman empire, of the Persians, and of other Estates. This was not a passage, as that of the Goths, Huns, Lombard's, and other nations of Sithia: the which passed soon away, as an overflowing deluge, or if they stayed among us, they soon conformed themselves to humanity, piety, and justice: but this plague was durable, and did still increase; for the Turks empire at this day is nothing but a remainder of the Arabians, mingled with the Huns, from whence the Turks are come. There remain few certain families of that Turkish nation which came from the Caspian straits, in the time of Orismada the last king of Persia, who was defeated by Haumar, Caliph or king of the Saracens, and the which did afterwards vanquish them: and yet they grew so familiar with them, as after that time the Turks and Saracens were reputed but one nation.  
We have thought it expedient, for the more light of our history, to make this digression and to seek out the beginning of this indomptible power of the Arabians, and to relate the succession of that Estate, until their entry into Spain under the conduct of Tarif, or Tarir Aben Zarca, who defeated king Roderic, as we have showed in the former book, where this king died, and in a manner all the flower of the nobility of the country, in the year of our salvation seven hundred and fourteen, in july, or according unto some, in September.  
Returning then to our history, 
Arabians and Moors one nation in this history.  we say, That the Arabians, or Moors (as we will term them indifferently hereafter) having obtained this great victory, in a realm without forts, it was then easy for them to ravage and spoil the whole country at their pleasure, seeing there was no force to withstand them. They divided their army into many troops, & at one instant assailed all the places which they thought to be of any strength. One of their armies went against Malaga, and took it: another marched to Cordova, under the conduct of a Christian Renigado, 
Exploits of the Arabians in Spain.  called Mageitard. Tarif with another troop took jaen, then called Mentisa, which defended itself to the last extremity; the which he razed: then he took Toledo and Guadalaiara. And passing on, having for his guide Mugnuza, or Numatius, a Goth, he came unto the Asturies, where he seized upon Gigion and Astorga. Returning towards Catalogne, under the conduct of Mugnoc, earl of Cerdagne, he made himself master of that country, and left the earl there for Governor. Another army conquered the countries of Murcia and Granado, but not without resistance: for near unto Horivela there was a cruel battle, the place carries the name unto this day of the bloody field, yet the Saracens were victors. Valencia yielded after that the inhabitants had been beaten in field, yet upon condition, to leave a temple to the Christians, which is now that of S. Bartholemew, and was then a college of S. Basil. Among other riches, 
A table of Emeraud.  mention is made of a table of Emeraud, which they carried away, the which was in a place since called Medina Talmeid, it is Siguenza, or Medina Zelin. It was rather a certain kind of Indian jaspe, very like unto an Emeraud, and very common in the East, whereof they hold, that Catin to be, which is so famous at Genua. The greediness of spoil was the reason they wanted not any soldiers, for all Africa posted thither. The taking of Toledo was upon a Palm Sunday, in the year 715, by the treachery of the jews, whilst the Christians were at a Sermon at S. Leocades church in the suburbs.  
Musa Governor of afric, jealous of the fortunate success of Tarif, came himself in person into Spain, and would have the best part of the spoil. Afterwards they made war jointly together, notwithstanding that they were deadly enemies, and took Sarragosse & other towns. The relics of Saints which they had so much reverenced, and worshipped in stead of God, could neither defend the Spaniards, nor save themselves: for it is to be presumed, that these Barbarians did not bear them any great respect, after they had seized upon the ornaments and chests of gold or silver, where they had been kept: yet if you will believe the monks and other their favourers, they lost not many, the greatest part having been preserved by the care of the Clergy, and other devout men, who transported some into France, others into Germany, England, and other places, where in the time of our predecessors they were yet worshipped. Some authors write, 
The Moors were 〈◊〉 years in cō●●c●ing Spain.  That the Moors were eight months about the conquest of Spain, others fourteen, many two years; but the most probable, five years: for it is not credible, that so great a country, where there were so many Christians, and so many places of strength, at the least by nature, should fall in so short a time into the Infidel's power, without any opposition: for they maintain, That in divers encounters, assaults, and sieges of towns and castles, there died above seven hundred thousand Christians. Tarracone among others defended itself virtuously, who showed by their valour, that it was a true ancient Colony of the Romans. In the end God having decreed to punish this people for their sins, and to admonish the other profaners of his glory, it was forced to yield.  
All the regions, 
The least care of conquerors is religion.  cities, towns, and castles of Spain, except some places in the mountains of Asturia, Biscaie, and Navarre, were made subject and tributaries to the Moors; who had no great care at that time to force men in their religion, but did allow them the exercise thereof: and to some towns they granted many privileges, for that they would not unpeople the country, burdening them with great tributes, which was all they sought.  
The city of Toledo among others had seven churches granted them for the exercise of their religion, 
Seven churches left to the Christians at Toledo  which were, S. just, S. Luke, S. Torquat, S. Mark, S. Eulalie, S. Sebastian, and S. Marry. Moreover, it was granted, that they should have judges of their own religion and nation, and be governed by the laws of the kings of Goths, with other privileges. By this means the Moors retained an infinite number of Christian families, which lived and multiplied under them, else Spain had been left desert, for the Arabians could not people it. The Christians which lived among the Arabians, were called Musarabes (as it is likely) of the name of the Governor Musa, who would be famous by this conquest. These Musarabes Christians did celebrate their divine service, as it had been used in the time of the kings of Goths, and according to the institution of Isidorus bishop of Sevill, or of Leandre, as they had accustomed to serve God in those times throughout all Spain, and continued until the service, called Gregorian, or Roman, was brought in, as we shall show hereafter. This Musarabic service, is entertained at this day for a mark of antiquity, in the chapel of the company of Christ's body, in the great church of Toledo, and in other places of that city. They hold it for certain, 
The Moors armies followed by many Christians for spoil.  that all the Moors and other Africanes which passed into Spain, were not of Mahumets' sect, but a good number of them were Christians: For it is not credible, that the Africanes, who were made subject unto the Arabians, a little before their passage into Spain, borne and bred in the Christian religion, and under Christian princes, should so soon have changed their religion: But it is probable, that being newly subjected to the Mahumetane kings, many followed their armies wheresoever they went, without any scruple of religion, although they were Christians, having no other end but spoil, as most soldiers do commonly.  
The kings and Caliphes' of the Arabians, did not care to force people newly conquered, to change their religion, but suffered them to live with liberty, lest they should unpeople the country, and diminish the fruits of their victories. And that Africa had preserved families of Christians, it is verified by experience, as we have formerly showed. The like was in Spain, the which notwithstanding the government of the Moors, did still retain a great number of Christians, as well borne in the country, as others that came out of Africa to dwell there, holding the Moors party, the which made the enterprises of the kings of Leon and Castille, and of other Christian princes, more easy to be executed, when following the steps of Pelagius (who first took arms against the Moors) they began to recover the country.  

Pelagius first King of the Asturians, the deliverer of Spain.  
4 PElagius (as we have said) was the so●● of Fafila, 
Ouiedo, Pelagius first Christian king of the Asturies.  Governor of biscay, whom Vitiza before he was king had slain, that he might more freely enjoy his unchaste wife: After whose death Pelagius retired himself into a place of safety in the mountains, and there was preserved through the favour of his kinsmen and friends, by the providence of God, who had so decreed to give a beginning to the delivery of Spain. They say, that the Cantabrians were the last people of Spain, which were made subject to the Roman power; and the last also that were drawn away, to undergo the Goths yoke: whom notwithstanding they could never so subject, as they would ever yield to any other laws and manners, than those that were fit for them. During the Moors conquest, it is also to be presumed, that they maintained themselves in some liberty; and in like manner all the other people of Spain, where as the mountains, and places of hard access, gave them any means to defend themselves. Yet we must confess, that they could not altogether assure themselves from that horrible inundation; but they escaped better than the rest of the Spaniards which were found in the champain country of more easy access. The which is evident, by the report which the Spanish Authors make of this Pelagius; saying, That after the Moors had reigned five years in Spain, he having resolved in himself to give some succours to the afflicted Christians, left his secret retraits, and came into the Asturies of Ouiedo, where there was one Numatius, otherwise called Magnuza, by corruption of the language; 
Magnuza a Christian serving the Moors.  a Christian by profession, but serving the Moors, and by them made Governor of the country of Gigion, into whose friendship and service he did insinuate himself. Whereby we may conjecture, that betwixt the Moors and Cantabrians there was some commerce, some league, and (it may be) subjection, yet upon honest and tolerable conditions, by reason of the strong situation of their country.  
As lust had been the cause of the ruin of the kingdom of the Goths in Spain, so voluptuous desire made the Moors power decrease there. For Pelagius having a fair and lovely sister in his house, this Magnuza grew in love with her; and fearing he should not obtain her, she being wife, and well bred, her brother being in the country, he resolved to give him a commission, to go to the great Admiral Musa in ambassade, to Cordova, during which voyage he forced this Gentlewoman. 
Magnuza forceth Pelagius sister.  Pelagius advertised at his return of what had passed, notwithstanding that all might be covered under colour of marriage, which Magnuza said he had promised to his sister, yet he held this rape and violence done to the contempt and dishonour of his house: but he dissembled it for the present, and when he found a convenient opportunity, he retired himself with his sister into the strongest parts of the mountains of Asturia, watching means to revenge himself. Magnuza incensed, for that he had taken her from him whom he loved, and who he said was his wife, and finding his honour thereby interessed, he gave the Governors and Commanders of the Arabians in Spain to understand, That Pelagius made attempts against their State: wherefore thinking it needful to prevent it in time, they sent great store of soldiers to Magnuza, to suppress him, who had almost surprised him: 
Pelagius pursued flies into the mountains of Asturia.  but it was the will of God that Pelagius should have intelligence of this storm which was coming towards him: who having past the river of Pionia, he retired into the valley of Cangas, where he found many wandering Christians, living in those places in great fear of the Moors. Whose wills he having sounded, and exhorted them to be courageous, and to fight valiantly for the common cause, and to rely upon the assistance of God, he found them ready to employ themselves for the liberty of their country; and moreover they were so affected unto him, as they chose him their captain and leader in this worthy enterprise, giving him then the title of King. 
Pelagius chosen king of the Christians dispersed.  And within few days the brute of this enterprise being dispersed through the mountains, the Christians which lay hidden, came unto him from all parts, so as in a short time he found himself strong enough to defend himself against any that should come to assail him. The Moors army having failed at this time, returned to Cordova.  
We may well conjecture, that Pelagius was of the Gothick race, yet the Spaniards deny it, having no forcible argument, but that the name of Pelagius was not usual among the Goths; and they maintain, without any other proofs, That he was descended of that country by long succession, whereof we can speak nothing assured: But whatsoever he were, that honour is due unto him, as a valiant Prince: for although it seems that he was forced to take arms for the private injury done unto his sister, and himself; yet he showed great discretion, that he could wisely join the public cause with his private interest, and pursue the revenge of the one and the other, by all the just means which opportunity and the estate of their affairs did allow.   

Garcia Ximines first King of Sobrarbre, deliverer of Spain.  
5 AT that time such as had retired, 
〈◊〉 rarbre.  and preserved themselves in the Pyrenees, Navarre, and the high country of Arragon, began to stir; who chose Garcia Ximines for their head, being a noble house among the Goths, although the name seems to some to contradict that opinion: who in the beginning gathered together 600 resolute men, with the which he did great exploits, as the Spanish Authors say; who report, That after he had recovered Ainsa from the Moors, & given them a great defeat, he took for the royal Arms of Sobrarbre, a red cross planted upon an Oak in a field; or, for that such a sign had appeared unto him during the conflict before the which he carried only a field of gold. These were the beginnings of the realms of Ouiedo and Navarre, or Sobrarbre, as it was then called, about the year 716, and according to the computation of the Spaniards Aera 754, 
Anno 716.  or as some say, 718, and 756, the Moors being Lords and masters of all the good towns in Spain.  
In all places held by the Moors, 
Moors.  there were many Christians, retained by their mildness, and the love of their natural country, which contented themselves to live tributaries: to whom the Christian religion was allowed, wherein they had been bred, and to celebrate that form of service which had been instituted by Isidore, or Leandre, Bishops of Sevile. These Christians, as we have said, were called Musarabes, and their service Musarabic. The form of their Masses and ceremonies is described by Vasee and others, to whom we refer the curious reader. Whilst that Vrbain, who had been chosen Bishop of Toledo, lived, he was careful of his flock: but above all he had a care to transport the relics of his church to Ouiedo. Frodoaire Bishop of Eccia, and Euatius Archdeacon of Toledo, were famous for their learning and integrity, with john Bishop of Sevile, who translated the Bible into the Arabian tongue. The Arabians having settled their affairs in Spain, and provided for the safety of their places and forts, Musa and Tarif prepared to repass the sea, being called home by Vlit, great Miralmumin, or Miramamolin, to give him an account of their conquests, and government. Wherefore they left the government of Spain to Abdulazis, the son of Musa, 
Abdulazis' first governor of the Moors, residing at Sevile.  who kept his court at Sevile, and there married the widow of king Roderigo Egilone: and to Alcaman a captain of the Moors, there were great forces given both of horse and foot, to go against Pelagins, who gathered soldiers together in the mountains of Asturia. This Alcaman led Oppa, or Olpa, sometimes Archbishop of Toledo, 
Anno 618.  in his company.  
Pelagius in the mean time fortified himself, 
Ouiedo  and being advertised of the Moors approaching, he marched towards them with his troops, and came & lodged at mount Auseba, and seized upon the straits and passage thereof; where he attended with a thousand choice Christians, having disposed the rest (which were less assured, and worse armed) upon the top of the rocks and eminent places, as he thought it fit, to annoy the Moors, if they came on.  
He was first solicited by the Archbishop Oppa, 
Oppa Archbishop of Scuile, an Apostate.  to lay aside arms, and to submit himself to the mercy of the Muralmumin Vlit; assuring him that he should be well entreated both in his good and honour. That if he should persist in his rebellion, he should consider into what miseries he plunged himself, and what small likelihood he had to make head against the great power of the Arabians, whom the force of all the Goths could not resist. Which persuasions Pelagius did virtuously reject, so as coming to fight, God assisted him, and gave him victory over this multitude of Barbarians, of whom there were slain (as they writ) above twenty thousand upon the place: 
A notable victoos the Christians against the Moors.  not without some miracles in the fury of the fight; for they say, that the arrows which were shot against the Christians, returned against the enemies themselves. Alcaman the General of this army was slain there, and no man knew what became of Oppa. This admirable victory was the first testimony which God gave the afflicted Christians of their restoration, the which Pelagius obtained in the year 718, Musa and Tarif being not yet embarked, but they parted soon after, leaving the revenge of this loss to Abdulazis.  
Tarif got the start, and arrived at the Court of Miralmumin Vlit, before Musa, whom he accused of many abuses and exactions; 
Moors.  and did so incense the Prince, as Musa at his arrival was not only disgraced, but condemned in a great fine, so as he died for grief. His government was given to Alahor by Vlit, 
Zuleima, eleventh Caliph.  or by his successor Zuleima, otherwise called Zulcimin: for they say that Vlit died in the same year 718. Alahor hearing of the defeat given unto the Moors by Pelagius, had a conceit, that it happened by the fraud or treachery of Cont julien, and the children of Vitiza: whereupon he put them to death, and did forfeit their goods. Abdulazis', who held Sevile, being importuned by his wife, who was grieved, that from being a Queen she was now become the wife of a Viceroy, or Governor of Spain, took upon him the title and Royal Diadem, against the custom of the Arabians: but it lasted not long; for in the third year of his reign he was slain in a church as he was at his prayers, by certain Arabians, which had conspired against him, being persuaded that he was become a Christian. His wife was also slain.  
After him Aiub reigned, who changed the royal seat from Sevile to Cordova: some Authors say it was his successor Alahor. 
The Sarasines invade Languedoc.  He built again the town of Bilbilis, which had been ruined; and called it by his name Calat Aiub. The saracenes were grown so proud, as not contenting themselves with the conquest of Spain, they attempted to pass the Pyrenee mountains, and invaded the Gotick Gaul, which is at this day called Languedoc, all which they conquered in a manner, even unto the Alpes. And, whilst they fed themselves with hope to become Masters of all Gaul, they neglected the affairs of Asturia, and the enterprises of Pelagius: who having won great honour by the victory which he had obtained, he found himself fortified in a short time with a great number of Christians, which came unto him from all parts, yea out of those towns which were held by the Moors: Wherefore he neither lost time nor opportunity, but taking occasion when they were busied in their other wars, he took Leon from them, going on still in his course. 
Leon taken by the Christians.  This was in the year 722. Then he left (as the Spaniards say) the Goths Arms, and carried a Lion gueules in a field argent, 
Pelagius styles himself king of Ouiedo.  which are at this day the Arms of Leon: Yet he called himself King of Ouiedo, without any other title. Yet it is not very certain, that these Arms of a Lion gueules were first of all carried by Pelagius; but it is without all question, that the Lion which is in the Arms of Leon, hath no reference to the name of the town, which was in old time called Legio. Among others which had followed Pelagius in divers encounters which he had against the Moors, there was a Nobleman of biscay, of the blood royal, descended from Ricarede, named Alphonsus, son to one Peter governor of biscay, or Duke, as they were then called, 
Alphonsus a Biscain son in law to Pelagius, the stem of the kings of Ouiedo and Leon.  who, it is likely, was substituted in the place of Fafilla, slain by Vitiza. To this Alphonsus (for that he was wise and valiant, and had drawn many good offices from him) he gave his daughter Ormisinde in marriage; from whom and this Alphonsus are descended the kings of Leon.  
On the other side there was some alterations in Navarre, whilst the Moors were busy in Languedoc, 
Navarre or Sobrarbre.  and other parts of Gaul, so as Garcia Ximines laid the foundations of his principality or kingdom, in these mountains. The histories of Arragon attribute the honour of the beginning of this royalty to their country, calling it the kingdom of Sobrarbre, the which are mountains at this present in the confines of Arragon: But we find that this Garcia was Lord of Amescua and Abarsusa, places near unto them, where as the town of Estella was afterwards built. There were other enterprises made in Cattelognia, & elsewhere.  
After Aiub, Alor, or Alahor, son to Abderramen, was Viceroy of Spain, about the year 719, 
Moors. Alahor third Viceroy.  and the Aera 757: who showed himself rigorous to the Moors and Arabians, who had first taken and sacked Spain: whom he entangled in divers accusations, that he might spoil them of the wealth which they had gotten. So as, if the Christian Spaniards were punished, those which punished them had no great content of the advantage which God had given them over his people. To Zubeima the Caliph, there suceeeded in the year 719, two of his nephews, 
Homar and Izit Caliphes'. Adam fourth Viceroy of the Moors.  Homar the son of Abdimazir, and Izit, or Gizit, the son of Abdimelec: but Izit died soon after, and Homar reigned alone; who sent Adam the son of Melic into Spain for Governor, who (as they say) made the bridge at Cordova. We have said (according to the opinion of many grave Authors, well informed of the disposition of the Arabians) that it is a nation which hath ever been enemy to rest, and to all good laws and policy, the which cannot long contain itself in any good order, nor under one prince, or lawful magistrate. According to their natural dispotion, those which inhabited Spain, made havoc of all things by their robberies and thefts: whereupon this Viceroy Adam punished many of them by pecuniary fines, and thereby made himself partaker of their spoils. They say he exacted the fift part of their substance: the which he did also of the inhabitants of the towns and castles of Spain, which he took by force, and the twentieth part of them which yielded willingly unto him. He died at Tortose, returning from the spoil of Tarrassone. At that time the Sarrasines made great conquests in Gaul; they took Narbone, and besieged Tolouse, under the conduct of Zama, who was slain there. Eude, a Goth, a nobleman of biscay, Duke of Aquitaine in the right of his wife, kindled this war, and persuaded Muniza, a Moor, making war in Languedoc, to rebellion against Abderramen; giving him a daughter of his to wife. 
Abderramen fift governor of the Moors in Spain.  By reason whereof he was assailed by Abderramen, besieged, and taken in Cerdagne, and his head sent with his wife into Africa. Abderramen pursuing his victory against Eude, defeated him neeré Arles, and gave him another rout about Bourdeaux, spoiling and burning all the country betwixt the Pyrenees & the river of Loire: Yet in the end they concluded a peace, the Moor fearing the French whom he had incensed by these spoils.  
Izit died in the year 725, 
Anno 725.  whom Euelid 
Euelid Caliph.  his son succeeded, and was unfortunate. During whose reign, end Duke of Aquitaine, being threatened by the French, who reigned in Gaul, to whom he was suspect: and fearing their power, he called in against them that great multitude of Arabians, and Sarasines, which were defeated in Touraine by Charles Martel; 
Eude draws the Moors into Spain, & then betrays them.  which some affirm, were above four hundred thousand men, who notwithstanding were betrayed, and abandoned to the slaughter, by end, having joined with Martel the day of the battle, and turned his forces against them who were come, by his persuasion, to inhabit Gaul. Their General Abderramen governor of Spain, was slain there with above three hundred thousand Arabians. This memorable battle, which saved Gaul and the kingdom of the French from utter ruin, 
An. 730.  was fought in the year 730, or according to some Spanish Authors, 734: who say, That during these practices, Pope Gregory the third then resident at Rome, had sent unto end certain hallowed sponges, the which being cut into small pieces, and distributed among the soldiers, preserved all such as carried them from being wounded, both in that battle, and afterwards in all other encounters.  
Euelid sent jahea into Spain for Viceroy, 
jahea 6 Viceroy.  who governed two years, 
Moors.  and was the sixth, residing at Cordova. To jahea Adaifa Alcazazan succeeded, a rash inconsiderate man, and therefore soon deposed: 
Adaifa 7.  whom Hymen succeeded, who lived but six months; and then Autuman was advanced, 
Hymen 8.  but he died within four months after. Alhatan followed him, who was cruel and inhuman, 
Autuman 9  by reason whereof he lost both government and life, 
Alhatan 10.  by the commandment of the great Emperor or Caliph, Euelid, having governed Spain two months only. It may be it was in his time that the children of end Duke of Aquitain deceased, being deprived of their possessions by the tyranny of the French, called the Arabians and Sarasines again into Gaul, 
The second entry of the Moors into Gaul.  who spoilt the whole country betwixt the Pyrenees and the river of Loire, Languedoc, and Provence, and seized upon many strong places, whereof avignon was one. The sons of Eude were Hunola, Vifar, and Azner. The head of the Moors in this expedition, were Athin and Amorrhee: Athin was defeated by Charles Martel, and being chased out of avignon, he fled to Narbone: where being besieged, Amorrhee coming out of Spain to raise the siege, he was also defeated with all his army, and pursued and slain near to Colible, at the foot of the Pyrenees. Charles Martel pursuing his victory, committed greater spoils than the Sarrasines and Infidels had done. Athin saved himself in Spain, and having afterwards past into afric, he died at the siege of Tanger.  
This year of Christ 735 king Pelagius died at Cangas, 
Ouiedo.  leaving to succeed him his son Fafila, 
An. 735.  and his daughter Orsuinde, or Ormisinde, the wife of Alphonso of Biscaie, one after another; having reigned 19 years, or 17 according to the most certain. His wife was called Gaudieuse. They were interred in the church of S. Zulalia of Valania.   

Fafila second King of Ouiedo.  
6 FAfila son to Pelagius, 
Virtue is not always hereditary.  second king of Ouiedo, reigned only two years. He was not so careful as his father, to advance the Christians Estate in Spain. The Moors in like manner did not arm against him, for they were much troubled with the French wars. Wherefore this king giving himself to the pleasure of hunting, more than was fit for his estate (not yet settled) was slain by a Bear, which he pursued in the mountains, being abandoned by his followers: Which some hold was in the year 737, but Garibay says, that there is a great error in the computation of these years. He was married to a Lady called Froleva, and they are both interted at S. Croix near to Cangas.  
After the death of Alhatan governor of Spain, 
Moors.  Manes succeeded, who continued not long: then Mahumet, who lived but two months: After him Abderramen, who governed three years; who being dead, Abdemelic ruled Spain four years, who punished some petty tyrants, and having drawn a new people out of Africa, he filled the towns that were made desolate by the above mentioned defeats. He was chased out of his government by Otha, who held it five years: then Abdemelic returned, and governed a year and a half, in whose place Alcataran was governor: who seeking to free Spain of many strange soldiers, who were entertained then by the Caliph, he was slain by them: So as the government was usurped by Aben Hax, who was presently set upon by the children of Alcataran; who having vanquished him, he died within 15 days after: and then there grew great divisions and troubles in Spain; to suppress the which, the Emperor of the Arabians sent Zubeir with great forces, who pacified all these dissensions, and contented the mutined soldiers with great entertainments: to satisfy the which, he took from the Christians (which lived under the subjection of the Moors) the third part of their goods. This governor Zubeir meaning to enter into Gaul, was prevented by the king of the French, who it seems was Pepin, and defeated beyond the Pyrenees. He also sent a captain against D. Alphonso the first, king of Ouiedo: but he was vanquished by the Christian army; and in this battle were slain all the Arabian soldiers which had mutined. After Zubeir, Abderramen came to govern Spain: then Iber Vzit, who lived little, and to him succeeded Abubacar, but he was slain there, and in his place Rodoan governed at Cordova. It was the seat for the general Governor of all Spain, of whom depended all other Governors, Captains, or Admirals.   

Alphonso, the first of that name, and third King of Ouiedo.  
7 ALphonso called the Catholic, 
Ouiedo.  son to Peter, Duke or Governor of the Cantabrians, or biscain's (of the Goths race) descended from king Ricaredo, succeeded Fafila in the kingdom of Ouiedo, in the right of his wife Orsuinde, or Ormisinde, daughter to Pelagius, and sister to Fafila, 
Anno 737  in the year of Christ 737, and of their Era 775. It is likely this was the first woman which did inherit the Crown in Spain, unless Alphonso were chosen king by the Spaniards, the which is credible: for the right of succession was not then in use among those people, in regard of kingdoms. It is likely the name of Catholic was given to this Alphonso, by some writers, for that he was a devout Prince, and very curious to enrich temples: yet the title of Catholic which is given to the kings of Spain at this day, 
The surname of Catholic.  comes not from him, the which we know was granted by Pope john the eighth, unto king D. Alphonso, the third; and by Pope julio the second, unto the king D. Ferdinand the fift, in the time of our fathers, for some considerations which we will hereafter show. This prince was warlike, and took from the Sarasines the towns of Lugo, 
The conquests of king Alphonso the first.  Tuy, Astorga, and a great part of old Castille, the second year of his reign: then Porto, Beia, Flavia, Ledesma, Zamora, Cimancas, Duegnas, Saldagne, Miranda, Segobia, Osme, Auila, Sepulueda, Birbiesca, and all the country of Bureba, Braga, Vila, Salamanca, and others, which at this day belong to Portugal, Leon, Castille, & Navarre; restoring the Bishops to their ancient seas, cherishing the Clergy, and making libraries in many parts of his country: he also took the town of Pampelone in Navarre. All which conquests he made, the Moors being not only busied in the wars of France, but in civil dissensions among themselves; being also favoured & received by the Christians which were the inhabitants in many places, whom they called Musarabes, living tributaries under the Moors. 
Bishops of Toledo in the time of the Moors.  In his time Cixila was Bishop of the Musarabes of Toledo, a holy and learned man, as they say, who succeeded Vrbain, & after him Peter, surnamed the Fair, governed that church.  
The estate of the Arabians was full of troubles after the death of the Mirahnumin Euelid, 
Moors.  being in contention for the government: in the which Gizit the third was slain, and Hizes his son remained Emperor, who reigned a year: After whom Maruan, of the race of Humeia, reigned six years. But there grew great civil wars by reason of these divisions, the which in the end ruined their Estate. 
Anno 753  In the year 753 Toaba was sent to govern in Spain, a soldier, and a man of worth; but he lived only a year. joseph was substituted in his place, a great enemy to the Christians: who having been unfortunate in his wars against king Fruela, who slew above 50000 of his men in two battles: he was disdained by the Moors in Spain, who called in Abderramen to rule over them.  
At that time there were three Suns seen in Spain, 
Three Suns seen in Spain.  and for the space of two years there fell not any rain from heaven, which caused a great dearth of corn, and of all other things: and soon after king Alphonso died. Some hold that this king was the founder of the town of Ouiedo, 
Ouiedo built.  whereof he entitled himself king: others say it was Pelagius; and some make it more ancient. He reigned 19 years, and lived 64, and was buried with his wife in S. Mary's monastery at Cangas. They held him for a Saint, and they say, that at his funeral there were voices heard singing in the air, this verse in Latin; Ecce quo modo tollitur justus, & nemo considerate, ablatus est à facie iniquitatis, & erit in pace memoria eius: Behold how the just man is taken away, and no man considers it; he is taken from the face of iniquity, and his memory shall rest in peace. He had three sons by his wife Ormesinde; Froila, who succeeded him in the kingdom of Ouiedo, Vimaran, and Aurelius; and one daughter Odesinde: he had also one son called Mauregat, by a concubine.   

D. Froila fourth King of Ouiedo.  
8 IN the year 756 
Ann 756.  Froila was king in the place of his father Alphonso. 
Priests forbidden to marry.  They attribute to him, as a holy ordinance, that he did forbid the Clergy of Spain to marry, the which they had used, and it may be abused since the reign of Vitiza, and had made them subject to the decree of Pope Gregory the first, and the Council of Rome. This act is written of him as good and holy, although in many other things he showed himself cruel and wicked. joseph governor for the Moors being in arms against him, and having spoiled the confines of Gallicia, 
A great defeat of Moors.  they came to battle, which Froila won: he slew 54000 Moors, and put the rest with their Commander to a shameful flight.  
Garcia Ximines, 
Navarre or Sobrabre.  who (as we have said) had begun a principality or royalty in Sobrarbre, took to wife a Lady of a noble house, called Iniga; by whom he had one son, called Garcia Inigo. He entitled himself king of that country: wherewith the Navarrois being discontented, they abandoned him, and joined to the king of Ouiedo. The first occasion which the Christians (inhabiting in the mountains of Navarre and Arragon) took to erect an Estate, and make head against the Moors, was of an assembly at the interment of an Hermit which lived in the rocks near unto jaca. This Hermit was buried in the place whereas afterwards the monastery of S. john de la Pegna was built, the which at the first was a College of Chanoins. Garcia Ximines reigned 42 years, and left his petty kingdom to Garcia Inigo his son, to whom the Navarrois submitted themselves again: but Froila reigning in Ouiedo, forced them by arms to return to his obedience.  
Froila married the daughter of end Duke of Aquitaine, 
Ouiedo.  called Menine, or according unto some, Momerane; by whom he had two sons, Alphonso, called the chaste, and Bermond, or Veremond, both which reigned, although that D. Bermond was made by the Clergy: and moreover he had a daughter by her, called D. Ximina, who was mother to Bernard of Carpio. This king did first use the title of Dom, 
Title of Dom first used.  which the king and all the Noblemen of Spain have ever since observed. What the furious desire of reign is, and with what jealousy kings are often tormented, Froila showed by the cruel parricide of his brother Vimaran, whom he caused to be slain through jealousy, 
Froila murders his brother.  seeing him to be a gallant Knight, and generally beloved for his good parts; yet he repent the fact, but too late. For satisfaction whereof, they writ, that he adopted the son of Vimaran, called Veremond, to succeed him in the kingdom: the which hath bred some doubt, whether this Veremond (which came to the Crown in the fourth place after Froila) were the son of Vimaran, or of Froila himself; who soon after was also slain by his other brother Aurelius, in revenge of the death of Vimaran, having reigned eleven years and a half, or thereabouts.  
9 During the reign of this king, 
Moors.  the Arabians of Spain divided themselves wholly from the Caliplhes of Damas', under Abderramen, 
Abderramen usur pes the Sovereignty in Spain.  who chased, and in the end slew the Governor or Viceroy joseph, made himself king and Miralmumin or Miramomelin, and held Spain with that title 33 years, not acknowledging the Emperor or Caliph of Damas' in any thing. This was in the year 757 of our redemption, and 138 years after the Moors descent in Spain; by reason of the division of the sovereign dignity of the Arabians in the East: for against Maruan, who had succeeded Hizes Caliph of the Arabians at Damas', there had risen many tyrants, whereof he punished some, but Asmulin vanquished him. This was of the race of Mutar, who had reigned in Persia, and followed his sect, maintaining that Ali had been the true Prophet, and greater than Mahumet: he commanded then over the Corasenes, a people in Persia: He was advised by Cataban his friend, to procure the slaves throughout all Persia to kill their masters, and to rob them; the which they did, and came rich with their master's spoils to Asmulin. Soon after being impatient of ease, they divided themselves into two sects, the Caismes and Lamonites; Asmulin taking part with the Lamonites, defeated the others, and with his victorious bands assailed jolin, Governor of Persia, under the Caliph Maruan, 
Asmulin Caliph and his victories.  whom he vanquished, and Maruan also, who came against him with above three hundred thousand fight men, forcing him to fly into Egypt, whither he was followed, defeated, and slain by Salin, the son of Asmulin, by whom through his victories the kingdom of the Persians was settled in his family. 
The Sophies of Persia descended from Asmulin.  The rest of Maruans' family and followers were dispersed in Africa, where they erected the kingdom of Fez, and some passed into Spain, which might be that race of Abderramen, of whom we here entreat; who notwithstanding Vasee affirms was basely descended: and Garibay on the other side says, that he was issued from the race of Aben Humeia, and from Zaineb the daughter of Mahumet. His father was called Moabia, and his seat was also at Cordova: he brought his army before Valence, which resisted him, and took it. They say, that the bones of S. Vincent were worshipped there, and that many families among these Christians, ill instructed, fearing the coming of this Sarracene king, dislodged, and carried these relics into the woods and mountains, which lie betwixt Valence and the mouth of the river of Guadiana: and having passed unto that point which in old time was called the holy Promontory, they were encountered by a Moor of Fez, 
Whence cape S. Vincent in Algarbe took the name.  called Alibouz, who ravaged the country of Algarbe; he slew these men, took their children prisoners, and left S. Vincents bones upon the field, where they were afterwards found, and thereof this Promontory was called Cap S. Vincent.  
The Almighty God (although that he had delivered his Church into the hands of Barbarians and Infidels, by reason of the profanation of his name, and that the Spaniards made little use of their chastisements) maintained always some light of the Gospel among them, raising up men, who entertained some order and show of Christiantie, and had the Scriptures and their ceremonies throughout all the towns of the Moors jurisdiction. They make mention of Verus Bishop of Sevile, at that time a learned man, and of a good life. Cixilas was Archbishop of Toledo, to whom PP. Adrian (as the Spanish Authors say) did write a letter, blaming the custom of the Christians in Spain to eat flesh on Saturdays; wherefore they made an order, not to eat any that day but the entrails, head, and feet of beasts, the which hath been since observed.   

D. Aurelius fifth King of Ouiedo.  
D. Aurelius succeeded his brother D. Froila in the realm of Ouiedo, 
Ouiedo.  having slain him in the year 767. notwithstanding that, 
An. 767.  he left a son called D. Alphonso the chaste, with other children: but the hatred which the noblemen of the country did bear unto his father, was the cause of his rejection, being then also very young: whereby it appears, 
The right of succession to the Crown had yet no place in Spain.  that the right of succession was not in those days practised in Spain. This Prince was politic, and of an active spirit, yet not given to arms: wherefore he made a peace with the Moors, so as during his reign they did not attempt any thing one against another. The bondmen in his country being mourned against their masters, and in arms, they were suppressed by the wisdom of this king, and reduced to their first condition of servitude. They report a shameful and abominable thing of him among Christians, That in his capitulation with Abderramen to have a peace, besides that he made himself his tributary, he promised among other things, to give every year to these Barbarians a certain number of virgins, yet Vaseus doth attribute it to Mauregat. He married his sister D. Odesinde or Vsende, to a renowned knight called D. Sillo: and having reigned six years and six months, this king D. Aurelius died. All these kings were in a manner buried in the town of janguas, which many writ Cangas: We do not find that he had either wife or children.   

D. Sillo, sixth King of Ouiedo.  
11 D. Sillo his brother in law, 
An. 774.  and his sister Vsende or Odesinde, obtained the kingdom of Ouiedo, in the year 774.  
12 In Arragon there was an Earl called Aznar, 
Aznar first Earl of Arragon.  risen in arms: some hold, that he was son or grandchild to Duke Eude of Guyenne, who coming to serve D. Garcia Inigo king of Sobrarbre, took jaca, and obtained of him in gift the country which lies betwixt the two rivers, called Arragon, with the title of Earl or Governor: dying, he left two sons, Galinde and Ximen Garses.  
As for D. Sillo, 
Ouiedo.  the beginning of his reign was troublesome, many refusing to obey him: wherefore to assure his estate, he renewed the peace with the Arabians in Spain, and subdued his rebels by a victory which he got of them upon the mountain of Zebrero in Gallicia. In the end, seeing that he had no children, he resigned the charge of affairs to D. Alphonso the chaste, nephew to his wife, and to her, giving himself wholly to a contemplative life.  
In his time the noblemen Arabians enjoying the towns and provinces of Spain, 
Moors.  under the Miralmumin Abderramen, impatient one of another, according to the natural disposition of this mutinous nation, they fell to war among themselves: Abubatar Devisfer, and others, had chased away Ibnaballa of Saragosse, who is also called Abi Arabi, who called in Charlemaigne king of France to his aid, 
The French drawn into Spain by the Moors divisions.  and he entered into Spain with a great army, besieged Saragosse, took it by composition, and settled Ibnaballa in his Signiory, making the noblemen moors that were his neighbours, his tributaries. Among other conditions accorded betwixt Charles and the Moors, it was said, that they should suffer (others say hear) the preachings of the Christians, the servants of God.   

D. Garcia Inigo, second King of Sobrarbre or Navarre.  
13 IN this growing kingdom of Navarre, 
Navarre or Sobrarbe.  D. Garcia Inigo had succeeded his father Garcia Ximenes in the year 758, who reigned 44 years. This king enlarged his limits by reason of the Moors dissensions, and took Pampelone from them; the which we read was also taken about that time by Charlemaigne, king of France: so, as it seems, that being ready to come into Spain to succour Ibnaballa, the petty king of Sarragosse, he would seize upon Pampelone, to assure his passage; and then having restored Ibnaballa, and defeated Abderramen, killing above 30000 of his Moors, as the Spanish Author's report, he demanteled it in his return into France, so as it was easy for D. Garcia to seize thereon.   

D. Mauregat, seventh King of Ouiedo.  
14 D. Sillo died in the year 783, 
Ouiedo.  having held the royal seat nine years and one month, 
An. 783.  and was interred at Ouiedo, in Saint john's Church, which he had built, and was afterwards transported to S. Saluador: After whose decease, by a general consent, the realm of Ouiedo was given to D. Alphonso the chaste: but his uncle D. Mauregat, bastard brother to his father, as he had been unlawfully begotten, so he showed himself in his actions and affections, both to him and the State, without law, without piety, and without honour: for being desirous to reign, he laid a plot with the Moors, and by their aid chased Alphonso his nephew out of the Asturies and Leon, forcing him to retire himself into the countries of Alava, and Biscaye, where he had many allies, who preserved him from the treacherous practices of this tyrant. The accord he made with the Barbarians, to procure succours from them, was villainous, and unworthy of a Christian Prince: 
A detestable tribute paid by a Christian Prince to Infidels.  for he bound himself to pay them a tribute contrary to all law and honesty, which was, fifty virgins of noble families, and as many of base condition, the which he should send yearly; this impure and brutish king exposing those poor Christian creatures, by an express agreement, unto the damnable appetite of Infidels: by reason whereof he was hated of all men, and (as it is likely) of God also. He reigned five years and five months, dying without children, and was buried at Pravia.  
In his time Abderramen reigning over all the Moors in Spain, 
Moors.  he did wonderfully spoil the Christians, being very mighty; for he had thirty thousand horse and two hundred thousand foot in his ordinary wars: 
The power of Abderramen.  with which forces he drove the kings of Ouiedo into the mountains of Asturia, and brought under his subjection Gallafray king of Toledo, 
His works.  who made head against him, with many other noblemen of his sect. He caused the Mesquite or Mosque of Cordova to be built, of a rich and stately structure. The Cathedral Church of that city, admirable for the greatness and number of goodly pillars: the gardens and castle called Arrizaphe or Alixares, are also his works. This Prince died in the year 787, and 170 of the Arabians, leaving eleven sons and nine daughters. He was interred in the castle of Cordova, and had for his successor in Spain his son Izen, or Ixeca, or Ismen; for so he is called by divers Authors.   

D. Veremond, first of that name, and eighth King of Ouiedo.  
15 D. Veremond, or Bermond, 
An. 789.  the son of Froila, reigned after Mauregat in Ouiedo 
Ouiedo.  and Leon, having been of the Clergy, and made a Deacon. Wherefore fearing to offend God, if he did forsake his clerical profession to govern the kingdom, he left this dignity, and resigned it to his brother D. Alphonso the second year, or as some writ, 
A Prince too superstitious.  the third, of his reign. And moreover, being married to a Lady called Imoline, from that time he did forbear her company, notwithstanding that he had had two children, Ramer and Garcia: He lived four years and six months after that with D. Alphonso, and lies interred at Ouiedo.  
16 In his time, 
Moors.  Izen, Osmen, or Ismen, the second son of Abderramen, reigned at Cordova, who seized on the Crown, to the prejudice of his elder brother Zuleima, who governed at Toledo. The inhabitants of Toledo, and all that jurisdiction, obeyed Zuleima still, who took upon him the title of King, seeing himself assured of his people. D. Hizen being jealous thereof, 
War betwixt two brethren Moors.  came to assail him, where there was a great and a bloody battle betwixt the two brethren, near unto a place called Vilches, in the which Zuleima was defeated, and all the passages being stopped, that he could not fortify himself in Toledo, he fled into Murria; from whence he afterwards passed into Africa, to seek invaine for means to recover that which he had lost in Spain. Hizen after this victory marched towards Toledo, and did so terrify them of the town (who were neither well furnished with soldiers, nor victuals) as they yielded presently, upon honest conditions for the inhabitants. Thus Hizen remained peaceable king of Spain, being wonderfully proud and haughty, so as presently after he sought to continue the war in Languedoc, 
The Moors make war in Languedoc.  which his predecessors had begun, where he did much annoy the Christians, and carried away great spoils, with the which he did enrich the Mosque which his father had begun at Cardova, especially with the pillage of Narbone and Girone. In Spain he sent a great army unto the Asturies, against king D. Alphonso the chaste, who refused to send him that unworthy and tyrannous tribute of virgins, whereunto king Mauregat the bastard had submitted himself. He found the Christians in arms near unto a Bourg called Ledoes or Alado, where they fought with such obstinacy, 
A memorable defeat of Moors.  as there were slain above seventy thousand Moors upon the place, with their General Muguay, by means whereof the kings of Ouiedo and Leon were from that time freed from that villainous tribute. This battle was won, whilst that D. Bermond or Veremond the Deacon yet lived. The Moors were afterwards set upon by the French, upon the confines of Rossillon, who did succour and favour the enterprises of D. Alphonso the chaste, in Castille and Gallicia, Charlemaigne then reigning. We read, that the French captains forced Zato or Saad, 
The Moors of Barcelone tributaries to the French.  Governor of Barcelone, to yield himself tributary to king Charles, and to receive French garrisons into many places of that country: as they of Huesca did also, who notwithstanding freed themselves soon after: for Huesca lying far into the enemy's country, they could not so easily keep it as Barcelone, being a sea town. There was then a battle betwixt the French and the Moors in the valley of Curol, at this day Corbiere, in the country of Cerdane, which the Moors lost. This was the first Prince of the Moors, which set any fleet to sea in Spain, having rigged forth many ships and galliots at Almerie, whereof he gave the charge unto a captain called Mahamet, who sacked the Islands of Maiorca, Minorca, juiza, and Sardaigne.  
Don Garcia Inigo, 
Navarre.  second king of Sobrarbre and Navarre, had some difference at the passage which they say had been made by the French into Spain, under Charlemaigne; for which cause Charles demanteled Pampelone, the which he had seized on, coming to Saragosse. This D. Garcia reigned 44 years, and had one son called D. Fortune Garces, who succeeded him in the kingdom of Sobrarbre and Navarre. He lies at S. john de la Pegna.  
17 In Arragon there had succeeded to Count Aznar, 
Arragon.  his son D. Galinde, surnamed Aznarris, in the year 795. 
An. 795.  This Earl's seat was at jaca, acknowledging the kings of Navarre for Sovereigns. We find nothing memorable written of him, but that he was founder of some Monasteries, and built certain forts, and among others the castle of Athares. He had one daughter called Theude, the which he married to Don Fortune, Infant of Navarre: others say, that she was first married to one Cont Bernard, a vassal to king Charlemaigne, who having seized on the mountains of Ribagorsa, did much annoy the Moors. This Earl Galinde had one some called D. Ximen Aznarris, Earl of Arragon after him, and another called Endregot Galinde: D. Ximen died in the battle which D. Fortune king of Navarre had against the Moors, who were entered into his country by the valley of Roncal, and left no children.  
18 Cattelogne began also at that time to have Christian Earls. 
Cattelogue.  It is one of the most fruitful countries in Spain both for men and all commodities, and these Princes have been always called Earls of Barcelone, without taking any royal title. The name of Cattelogne is drawn diversly by writers: some derive it from the ancient Castellans, which were upon those marches near to the Ausetanes: 
Whence the name of Cattelogue comes.  others from a captain named Catharlot, or Carthalon: others from the Goths and Alains (people which inhabited there together) and make the word of Gottalnia, since drawn to Cattalania: others not from the Goths, but from the Cats, a people of Germany, mingled with the Alains: and others will derive it from the Catalonicians, upon the marches of Tolouse. The Christians inhabiting this country (after that unfortunate year 714, when as the Moors made themselves masters of Spain) solicited Charles Martel, (who then governed the French State, and had gotten many victories against the Moors) to be favourable unto them, and to help them to shake off these Infidel's yonake, yea after that there was some form of Estate erected by the Christians in Asturia and Navarre; the which Martel granted them, and when as his affairs in France gave him leave, he sent a german knight called Otter or Oger Cathorlot, who was Governor of Aquitaine, of which country Martel had seized after the death of Count Eude. This captain, accompanied with some bands of Germans and French, gathered together such of the country as were fit to bear arms, and took some frontier places from the Moors. Then died Charles Martel in the year 741, whose son Pepin obtained the crown of France, through the counsel and favour of Pope Zacharie, about the year 750. During all the reign of king Pepin, the Cattelans maintained themselves in war against the Moors, with the help of the French, without any great advantage, or notable success, that is recorded; for the histories of those times are rare. After Pepin Charlemaigne reigned, whose son Lewis came oftentimes into Spain by Cattelogne, and there did some exploits of arms; as also Charlemaigne in person, both in Cattelogne, Navarre, and Arragon: And for that the Cattelans were mingled still with the French, during these wars, the Roman tongue which they spoke (as in a manner all the rest of the Spaniards) came to be corrupted among them, 
The Cattelans language.  so as they made a divers language to that which they use in Castille, not much different to that they speak on this side the Pyrenees, in Aquitaine and Languedoc. The French made such war in Cattelogne, as a Governor of Barcelone, a Moor, called Zato, yielded himself vassal and tributary to the Emperor Charles: after whose death (for he kept his promise, 
Bernard first Earl of Barcelone, subject to the French.  although he were a Mahumetist) Bernard was made Earl of Barcelone, counted by the authors for the first, carrying this title, who entitled himself also Earl, Duke, and marquess of Spain, as it appears in some letters which are found of him in the monasteries of the country, in Ribagorsa, and at Saint Peter of Taverna.   

Alphonso, second of that name, ninth King of Ouiedo, called the Chast.  
19 IN the Asturies of Ouiedo, 
Ouiedo.  the year 795, 
An. 795.  D. Alphonso was sole king, without companion, D. Bermond being dead. He was called the chaste, for he lived holily and chastened, without the company of any woman, although he were married to a Lady called Berthe; a liberal Prince to the poor, and greatly fearing God, above all a friend to Monks, and a great builder of Covents; yet notwithstanding all these things, he was wife and valiant. He had (as we have said) one sister, called D. Ximena, who seeing them careless to marry her, she contracted herself secretly to Don Sandias', Earl of Saldagne, who was of good years; for he was above 29 years old when as the king D. Froila their father died: of which marriage came a son called Bernard del Carpio. King D. Alphonso (who thought his sister should have been chaste like himself) was very much discontented at this marriage, 
A secret marriage severely punished.  and having caused Don Sandias' to come to the town of Leon, whither he had called the noblemen of his realm, he condemned him as a traitor, to end his days in perpetual prison, in the castle of Lune, having put out his eyes, he caused his sister to be put into a Monastery of Nuns, and yet he gave order that the infant Bernard should be nourished in Asturia as his own son, who afterwards proved one of the wisest knights of his age, but not very fortunate. They attribute to this king the building of the chief Church in Ouiedo, called S. salvator, yet others affirm it was the work of king Sillo. But howsoever it were, D. Alphonso did augment it, and enriched it with divers jewels, yea with relics which had been transported from Toledo, and other places, whereof this Church was the storehouse: moreover, with a cross of gold, which they say had been made by two Angels, the which presented themselves unto the king D. Alphonso in the habit of pilgrims.  
20 To this is added the finding out of the Sepulchre of the Apostle S. james, near unto Iria, by the Bishop of that place, called Theodemir, at the relation of two men, which the History of Compostella in Latin calls personatos, 
Invention of S. james sepulchre.  that is to say, masked, who said they had seen Angels and torches about the place where his body was found, in a coffin of marble, in a wood, in the year 797, whereat the Spaniards themselves do much wonder, seeing they find no mention in their Histories of S. james Sepulchre in Spain, in all the time which passed since his death unto the reign of this Alphonso: no not in the time of Miron, the first Christian king of the Sueves in Gallicia, who first erected the king of the Goths that were Christians, nor yet since. It was revealed at that time by such apparitions to Theodemir, who believed it to be the very body of S. james, and so persuaded the king D. Alphonso, who was wonderful joyful thereof, and built a temple, endowing it with great revenues, taking this manifestation for a singular favour of God. The Spaniards have since made him their Patron and Protector of their Country, calling on him in all their necessities especially in the war. Neighbour Princes were amazed at this relics for we read, that Charlemaigne (in whose time D. Alphonso began to reign) being advertised of this invention, posted thither, and afterwards obtained from Pope Leo the third, sitting at Rome, That the Episcopal Sea of Iria should be removed to Compostella, under the Metropolitan of Braga, from the which it was since exempt, as we will show hereafter. In king Alphonsus' time, and (as some think) when Charlemaigne was in Spain, there were two Counsels held against Elipand Archbishop of Toledo, and Felix first Bishop of Vrgel, and their followers, infected with Nestorius' heresy, who imagined a double person in jesus Christ, as he consists of two natures, divine and human: for this cause Elipand is not in the catalogue of the Archbishops of Toledo: Felix had tried in vain to draw unto his error Odesinde widow to king Sillo.  
21 Ahizmen Hizen or Ixeca, 
Moors.  Miralmumin, deceased in the year 794, having reigned seven years and seven months; 
Halihatan fourth king of the Moors: War betwixt him and his uncles.  to whom succeeded Halihatan his son, who either for state, or for fear and distrust, had an ordinary guard of five thousand horsemen, part Christian renegadoes, part eunuchs. In the year 799 
An. 799.  Zuliema and Abdalla his uncle hearing of the death of Hizen, came out of afric into Spain (from whence they had been chased) to try if they might enter into Toledo, whereas Zuleima had reigned: they came to Valence, and armed themselves with the forces of that town, and so went to field, giving them of Toledo to understand (whom they knew to be affected unto them) of their coming, and design: who acquainting other Moors therewith, they took arms for Zuliema, chase all such out of the town, as they thought opposite unto them and then they did advertise Zuleima how that all went well for him; who preparing himself to go to Toledo, was encountered by the army of Halihatan his nephew, by the which he was defeated and slain, this year of 799. Abdalla fled, but afterwards considering that he had no means to raise his decayed fortunes, he came and yielded himself to his nephews mercy, who received him, and used him honourably. So Toledo failed the second time to be made a royal seat, by the defeat and death of Zuleima: yet the inhabitants finding themselves guilty, would not trust Halihatan, but maintained themselves in their rebellion, for the space of nine years. Halihatan being unable or unwilling to try his forces against so great and well fortified a city, sought in the mean time to win them by all mild and friendly means. Among others, he employed about this reconciliation a Moor, who was a knight, and borne at Toledo, yet then resident at Huesca, and Governor of those marches: who being come into the city with letters from king Halihatan, wrought so wisely, as in a short time the Toledanes returned to the king's obedience, to whom there was promised assurance, and forgetfulness of all they had done; but there was nothing observed: 
Hambroz the Moor betrays the Toledanes.  for this Hambroz, to abuse the Toledanes, said, That he would not remain in the castle, for fear to be surprised by the king's men, which arrived daily, but caused another lodging to be assigned him, in a street called Moutichel, near unto S. Christopher's Church, in the which he made a cave under the ground, to murder them that had rebelled against the king. In the mean time, Halihatan under colour to make war against the Christians, and to secure the frontier, caused his forces to approach near the town, under the command of a son of his called Abderramen, the which by the means of Hambroz entered quietly into Toledo, and without any show to do harm. Abderramen lodged with Hambroz, where showing a good countenance to the chief of the Toledanes, Moors, he invited a great number of them to a stately feast which he had prepared for them. As these Moors came one after another, thinking to make good cheer, they were presently laid hold on, and beheaded, by some that were appointed to that purpose, and then cast into the vault. There had been many dispatched in this manner, when as one of the guests which was invited, discovering some blood, grew amazed, and suddenly slipped out, and gave an alarm to the town, crying out, that they murdered the citizens in Hambroz lodging. The Toledanes being terrified with these news, and having no means to make resistance, and without any captain to lead them, found no better expedient then to cry out for mercy, but it was in vain: for than they pursued them openly, 
A cruel revenge upon the Toledanes for their rebellion.  so as there was above 5000 slain, to punish their offence committed against Halihatan; against whom, they of Cordova being also rebelled, he caused 300 of them to be hanged upon the river side: there was a captain called Abdelcarin appointed for this execution, who a little before had subdued Calaorra. Halihatan grown proud with this success, sent his captains to annoy the Christians frontiers, who entered into Gallicia in the year 812, where he was unfortunate in many encounters, by the providence of king D. Alphonso. The like happened to Oars, Governor of Merida, who was defeated near unto Benevent, in the territory of Leon. 
An. 813.  The year after 813, another Moor called Alcama, Governor of Badaios, laid siege to Zamorra, but he was forced to retire. Not content with this, two armies of Moors entered into D. Alphonso his country, in divers places, against the which he opposed 2 armies; the one led by himself, the other by Bernard deal Carpio his nephew, who was grown of good years, in both which he was victor; so as the Moors did forbear for a time to annoy the Christians, and fell to spoil one another: whereupon a great nobleman among them, called Mahomad, came out of the quarters of Merida, to seek refuge of king D. Alphonso, for that he was violently pursued, 
A Moor se●kes refuge of D. Alphonso: his treachery and punishment.  and could find no safety in all the Moors country. D. Alphonso entertained him, and assigned him rents to live on in Gallicia: but he showed himself ingrateful & treacherous, raising a great army by the intelligence he had with other Moors, to invade the country of his benefactor: but they were ready in time to resist him, and gave him battle, where there died above 50000 Moors. Mahomad their General being taken, was beheaded as a traitor. At that time Marsil or Massile, successor to Ibnahalla, reigned at Saragosse, who was at the battle of Roncevaux, where the French were defeated. It is certain, as Authors writ, that this battle was given in the time of D. Alphonso the chaste, but the year is doubtful, yet they hold it was a little before the death of Charlemaigne, who died about the year 815.  
22 If that which the Spaniards writ be true, 
Ouiedo.  it is most certain, that among these Prince's ambition went before, and religion followed after. D. Alphonso having lived chastened, being sorry that he had no children, and for that he had received great aid from the Emperor Charles, and it may be presumed, that so mighty a Prince was most necessary to restore Spain to her beauty, and the Christians to their former possession, or else for some other consideration, he had a determination to make him heir of his estates after his death: but the Nobility of Spain having notice thereof, did not allow it, refusing to be vassals to any foreign Prince: 
Charlemaigne made heir of Ouiedo, and afterwards rejected.  yet D. Alphonso had by his letters and embassages given great hope thereof unto Charles, who affected it, and had appointed the realms of Ouiedo and Leon for Bernard, son to his son Pepin, and did prepare himself to come unto Alphonso, under colour of succouring him against the Moors, but he had news from him, that he was forced by his Earls and Barons to recall it, and therefore he entreated him to forbear his coming: the which Charlemaigne taking for an affront, resolved to force him by arms, to perform his promise: wherefore he raised a mighty army of French, Germans, and Italians, which were under his Empire, and sent it beyond the Pyrenees, led by his best captains: yea, some (who have not duly considered the age of Charlemaigne, who was then 72 years old) say, that he was there in person; whereof the Spaniards being advertised, they made a league of all the Christian Potentates, of Gallicia, Leon, Arragon, Navarre, and others, and of some Princes of the Moors, 
League of Christian Princes and Spanish Moors against the French.  to whom the government of the French in Spain was suspected; among the which was Marsil of Saragosse. All these forces joined together, stopped the passages, and forced the French to return into their country, but with great disadvantage and disorder, through the straits of the mountains, whereas the Spaniards having seized upon the passages, the forward and battle of the French were defeated, and their baggage taken, with such slaughter, as they writ there were above 40000 men slain that day: 
Defeat of the French at Ronceval.  among the which was Roland, and all those whom fabulous writers call Peers of France, with other great personages.  
In this action, the valour and good conduct of D. Bernard of Carpio, nephew to D. Alphonso, was admirable, as also in his wars against the Moors, as the Spaniards writ, who was for a long time held for the king's son, and he himself believed it: but being advertised of his parents, and of the calamity of the Earl of Saldagne his father, he made many petitions unto the king, and used all the means he could to move him to pardon the injury which he pretended had been done him, and to free him after so many years imprisonment; the which he could not obtain: wherefore being discontented, he retired from Court into his country of Saldagne, where he showed himself as much as he could an enemy to king D. Alphonso.   

D. Fortune, third King of Navarre:  
23 During the reign of this king of Ouiedo and Leon, 
Navarre.  D. Fortune was the third king of Sobrarbre and Navarre, 
An. 802.  who came unto the Crown in the year 802, after the decease of D. Garcia Inigo his father. He was not only to make head against the Moors, but also against the French, who spoiled his countries of Navarre and Arragon, as well as those of the Mahumetists: for soldiers hold nothing holy, but that which is barren, and yields no booty. During the reign of this king was that famous defeat at Roncevaux, where he was with his Navarrois, and other confederates, for the Spanish party, where the French having been defeated and stripped of their baggage, they afterwards did all they could to annoy Spain. This king was married to Theude, daughter to D. Galinde, by reason whereof he did inherit (as some say) the country of Arragon: yet this union of Arragon and Navarre is not received by all Authors, but is referred to a later time, and there are memorial found of other Earls in that country, after D. Galinde.  
Of this marriage came the infant D. Sancho Garces, successor in the realm of Sobrarbre and Navarre, to D. Fortune his father, whom it may be this Theude had had to her second husband: for some Authors say, that she had been formerly married to one of Charles his captains, and of his blood, called Bernard, not he which governed Cattelogne. D. Fortune had great wars against the Arabian Moors, to whom, with the Arragonois, and other his allies, he gave battle, at a place called Olcassa, or Olaast, in the which died D. Ximen Aznaris Earl of Arragon, brother to D. Theude, the which some maintain did happen under D. Sancho, son and successor to D. Fortune, who was vanquished and slain by Musa Aben Cacin or Heazin, king of Saragosse. The Christians won this battle of Olcassa, by the valour of them of Roncal, who had for a testimony thereof, the title and privileges of Gentry, which they enjoy at this day.   

D. Sancho Garces, sixth King of Navarre.  
24 D. Fortune having reigned thirteen years died, 
An. 815.  and there succeeded him, in the year 815, his son D. Sancho Garces, who continued the wars against the Moors with good success. There is mention made of a battle he won against them, in the year 821, near unto Ochaviere; in the which the inhabitants of the valley of Roncal behaved themselves so valiantly, as they deserved a new confirmation and enlargement of their privileges of Nobility. These people although they were subjects of Navarre, yet they levy an annual tribute of the French, their neighbours, by an accord made in old time. It is a place under the jurisdiction of Sanguesse, situated in the Pyrenee mountains of Navarre, confining upon them of Val Breton, which are of France, from whom they exact three Cows every year, on the third day of june, with certain ceremonies observed of old time. Some think this tribute grew by reason of the wars which this king had with the Gascoines and French, who being incensed with the Cont of Roncevaux, did usually invade the territories of Sobrarbre and Navarre, who after they had been vigorously repulsed by him and his successors, they were forced to make the abovementioned peace, and do the homage.  
25 In Arragon, 
Arragon.  D. Ximen Aznar, the son of D. Galinde, having commanded with the title of Earl (a gallant knight, who died in the battle of Olcassa, following the party of D. Fortune Garces of Navarre, or else in the service of D. Fortune his son, about the year 803) to him succeeded his uncle, called D. Ximen Garces, notwithstanding that he had a brother, 
divers Earls of Arragon.  whose name was Endregot, whether it were by force, or otherwise, the Histories make no mention. This D. Ximen Garces lived little, he was wise and valiant, and was slain in an encounter against the Moors. After him D. Garcia Aznaris was fift Earl of Arragon, who also did not long enjoy his estate, and was slain fight valiantly against the Moors in Spain. D. Fortune his son did inherit the Earldom of Arragon, who employed himself valiantly in the wars against the Moors: he died without any son, so as Arragon was then united to Navarre, by the means of D. Vrraca, daughter to D. Fortune, or as some writ, of D. Endregot Galinde, who was married to D. Garcia Inigo, second of that name, king of Navarre, son to Inigo Arista, the which was the first woman which did inherit this County of Arragon, 
Succession of women in Arragon.  and brought in a custom, that the women should succeed.  
26 Another Bernard, of whom we have made mention, who entitled himself Earl of Barcelone, 
Cattelogne.  Duke and marquess of Spain, governed Cattelogne, about the year 796, for the French, after the death of Zato the Moor, being their vassal and tributary. He had been Governor of Provence and Languedoe under the Emperor Charlemaigne. In Cattelogne he made sharp wars against the Moors, wherein he was assisted by a Spanish knight called D. Geoffrey, the hairy, which succeeded in the government of Barcelone. This Geoffrey was Lord of the castle of Arria, in the territory of Conflent, and County of Barcelone; with the help of which D. Bernard he took from the Moors all the country which lies betwixt the two rivers of Noguera and Lobregat: but after the death of Charlemaigne, a Governor of Guienne, called Aymon, having rebelled against the Emperor, Lewis his son and successor, besides the hurt he did in that Province, entered into Cattelogne, and took towns and castles, being favoured by Abderramen king of the Moors at Cordova: and in the year 820, these rebellious French and the Moors having joined their forces together, they came and besieged Barcelone.  
27 This Abderramen, 
Moors.  second of that name, had succeeded his father Halihatan, who died in the year 819, and of the Arabians 202, having reigned 24 years, who of many wives, which Mahumets' law doth allow, had left 19 sons and 21 daughters. This war of Cattelogne was one of Abderramen first exploits, in the which Barcelone was taken in the year 820, but soon after recovered by the Christians.  
In the year 824 died Don Alphonso the chaste, 
Ouiedo.  having instituted for his successor D. Ramir, 
An. 824.  son to D. Bermond or Veremond the Deacon, rejecting D. Bernard of Carpio his sister's son, who was his lawful heir. This Prince reigned 29 years, and was buried at Ouiedo, in S. Mary's Church, which he had built. He was a great benefactor of the Clergies. We find a donation made by him to the Church of Compostella, 
Letters of donation suspect.  of about a league of ground about S. jaques sepulchre, but the date of these letters are of the year 835, which agrees not with that which Authors writ of the death of this king.   

D. Ramir, first of that name, and tenth King of Ouiedo.  
28 D. Ramir was son to the king D. Veremond, 
Ouiedo.  called the Deacon, and adopted by D. Alphonso his uncle, a generous and worthy Prince, and not inferior to any of his predecessors in virtue. In the beginning of his reign he married a Lady, called D. Vrraca, borne in old Castille, of which were borne two sons, D. Ordogno who reigned, and D. Garcia. This king did that which all other Princes abhor, 
Two brothers kings in one kingdom, and agree well; a rare example.  for he received his son to be a companion with him in the kingdom, and caused his brother D. Garcia to reign with him, so as there were two courts and two kings in Ouiedo and Leon. The first war which troubled this king was civil, by the rebellion of a nobleman of Asturia, called Nepotian, against whom D. Ramir assembled his army, in the town of Lugo, and being come to battle, he vanquished him, and put his men to flight: himself being taken some few days after, had by the king's commandment his eyes put out, 
A rebel punished.  and was put into a cloister of Monks; an usual punishment in those days for traitors and rebels.  
In this king's time, the fame of the miracles which S. jaques did at Compostella, began to be spread over all Europe, so as many pilgrims came thither both by sea and land, from all parts of Christendom: 
An. 827.  but about the year 827, the coasts of Gallicia were annoyed with Norman pirates, a people of the North, who since under Rollo and other captains, invaded France and planted themselves in the Province, called by their name Normandy. These pirates, moved with another zeal than to visit S. jaques, kept the sea and spoiled the coast with a great number of ships. 
Norman pirates defeated upon the banks of Gallicia.  D. Ramir came and charged them at a place called Far, where he made a great slaughter: those which remained, recovered their ships, and came into the mouth of Guadalquibir, where having landed, they spoiled Sevile, and the country thereabouts, and then returned into their country. This king D. Ramir was troubled with another sedition; Aldered and Piniol, two Earls of his country, being risen in arms against him in the year 828, 
An. 828.  against whom he marched with his army, took these two rebels, slew Piniol, with his seven 'zounds, confederates of his rebellion, and caused Aldereds' eyes to be put out, and cast him into prison.  
Abderramen Miralmumin of Spain, 
Moors.  had continued long in peace with D. Alphonso king of Ouiedo and Leon: but some years after his decease, he had a desire (for that he had had some good success against the Christians in Spain, and also at the persuasion of Idriz, who reigned then in Fe●) to demand of king D. Ramir the tribute of a hundred virgins, which king Mauregat had promised to pay to his predecessors, kings of 〈◊〉: the which was denied, as unjust and unworthy, by a general consent of the Prelates and Nobility of the country, assembled to this end in the town of Leon; where by the same means there was a war concluded against the Moors, to abate their pride. King D. Ramir having then called all the Nobility of his countries of Asturia, Leon, Gallicia, and other places under his obedience, and levied great numbers of soldiers, he entered into the Moors country, by Rioie to Nogera and Aluenda, and came and encamped near to Logrogne, whither the Moors army came soon after, where there was a cruel battle, to the great loss of the Christians; 
Christians defeated.  so as without the approaching night it is thought they had been all defeated: the king retired to a place called Clavijo, where at this day there is a Bourg near to Logrogne. The night gave the Christians means to retire, and to rally themselves, who by the will of God resumed courage in such sort, as the next day they presented themselves again in battle. The Moors contemning them whom they had vanquished the day before, came to charge them without any great order; but they found such resistance, as they were forced to leave the field, 
moors defeated.  and to fly; where they lost (as Histories report) above 60000 men, and as it is set down in a Charter which is the Treasury of S. jaques of Compostella, in the which mention is made of an apparition of the Apostle to king D. Ramir, the night after his men were defeated, who encouraged him to affront the enemy again, promising him victory, and that he himself would be in the battle, as Parron and Protector of his kingdom: and they affirm, that the armies being joined the next day, S. jaques appeared again, mounted upon a white horse, 
Apparition of S. jaques, as the Spaniards say.  carrying a white standard, with a red Cross, fight and encouraging the Christians as he had promised. Such apparitions will be received according to every man's piety and good instruction. There are yet at this day found heads of darts and of lances in the place whereas D. Ramir obtained this victory: by favour whereof, he took Calaorra from the Moors, with other places along the river of Ebro; but they returned soon under the dominion of the Moors, whose command was great at that time in Spain.  
After this victory, 
Ouiedo.  D. Ramir being at Calaorra with his brother D. Garcia, the Queen D. Vrraca, and the infant D. Ordogno, being accompanied with the chief Prelates and Noblemen of the country, it was held fit to acknowledge the favour and assistance, which they did believe S. jaques had done them. Wherefore this king being persuaded either by his dreams, or by his Priests, ordained, That all such as dwelled about Compostella should pay yearly a certain measure of corn and wine to that Church, out of their reveneves, for the vow, for so this tribute was called; the which is paid at this day. Moreover, that after any victory gotten against the Moors, when as they came to divide the spoil, S. jaques Church should hold the place of a knight, and have a share. The letters granted by king D. Ramir, bear date in the year 834, 
Tribute called vow paid to S. jaques Church.  at which time we find by the Histories, that he was not living. It is called S. jaques vow, it was confirmed by Pope Celestin, then holding his Sea at Rome. Some have written, That in this king's time the Order of the Knights of S. jaques began, but it was later, as we will show.  
In Cattelogne, 
Cattelogne.  the Christians being much oppressed by the Moors, under the Miralmumin Abderramen the second, the Emperor Lewis the gentle sent an Abbot to comfort them: for he could send them no soldiers (say the Spaniards.) This Abbot was called Elizachar, who encouraged the Christians in such sort, as Abderramen returning to the siege of Barcelone, accompanied with Cont Aymon, they found such resistance, as they were forced to abandon it, about the year 830. Bernard being much esteemed for his valour, he was called home by the Emperor Lewis, who made him his Chamberlain, and granted him then (as some say) the title of Earl of Barcelone, and for this cause is accounted the first Earl of the Cattelanes: but it appears elsewhere, that he had this title of Earl, yea of Duke and marquess long before, the which was nothing but Governor of the Country, or Province.   

D. Ximen Inigo, fift King of Sobrarbre and Navarre.  
29 TO D. Sancho Garces king of Sobrarbre and Navarre (who died, 
Navarre.  as some report, in an encounter of the Moors, led by Musa Aben Cacin, petty king of Sarragosse) succeeded his son D. Ximen Inigo, in the year 832. Of the deeds and manners of this king the Histories make no mention, yea many Authors pass over these first kings of Sobrarbre, and begin the History of this Kingdom with D. Inigo Arista, who came afterwards to the Crown. They hold, that D. Ximen is interred in the Covent of Saint Saviour of Leyre, with D. Nugna his wife.   

D. Ordogno, eleventh King of Ouiedo.  
30 D. Ordogno, 
Ouiedo.  which is as much to say as Fortune, son to D. Ramir, came unto the Crown of Ouiedo and Leon, in the year 831, 
An. 831.  according to the common opinion. Being entered into the government of the State, he had war with some people of the mountains of Cantabria (which are not specified) whom he vanquished, and brought under his subjection. He married a Lady called D. Monadona, or Munia Donna, that is to say, Donna Nugna, by whom he had five sons, D. Alphonso, who was king after him, D. Bermond, D. Nugno, D. Odaire, D. Fruela, and one daughter. He did enlarge and beautify the buildings of the towns of Leon, Astorgo, Tuy, Amaya, and others.  
They make mention of a miracle in his time, 
A miracle.  in the person of a Bishop of Compostella, successor to Theodoric, and second Prelate of that Church, named Ataulphe; who being accused of Apostasy, and that he had revolted from the Christian religion to that of the Moors, being called to Court to purge himself, he came to Ouiedo upon a holy Thursday, when as they did bait a Bull with dogs, having an intent to expose the Bishop to the fury of this beast as soon as he should arrive. But the Bishop having said Mass (as the Story reports) attired in his Episcopal robes, came boldly to the king's palace, and passing by the place where they did hunt this Bull, as he saw him coming towards him, he opened his arms to take him, relying in God and his own innocency: but the beast came quietly unto him, and suffered him to take him by the horns, who led him unto the king: whereat the king and all the assistants were so amazed, as they did presently judge that he had been wrongfully accused. But this holy man leaving his Church and flock, retired himself into the deserts, there to live with beasts, and became a Hermit. Of this bulls horns they afterwards made relics in the Church of S. Saviour at Ouiedo. Sisenand succeeded in his Bishopric, and was so vehement to pursue the punishment of such as had falsely accused Ataulphe, as he never ceased until he had gotten a grant from the king, that all their kinsfolks should be delivered for slaves to the Church of Compostella, although they were not guilty.  
31 About the beginning of this king's reign, 
Moors.  there were great civil dissensions among the Moors. A nobleman among them, a Goes by nation, but a Moor by profession, called for this cause Musa Aben Cacin, 
Musa Aben Cacin makes himself king of Toledo.  Musa of the lineage of the Goths, rebelled against Abderramen Miralmumin. He reigned at Sarragosse, & drew to his party Huesca and Tafalla, and by his example he caused them of Toledo to take arms, being ill affected to Abderramen, by reason of the rigours which his father Halihatan had used against them. This Moor fortified with these towns, raised a great army, and caused a son of his called Abin Lope or Loth, to enter into Toledo, and then to overrun the countries of Navarre and Cattelogne, and so passed the Pyrenees, into the territories of the French. At his return he caused himself to be proclaimed King and Miralmumin of Spain, and took a town belonging to the king D. Ordogno, called Albayda, fortified it, and put a garrison into it: but his fury was stayed by D. Ordogno, who came & besieged Albayda, and then with part of his forces he went to encounter him. 
moors defeated.  as he advanced to secure the besieged, fought and vanquished him, killing 12000 horse Moors, and an infinite number of foot, with Garcia son in lavy to Musa; he himself escaped, being wounded in three places. The spoil of this army was great, and Albaydareturned to the Christians: After which rout, Lope who had been left Governor at Toledo, made a league with D. Ordogno, the which he faithfully maintained both in war, and all other things during his life. 
Aben Lope king of Toledo.  This Lope is numbered for the third king of Toledo, being a Moor. D. Ordogno did soon after assail Ceyt, Governor of Coria, and Museres or Micaudi of Salamanca, Moors, whom he vanquished, and took their Towns and Governments.  
About the year 839 Abderramen died, 
An. 839.  leaving by his wives 87 children, that is, 45 sons and 42 daughters, having held the realm of Spain at Cordova twenty years. It was in the 222 year of the Arabians. 
The qualities of Abderramen 2.  This Prince was full of state, and was much pleased to make great buildings: he caused the places and streets of Cordova to be paved, and brought a great fountain thither through pipes of lead, whereof some marks are yet to be seen about the Cathedral Church, which was then the Mosque. He was politic, and was somewhat inclined to justice: he reform the unjust law of the Goths, by the which the brother did succeed the brother, although he had children: he suffered the Christians which were under his command to live in great liberty, so as in the chief city of Cordova they had many Churches, as that of the Ascile, Zoilus, Faustus, januarius, Martial, Cyprian, Genesius, and Eulalie. And in the suburbs, or near unto, there were eight Monasteries; that of S. Christopher, of the virgin Marie, called Cuteclair, S. Saweur, Zoilus, Felix, Martin, justus, and Pasteur. He brought the making of silks, with many other handy trades, into Cordova: he caused money to be coined with his name thereon.  
His eldest son Mahumet succeeded him, 
Mahumet Miralmumin at Cordova.  who was the first Miralmumin in Spain of that name, and the fift king of Cordova. Being settled, he marched with an army into Navarre, from whence he was repulsed: wherefore he turned his forces against Toledo, which was in league with king D. Ordogno. Wherefore the Christians who desired to abate the power of the Moors, and to keep them divided all they could, came to secure the Toledanes, being led by one of the sons of king D. Ordogno: both armies met not far from the city, near unto the river of Guadacelette, 
Mahumets' victory.  but Mahumet had the victory: there were slain in this battle 13000 Moors of Toledo, and 8000 Christians; yet all this could not make him master of the town. Mahumet being victor, he caused the heads of his enemies to be carried into divers towns, to strike terror into those that would rebel; for it was the custom of that nation at the change of Princes to stir up new troubles. This war continued three years, unto the death of the king D. Ordogno.  
33 Count Bernard of Barcelone lived at this time, 
Cattelogne.  much favoured in the Court of the Emperor Lewis the Gentle, not without envy, especially of such as had had the government of Prince Bernard the son of Pepin king of Italy, in his youth. He was accused to have committed adultery with the Empress judith: 
D. Geoffrey Earl or Governor of Barcelone.  whatsoever the cause were, D. Geoffrey of Arria succeeded him in the County of Barcelone, in the year 839.  
In the year 841, 
Ouiedo.  king D. Ordogno being much afflicted with the Gout, and other infirmities, was withal oppressed with grief for the rout of his men which he had sent to secure the Toledanes, whereupon he fell grievously sick and died, having governed the realm of Leon and Ouiedo ten years. The letters and titles of the Church of S. jaques of Compostella, give longer lives to these kings: for there is one found of king D. Ordogno, of the year 854, and another of the year 862, yea of 874, wherefore there is no great certainty of the time in the reigns of the kings of Ouiedo and Leon. These letters and titles differ above 33 years from the common opinion.   

D. Alphonso, third of that name, twelfth King of Ouiedo.  
34 ALphonso the Great, 
Anno 841  son to D. Ordogno, 
Ouiedo.  was but fourteen years old, or ten, as some say, when he began to reign: a prince endowed with all royal virtues, whose life and government was long. His entry was disquieted by a knight of Gallicia, called D. Froila Bermudes; who contemning the king's youth, did rise and seize upon the Crown. D. Alphonso being retired to Alava, to preserve himself against this tyrant, as he was busy to raise an army of his friends and subjects, he had news, that D. Froila being come to Ouiedo, the chief town of the whole realm, 
Tyranny and usurpation justly punished.  to be crowned there, he had been slain by the Senators and Councillors, which had conspired against him: wherefore he came thither, was received, and recovered his realm in peace. Then was there governor in Alava a knight called Eylo, or Zeybon, brother to one Zenon, which some Authors say, had been Lord of Biscaie. This Eylo, as soon as Alphonso was settled in his realm of Ouiedo, rebelled against him, and drew from him all which the kings of Ouiedo held in that province. D. Alphonso (who was then at Leon) being advertised of this disorder, marched with such forces as he could gather readily together, towards Alava, where his presence caused him to be generally obeyed. He took this governor and carried him to Ouiedo, where he ended his days in prison.  
Mahumet, 
Moors.  first Moor of that name, reigned then in Spain; against whom the earl of Barcelone made sharp wars, but with small success. He sent an army against the Christians, led by two captains, Imundar and Alcama, the which came and lodged about Leon, as if they would besiege it, 
Anno 842.  in the year 842. But king D. Alphonso succoured it, and forced the Moors to retire. In the end of Abderramen reign there had been a great persecution against the Christians, which dwelled in the Moors countries; whereof their insolences and rebellions was the cause. 
The liberty of Christians among the Moors in Spain.  They had, as we have said, liberty of their religion, and they were suffered to build Temples and Monasteries at their pleasures: their Priests and Monks did freely use their several habits: They had judges and Rectors among them to administer justice, under the authority of the Mahumetane kings: only they were forbidden to enter into the Mosque, and not to speak ill of their Prophet Mahumet▪ They paid tributes, the which were sometimes augmented, as necessity required, or according to the passions of their kings. Whereupon many Christians took occasion to murmur, and to make bitter complaints, the which did incense the Moors. Some Christians of more judgement exhorted the rest to patience, foreseeing the mischief, but it was in vain; yea Accafred a Bishop, and Seruand an Earl, who were of these moderators, were condemned by a Council, and are blamed by the Authors of Histories, who have made no scruple to put in the number of Martyrs those rebels which perished in this massacre, the which was great, and continued ten years, for an advertisement to all others, not to rise against their prince, to whom they are made subject by the will of God, especially for their temporal goods.  
In the mean time the quarrel betwixt this Miralmumin and them of Toledo, continued; and their obstinacy was such, as Mahumet, seeing they would not acknowledge him upon any conditions, he sent a mighty army against them, under the conduct of his brother, or as some hold, of his son, called Almondir, who spoiled, razed, and burned all that was within the territory of Toldo, and yet no man durst make head against him, his forces were so great. King D. Alphonso embracing this occasion of the Moors divisions, being entered into league with the French and Navarrois, 
D. Alphonso spoils the Moors country.  he entered and spoiled their country. They hold that Bernard of Carpio was chief of this army. Mahumet did above all things desire to subdue them of Toledo, the which was a great and strong city, and therefore hard to be forced: Wherefore he resolved to reduce it to extremity of victuals, by a long siege, and so force them to yield. 
Anno 848.  And having raised a great army in the year 848, he led it himself in person against the Toledanes, who issued out of the town, resolving to fight with him, but it was to their loss and confusion, for they were forced to retire with shame; the town was besieged, the bridge upon the river of Tayo (the work of king Hisem) was beaten down (the Moors call bridges Alcantara) and all means of succours taken from the inhabitants. Wherefore they began somewhat to yield, 
Toledo reduced under the obedience of the Morres at Cordova.  and to talk of a composition; wherein they were heard and satisfied: so as Mahumet entered the city with great joy, having reduced so great a people under his obedience: From whence he sent some troops to spoil the Christians country, as far as the river of Duero; who were charged, repulsed, and forced to leave their booty, by D. Bernard of Carpio, and others. Lope, who called himself king of Toledo, saved himself, and fled with his brethren, and Abdalla his son, to the king D. Alphonso; who received them courteously, and made such esteem of these Moors, as he gave them his son D. Ordogno to instruct in arms and civility. Abdalla made no long abode there, for being thrust on with envy against his uncles, he made his peace with king Mahumet, and retired to Cordova, from whence he made great spoil upon the Christians country: but he was encountered and defeated at a place called Cillorico, and forced to raise his siege from Pancoruo with shame. Afterwards he came to fight with two Zimaels', the one his uncle, the other his brother, in the territory of Toledo, whom he vanquished, and took prisoners: And as he was of a stirring spirit, and enemy of all rest, he drew upon him both the Christians and Moors, by the surprise he made of Sarragosse, where he maintained himself, notwithstanding all the forces of Mahumet, who sent Almundar his son, and Aboaly a captain, against him, with great forces. And although that Abdalla were on the other side molested with the forces of D. Alphonso, (who during these wars had seen the monastery of S. fecund burnt, the which he afterwards caused to be built up again) yet his posterity reigned at Sarragosse. Mahumet having disposed of this new conquest, returned to Cordova, under whose command Toledo remained for some years.  
After these happy exploits the Moors were content to rest a while, and to suffer the Christians to live in peace, and D. Alphonso in the mean time gave himself to works of piety, according to the inclination and instruction of those times. He caused S. jaques church to be new built of free stone, 
The work of pity of D. Althonso.  and enriched with pillars and other works: employing therein part of the spoil which he had taken from the Moors; for this church at that time was but of earth. He bestowed great alms of the poor, and widows. He was solicited by Bernard of Carpio, to deliver the earl D. Sandias', his father, out of prison, where he had remained so many years: but (notwithstanding all the great services which he pretended to have done) he could not prevail. 
Bernard of Carpio neglected: his rebellion.  Wherefore he resolved to declare himself an enemy to D. Alphonso, retiring to Salamanca, where near unto it he built a fort, which he called Carpio, of his own name, from whence he did much annoy the Asturians, and them of Leon. It was situated three leagues from Salmanca, upon the river of Tormes.   

D. Inigo Arista, sixth King of Sobrarbre and Navarre.  
36 D Inigo, surnamed Arista, 
Navarre. An. 940.  came to the Crown of Navarre about the year 840. Some say he was son to D. Ximenes above mentioned; others (among the which is Surites the Spaniard) affirm, that he was son to the earl of Bigorre, called Simon; and that he was chosen by the suffrages of the men of war, king of Sobrarbre, by reason of his virtues and valour: so little certainty there is in antiquity, especially of the beginning of races and families. The name of Arista was given him, by reason of his vehemency and heat in war. The Spaniards call a courageous and hardy man Arisco. He was the first of the kings of Navarre, that was anointed and crowned after the manner of our kings of France, the which was observed in the other following kings, although some believe, that this custom came only into Navarre, after they had kings of the house of Champagne. The French, among other Christian nations, 
The custom to anoint kings taken from the Hebrews  have retained it of the ceremonies of the ancient law of the jews, by the advice of their Bishops. He took for his Arms a Cross argent in a field azure. During his reign, and some years after, the Episcopal seat of Pampelone was in the royal abbey of S. salvator of Leyra, yet holding the title of Bishop of Pampelone, or of Iruna, by reason of the war and spoil which the Moors made. There is no great certainty among writers of his deeds, the time of his death, nor of his funerals, nor yet of his wives family, whom some call Oneca, which is to say, Iniga; others Theude: bringing the one from Pampelone, the other from biscay. It may be he had two so named.  
D. Geoffrey of Arria was earl of Barcelone after the death of Bernard, 
Cattelogne.  about the year 840, by the liberality and grant of the Emperor Lewis the Gentle. He was married to a French lady, called D. Almira, by whom he had a son called D. Viffred, or Geoffrey the hairy, who was the first proprietary earl after his father, 
Cattelogne under the soutraigntie of France.  but not immediate. Cattelogne was then under the sovereignty of France; and there are privileges found, granted by king Charles the bald, son to the Emperor Lewis, in the year 844, whereby the inhabitants of Barcelone are made as free as the French, having liberty to administer justice, and to live according to the ancient laws of the Goths. This Cont Geoffrey employed all his means to make war against the Moors, he attempted the town of Tortosa, but in vain: yet he took from them, and from the tyrant and rebel Aymon, that which they had usurped of his government some years before. He was pursued by a Cattelan knight, called D. Solomon, earl of Cerdagne, who envied him, and slandered him to the king his Sovereign: wherefore being called to Court, 
Earl of Cattelogae murdered.  as he was going upon the way, he was slain in Auvergne, in the year 858, according unto some.  
During these years king, D. Alphonso was much troubled with the war which D. Bernard of Carpio made against him, 
Ouiedo.  who gave him divers routs; so as he was forced to leave the Lion's skin, and to use the Foxes, at the least there was great show of deceit: for the king seeing that he could not suppress D. Bernard, he offered to release his father, who was now very old, if he would deliver into his hands his new fort of Carpio: the which Bernard, by a singular piety, did willingly grant, and was ready to deliver his fort into the king's hands, the which he did presently raze Those which went to the castle of Lune, to draw D. Sandias' out of prison, found him dead, 
Cruelty of king D. Alphonso.  as they reported: wherefore Bernard holding himself abused, made great complaints unto the king; but he was commanded to departed out of the territories of Ouiedo and Leon, and the dependences thereof. Whereupon he retired into Navarre, and then into France? yet some say, that he returned into Spain, and there died, and that he was buried the monastery of Aguilar del Campo.  
Zeno brother to D. Eylo, or Zethon, whom we had confined into Ouiedo, in the beginning of the reign of this Alphonso; who being made earl or governor of biscay, by the king's bounty, would rebel as his brother had done, 
Rebellion of the governor of Biscate.  forcing the king to send an army against him, by the which he was vanquished, taken, and led to Ouiedo, where he ended his days in prison. This Zeno left two daughters, the one called Theude, was married (according unto some) to D. Inigo Arista, king of Navarre; and the other D. Iniga, to the infant D. Suria, of whom we shall hereafter speak. This was in the year 856.  
All this time, and to the year 859, 
Moors. Anno 859.  there had been a suspension of arms, betwixt king D. Alphonso and the Moors; but that year king Mahumet went to arms, and came and besieged the town of Coimbra, belonging now to Portugal: but D. Alphonso forced him to raise his siege, and not content therewith, entered into the Moors country, wasted it, and returned with great spoils, continuing every year to annoy them in such sort, as they were constrained to accept of a truce for three years, with the prejudice of their reputations, and great disadvantage in their jurisdictions. Then there reigned in Sarragosse a Moor, called Aben Alfaie. The rest of Mahumets' reign unto his death, was spent in voluptuous lust and idleness. In his time there was a great earthquake in Spain, and a little before his death lightning entering into the Mosque, where he was, slew two Noblemen Moors, near unto him.   

D. Garcia Inigues, third of that name, and seventh King of Navarre.  
37 About the year 867, 
Navarre and Arragon united  as some Authors write, died D. Inigo Arista, king of Navarre, to whom succeeded D. Garcia Inigues, his son, the third of that name, who united the country of Arragon to Navarre, by marrying with D. Vrraca daughter to D. Fortune, the last earl, or of D. Endregot Galinde, of the same house and family of Arragon. He had two sons by this Lady, D. Fortune, and D. Sancho Abarca; and one daughter, called D. Sanctiva, or Sancha. They writ this fable of D. Sancho, That the king going inconsiderately with his queen through the mountains of Navarre, he was surprised by certain Moors, and slain, and the queen overthrown, being thrust into the belly with a Moors lance, at such time as she was great with this D. Sancho. Some hours after, a knight whom they called D. Sancho of Guevara, passing that way, met with this pitiful spectacle, and saw that the child had thrust forth a hand by the mother's wound, and had laboured to come forth there: wherefore this knight lighting from his horse, made the wound greater, so as he drew forth this infant alive, without any harm: then he carried it to his house with good witnesses, where he caused it to be nourished according to his degree, until he grew great, and then he presented him to the Estates of the realm, and made him be acknowledged for their lawful king. But, as we say, it is like to be a fable, and hath no great authority; yet they say, that the surname of Ladron, which is peculiar to the house of Guevara, came for that this knight did secretly nourish the infant D. Sancho. D. Sanctiva the daughter, was married to king Ordogno the second, son to Alphonso the great.  
38 They hold opinion, 
Biscaie.  That the lords of biscay had their beginning at this time in D. Suria, whose posterity was famous for many years: for after that D. Zeno had been vanquished, and led prisoner, as we have said, the Biscayne's seeing themselves without a head, fell to mutinies and seditions. Thither was sent D. Ordogno, son to king D. Alphonso, whom they called Earl of Asturies, who began to overrun and spoil the country. The towns and commonalties assembled to make head against him, choosing D. Suria for their captain, who was descended from the blood royal of Scotland, by his mother; and had married a daughter of Cont Zenos, called D. Iniga, but at that time deceased. The forces of either part came to fight, in a place called then Padura: The battle was sharp and cruel; and for that the whole country did swim with blood, the place was from that time called Arrigoriaga, which in the country language signifies, a vermilion stone. The Biscayne's, with the aid, and by the valour of D. Sancho Estiguis, Lord of Durando (who ended his days in this battle) won it; which was in the year 870. After this victory the Biscayne's chose D. Suria for their Lord, as well for that he was son in law to their last Earl and governor Zeno (by his daughter, notwithstanding we do not read that he had any children) as for the valour and good conduct they had seen in him in this war. This D. Suria did presently after marry the daughter of D. Sancho Estiguis, in whose right he got the Signiory of Durando, which was united unto Biscaie: whose posterity did enjoy those lands, until the time of D. Henry the second of that name, king of Castille and Leon. The lineage of D. Suria, was called the Haro. Castille the old had also an Earl, called D. Diego Porcello.  
39 Mahumet Miralmumin of Cordova, 
Moors. Anno 874.  having lived some time in peace, by reason of the last truce made with the Christians, died in the year 874, leaving 54 children by his wives, whereof 34 were males, and 20 females. He had held the kingdom 35 years, and his death was in the 257 year of the Arabians reign. 
Almundir sixth king of the Moors at Cordova.  His son Almundir succeeded him, who live but two years, having done nothing worthy of memory; against whom they of Cordova rebelled, notwithstanding that he offered to free them of the tenth part of their tribute, which they paid. He left six sons, and seven daughters.  
Such was the estate of Spain in the time of king D. Alphonso, who had to wife a Lady of the blood royal of France, called Ameline, 
Ouiedo.  but they changed her name to D. Ximena; by whom he had four sons, D. Garcia, D. Ordogno, D. Fruela, who reigned, and D. Gonsalo the Archdeacon. This king in his later days gave himself wholly to works of piety, building of churches and monasteries, indowing them with rents and great revenues, and adorning them with jewels, vessels of gold and silver, and precious ornaments, according to the ceremonies brought in and maintained in the Church.  
In the year 877 the church of S. jaques was consecrated at the instance of this king, and by the authority of Pope john the eighth, where many Bishops were present. And it is to be noted, that in those days the city of Ouiedo was full of Bishops without any flocks; for they did choose Bishops of towns that were in the Moors possession, keeping an account of their succssion; 
Ouiedo the town of Bishops.  all which did live in Ouiedo, and therefore it was called the Town of Bishops. This king being very desirous to advance the Hierarchy of the Clergy, laboured to have the Episcopal sea of Ouiedo, 
Ouiedo made an Archbishopric.  and the Cathedral church of S. Sawcur, made an archbishopric Metropolitan; and the first Archbishop thereof was D. Hermenegilde, who was Bishop thereof before: in which town of Ouiedo there was a Council celebrated. Whilst this prince was thus busied in these works of piety, D. Garcia his eldest son, by the bad advice of D. Ximena his mother, rebelled against him: but the father caused him to be surprised in Zamora, and to be brought prisoner to the castle of Gordon. This town of Zamora was called Sentica, or Sarabris, and had been held, and in a manner ruined by the Moors, who called it Medina Zamorathi, that is to say, the city of Lazul, or Turkish: for about it there are certain mountains having many veins of stones, which we call Lapis Lazuli, or azure stones.  
The imprisonment of D. Garcia incensed the other brethren against the king their father, being always animated by the counsel of the queen their mother, who loved not her husband. These princes, with D. Nugno Fernandes, father in law to D. Garcia, and other noblemen of this conspiracy, 
A king forced by his children to leave his Crown.  made war against D. Alphonso, the which continued two years, and in the end forced him to leave his Crown and royalty. These troubles gave means to D. Suria, now earl of biscay, to settle his estate. King D. Alphonso being thus forced, resigned his Sceptre to his son D. Garcia, 
An. 886.  in the year 886, having reigned 46 years. To D. Ordogno, his second son, was assigned Galicia, 
Galicia a kingdom.  with the title of a Royalty. And in this manner these wicked children, by the instigation of an indiscreet, and ill affected mother, divided the spoils of their living father. You must observe, that the years of the decease of these kings of Ouiedo, are very uncertain, for if we shall believe the letters of donation, and privileges, which are extant in the churches of Spain, it will appear that this king reigned in the year 899.  
The province of Alava was great, 
Navarre.  and carried the title of a kingdom in those times among the Moors, who enjoyed a part thereof, residing in the valley of Burunda, against whom the kings of Navarre had continual war; and especially in the time of D. Garcia Inigues, mention is made by some writers, and also by the titles of the Church of Pampelone, of a battle fought in the valley of junquera, betwixt Abderramen king of Cordova, and the Christian kings, D. Ordogno, and this king D. Garcia, the which was lost by the Christians: But the computation of times contradict it: of which famous battle there shall be more ample mention made in the life of D. Ordogno. The most approved Authors write, that D. Garcia Inigues died in the valley of Ayvar, in a battle against the Moors, in the year 885; whereof the inscription upon his tomb makes mention, at S. john de la Pegna, the Aera 923.   

D. Garcia the first, and 13 King of Ouiedo.  
40 D. Garcia was the first of that name which reigned in Ouiedo. There is no mention made in stories of his virtues and generous deeds; 
Ouiedo.  it may be by reason of his impiety, having dispossessed his father D. Alphonso of his kingdom, 
A king dispossessed makes himself his son's lieutenant.  who of a king became his son's lieutenant, if it be credible, that being desirous to advance the Christians affairs, he demanded forces of D. Garcia to invade the Moors, the which the son reigning, granted him, relying in the bounty of his deposed father. And in this quality D. Alphonso did many exploits of arms, gave routs, and did much harm to the Infidels. We read, that about the year 887 this deposed father died in the town of Zamora, 
Anno 887.  and was buried at Astorga, and some time after transported to Ouiedo.  
After the decease of D. Alphonso, the king D. Garcia led an army against the Moors, and spoiled much of their country; against whom came a great captain of that nation, called Ayola, so as there was a furious battle, but D. Garcia had the victory. 
Moor's defeated  The Moors defeated, and their captain prisoner, as they led him away he escaped, for want of good guard. D. Garcia having reigned three years, he died at Zamora, in the year 889, having no children.  
41 At that time Abdalla was Miralmumin, 
Moors. Abdalla 7 king.  or Sovereign King in Spain over the Moors, who had succeeded king Almundir his brother, in the year 876. In the first year of his reign there was a surcease from arms, betwixt the Mahumetists and the Christians, until the year 886, that D. Alphonso, no more king, but in quality of his sons lieutenant, began to annoy the Moors, and after his death D. Garcia his son, gave the foresaid rout to Ayola, whom some call Ayaya. King Abdalla died in the year 889, according to the most approved, leaving 11 sons, and 13 daughters, having reigned 13 years.   

D. Fortune, second of that name, eighth King of Navarre.  
42 THe Sceptre of Navarre, 
Navarre.  after the death of D. Garcia Inigues (although that some have written of an Interregnum of many years, whilst that D. Sancho was yet unknown, and bred up in the house of Guevara) came without all doubt to his eldest son D. Fortune the second of that name, in the year 885; after whose decease there could be no Interregnum, seeing he had a daughter married to D. Ordogno the second, of Ouiedo, who without doubt should have succeeded her father: for the right of succession had even then taken place, even of women, above the election, which had been accustomed in all ancient time among those people. There is a testimony of this king D. Fortune, in a Charter of donation which he made to the monastery of Leyre, in the Aera 939, which comes to be the year 901. It is written in the remembrances of the house of S. Saweur of Leyre, That when as the king D. Garcia his father was slain, he was at Cordova. Whereby it appears, that the Moors which slew him, were not of the league with the kings of Cordova, but some thieves, or factious persons, as this nation had been accustomed to live in perpetual division and quarrels. D. Fortune being king of Navarre, he was also earl of Arragon, by succession from his mother. There is not any notable thing written of this king's gests, but that he was very devout, and did cherish Monks, and religious persons, to whom he gave great gifts.  
43 In Cattelogne after the death of Cont Geoffrey, 
Barcelone.  who was slain in Auvergne, D. Solomon, earl of Cerdagne, who had been his competitor, and envied him, was made earl and governor. The Spaniards hold, that Cattelogne, and the county of Barcelone, was then fallen to the Sovereignty of Provence and Bourgongne, whereof Charles, son to the Emperor Lothaire, and nephew to Lewis the Gentle, was king; by whose grant this earl of Cerdagne did for his lifetime enjoy that title and dignity, whilst that the son of D. Geoffrey (who carried the father's name, and was afterwards surnamed the Hairy) was bred up in Flanders, in a knight's house, to whom king Charles had recommended him. About the year 864 kings Charles died, and Provence came to the hands of the Emperor Lewis the second, his brother, who also died in the year 876, and the empire fell to Charles the Bald, his uncle, king of France, and by consequence Provence and Cattelogne, which depended thereon: during whose empire D. Geoffrey the Hairy, being now great, came to Barcelone, whereas the countess Almira, his mother, yet lived, by whom he was known, and made known to the chief men of Barcelone, who had been friends to his deceased father: who made no delay to conspire with D. Geoffrey, for the kill of the earl D. Solomon, the which they did presently effect in the place of Bercas in the year 877: and by that means D. Geoffrey the Hairy was restored to his father's dignity W● hilest he was bred up in the house of this Flemish knight, 
D. Geoffrey the hairy, first earl in propriety of Barcelone.  they say, he fell in love with one of his daughters, with whom he contracted a secret marriage, the which notwithstanding came to the knowledge of the mother, who could well conceal it until a fit opportunity. Finding himself settled in his estate and dignity, at Barcelone, he sent for his wife, and confessed the marriage unto his father in law, who was nothing displeased therewith; by whose means he obtained pardon for the murder which he had committed on the person of Cont Solomon, of the king of France, and Emperor Lewis the Stuttering, successor to Charles the Bald, his father, by whom the Flemish knight was much favoured. And the Spanish histories report, That the Emperor Lewis received good service from Geoffrey the Hairy, in the wars he had against the Normans, whither he led a goodly troop of horse out of Barcelone, and showed great proofs of his valour and conduct; so as he was greatly esteemed, and beloved. And as in a certain defeat of the Normans he had been wounded in divers parts of his body, so as his Arms were all covered with blood; showing himself in this estate before the Emperor Lewis, he besought him to give him Arms, which he and his posterity might lawfully carry. The Emperor being glad of his demand, stretching forth his four fingers, he dipped them in the blood which ran from the earls wounds, and made four marks upon a golden shield which he carried, being plain, without any device; and said unto him, Earl, hereafter these shall be your Arms. For the which he most humbly thanked the Emperor: 
The Arms of Barcelone and Arragon.  so as ever since they have carried four bloody strokes, which we call Guenles, in a field Or. This is the beginning of the Arms of the earls of Barcelone, and since kings of Arragon, although that their beginning was from Cattelogne.  
He did likewise serve king Charles the Gross, who was Emperor after Lewis the third, in his war against the Normans: but in his absence the Moors entered the territory of Barcelone, and committed great spoils. Whereof Cont Geoffrey being advertised, he demanded leave, and besought the king to grant him men and money, to repulse the Infidels out of his government: but not able to obtain it, by reason of the weakness of his affairs, he had a better condition: For in consideration of his valour and good service, king Charles gave the county of Barcelone in propriety to him and to his heirs for ever, in the year 884, 
Cattelogne give in propriety to Geoffrey the Hair●e, under thy sovereignty of France.  reserving only the sovereignty to the kings of France: the which continued unto the time of Lewis the ninth. We will therefore place this earl for the first of them of Barcelone, for that he was a Proprietary.  
Returning to Barcelone with this grant, he brought with him many strange knights, with whose help he recovered all that which the Moors had usurped upon the territories of Barcelone, and Cattelogne. He is commended for his religion, for that he did build (to bury himself and his successors in) the monastery of our Lady of Ripol, where his eldest son Rodolphus made himself a Monk; who, they say, was borne in Flanders, before the marriage was published; and was Abbot of Ripol, and afterwards Bishop of vrgel. Others say, That this monastery was founded by D. Geoffrey of Arria, his father. He had other children by this Flemish lady, which were D. Geoffrey, who died of poison, being but young; D. Mirabel, who succeeded him in the eastedome; D. Suner, or Seniofrid, who was earl of Vrgel; and one daughter. He was founder of the monastery of Monferrat, and did many such like works.   

D. Ordogno, second of that name, and 14 King of Ouiedo and Leon.  
45 TO D. Garcia his brother D. Ordogno had succeeded in the realm of Ouiedo, 
Ouiedo.  in the year 889. The bounty of this prince made the Spaniards think that his father D. Alphonso was risen again, he did so well imitate his virtues in all the course of his life. His religion, after the manner of those times, is commended, for that he caused Mondognedo to be made a Bishopric, and did much good to churches. He was married first to D. Munta, whom others call D. Eluira, by whom he had four sons, D. Sancho, D. Alplionso, D. Ramir, D. Garcia, and one daughter, D. Ximena, whereof D. Alphonso and D. Ramir were kings of Ouiedo. For his second wife he married D. Arragonde, or it may be, Radegonde of Gallicia, whom he did repudiat for certain causes. Lastly, he took to wife the Infanta of Navarre and Arragon, D. Sancha, or Sanctiva, daughter to king D. Garcia Inigo, and of D. Vrraca.  
The first exploits of Arms he did, were in Galicia, when as he was but a petty king or governor, overrunning the Moors country confining upon him, even unto Andalousia, and carried back great spoils, with the which he retired safely to Viseo, which is at this time in Portugal.  
At the same time Abderramen, 
Moors. Abderramen Almansor, 8 king of the Moors at Cordova.  the third of that name, came to be king of the Moors; he was surnamed Almansor, and Ananzer Ledin Alla, which signifies, Defender of the Law of God. Some are of opinion, that he was the son of Mahumet the son of Abdalla, to whom he succeeded: against whom D. Ordogno raised an army, and entering the territories of Toledo, came and besieged Talavera, which is now called de la Roine. He defeated the succours of Moors which Abderramen sent, took the General of this army, and forced the place and sacked it. Wherewith Abderramen being much moved, meaning to revenge it with assurance, he demanded succours from Almotaraph, king of Mauritania Tingitana, where the kingdoms of Fez and Morocco are at this present. And having by that means assembled a great army of Moors, Africans, and Spaniards, he spoiled the Christians country, as far as the river of Duero, and the town of S. Stephen de Gomas, where there was an encounter, and the Moors vanquished; 
moors defeated.  and the Generals and Lieutenants of the two kings, Abderramen and Almotaraph, slain; which encouraged D. Ordogno to proceed: so as in the year 894, he entered the country called Estrema-dura, 
Anno 894.  crossing the rivers of Tayo and Guadiana, unto Merida and Badaios, the territories of which towns he spoiled. The Moors inhabiting these towns, not daring to sally forth, they purchased a truce of some months, for a great sum of money.  
This loss tormented Abderramen, and inflamed him to revenge; wherefore in the year 895 he entered Galicia with a great power, 
Anno 895.  where he committed infinite spoils. In the end both armies being met, there was a bloody battle, which continued almost a whole day, with uncertainty which had the victory. Abderramen being afterwards fortified with new succours from Africa, he came again to waste the country of king D. Ordogno, and entered by the province of Alava, into the territories of the king of Navarre, which should be at that time D. Sancho Abarca, or rather his brother D. Fortune the second, and not D. Garcia Inigues, their father, who they hold died in the year 885: And then there was a great battle given in the valley of jonquera, 
Battle of jonquera lost by the Christians.  in the which many brave Christian knights were slain. The Mahumetists being victors, many towns and forts of Navarre fell into the Infidels hands. King Abderramen returned victor unto Cordova, leading with him many prisoners, and a rich booty. In this troop of prisoners were the Bishops of Salamanca and of Tuy. He of Tuy, called Hermogius, not able to endure the hardness of the prison, being old, laboured to get out, giving for hostage of his ransom a nephew of his, called Pelagius, a goodly young youth, about fourteen years old, who had been bred up religiously, and in the fear of God. Being come into the Moors hands, king Almansor being thrust on with a detestable desire, would have abused him at his pleasure, and have persuaded him to follow Mahumets' sect: the which this holy youth did virtuously resist. Wherefore the king being enraged, he caused him to be murdered with many torments, and to be cast into the river of Guadalquibir, 
Pelagius a holy youth cruelly murdered.  where his body being found, it was buried by the Christians: Whose memory, for his great virtues in so tender years, merits to live for ever.  
King D. Ordogno desirous to repair the loss which the Christians had received in the valley of jonquera, 
Ouiedo and Leon.  entered in the year 896, 
Anno 896.  into the Moors country with great forces, where he took and ruined many towns; and meeting no encounter, he returned to Zamora. As for the religious deeds of this king, they make particular mention of the building of S. Mary's church, in his own royal Palace of Leon, which he made the Cathedral church of that town, and endowed it with revenues, and many jewels; inducing the other noblemen, by his example, to do the like. He caused himself to be crowned in this new Temple with great solemnity being the first of those kings which entitled himself king of Ouiedo and Leon: for unto these times they hold, That these kings termed themselves only kings of Ouiedo, without any addition of Leon. Before the Cathedral church of Leon, were those of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, without the circuit of the walls in those times, the which he did enlarge, and made the town much bigger, enriching it with many buildings, exemptions, and privileges.  
We have said before, That there was a great error in the computation of the reigns of these kings of Ouiedo, and great confusion in conferring them with those that have reigned in Navarre, and the other Potentates of Spain: for the Authors do ill agree with the Charters and titles of privileges, donations, and foundations, which are found in the true stories of Monasteries, and other churches of Spain: especially it is uncertain what kings of Navarre were in the time of king D. Ordogno, nor when he married his last wife D. Sanctiva, daughter to king D. Garcia Inigues the second, whether in his life time, or during the reign of D. Fortune, and D. Sancho Abarca, his children: the fact is clear, but the time is doubtful. Some Authors write, That this king D. Ordogno, made this league with D. Sancho Abares, king of Navarre; and that having joined their forces together, they invaded the country of Rioje, which the Moors held, and having foraged it, they returned with great spoils, having found no resistance.  
47 The worthy and memorable deeds of this king are blemished with the cruelties he used against the earls of Castille. 
Castille.  We have made mention of Count D. Diego Porcello, or Lechon, in the Spanish tongue, who governed Castille in the time of king D. Alphonso the great: besides there is mention of other earls and governors of the country, the which for that it was great, and compassed in by the Moors country, had need of many heads and captains to defend the frontiers of Ouiedo and Leon, under whose sovereignty Castille was. Among others, we find D. Nugno Fernandes, who it is likely was father in law to D. Garcia, king of Ouiedo, brother to this king D. Ordogno, D. Almondar le Blanc, D. Diego his son, D. Fernando Anzures: all these commanded there, and were great noblemen in the said country of Castille, about the year 889, which they hold to be the first of D. Ordogno, king of Ouiedo and Leon. It is not verified upon what subject they fell in disgrace with this king, if it were not by reason of the practices of D. Nugno Fernandes, and D. Garcia, against king D. Alphonso the great; kings being always jealous of their estates, 
Envy and jealousy familiar passions in great men.  and enemies to them that attempt against their Sovereign Princes, the which in some is accompanied with an envy of their glory, whom (being their subjects) they know to be adventurous, fit for great enterprises, and to execute them happily. So it may be D. Ordogno fearing that these earls (who had fought valiantly against the Moors, and well defended their provinces; for the which they were beloved, and respected of the people) should grow too great, to the prejudice of his royal Majesty, he meant to murder them, He therefore called them upon a safeconduct to a place called Regular, upon the river of Carrion, making show, that he would treat secretly with them of matters of great importance. Wither being come, he caused them to be apprehended, and carried with good guards to Leon, 
Earls and governors of Castille murdered  where some days after, without any formal proceeding, he caused them to be murdered in the prison. D. Diego Porcello, as some think, was of this number. D. Nugno Bellides married his daughter D. Silvius, of whom were borne two sons, D. Nugno Nugnez, Razura, 
D. Diego Porcello the stem of the princes of Castille.  grandfather to the earl D. Fernand Gonsales, and the other was justus Gonsales, grandfather to the Lord of Lara.  
A year after this tyrannous action, the king D. Ordogno died, according to the common opinion, in the year of our salvation 897; but according to the letters and titles of donation of the abbeys and churches of Spain, he lived in the year 919, as Garibay saith, who hath made a diligent search: Of the authority and truth of which charters we may justly doubt. This king reigned eight years, and was buried at Leon, in the new Cathedral church of Saint Marie the great, the first of those kings which had been interred at Leon.   

D. Froila, second of that name, and 15 King of Ouiedo and Leon.  
48 AFter the death of D. Ordogno, 
An. 897.  the realm was held by his brother D. Froila, who usurped it from his nephews, D. Alphonso, and D. Ramir, sons to the deceased. He is not put in the catalogue of the kings of Ouiedo, it may be by reason of the shortness of his reign, or in detestation of his cruelties, which purchased him the surname of Cruel; or for some other considerations. 
Genealogy of Ouiedo and Leon.  He had married a lady called D. Munina, or D. Nugna, by whom he had three sons, D. Alphonso, D. Ordogno, and D. Ramir; and by a concubine, a bastard called D. Fruela. Of this bastard issued D. Pelagius, called the Deacon, who married D. Aldonsa, grand child to D. Bermund the Gouty, whereof we will make mention. King D. Fruela was a tyrant, 
Tyrant's always fearful, suspicious, and cruelt.  and therefore fearful and suspicious, so as he used great cruelty against the noblest personages in Spain, he put some to death, banished many, and afflicted every estate. Among the rest he put to death the children of a noble knight, called D. Olmunde, or Dimunde, banished D. Frominio their brother, who was Bishop of Leon, and committed many other such outrages; yet covered with the cloak of justice, as tyrants do usually.  
49 The people of Castille incensed at the cruelty used against their earls by D. Ordogno, rebelled against the Crown of Ouiedo and Leon, 
Change of the Estate of Castille  and made an Estate apart, choosing two Governors or judges among them, whereof the one should have charge of the war, 
judges chosen in Castille.  and the other should take knowledge of civil causes. These were Nugno Razura, and Flavin Caluo his son in law. Nugno Razura was son to Nugno Bellides, a Germane knight, who they say was the first founder of the city of Burgos, so called by him, of a Germane word, signifying a habitation of people. This knight coming into Spain upon devotion, to visit S. jaques sepulchre, was there married to D. Silvius, daughter to D. Diego Porcello and had by her this D. Nugno Razura, a knight, who was wise, valiant, and much esteemed, by reason of his modesty. He had one son and one daughter by his wife, D. Gonsalo Nugnes, and D. Eluira Nugnes, or else D. Theresa Nugnes, surnamed Bella, either for that she was exceeding fair, or to seem to be so: for the custom of the ancient was to give their children pleasing names and surnames, thinking they should thereby purchase favour with men; and that a goodly name gave some mark or impression to the person conformable to that which it did signify. This lady D. Bella was married by her father, to Flavin Caluo, a knight of Castille, lord of Bivar, by whom descended by five degrees, Cid, Ruys, Diaz, who was a wise and valiant knight. By these two Castille was governed without opposition: for that the king D. Fruela being hated, and ill obeyed, by reason of his tyranny, and tormented with continual distrust, being also grown a leper, could not bring any army against them. Wherefore this manner of government was settled among the Castillans, and the country was dismembered from the Crown of Ouiedo, for a time; and the river of Pisorga divided Castille the old from the kingdom of Leon. D. Nugnes determined of civil causes with great equity and justice. Flavin Caluo managed matters of state, and war.  
Mention is made in certain privileges given by the first kings of Castille, to certain towns of that country, of a volume of the castilian Laws, according to the which justice should be administered, called the book of judges: the which was of great authority, unto the time of king D. Alphonso the Wise, son to D. Fernand the third, that the Laws of the seven parties were brought in, according to the which this realm was afterwards governed.  
King D. Fruela, 
Ouiedo and Leon.  without rest among his subjects, without war against the Moors and Infidels, without honour in any of his actions, and without health in his person, infected with leprosy, reigned only fourteen months, and was interred at Leon, in the chief church, in the year 898, according to the common opinion: but there are letters in the treasury of Saint jaques, of a donation, of twelve miles of ground to this church, made by this king, dated the 28 of june 924, which Garibay saith he hath seen.    

❧ THE SEVENTH BOOK OF the History of Spain.  

The Contents of the seventh Book.  
1 D Sancho Abarca, second of that name, and ninth king of Navarre.  
2 D. Alphonso, fourth of that name, and 16 king of Ouiedo and Leon.  
3 D. Ramir, second of that name, and 17 king of Leon, leaving the title of Ouiedo.  
4 D. Gonsal Nugnes, judge of Castille: his virtues.  
5 D Fernand Gonsales, first earl proprietary of Castille.  
6 D. Mirabel, second proprietary earl of Barcelone.  
7 D. Ordogno, third of that name, and 18 king of Leon.  
8 D. Garcia Sanches, fourth of that name, and 10 king of Navarre.  
9 D. Seniofrid, third earl of Barcelone, son to D. Mir.  
10 D. Sancho, first of that name, and 19 king of Leon, called the Fat.  
11 Hali Hatan, ninth Sooner aigne king of the Arabians or Moors, in Spain.  
12 D. Ramir, third of that name, and 20 king of Leon.  
13 D. Garcia Fernandes, second proprietary earl of Castille.  
14 Hizen, second of that name, and 10 king of the Moors at Cordova.  
15 D. Bermund, second of that name, 21 king of Leon, from whom the city of Leon was taken by the Moors.  
16 D. Sancho, third of that name, and 11 king of Navarre.  
17 D. Borel, fourth proprietary earl of Barcelone.  
18 D. Alphonso, fift of that name, and 22 king of Leon.  
19 D. Sancho Garcia, third earl of Castille.  
20 D. Raymond Borel, fift earl of Barcelone.  
21 Decay of the Moors power in Spain, by their civil dissensions.  
22 Zuleima and Mahumet, 11 and 12 kings of the Moors at Cordova.  
23 D. Garcia, fift of that name, and 12 king of Navarre.  
24 D. Sancho, fourth of that name, and 13 king of Navarre, surnamed the great, who inherited Castille by his wife.  
25 Confusions and civil wars among the Moors in Spain, among the which there reigned, Hali, Cacin, Hiaja, Abderramen, Mahomad, Hizen, joar, and Mahumet, who was the 20 and last Sovereign king of the Moors at Cordous.  
26 D. Bermund, third of that name, and 23 king of Leon.  
27 D. Garcia, fourth earl of Castille: and the union of the earldom to the house of Navarre.  
28 D. Berenger Borel, sixth earl of Barcelone.  
29 Union of Leon and Castille in D. Fernand, son to the king D. Sancho of Navarre, the fourth of that name.   
❧ The names of the Kings and Princes of Spain, mentioned in this seventh Book.  

OVIEDO and LEON. Kings.  
16 Alphonso 4.  
17 Ramir 2.  
18 Ordogno 3.  
19 Sancho 1.  
20 Ramir 3.  
21 Bermund 2.  
22 Alphonso 5.  
23 Bermund 3.   

NAVARRE. Kings.  
9 Sancho Abarca 2.  
10 Garcia 4.  
11 Sancho 3.  
12 Garcia the trembling 5.  
13 Sancho 4.   

CASTILLE. judge.  
Gonsal Nugnes.   

Earls.  
1 Ferdinand Gonsales.  
2 Garcia Fernandes.  
3 Sancho Garcia.  
4 Garcia.  
D. Nugna married to King D. Sancho the Great, of Navarre, who inherited the Earldom of Castille, and united it to Navarre.   

BARCELONE, or CATTELOGNE. Earls.  
1 Mir.  
2 Seniofrid.  
3 Borel.  
4 Raymond Borel.  
5 Berenger Borel.   

MOORS.  
9 Hali Hatan 2.  
10 Hizen 2.  
11 Zuleima.  
12 Mahumet 2.  
13 Hali.  
14 Cacin.  
15 Hiaja.  
16 Abderramen 4.  
17 Mahumet 3.  
18 Hizen 3.  
19 joar.  
20 Mahumet 4.   
We have apparent Arguments in this seventh Book, of the religious disposition in ancient Princes, in the resolution which two Kings of this age took, the one of Navarre, the other of Leon, to leave their regal Sceptres and become Monks: A precedent which was not rare in that age, but was afterwards imitated by others. Whether this proceeded from zeal of Religion, grounded upon any certain knowledge, or from baseness, and want of courage, & from mere ignorance of their ranks and royal callings, they can best judge, who know by good and holy instructions, what ordinary occasions Kings, and other Sovereign Magistrates, have in their lawful calling, to show themselves, and to be, truly religious.  

D. Sancho Abarca, second of that name, and ninth King of Navarre.  
1after the death of King D. Garcia Inigues, his son D. Fortune being come to the Crown in Navarre and Arragon, 
Navarre.  about the year 885, as we have said in the former Book, having reigned some years, being moved with devotion, 
D. Fortum king of Navarre, makes himself a Monk.  and seeing himself without children, and old, he became a Monk in the monastery of S. Saviour at Leyre, the which they hold was in the year 901; leaving the realm of Navarre, and the earldom of Arragon, 
An. 901.  to D. Sancho Abarca, his brother, so called by reason of a certain kind of breech which he ware: Who, they say, being come with the queen D. Toda his wife, to the said monastery of Leyre, received the blessing of his brother D. Fortune, from whom also they received a Crown, with many other precious jewels.  
The king D. Sancho had by this wife a son called D. Garcia Sanches, bearing his grandfathers and father's names together: some give him three sons more, D. Ramir, D. Gonsal, and D. Ferdinand. He had five daughters by her, whereof the eldest, called D. Vrraca Ximenes, was wife to D. Alphonso the fourth of that name, king of Ouiedo and Leon: the second, D. Maria, Countess of Barcelone, being married to D. Seniofrid, the fist Earl: the third, D. Theresa, who was married to D. Ramir, king of Ouiedo, brother to D. Alphonso: the fourth, D. Sancha, Countess of Castille, the second wife of D. Fernand Gonsales: and the youngest was D. Blanch Velasque, whose marriage is uncertain. This was a generous and worthy king, and in continual warries against the Moors reigning in Alava, and upon the confines of Navarre; whose lands he did often overrun, razed many places, and built others: the particularities whereof are uncertain, by reason of the negligence or defect of writers of those times: 
The ancient confines of Navarre.  but in general they hold, that he did subject unto his Crown and made tributary all the people which were betwixt his confines and the mountains of Oca, of either side, following the course of Ebro unto Tudele, and from the mountains to Huesca: yea, passing the Pyrenees, he conquered from the French that part of Gascoine where the Basques are, which is at the foot of the mountains: but whilst he was thus busied, the Moors came and besieged Pampelone, thinking to take it before that the king D. Sancho should come to secure it; but it happened otherwise: for the besieged were not only relieved, but the Moors chased away, and pursued far into their country, with great loss of their men. In these wars the virtue and prowess of them of Sobrarbre and Ribagorsa was great, especially of a captain called Centullo.   

D. Alphonso, fourth of that name, and 16 King of Ouiedo and Leon.  
2 BY the death of king D. Fruela, 
Ouiedo and Leon.  the kingdom of Ouiedo and Leon came to the children of D. Ordogno; and Alphonso the fourth, called the Monk and the blind, reigned: who having held the Crown little above five years, and had had a son by D. Vrraca Ximenes his wife, which he called D. Ordogno, afterwards surnamed the bad, had a desire to become a Monk, and for want of courage to pass his life in idleness, leaving the charge which God had given him, to rule and govern the Christian people preserved in Spain: wherefore he gave his brother D. Ramir to understand thereof, who was then resident at Viseo, one of the frontiers of the Moors country, persuading him to come unto him, meaning to resign the Sceptre of Ouiedo and Leon. These news were not a little pleasing unto D. Ramir, 
D. Alphonso leaves his Crown to become a Monk.  who presently came to Zamora, where king D. Alphonso remained, and was there seated by him in the royal throne. D. Alphonso retired himself into a Monastery called Dominus Sanctus, at this day Sahagun, upon the river Cea, a house built by king D. Alphonso the great, the third of that name.   

D. Ramir the second, and 17 King of Ouiedo and Leon.  
3 THus D. Ramir became king beyond his expectation, 
Leon.  in the year 904, of Ouiedo and Leon. From that time the royal title was attributed to the city of Leon, 
An. 904.  suppressing Ouiedo, 
Ouiedo suppressed in the king's titles.  for that it was the greatest town, and best peopled of all this king's Estate. D. Ramir had by his wife D. Theresa, daughter to king D. Sancho Abarca of Navarre, three sons, D. Bermundo, D. Ordogno, and D. Sancho, and one daughter D. Eluira, who was professed a Nun in the Monastery of S. Saweur, in the city of Leon, built by the king her father for her sake. The wars betwixt the Christians and the Moors, which had lain long dead, were now revived at the coming of this king, for the which he prepared himself. D. Alphonso (soon weary of his Monkish life, 
D. Alphonso reputes that be become a Monk.  into the which he had rashly entered) repenting himself, that he had resigned his kingdom, meant to recover it by arms, seizing upon the town of Leon, where he fortified himself with his confederates. D. Ramir having levied a great army, with a design to employ it against the Infidels, was forced to turn head against his own subjects, and came to the siege of Leon, the which continued two years: in the end D. Alphonso being unfurnished of all necessaries, as well as of judgement, yielded to his brother's discretion, who kept him prisoner.  
The children of king Froila, 
D. Alphonso besieged and taken by his brother.  by reason of the wars betwixt the two brethren, did rise in Asturia, and the eldest, whose name was Alphonso, caused himself to be called King: the rest, with most part of the Asturians, did honour and reverence him as their king. The confederates of this Alphonso, son to Froila, desirous to surprise king D. Ramir, gave him to understand, That if he came with a small train, they would turn to him: but D. Ramir considering wisely what was most profitable and safe, would not go without great forces, with the which he vanquished the Asturians, and took the children of king Froila, the which he sent prisoners to Leon, with his brother D. Alphonso, whereas soon after he caused all their eyes to be put out, then (as if he had repent him of this rigour) he drew them out of prison, 
D. Ramir puts out his brothers and his nephews eyes.  and confined them into the Monastery of S. julien, not far from the city of Leon, the which he caused to be built for them, and there entreated them honourably, during their lives; where they were buried, with D. Vrraca Ximena, wife to king Alphonso.  
4 These divisions did the more assure the revolt of Castille, 
Castille.  and the new Estate of that country, under judges elected, whereof the two first being dead in the time of D. Alphonso the Monk, D. Gonsalo Nugnes had succeeded in the government of Castille. This knight was bred up in all virtue, civility, and good behaviour, by the care of D. Nugno Razura his father, who being wise and virtuous, was careful to give him good masters, in all commendable exercises, 
The commendable and fatherly care of a Prince.  worthy of a child issued from a noble family: and moreover, had made all the best families of the country partakers of this happiness, causing the gentlemen's sons of Castille to be bred up with his son in the same discipline; so as in a short time the Court of Castille was furnished with as many gallant young gentlemen as any country in the world. Thereof grew a great love and respect of the noblemen and knights, both fathers and sons, unto their Governor, proceeding from the bond they had, to have received by his means so good education and instruction; a benefit, which to speak truth doth exceed all the gifts and favours a Prince can do unto his subjects. Stories are defective in relating the particular acts of these Earls or judges of Castille, although it be most certain, that they wanted no subject of war to defend themselves as well against the Moors, as against them of Leon and Ouiedo. Their residence and judicial seat was at Bourgos, and in another town of Castille the old, called in respect of them Vijueses. D. Gonsalo Nugnes had to wise D. Ximena, daughter to Count D. Nugno Fernandes, who was slain in prison, with the rest, by king D. Ordogno, and of them was borne the Earl D. Fernand Gonsales, first proprietary of Castille, one of the discreetest and best accomplished knights of his age, who succeeded his deceased father, about the year 910, who for his interment caused the Monastery of Arlansa to be built, as the Monks of that place report, who show many marks and testimonies of this Earl or Governor D. Gonsalo, and of his wife D. Ximena, but ill agreeing with the computation of times, and the truth of the Histories. D. Fernand Gonsales being established Earl and judge of Castille, 
D. Fernand Gonsales first Earl of Castille.  during the time that king D. Ramir was at strife with his brother, and the children of king D. Fruela, he governed the estate of that Province in such sort, as peace and abundance lodged there, and the people held themselves most happy to have such a Commander. He did wonderfully affect religion, according to the time, and having no better instruction from the Pastors in those days, than it is to be presumed, he gave himself superfluously to the works of piety of that age, which was wholly employed to build Churches, and to give revenues, for the entertainment of Priests and Monks, and of their ceremonies. He had a particular devotion to S. Peter and S. Emylian, whom the Castillans had chosen for their Patron and Protector of their country, as they of the kingdom of Leon did fly to S. jaques. The Monastery of S. Peter of Cardegna was his work. He was just of his word, faithful in his promises, and endowed with many other good gifts, which purchased him the favour and love of all men, and advanced him to the dignity of sovereign Earl of Castille. He married twice: his first wife was D. Vrraca, by whom he had one daughter of that name: after whose decease, he took to wife D. Sancha, Infanta of Navarre, 
Genealogy of Castille.  daughter to king D. Sancho Abarca: he had many sons, but it is uncertain by which of these 2 wives they were borne, there remaining in a manner no other memory of them, but the inscriptions of their tombs observed by writers, at S. Peter's of Cardegna: the names of his sons are, D. Gonsalo Fernandes, D. Sancho Fernandes, D. Garcia Fernandes, who was Earl after the father, it may be by the death of the two elder, D. Pedro, who had two sons, as it appears by the tombs at S. Peter of Cardegna, D. Gonsalo Nugnes, and D. Fernando Gonsales, and for the last D. Baldwin. Now this Earl D. Fernand Gonsales began to carry himself as a companion in arms, and no more subject to the kings of Leon: yet king D. Ramir having (after that he had subdued his rebellious kinsmen) led his army into the territories of Toledo, taken the town of Madril from the Moors, of whom (as we have said) Abderramen was Miralmumin and king at Cordova, and razed the walls thereof, the Moors being desirous to be revenged of the Christians for this affront, being entered with a great army into the territory of Castille, which was near unto them, and there done exceeding great harm, the Earl D. Fernand Gonsales was forced to entreat K. Ramir to join his forces with them of Castille, and to oppose them against the common enemy: the which he did, and having encountered the Moors near to the town of Osme, 
moors defeated.  these two Princes gave them battle, and won it, with great slaughter of the Infidels. Aben-Aya reigned at Saragosse, under Abderramen Almansor, and was assailed by the victorious Christian army, and forced to come to composition with king D. Ramir, by the which he made himself his vassal, and all his subjects, in the year 912: whereof some refusing to submit themselves to the Christians yoke, and rebelling against Aben-Aya, were forced to obedience by the Kings and Earls army, who were no sooner retired into their countries, but Abderramen incensed at the revolt of Aben-Aya, ran upon him with all his power: but the Moor, who had not yielded unto the Christians, but to avoid the present danger, submitted himself presently to the Miralmumin, and returned to his service and obedience as before: then both together, with a mighty army, entered the country of K. D. Ramir, spoiling it as far as the town of Simancas, whereas the Christians army presented itself in battle, 
Battle of Simancas, and the great victory of the Christians.  the which was one of the most memorable that hath been in Spain, betwixt the Christians and the Mahumetists, where the Moors were defeated, and so great a number of them slain, as many Authors affirm, they exceeded 80000. Aben-Aya was prisoner, and Abderramen forced to save himself by flight with twenty horses only. They hold, that it was in the year of our Lord 914, 
An. 914.  but there are letters of privilege and donation, which they call vow, made by Count D. Fernand Gonsales, in the Monastery of S. Emylian, for this & other victories dated in the year 934, where it appears, that king D. Ramir was alone in this first battle, without the Castillans, and that he having put to rout a part of the Moors army, the rest which retired by Castille, were encountered by this Earl and his army, who wholly defeated them; and then was the vow to S. Emylian accomplished, which seems had been made in the beginning of this war, by all the Christian Princes reigning in Spain, for there is a confirmation thereof made by D. Garcio Sanches, king of Navarre. Every family in Castille paid unto the said Monastery, by reason of this vow, some sheep, some oxen, corn, oats, wine, oil, fish, wax, chief, flax, iron, lead, and other things contained in their letters, from the river of Arga, which is in Navarre, unto that of Carrion, and from the mountain of Araboya unto the Biscane sea; whereby it appears, that that year 934 the country of Guipuscoa was united to the county of Castille, being withdrawn from the realm of Navarre, 
Guipuscoa a member of the realm of Navarre.  to the which it was afterwards annexed again. The year of this battle of Simancas, the Sun was darkened for the space of an hour, and the stars were seen glistering, and as it were moving in the firmament.  
King D. Ramir after this victory retired into his country, 
Leon.  carrying with him Aben-Aya, and a great number of other prisoners, with rich spoils; but soon after he found himself engaged in a new war by the practices of some knights of Leon, ill affected unto the king, or ill rewarded by him: whatsoever the subject were, they conspired with a captain of the Moors, called Accipha, who entering into the country by the river of Tormes, spoiled all the territories of Salamanca and Ledesma: Garibay calls these knight's which had conspired against their king, D. Fernand Gonsales, D. Diego Nugnes, and D. Rodrigo, who did great harm with their own forces, in the Asturies: but king D. Ramir (although it may be he had given subject of these rebellions, by his austerity, or ingratitude) surmounted them: 
God is not pleased with rebellion, no though the Prince be a tyrant.  being often seen, that God doth most commonly favour and support the royal Majesty against rebellious subjects, how just soever their cause be, reserving to himself the immediate punishment of tyrants. Wherefore the Moors were not only repulsed, but also these knights were taken and brought to Leon, and to the castle of Gordon, from whence notwithstanding the king freed them within few days after, without any other punishment, than their promises and oaths, to continue loyal and faithful. So as having been too rigorous against his own blood, he was too mild and remiss to these, who had conspired with the Mahumetists, enemies of the Christian religion. These things passed in the year 915. 
An. 915.   
King Abderramen grieved, 
Moors.  that the war against the Christians succeeded not well for the good of his Estate, he began to persecute the Christians which lived under his command, yet some attribute this persecution to his son and successor Halihatan.  
The general History of Spain makes mention of a war betwixt D. Sancho Abarca of Navarre, 
Navarre.  and D. Fernand Gonsales, Earl of Castille, grounded upon the reparation of many damages done by the Navarrois, passing and repassing through the country of Castille, under colour of making war against the Moors: with whom the king D. Sancho made a peace, to the prejudice of the Castillans and others their neighbours; the which did much discontent them. Wherefore the Earl D. Fernand demanded restitution of the spoil and excess which had been committed in his country: but his messengers were sent back with injurious words and disgrace; by reason whereof they came to arms, and there was a sharp encounter of two armies, 
War betwixt Navarre and Castille, for injury done to the ambassadors of Castille.  in a place called Era de Gollanda, where there was much blood spilled. The two Princes D. Sancho and D. Fernandes encountering during the fight, they ran one at another with such animosity, as both horse and men were overthrown to the ground. The king D. Sancho was found dead with the charge of a lance, and D. Fernandes sore wounded. This misfortune being known in the Navarrois army, daunted their courages, so as the Castillans won the field. The same general History reports, 
D. Sancho Abarca king of Navarre slain by the Castillans.  that an Earl of Tolouse being come with a great army to secure the king D. Sancho, being desirous to revenge the death of his friend and ally, and having joined with the remainders of the forces of Navarre, he was again fought withal, vanquished, and slain by D. Fernand, who delivered the bodies of these Princes thus slain to their subjects to bury them. Of the time of this defeat, or of the manner of D. San. Abarcas' death, there is no great certainty in that which is related in this general History, yet they conjecture it was about the year 920. It is without all question, that he was a valiant and courageous Prince, and so famous, that even at this day there is not so poor a woman in the kingdom of Navarre, nor any other person (although he be ignorant of the name of other kings) which knows not that of D. Sancho Abarca; all which speak and make an honourable mention of him, as of a wise and virtuous Prince. He did enlarge the limits of Navarre, 
The worthy memory of D. Sancho Abarca.  conquering much on every side from the Moors, even along the river of Ebro, whereof a castle near unto Sarragosse doth bear witness, which carries his name unto this day. There are many other marks found of him in Spain: the castle of Sesse, and that of Arrasate (since called Mondragon) in Guipuscoa, (but ruined at this day) are his works. They hold, that he did people the town of Logrogno in Rioje, and walled it about. There is ample mention made of him in a Charter of privilege and donation, of the places of S. Vincent and Ledena, to the Monastery of S. salvator de Leyre, dated in the year 919, whereby many things which are written doubtfully of this king, are made plain and confirmed: among others, it appears thereby, that he was son to D. Garcia Inigues, brother to D. Fortune, and husband to D. Toda.  
About this time, king D. Ramir desirous to enlarge his kingdom, 
Leon.  and to diminish the power of the Moors in Spain, led a mighty army into the country of Toledo, so as in the year 923 he besieged Talavera, 
An. 923.  called at this present, La Roina: and as the Moors came to secure it, he gave them battle, where he slew twelve thousand, and took seven thousand prisoners. This was the last exploit of war which this king did. A little before he had married his son D. Ordogno to D. Vrraca, 
moors defeated.  daughter to the Earl of Castille, D. Fernand Gonsales, and by this marriage he confirmed a peace, and renewed the accords made with the Castillans. The rest of his days, which were but short, he employed in religious works, according to those times, and as he was persuaded by the Pastors and Bishops. This king caused the Monastery of S. Saweur of Leon to be built, 
The religious deeds of D. Ramir of Leon.  there to lodge his daughter D. Elurra. Moreover, he founded a Monastery to S. Andrew; one of S. Christopher, upon the river Cea; one of the virgin Marie upon Duero; one of S. Michael called Destriana, in the valley of Orne: in which things he was diligent and prodigal, and always assisted by D. Theresa the queen his wife. He died in the year 924 of his natural death at Leon, 
An. 924.  where he was buried in S. Saweurs Church.  
6 In this king's reign, 
Cattelogne.  Count Geoffrey the hairy died at Barcelone, having enjoyed the Principality of Cattelogne (since the renounciation made unto him of those lands in propriety, by Charles the Gross, Emperor and King of France) thirty years, and lies at S. Pablo. After him, his son D. Mirabel was Earl, in the year 914, of whom we read no memorable thing. He married somewhat late, 
D. Mirabel Earl of Barcelone.  and begatt three children, the first was called D. Seniofrid, who was Earl of Barcelone after his father, the second D. Oliban, he was surnamed Cheurette, by reason of a bodily infirmity, whereunto he was subject; for when he would speak, he must of force scrape the earth, before he could pronounce a word, he had such an impediment in his speech: he had for his portion the County of Cerdagne and Besalu, after the decease of his father. The third called D. Mirabel, was Earl and Bishop of Girone. All his children were young at the decease of the Earl their father, who made D. Seniofrid, Earl of Vrgel, his brother, executor, to order his children's portions: he ruled Cattelogne fifteen years, and lies in the Monastery of Ripol.   

D. Ordogno the third, and 18 King of Leon.  
7 TO D. Ramir of Leon succeeded D. Ordogno his second son, 
Leon.  in the year 924, but the titles and letters of Monasteries and Churches of Spain, as of S. jaques of Compostella, of S. Emylian of Cogolla, of S. Felix of Oca, of privileges, donations, and confirmations granted unto them by king D. Ramir, and other noblemen of his time, show, that he was yet living in the year 934: but there is little certainty in the computation of these kings reigns, nor in the charters which are produced by men of our time. This Prince D. Ordogno is commended by the Spaniards to have been mild and courteous, so as he was greatly beloved of his subjects. He had some crosses in the beginning of his reign, 
Flatterers make D. Sancho rebel against the king his brother.  by the flatterers and corrupters of young Princes (an ordinary plague in Courts) who debauched his younger brother D. Sancho, and persuaded him to rebel against him, who fled into Navarre, to be assisted with the forces of that kingdom to execute his design.   

D. Garcia Sanches, fourth of that name, and tenth King of Navarre.  
8 THere are some errors which are remarkable in this place in stories; 
Navarre.  that is, who reigned at that time in Navarre: for some hold, that the young Prince D. Sancho had recourse unto king D. Sancho Abarca, his grandfather by the mother's side: others say, it was to his son Garcia Sanches, the which is more probable, the most diligent Authors affirming, that the king D. Sancho Abarca died during the reign of D. Ramir, father to this king D. Ordogno, about the year 920, having reigned twenty years or little less over his subjects, and valiantly repulsed the Infidel moors, governing in Alava, and elsewhere in his confines; to whom his son D. Garcia Sanches succeeded in the realm of Navarre and County of Arragon. Wherefore without all doubt Prince D. Sancho, brother to D. Ordogno of Leon, had recourse unto him, and by his means was also favoured by Count D. Fernand of Castille, the wars being pacified betwixt the Castillans and the Navarrois: of which nations having raised a great army, these three Princes entered the territories of king D. Ordogno, and marched as far as the royal city of Leon: but king D. Ordogno had so wisely provided for his affairs, as they were forced to return, and to abandon their enterprise, reaping nothing for their pain, but the hatred of the king of Leon; the which did so incense him, 
D. Ordogno king of Leon puts away his wife D. Vrraca.  as he put away his wife D. Vrraca, daughter to the Earl D. Fernand Gonsales, and married a Lady called D. Eluira, by whom he had a son, called D. Bermond, which came to the Crown of Leon. By reason of these troubles, the Gallegos, or they of Gallicia rebelled against king D. Ordogno: but he soon reduced them to their obedience by arms: and being encouraged by this happy success, he entered into the Moors country, and passed the rivers of Duero and Minio, wasting the country with fire and sword, even unto Lisbon, finding not any one to make head against him, so as he returned safe with his army, laden with great spoils; and without any great stay being incensed with the injury which he had received from Fernand Earl of Castille, who had favoured and succoured D. Sancho his brother, who was rebelled, marched with his forces towards Castille, with an intent to do him all the harm he could.  
The wisdom and dexterity of D. Fernand was such, 
Castille.  as of an enemy he made him a friend, so as he returned into his country well satisfied, and after that time they joined their sources together to annoy the Moors: whose king Abderramen residing at Cordova, desirous to revenge the outrages which the Christians and their king D. Ordogno had done in the territories of Lisbon, and others of those marches, having also a new subject by the taking of his castle of Carranso, by the Earl D. Fernand, he raised a mighty army of Moors, in the which they say was above 80000 fight men: and having given charge thereof to a Moorish knight much esteemed, whom they called Alhagib Almansor, he sent him into the territories of Castille, the which did much trouble D. Fernand, for that all his forces of Castille were small to oppose against so mighty a power as that of the Moors, wherefore he demanded succours, and obtained them from king D. Ordogno; yet Castille was overrun by the Moors army, from S. Steven of Gormas unto Burgos. In the end, D. Fernand did so pursue them, as he forced them to fight, near unto a place called Dozio, where the Moors were defeated, 
Defeat of Moors.  with great slaughter of their men. The Spaniards report, That D. Fernand was foretold of this defeat of the Moors by a holy hermit, dwelling near to Lara, called Pelagius, and that the armies being far one from the other, D. Fernand being encamped in that place, he had a desire to hunt, and having roused a Boar, he pursued him to the hermits cell, where he shut him up. There was a Chapel and an Altar dedicated to S. Peter, for the reverence where of the Earl would do no harm unto this beast. Whilst he stayed there, the hermit arrived, who entreated the Earl to lodge that night with him and his religious, being late, the which he did. In the morning the hermit Pelagius revealed unto the Earl, 
An hermit firetelling the Earl of Castilles victory.  that he should be victor over this great army of Moors, exhorting him to take courage, and to trust in God, and above all to remember the poor Friets, when he had gotten this victory. So the Earl returned to his army so full of hope, as no counsel could dissuade him from the Moors army, being great and mighty, with a handful of men; and he had the victory, as we have said. Returning to Burgos, he remembered the religious, whom he made partakers of the spoil, 
Monastery of Peter of Arace, built by Fernand insales.  and in time built a Monastery for them to S. Peter, upon the river of Arlance, and gave it good revenues, where this Earl and his successors were afterwards buried. The Moors having levied new troops, returned into Castille, and were again vanquished by the Castillans and Navarrois, about the year 927, and near unto the town of S. Stevens, upon the river of Duero.  
The king D. Ordogno having raised a new army a little before, 
Leon.  to invade the Moors, he was surprised with sickness in the town or Zamora, where he died the fift year of his reign, and of our redemption 929, 
An. 929.  which opinion is not very certain.  
9 In which year they hold, that D. Mirabel Earl of Barcelone also died, and to him succeeded his son Seniofrid, according to his will and testament.   

D. Sancho the first, and 19 King of Leon.  
10 TO D. Ordogno there succeeded in the realm of Leon D. Sancho his brother, 
Leon.  who was surnamed the fat, for that he was exceeding corpulent; wherefore it seems he was more careful to pamper his body, then to attempt any great actions: and for that in those days the Arabians had the fame to be very expert in the art of Physic, and that the town of Cordova was full of such people, especially the Court of king Abderramen, he entertained friendship with this king, and went to Cordova, that he might have advice and help for his indisposition; wherein Abderramen showed himself courteous and faithful, 
Arabian Physicians in great request.  receiving him with all the honour fit for such a king, and furnishing him with the best Physicians of his Court, by whose diligence and judgement he was freed from the infirmity which had long troubled him.  
Whilst that D. Sancho was in the physicians hands at Cordova, the Leonois conspired against him, 
Rebellion in the kingdom of Leon.  and did advance to the royal throne D. Ordogno, surnamed the bad, son to D. Alphonso the Monk, whereunto they were solicited by D. Fernand Gonsales, Earl of Castille, whose daughter D. Vrraca, who had been rejected by D. Ordogno last deceased, they caused this other Ordogno to marry: but D. Sancho being advertised of these news at Cordova, he entreated king Abderramen to continue him his favour and friendship, and as he had been the means for the recovery of his bodily health, so he would also assist him to maintain his estate and dignity: Whereunto the king did very kindly consent, and gave him great troops of his nation and sect, with the which he marched towards his country, the which he recovered without any great difficulty, for that the conspirators of the country could not of themselves resist so great forces. And as for the Earl D. Fernand, he had work enough in his own country, 
D. Bela of Nagera treubles the estate of Castille.  whereas a nobleman, called D. Bela de Nagera, had put all in trouble and sedition during his absence, in laying the plot against the king D. Sancho, with them of Leon; who being unprovided of force and counsel, retired with D. Ordogno into the Asturies, to live there in the mountains and places of strength: but D. Ordogno not finding himself safe enough in those parts, he fled into Castille, to his father in law; who observed in that, and other actions of his, a notable cowardice: whereat he was so incensed, as he took his daughter Vrraca from him, and chased him out of his country. So D. Ordogno not knowing whither to fly, went unto the Moors, but he was slain near unto Cordova.  
This party of the Moors had been embraced with better success, 
Castille.  a little before, by D. Bela de Nagera, who had rebelled against the Earl D. Fernand, and was expelled by him; who it may be persuaded the expedition which was made into Castille, 
An. 931.  in the year 931, by king Abderramen, under the command of Alhagib Almansor, who had already (to his loss) tried the force of the Christians, as we have said: against whom, D. Fernand having fortified himself with the succours of the Biscayne's, and of their Lord D. Lope Diaz, who was grandchild to D. Suria, and son to D. Inigo, surnamed Esguerra, which signifieth deaf in the country language, and with other friends his neighbours, he presented himself in battle near to Hazignas, where they fought three several days, with great obstinacy on either side: but in the end the Moors were vanquished, 
moors defeated.  and lost more men than they had done in the former battles. The Spanish writers make mention here of another apparition of S. jaques, fight for the Christians against the Infidels, to whom they attribute the honour of this victory.  
The king D. Sancho being restored, 
Leon.  he married D. Theresa, and having punished some confederates of this rebellion, he made a general assembly of noblemen, both of his subjects and allies, at Leon. D. Fernand Gonsales could not well excuse himself, wherefore he went well accompanied, and was notwithstanding very honourably entertained by the king. They report, That among other exquisite things which D. Fernand brought out of Castille, to make show of in that Court, he had a goodly horse, and one of the best Goshawkes' that could be seen, whereof the king was wonderfully desirous, causing some to entreat the Earl to sell them to him, and that he should ask what price he pleased. The Earl answered, That he would willingly give them unto the king, but he would not sell them: but the king would not receive them of gift, but made such means by his friends to buy them, as in the end there was a price set, 
A rash baragaine made betwixt Princes in sport, and entertained by force.  which was to be paid at a certain time, upon condition, That if the king failed at the day of payment, the sum agreed upon should be doubled, to the benefit of the creditor: of which accord there were letters drawn and signed. The rest of the time which D. Fernand remained in the king D. Sancho his Court, was spent in pleasure.  
In the end of the Assembly, there was a particular treaty of the marriage of D. Fernand, a widower with D. Sancha the Infanta of Navarre, daughter to D. Sancho Abarca, and sister to D. Garcia, then reigning in Navarre, and Arragon. This marriage was propounded by the Queen. Theresa, mother to the king D. Sancho Gordo, and sister to D. Sancha; not for any love she bore to the Earl of Castille, but to entrap him in the snares which she had prepared for him, in hatred and revenge of the death of king Sancho Abarca her father, whom he had slain in war, as we have said before. The Earl consented to this marriage, and took his leave of the King and Queen, and of the Noblemen of the Court, and went into Castille, to prepare himself for his future marriage: but he found, that during his absence the Navarrois had spoiled his country, and done many acts of hostility against his subjects; whereof he complained first by embassages and messages, 
War betwixt Castille and Navarre.  and demanded restitution of that which had been taken, but it was in vain: Wherefore being a prince full of courage, he went presently to arms, and entered into the territories of Navarre, where he encountered an army of Navarrois, and defeated it, and so righted himself.  
The treaty of marriage was still continued, 
Navarre.  by the means of the Queen mother of Leon, sister to D. Sancha, Insanta of Navarre, who had plotted with the king D. Garcia Sanches, her brother, to entrap the Earl under this colour of marriage, and to be revenged of him at their pleasures. There was such sending on either part, as in the end the Earl was persuaded to go into Navarre to conclude this marriage, and having agreed with D. Garcia, king of Navarre, That their interview should be at a place called Cireugna, either of them accompanied with five knights only. The Earl being arrived, the king came with five and thirty horsemen; wherefore the Earl seeing himself thus surprised, thought to save himself in an hermitage near adjoining, 
D. Fernand Earl of Castille surprised in Na●arre, and detained prisoner.  but the holiness of the place could not defend him, but he was besieged, and forced to yield, upon condition they should not put him to death. Being taken, he was shut up in a sort called Chasteau Vieil, or the old castle, and but hardly entreated. A while after, an Italian knight of Lombardy, going in pilgrimage to Saint jaques of Compostella, that way, and hearing that the Eatle D. Fernand was detained prisoner there, he was very desirous to see him, for that he had heard so much same of his virtues and valour, and at length found means to speak with him. At his departure from thence, this knight went to the Infanta D. Sancha, who was both fair and lovely, whose heart he did so mollify with good words, as she began to love, and to desire D. Fernands' liberty and company. This Lady moved with this affection, 
D. Fernand of Castille delivered out of prison.  wrought in such sort, as one night she delivered him out of prison, having plighted their faiths, and promised marriage one unto the other, without the privity of the king D. Garcia Sanches, and together took their way to Castille, where they had scarce entered the limits, but they met with great troops of soldiers. These were the Earls subjects, who upon the news of his imprisonment had assembled themselves together in arms, and having made an Image like unto their Lord, they had all taken a solemn oath before it, That not any one of them should return unto his house, until the Earl were delivered, 
●oue of subjects to their Prince.  and that whosoever should do otherwise, should be held for a traitor. Being thus resolved, they came into Navarre, when as they had this happy encountet of the Earl D. Fernand, and the Countess D. Sancha his spouse, whom they received with all the honour and signs of joy, that the place and their furniture would permit.  
The king D. Garcia Sanches being advertised of his sister's flight, 
Castille.  and the Earl's delivery, was wonderfully incensed; he levied an army, and entered into the territories of Castille, whereas the Earl came to encounter him with a great power, and gave him battle, in the which the Navarrois were defeated, and the king D. Garcia taken prisoner, being overthrown with the blow of a lance, 
Navarrois defeated, and the king D. Garcia Sanches taken prisoner.  by the Earl himself, who had sought for him, and encountered him in the sight. So he was led to Burgos, and there remained thirteen months in safe keeping. Then at the entreaty of the Countess D. Sancha he was set at liberty, and sent into his country honourably attended. Yet for all this, the quarrels betwixt Castille and Navarre were not ended: for a while after, the Earl D. Fernand being gone to Leon, the king of Navarre came again with an army, by the mountains of Oca and Bureva, and ran as far as Burgos, doing what he could to persuade the Countess D. Sancha to go away with him, but she would give no ear to him; wherefore the returned with a great booty, having much spoiled the country. The Earl at his return being informed of all which the king of Navarre had attempted, complained first by embassages, and demanded reparation of dommages which his subjects had endured, and having no reason done him, nor any good answer made, he took the course of arms, and led an army into Navarre, where he gave battle unto his enemies on the plains of Valpierre, near to Nagera and Brion, where the Navarrois were many in number, and well appointed. Those of Castille were in great danger, yet the equity of their quarrel gave them force and courage, 
Another defeat of Navarrou.  so as they remained victors, and the Earl had full satisfaction of the wrongs and injuries which the king of Navarre had done him. Such were the occasions, progress, and end of the quarrels, betwixt Navarre and Castille, according to the Spanish Chronicles, 
An. 934.  to the year of our Lord 934. After this, the country of Castille was in peace for a time, and the Earl D. Fernand had no other care, but to govern his subjects well, under good laws, when as in Leon there was great treachery practised against him, by the king D. Sancho, who was sorry that the designs of Navarre had not succeeded as he desired.  
This king made an Assembly of all the Earls and Noblemen, and appointed his Court in the city of Leon, whither the Earl of Castille was also called: who although he were sufficiently informed, whence all the wrongs came that were done him, and of the little good they wished him in that Court, yet could he find no means to excuse himself, and (which was worse) there were very few of his friends. Being come to the gates of the city, he might easily perceive that he was not welcome, for that no man came to meet him, as they had done at other times; wherefore he entered into the city like a private man, and of mean estate. Coming to kiss the king's hands, he was received with a frowning countenance, 
The Earl of Castille kept prisoner in Leon.  and sour speeches, telling him, that he detained the Earldom of Castille from him: Whereupon the Earl seeking to satisfy the king with good reasons, he was not heard, but put in sure guard, and kept in the city of Leon, in the year 936. 
An. 936.   
The news of his restraint did much trouble all Castille, but especially the Countess, whom the good and well affected knights of Castille sought by all means they could to comfort, promising all their means for the Earl's delivery. This Lady being of a noble courage, and confirmed by the loyalty she found in his subjects, put herself presently upon the way, being accompanied by the chief of the nobility of the country, and going by secret and unknown passages, she came near unto the city of Leon; where she left her troops in ambush, and taking the habit of a pilgrim, pretending to go and visit the sepulchre of S. jaques, she entered into the city, being accompanied only with two men. The king being presently advertised of the Countess' arrival, he came unto her, and desirous to do her honour, being his aunt, he suffered her to see her husband who was prisoner, and to remain that night with him, and commanded for her sake, that they should take off his irons, wherewith he was bound. These two lovers passed that little time which was allowed them to be together, in comfroting one another, and in praying unto God; and having concluded betwixt themselves what was to be done, this virtuous Princess D. Sancha gave an example to all her sex, 
A rare example of conjugal love.  of what power conjugal love is in a generous heart; for she attired her husband so handsomely in her pilgrims weed, as the keepers of the prison being deceived therewith, let him go, thinking it had been she. The Countess in the mean time remained prisoner: so as before they could discover the fraud, D. Fernand had means to get out of the town, and to come unto his knights, which lay in ambush, by whom he was conducted into his country. This fact of the Countess being reported unto the king, he was so far from blaming her, as admiring the force of so holy a love, 
Virtue is reverenced even of enemies.  he delivered her, honoured her, and sent her home to her husband, with a train fit for her calling, although he were vary sorry that the Earl had so escaped.  
The king D. Sancho was still a debtor to the Earl of Castille, not only for the price of his horse and hawk, but also for the multiplication thereof, the day of payment being long before expired: wherefore the Earl sent to demand his money of the king: and having neither payment, nor good words, he began to spoil the territories of Leon: whereupon the king commanded his Treasurers to verify this debt, and to seek for means to discharge it. The sum was so often doubled and multiplied, from day to day, after the term prefixed, as they reported unto the king, That all the wealth of the kingdom of Leon would not be sufficient to pay that which was due unto the Earl of Castille: wherefore after many consultations and messages sent on either part, the king D. Sancho and the Earl D. Fernand fell to an agreement, That the king to be freed of this excessive sum of money, 
Castille exempt from all subjection by a foolish bargain.  did remit unto the Earl D. Fernand the lands and signiories of Castille, to enjoy them absolutely, without any reservation of fealty, homage, nor vassalage to the Crown of Leon, but freely and as Sovereigns, he, and his in perpetuity, whereof letters were passed in the year 939. This was the means, as the Histories of Spain report, of the Sovereignty of Castille, and separation thereof from the realm of Leon and Ouiedo, the which country from an Earldom became a royalty, and in the end the mightiest of all the Continent, as we see it in our time. The Earl D. Fernand did at that time hold in the Province of Rioje, the lands of Cerezo and Granon, and by many letters of donation granted by him to the Churches and Covents of his country, he is entitled Lord of Alava: whereby we must note, that the country of Alava was in his time of a larger circuit than it is now: for the kings of Navarre held much of it, and did also term themselves Lords: so did the Moors, dispersed over all Spain, and holding great signiories, towns, and forts there, under their king Abderramen, being resident at Cordova.  
This Arabian king, 
Moors.  for his last exploit of war, had sent an army of Moors into the territories of Leon, which laid siege before the city, from whence notwithstanding they were forced to retire, by the virtue and good government of those that were within it, as well soldiers as citizens. Soon after this king died, the which, according unto some, was about the year nine hundred thirty nine, and of the Arabians reign three hundred twenty two, having reigned fifty years in Spain. He was a lover of learning, so as in his time, Philosophy, Physic, and all other Arts, did flourish at Cordova.  
11 Hali Hatan his son succeeded him, 
Hali Hatan 9 Sovereign King of the Moors in Spain.  to whom king D. Sancho sent a great embassage, to treat a peace betwixt the two kingdoms, whereof D. Velasco, Bishop of Leon, was the chief, who had charge to demand the body of the infant Pelagins, slain by king Abderramen, to make a relic thereof.  
During this time, 
Leon.  there arose a great tumult and sedition in Gallicia, upon certain private men's quarrels, 
Sedition in Galicia  who slew one another cruelly, without any respect unto the king nor justice: Wherefore the king D. Sancho was forced to lead an army thither, with the which he did punish some of the mutines, and did force some of the rest to leave the country. They passed the river of Duero, and yet retired into a country which did belong unto the jurisdiction of Leon, in that quarter, the which was governed by an Earl, or Governor, called D. Gonsales, under the king D. Sancho. This bad vassal, in stead of supporting the king's justice against these mutines, took arms in their favour, and was so rash as to oppose himself against the king's forces, which pursued them into his government: but remembering his own folly in time, he had recourse to the the king's clemency, who pardoned him, making his only to confess his fault, and to take a new oath of fealty: 
Notable disloyalty.  yet this treacherous and ingrateful wretch, smothering in his breast the venom of treason, within few days after poisoned his king and natural Prince with an apple which he gave him. The king, who disinherited nothing, did presently bite of it, but his heart being suddenly infected with the poison, he began to shake, and to show other signs that he was strucken with death; wherefore he made haste to return to Leon, but he died upon the way, in the twelfth year of his reign, and of our redemption 941, and lies at S. saviours in Leon. He had by wife D. Theresa one son, called D. Ramir, who succeeded him in the realm of Leon. They find it written, That a little before his death there were great flames of fire seen rise out of the Ocean, 
Prodigy.  the which being carried up into Spain, burned a great country, and many villages, as far as Zamora.  
In the mean time the Earl of Vrgel governed in Barcelone and Cattelogne, 
Barcelone.  as tutor to his nephews, sons unto the Earl D. Mirabel, the last deceased, being under age, whereof the eldest, to whom the Earldom belonged, was called D. S●niofrid, as his tutor was. Of this Earl of Vrgel issued two sons, D. Borel, who was the sixth Earl of Barcelone, and D. Armingaud Bishop of Vrgel, who was reputed a Saint. The State of Barcelone and Cattelogne was governed by him in quality of tutor, for the space of twenty years.  
The religion of Spain in those times was wholly reduced to the seeking out of Martyr's bones, 
Religion in Spain in those times.  and other relics. The building of Monasteries, gifts, and foundations, were held most meritorious, as well for the living as for the dead. The invocation of Saints deceased, whose victories, peace, and other prosperities, well known to the world, were then in credit. Most of the Bishops and Pastors were either very profane, or exceeding superstitious and ignorant.  
In the reign of D. Ramir, Ordogno the third, 
The Bishops of Spain in those days.  and Sancho the fat, there had been Bishops of Compostella, after Sisenand the fourth, Gundesin, who was much unlike unto his predecessor in holiness of life, whose health was obtained by the prayers which his mother (a very devout woman) made continually (as the Spaniards say) before S. ●aques Sepulchre, which the Angelical voices (heard at the Bishop's decease) did witness; after whom, Hermigild was chosen, a very profane man: then came Sisenand, as bad as the other. You may conjecture, that the other bishoprics were no better furnished then that of Compostella. These kings made foundations, and gave infinite privileges to Abbots and other Clergy men, for the redemption of their souls, and of their predecessors, as their letters above mentioned contain.  
D. Garcia Sanches, 
Navarre.  did also confirm the vow of S. Emylian in his country, by letters dated in the year nine hundred thirty four. The Bishops did the like for their parts. Galinde Bishop of Pampelone, for the great devotion which he had unto the Covent of S. Saviour of Leyra (where sometimes had been the Episcopal seat of Pampelone) gave unto the Abbot and religious of that place all the titles of the Archpresbiterie of the valley of Onsella, by an Instrument dated nine hundred thirty eight. The King D. Garcia, and D. Theresa his wife, gave Villar de la Tour, near unto Nagera, with all the territory and jurisdiction, to the same Monastery, in the year nine hundred forty three. Moreover, by other letters, dated in the year nine hundred forty four, D. Garcia, and the Queen his wife, and D. Galinde the Bishop, (who is there called by the King, his lord and master) confirm the donation of part of the titles belonging to the Bishop, of the places above mentioned: And besides, there is another donation made of all that the king of Navarre should conquer from the Moors, Infidels, and Barbarians.   

D. Ramir, the third of that name, and twentieth King of Leon.  
12 IN the year nine hundred forty one, 
Leon.  D. Ramir was settled king at Leon: at whose coming the Norman pirates did much annoy the coast of Gallicia. This king being very young, he was governed by the Queen D. Theresa his mother, and by D. Elu●ra, sister to the deceased king his father, being a religious woman. The peace which had been treated with Hali Hatan, was confirmed by the mediation of the Bishop D. Velasco, who was at Cordova, at the death of D. Sancho, and had brought with him the body of the infant Pelagius, 
Monastery of S. Pelagius.  the which was laid in a Monastery built to that end by the deceased king.  
The normans which came into Gallicia, being led by a captain called Gundired, spoiled all along the sea shore; and entering into the main land, they burned towns, villages, and castles, spoiling and putting all to the sword they encountered, holding as it were the possession of Gallicia for the space of two whole years, the which the king D. Ramir had no means to resist, by reason of his nonage: yet in the end he was persuaded to send some troops of soldiers, under the command of an Earl called D. Gonsalo Sanches, who watched his opportunity so well, as he defeated the normans, slew their captain Gundired, and burned their ships. D. Sisenand second Bishop of Compostella, had been slain by these pirates: he was a turbulent man, and an unworthy Prelate, of whom Histories report, 
●isenand bishop 〈◊〉 Compost●lla, turbulent 〈◊〉.  that for his vices, prodigality, and lewd life, the king D. Sancho the fat had caused him to be put in prison; in whose place Rodosinde was chosen, a holy man and of good fame, a Monk of the Order of S. Benet: but after the death of D. Sancho, Sisenana being gotten out of prison, he came with force to enter his Bishopric, being resolved to kill Rodosinde: the which he had effected, if this holy man had not willingly quit the place, returning to his Monastery, where he ended the rest of his days. Afterwards, Sisenand pursuing the normans, being more fit to command soldiers then to govern the Church of Christ, he was slain with an arrow near unto Formellos. Such were the Bishops for the most part in those times. The Estate of Leon was by this means peaceable, both within itself, and in regard of enemies abroad, having peace with the Moors.  
King Hali Hatan being loath that the beginning of his reign should pass without some famous exploit, 
Castille.  being also solicited by D. Bela of Nagera, a knight of Alava, who (as we have said) had been expelled by D. Fernand, Earl of Castille, and was retired to the Moors Court at Cordova, he raised a mighty army, the which he sent to ruin the Earl of Castille (against whom he had a spleen, for the former wars) and took from him Sepuluedas, 
An. 942.  S. Estienne of Gormas, and other places, about the year 942, the which the Earl of Castille could not suddenly prevent, whereat he was so much discontented as within few days after he died in Burgos, to the great grief of all the people of Castille, and was interred in the Monastery of Arlansa, which he founded. There is some reason to doubt of the year of his death, for that there is found in the Instruments and Titles of donation made by him, to the Monastery of S. Emylian, of the town of Saint Marie de Pezuegos, dated in the year 944; to the Church of S. Martin of Granon, the year 945; of certain houses in the town of Salines; of the Church of S. Stephen of Sabredo, dated 947, to the same Monastery: of the Church of S. john Baptist of Ciguri, upon the river of Tiron, the which runs into the river Ebro, near unto the town of Haro: where it is expressly said, that the Earl D. Fernand and D. Sancha his wife make this donation to the Abbot and religious of the said Monastery, and to their successors, for the love of the glorious Confessor S. Emylian, that at the dreadful day of judgement they might deserve to hear that comfortable voice of the Lord, Come ye blessed of my father, etc. In these letters D. Ferdinand did entitle himself Earl of Castille, of Alava, and of Nagera.  
There are registers and memorials found also in the Monastery of S. Emylian, making mention of the Earl D. Fernand and of D. Vrraca his first wife, of the year 964, the which without doubt is false and counterfeit, 
Donations, privileges, and other titles of Monasteries uncertain.  as in the truth there is no great certainty in anything which the Monks produce of their privileges, donations, exemptions, and other grants of ancient kings. It is to be seen upon the tomb of D. Sancha, Countess of Castille, in the great Chapel of S. Peter of Arlansa, that she died that year 964: and in the Aera 1002, to Cont Fernand Gonsales succeeded his third son D. Garcia Fernandes, the first of that name in the Earldom of Castille, and other places above mentioned, in the year, according to the common opinion, 942.  
13 The Moors being masters of the field in Castille, 
Moors.  there being no forces together to withstand them, being puffed up with success, they entered the territories of Leon, breaking the peace which they had with the king D. Ramir, without any subject, and came and besieged the town of Zamora, 
Zamora taken and ruined.  the which they took, and ruined. Until that time, which was about the year 950, 
An. 950.  the Christians dwelling under the government of the Arabian Moors, whom they called for the respect Musarabes, had remained in great tranquility and peace, without forcing them in their religion in any sort whatsoever: Moreover, they had justice duly administered, paying the pensions and tributes which were imposed upon them, whereby they were assured from all violence. But Hali Hatan being come to the Crown, he was so zealous in his religion, and conceived so great a hatred against that of the Christians, as he published an edict, 
A cruel edict made by Hali Hatan against the Christian his subjects.  by the which all Christians dwelling under his jurisdiction, were commanded to abjure the religion of jesus Christ, and causing themselves to be circumcised, to embrace that of Mahumet, upon pain of death. Then did the spirit of God quicken in the hearts of many, the fire which had been smothered by the human traditions; and instructing them inwardly (seeing that ordinary means failed, or were corrupted) made it appear unto the world, that the true religion hath no better means of propagation, than persecution: for love and charity surmount nature, making the dull quick witted, causing them which were in a manner dumb to speak, and giving force and courage to the simple and weak. Many Christians of all sexes and ages, did virtuously confess the salvation we have in jesus Christ, by his only merit and satisfaction, before the Inquisitors and judges, which were sent by this barbarous king. The names of which holy martyrs are worthy of memory, to be a precedent to all the faithful; 
Martyrs under the Moors.  but we have too few of them. In the city of Cordova there were put to death, for the testimony of Christ's truth, Aurelius, Gregorius, and Felix, with their wives, Natalia, Crescencia, and Liliosa. In the territory of Rioje, Victor, borne at Cerezo (who had long defended his fellow citizens from the violence of the Moors) was beheaded. At Bosca, near to Nagera, Nunilla and Allodia, two holy sisters, suffered death: Yet by the letters and privileges of the kings of Navarre, given to S. Saviour in Leyre (where they say they were buried) it seems their death was long before this persecution. In Arragon, in the town of jaca, the holy virgin Eurosia suffered: and many others in divers parts of Spain, where the Moors commanded. Thus were the Christians afflicted both in peace and war, by arms, and by unjust proceed.  
The Authors of the Spanish History make no mention, 
Leon.  that the king D. Ramir had any great care to suppress the insolency of these Arabian Infidels, nor to be revenged for their breach of peace, and the ruin and eversion of such a town as Zamora was: but they only say, That about the year 955, being of full age, he married with a lady called D. Vrraca, by whom it is not found that he had any children: and abandoning himself to a voluptuous life, he contemned all good counsel: so as the earls and noblemen of Gallicia, 
The vices of princes causes of sedition.  seeing his sollie, and discontented with his vices, they scorned him, and would no more acknowledge him for their king. Whereupon they did choose D. Bermund, son to the last king D. Ordogno, and entitled him King of Gallicia: which title and country he enjoyed ten years, 
Gallicia made a kingdom.  notwithstanding all the attempts of D. Ramir, who made war there two whole years, with great loss of his best men.  
D. Garcia Fernandes new Earl of Castille, 
Castille.  resisted the Moors valiantly, and being also invited by the baseness of king D. Ramir, and it may be by the remembrance of the injuries done by the king D. Sancho to the Earl D. Ramir, 
Baseness of king Ramir occasion of new tumulis.  and the wrongs done by him also unto the Earl D. Fernand his father, he entered the territories of Leon, and withdrew some places from him, so as falling to an accord, the river of Carrion was made the bounds betwixt the Estates of Leon and Castille. They hold, That this earl D. Garcia Fernandes, did build in Curuas' Rubias, the monastery of S. Cousin and Damian, and endowed it with great privileges, lands and possessions: retaining such a right of patronage, That if any gentlewomen of his family should want means to marry them according to their estates, or would live unmarried, they should be provided for, and entertained: leaving to the religious which serve in the monastery, a competent pension to nourish them. This earl did augment the number of horsemen in Castille to six hundred, which at his father's death were but two hundred. He married twice to French ladies, but unfortunately: his first wife was called D. Argentiva, daughter to a French earl, with whom he fell in love, when as in the company of her father and mother, she passed through Castille, 
A marriage for love vnfortuna●  in pilgrimage to S. jaques of Compostella, and demanded her of her father: but she proved unchaste, abandoning herself to a French knight, who came from S. jaques, and carried her away into France, the earl being sick in bed, six years after their marriage. The Spaniards report, That being cured, and much incensed at the wrong this knight had done him, he went out of Castille, and left the government of his countries of Gilp●res of Bavardillo, and Fernand Peres, two of his vassals; and went into France in a disguised habit, where as this knight dwelled, and enjoyed D. Argentina: where he wrought in such sort, as he won the favour of his daughter, called D. Sancha, or according unto some, D. Ogna, with whom he laid a plot (upon promise that he should take her to wife) That one night she should give him entrance into her father's house to revenge his wrongs: Where as the earl slew those two adulterers in their bed, and so returned into Castille, carrying with him. D. Sancha, or Ogna, his new spouse, whom he married in the city of Bourgos. The name of this second wife is diversly set down by Spanish writers; some call her Sancha, 
General of ●●●ulle.  others Ogna: the inscriptions of. Peter of Arlance, name her Abba. D. Garcia Fernandes the earl, had one son by her, called D. Garcia Roldanis, who died young, as it appears by the inscriptions of the said monastery. Moreover, he had another son, called D. Sancho Garcia, who was earl. In the inscriptions of Saint Peter of Cardegna (where she was buried with her husband) it is said, the she was niece to the Emperor Henry: and is in all places called Abba, or Ogna. Besides these two sons, she had one daughter called D. Vrraca, who was professed in the monastery of S. Cosme and Damian, about Arlansa, During the time the earl was in France to seek means to be revenged, and to get his new wife, the Moors entered into Castille, and spoiled all the country even unto Bourgos: and they write, That in the way they forced the monastery of Saint Peter of Cardegna, and slew the Abbot and three hundred Monks; 
A great slaughter of Monks made by the Moors.  some Authors writ but two hundred, and that the destruction of this monastery was some year before. But this place was re-edified by the earl D. Garcia Fernandes, and enriched with rents and jewels more than before. This happened during the time that D. Ramir king of Leon made war against his rebellious subjects in Gallicia.  
14 About the year 956 
Anno 956.  died that cruel enemy of the Christian Religion, 
Moors.  Hali Hatan, king of the Arabians at Cordova, the sixteenth year of his reign, and 339 of the Arabians: to whom succeeded Hizen his son, the second of that name, called by others Izica. The forces of this king of the Moors, 
moors drawn into Gallicia by the faction of a Bishop.  were drawn into Gallicia, by the factions of a Bishop of Compostella, who had been deposed for his vices. The zeal of their ambition was such, as they made no conscience to expose Christians to the cruelty of Arabian Mahumetists. It is written in the Spanish Histories, that D. Bermond reigning in Gallicia, by an accord made with D. Ramir king of Leon, and making his ordinary residence in the town of S. jaques, there came to the Episcopal dignity of that place, D. Pelagius, Bishop of Lugo, son to Cont Roderigo Velasques: who showing himself a profane man, and disposing of Ecclesiastical dignities to unworthy men, deserved to be expelled, by the king D. Bermond, who advanced in his place a Monk of Saint Benoist, called D. Pedro of Monsorio, of a reasonable good life. Count Roderigo and his followers being incensed at this disgrace done unto his son, called the Moors into Gallicia, to be revenged of the king D. Bermond. King Hizen was very young at the decease of his father Halt Hatan; wherefore a nobleman among the Moors, valiant, and very famous, called Mahomad Ibne, Aben Hamur, and by surname Alhabib Almansor, took upon him the government of the realm of Cordova, and of all Spain under the Moors jurisdiction, the which he held five and twenty years: and they report, that during his life, they entered two and fifty times into the Christians country; and that he was of such credit among the Moors, as all was done by his advice and counsel, Hizen having nothing but the bare name. Considering the name and surname of this great captain, it is to be presumed he had been sent out of Africa, by Mansor, Miralmumin of Maroc, then reigning, to govern Spain during the minority of the king of Cordova: for Alhabib Mansor, is interpreted, Captain, or protector and defender of his king Mansor: Almansor signifies victorious. The proper name of the Miralmumin was Balharabo. The Moors in Spain drew great succours from Africa, in manner of a Croisadoe, and under the title of religion. The first passage of the Moors into the Christians country, in the reign of this king, was in the year 963, at the instance of Roderigo Velasques, into Gallicia, where he committed infinite spoils, and ruined part of S. jaques church. But the plague being in his camp, he was forced to retire, and could not wholly ruin the country, as he had intended.  
The king D. Bermond, 
Leon.  and the noblemen of Gallicia, after the Moors retreat, repaired the spoils which they had made, as well as they could. In the mean time the king D. Ramir died without children, in the year 965: so as the kingdom of Leon came to the king D. Bermond. D. Ramir was interred at Destriana, a monastery of a royal foundation, and a long time after transported to Astorga. S. jaques church being repaired, and newly consecrated, D. Pedro of Mansorio, the Bishop, died; and in his place D. Pelagius Diaz was chosen, a lewd man, 
Profane Bishops at Compostella.  and a contemner of all religion: wherefore he was justly expelled, and Vimare his brother advanced in his stead, who for his vices deserved by a just judgement of God, to be drowned in the river of Minio. There was another substituted to him of as bad a life, the which was put in prison by the king D. Bermond. Thus was the church of S. jaques still furnished with bad Pastors.   

D. Bermond, second of that name, 21 King of Leon, called the Gouty.  
15 Done Bermond, 
Leon.  or Veremond, or Bermund, son to king D. Ordogno the third, united the two realms of Leon and Gallicia, being received after the death of D. Ramir, 
Anno 965.  without any difficulty.  
In the beginning of his reign, 
Moors.  or thereabouts, Alcorrexi was famous: he was the first Moor (of whom any mention is made) that was called King of Sevile, 
Sevill a royal seat of the Moors.  since the Monarchy of the Arabians in Spain: who spoiled all that part of Gallicia which now belongs to Portugal, and lies betwixt the rivers of Duero and Minio; and passing on he wasted all the country unto S. jaques, the which he sacked, and ruined. His army was infected with the plague, as that of Almansor, or Mahomad Ibnc, Aben Hamur, had been; who returned into the territories of Leon, and that knight of Alava, above mentioned, marching with him, accompanied with a band of Christians his friends and partisans, he defeated the king D. Bermond in battle, at the river of Estolle, beyond Duero, and besieged the city of Leon, from whence he was forced to raise his siege, by reason of the waters and Winter. In the Spring he returned to this siege, into the which the king had put an earl, called Don Guillen Gonsales, governor of Gallicia, who did his best endeavour to defend it: for being sick in his bed, he caused himself to be carried in a litter, to the place where as the Moors made their greatest attempt, and defended it three days: but in the end, not able to resist so great a power, the town was taken, 
Leon the capital city of the Christians, taken by the Arabians  D. Guillen, and many other brave men, were slain, and the sack given to the soldiers. D. Bermond had been careful to retire the bodies of kings his predecessors, and especially the relics and other jewels of the temple, the which he caused to be transported to Ouiedo. This calamity happened in the year 968, the which fell also upon Astorga, Valence de Campo, Sahagun, Gordon, Albe, Lune, and other towns which were ruined. Then the Moors entering Castille, they took and sacked the towns of Osma, Berlanga, Atiensa, and other places, whereof some were ruined and some made tributary. And with this success they returned with their victorious army to Cordova, with great spoils, and (which was most lamentable) a great number of poor Christian slaves of all sexes and ages: and to increase their miseries, 
Division of Christians gives an entry to the Infidels.  and to aggravate their guilt, they were for the most part so careless of God and all religion, as they betrayed their brethren and companions unto the Moors, without respect of blood, country, profession, or honour.  
In Castille there was a knight called D. Ruy Velasques, 
Castille.  lord of Villaren, whose sister D. Sancha was married to D. Gonsal just, son to that just Gonsales who was issued from a daughter of D. Diego Porcello; and who enjoyed the signiories of Salas and of Lara. D. Gonsal just, and D. Sancha his wife, had seven sons, whom they commonly called the children of Lara, or of Salas, bred up in all virtue, by a discreet knight, called Nugno Salido, who was valiant and hardy; all which were made knights in one day, by the earl D. Garcia Fernandes, unto whom they were allied. It happened, that D. Ruy de Velasques, their uncle by the mother's side, married a lady borne in Bureva, the chief town of which country is Birbiesca: her name was D. Lambra, allied also to the earl D. Garcia Fernandes: she was young indiscreet, proud, and high minded. Whose marriage was celebrated with great pomp in the city of Burgos, whither came many knights from Castille, Leon, Navarre, and other places, and among others, D. Gonsal just, and his wife D. Sancha, with their seven sons assisted. During the solemnity of this marriage, which continued five weeks, the younger brother of the seven had some unkind speeches with D. Alvaro Sanches, cousin to D. Lambra the Bride, who were for that time reconciled by the means of the earl D. Garcia, and of D. Gonsal just, father to one of the contendants. But the new married wife was so incensed for this breach with her cousin, as she conceived a deadly hatred against all the house of Lara. The marriage being ended, D. Sancha went with her seven sons, to accompany the married couple to their house at Barbadillo, whereas D. Lambra espying one day the younger brother (which had the quarrel with her cousin) in an orchard, 
disposition of a woman inclined to revenge.  bathing a Goshawk, she commanded a groom to cast a filthy Cocumber at him, to do him a despite: wherewith the knight, and his brethren, who were present, being moved, they pursued this groom in such a rage, as thinking to save himself by the favour of his lady, he was slain near unto her, who could not save him.  
At the same time neither D. Ruy Velasques, nor D. Gonsales just, were with their wives, for they did accompany the earl D. Garcia, who presently after this marriage, went to visit his country, and the forts of Castille: but when as they were returned to Barbadillo, they understood (to their great grief) of this outrage. Every one retires to his own house; D. Lambra mad with rage & impatiency, wept, & exclaimed continually, saying unto her husband, That if he did not revenge this affront done unto herself, she should never live contented. And such was the importunity of this woman to her indiscreet & ill advised husband, as, to satisfy her, he resolved to commit an act, unworthy not only of a Christian knight, but of any one that carried but the shape of a man: For he had secret intelligence with Almansor, Constable of Cordova, 
A notable treason and impiety of a Christian knight, against his own blood and religion.  utterly to ruin this family of Lara. Making show therefore to have some business of importance with this Moor, and his king Hizen, he entreated his brother in law D. Gonsales just, to go to Cordova, with letters which he gave him; whereunto he offered himself willingly. In the mean time the traitor Velasques had written to Hizen and Almansor, That they should put him to death; & moreover, that if he sent any one with a good troop into Castille, he would deliver the seven sons unto him, which were the most redoubted knights, and the greatest enemies to the Arabians, that the earl of Castille had in his Court. D. Gonsales just being arrived at Cordova, and having presented his letters unto the king, he was presently put in prison: for the king being wise, although an Infidel, would not altogether countenance so great a treason. 
A Mahumetist more courteous to a stranger, the D. Ruy de Velasques a Christian, to his own blood.  Wherefore he kept this ambassador alive; yet he sent presently towards the country of Almenar (where these brethren should be delivered unto him) a captain with a great troop of soldiers, where (as they writ) D. Ruy de Valasques gave such order, as the seven brethren fell into an ambush of Moors, being accompanied only with two hundred horse, which made resistance: but the enemies were so many, as one of the brethren called Fernand Gonsales, and all the two hundred, with Nugno Sallido, were slain upon the place: 
The lamentable death of the seven brethren of Lara.  the other six escaped, and having drawn together three hundred horsemore, and returned to the combat, they were again defeated, and taken by the Moors, who cut off their heads, and sent them all to Cordova, as well those of the seven brethren, as that of their Governor Nugno Sallido.  
The king was very glad to see himself freed from such redoubted enemies; and to afflict the father, who was prisoner, he caused these heads to be showed unto him: who knew them, and was so oppressed with grief, as he fell down dead upon the place. Being taken up, and revived, 
Humanity of king Hizen to his prisoner.  he made such pitiful lamentations, as even the barbarous king himself was much moved, and thought even then to set him at liberty, detesting the wickedness of that traitorous Christian D. Ruy de Velasques.  
They say, That whilst D. Gonsales just was detained in prison, but not very straightly, being often visited by noblemen and ladies, that were Moors, there grew so great familiarity betwixt him & one of the chief ladies of the king's house, which, some say, was his sister, as he got her with child: which perceiving, about the time of his delivery, they took good order for the infant, when it should be borne. It was a son, whom they called Mudarra Gonsales, who revenged the treason of D. Ruy Velasques, committed against his father and brethren. D. Gonsales just returned to Salas, with gifts from the Moorish king. As for the bodies of the dead, they were interred, but no man knows where; for there is some question about it, betwixt the Monks of S. Peter of Arlansa, and those of S. Emilian of Cogolla; the which we cannot decide, either of them maintaining to have in their churches and convents, the tombs of these seven brethren, their father, and Governor, without any great proof of their assertions, as in other things. Such was the disposition and affection of men of that age, who called themselves Christians. 
Anno 969.  They hold, that these things happened in the year 969; some say it was some years before. But every one to revenge his private quarrels, did hazard the public: and not able to oppress their enemies by open force, they used unlawful and damnable means, to wrong one another, making way for the Moors, or rather inviting them, to invade the Christians country.  
In the year 975 a great army of Moors, 
Leon.  both Spaniards and Africans, led by that famous captain Alhabib Almansor, invaded the country betwixt Duero and Minio, 
An. 975.  and from thence into Gallicia: 
S. jaques taken by the Moors.  so as the town and church of S. jaques was taken by them, sacked and ruined. Yet the Spaniards say, That the Apostles sepulchre could not be violated, being terrified with a great light which came out of it: but they only took the little bells in the steeple, and carried them away with the rest of the prey to Cordova, where they made them serve for lamps to their great Mosque. In the mean time (as Authors writ) the Moors army was so afflicted with the plague, and bloody flix, as being forced to disperse themselves, they were cut in pieces by D. Bermonds' troops, which he had sent to follow them in their retreat: So God by his power did supply the defects of indiscreet and cowardly Christian Princes.  
The king D. Bermond, as the Spanish Histories write, was wise, but withal had great defects. He was light of belief, 
Pleasures corrupt both mind and body.  and soon incensed; and withal, so much given to his delights and pleasures, as he had both body and mind corrupted. He did incestuously entertain two sisters for his concubines, before he married; by the one of which he had a son called D. Ordogno; by the other a daughter named D. Eluira. After which he married D. Velasquita, whom he put away, after that he had had a daughter by her, called D. Christina. To his second wife he married a lady called D. Eluira, by whom he had D. Alphonso, who was king after him, and one daughter called D. Theresa, who was professed a Nun, and was borne before her brother D. Alphonso. He became full of the gout, by reason of his excess, so as he was lame of his limbs, and therefore was called the Gouty.   

D. Sancho Garces, third of that name, and eleventh King of Navarre.  
16 THere is no great certainty of the exploits of the kings of Navarre in these times, 
Navarre.  either through the negligence of Historians, or the loss of their writings. They conjecture, that the king D. Sancho Garccs lived unto the year 969; and that he was interred in the monastery of S. Saviour of Leyre: to whom succeeded his son D. Sancho Garces, whom he had by D. Theresa, by whom he had also D. Ramir his second son, who governed the province called Vicaria. He had daughters, D. Vrraca, Ermesilda, and Eximena. The king had to wife a lady called D. Vrraca Fernandes, by whom he had three sons, D. Garcia, D. Gonsales, and D. Ramir.  
This king D. Sancho Garces, 
Leon.  the third of that name, reigning; the king D. Bermond seeing the great miseries which fell daily upon the Christians, by reason of their divisions, whereof the Infidel moors made their profit, he sought by all means possible to make a good union betwixt Leon, Navarre, and Castille: the which took good effect, for all the Princes and Lords of these Estates, showing themselves ready, and desirous to be revenged of the wrong which the Moors had done in Gallicia, Castille, and elsewhere, they united their forces, and came to encounter the Moors with a goodly army (their's being not less) at a place called Calacanasor, 
Battle memorable at Calacanasor.  an Arabian word, which signifies yoke: where there was a memorable battle, and great effusion of blood, especially of the Moors: and yet the fight having continued a whole day, the victory seemed doubtful. But Alhabib the Arabian having gathered his forces together, and viewed his great loss, he dislodged in the night, with so great grief, as he died within few days after, at a place called Begalcoraxo, or Borgecorex. The Christians at the break of day, seeing their enemies dislodged, sacked their camp; and by the conduct of of D. Garcia Fernandes, earl of Castille, who was the chief Commander in this war (for the king D. Bermond, although he caused himself to be carried in the army, was unable, by reason of his gout) pursued the Moors, whereof they made a great slaughter, putting all the rest to flight in great confusion. This Alhabib the Arabian, was without doubt a great soldier; and, 
Death of Alhabib Almansor.  they say, that for grief of this loss he would neither eat nor drink, and so advanced his own death. The Moors carried him to Medina-Celi, then called Zelim, where they buried him. He left one son, called Abdemelic Abundasin, who had accompanied him in all his wars, and was in like manner a brave and valiant knight: who had the same charge of Captain general, as his father: and being desirous to revenge this loss, led an army the same year towards Leon, the which he ruined, even to the very foundations. D. Garcia Fernandes, earl of Castille, gathered together all the forces he could in Leon and Castille, fought with him, and put him to rout: so as after that time the Moors came into the dominions of Christian Princes with more respect. After which things, the two Princes restored the noblemen, gentlemen, and others, to their possessions and rights which belonged unto them, and sought to give every man contentment, in regard of private quarrels, that by these occasions the Mahumetists might not attempt against their Estates. These spoils which the Moors had made in the countries of Leon and Castille, were the cause of a great dearth, the land being unpeopled both of men and cattle, so as it lay waste: And withal there was a great drought, the wrath of God having shut up heaven for many days, without sending any reign in that region. And for that in those days they held no crime so capital, as to lay hands upon Clergy men, the Spaniards did believe, that these calamities had fallen upon them, besides the wars, for that the king D. Bermond had caused D. Gudesteo, Archbishop of Ouiedo, to be put in prison, or given him in guard to D. Ximeno, Bishop of Astorga, upon some slanderous accusations, wherewith this Prelate was charged, and too lightly believed by the king, who was much subject to that vice of credulity. And thereupon they say, That God had revealed to certain religious men, that he was resolved to send the plague for a third scourge, by reason of the unjust imprisonment of this Bishop. Whereof the king D. Bermond being advertised, he was very sorrowful for his offence, and repenting, demanded pardon. Wherefore upon the Bishop's delivery the wrath of God was appealed, and it began to rain. From that time the king gave himself to all works of piety, and did, as well as he could, repair the ruins which had been made by the Moors throughout his kingdom, especially of the church of Saint jaques. He gave many gifts, and did alms deeds, yet with the advice of the Prelates of those times. As for justice, he had always a care thereof; and, as they say, restored the ancient laws of the kings of Goths, and the decrees of the Church, commanding that justice should be done to every one throughout his realm accordingly. His death, according to the common opinion, 
Anno 982.  was in the year 982, at a place called Berizo, otherwise the good town of Beresto; where he was interred, and three and twenty years after taken up, to be laid in the church of Saint john Baptist at Leon. Among his children we have made mention of one daughter, D. Christina; she was married to a nobleman, or Prince of the blood royal, 
Genealogy of Leon.  called D. Ordogno, who was blind; by whom she had three sons, D. Alphonso, D. Ordogno, D. Pelagius; and one daughter, D. Aldonsa. This Aldonsa married D. Pelagius the Deacon, son to the Infanta D. Fruela, bastard to Fruela the second, king of Leon: of which marriage issued D. Pedro Ordognes', D. Pelagius, D. Nugno, and D. Theresa, who was lady of Carrion, where she caused the church of Saint Pelaio, or Pelagius, to be built.  
In Cattelogne the State was quiet, 
Barcelone.  during the minority of the earl D. Seniofrid, under the government of the earl of Vrgel, of the same name: from which earl issued D. Borel and D. Armingol, or Ermengaud, Bishop of Vrgel, reputed a Saint. His regency continued two and twenty years, which ended in the year 950, When as he resigned the government of the Estate to his nephew, the earl D. Seniofrid, who was married to D. Maria, Infanta of Navarre, daughter to D. Sancho Abarca, by whom he had not any children; and dying about the year 967, he left for his successor his cousin D. Borel, son to the earl of Vrgel; for that his brother D. Oliban was unfit to govern such an Estate, by reason of many imperfections, besides that of his speech, as the Spaniards write: Yet this D. Oliban did rise in Arms against his cousin, and was the cause of great divisions and factions in the country: by reason whereof the Arabians watching still their opportunity to annoy the Christians, 
D. B●r●l fourth 〈◊〉 of Barcelone.  entered the territories of Barcelone, where they committed infinite spoils. This D. Borel remained earl in the end, and is numbered the fourth proprietary of Cattelogne. He had one son, called D. Raymond Borel, who was borne in the year 970, of the countess Leodegarde, his first wife, and was earl after him. To his second wife he married Aym●rude, and by her had D. Ermingaud, 
Genealogy of Cattelogne.  or Armingol, who was earl of Vrgel; and one daughter, named Borella, or, as some say, Engelrade, who was professed a Nun. He defended his country valiantly against the incursions and fury of the Arabians, but with no great success. He caused forts to be made where need required, to stop their incursions, and assure his country. D. Oliban, his cousin, resigned his interest, for that he would not favour the Infidels by a civil war, and give them means to invade Cattelogne, contenting himself with a private life. He was father to D. Bernard, surnamed Brisefer, or Breake-yron, who was earl of Besalu, of D. Geoffrey earl of Cerdagne, and of a third son, called D. Oliban, who was Bishop of Vic d● Osana, and had been Abbot of Ripol, a monastery re-edified in the year 976, by the earl D. Borel: In the which year the Nuns of Monserrat were transported to the Monastery of Mon-Iuhy, near unto the castle of the Port, built by the same earl, and in Monserrat were placed the Monks of Saint Benoist: 
Foundations of monasteries by the Princes of Spain, in those times.  to which place the earl D. Borel gave great lands and possessions, which he bought from private men. D. Oliban his cousin, was also founder of the monastery of Saint Benoist de Bages, in the Barony of Pinos. About the year 979, D. Garcia Fernandes gave the town and church of Ezquerra to Saint Michael de Pedroso; and a little before, D. Sancho, king of Navarre, had given to the house of Saint Emilian, for the health (as he said) of his soul, the place of Villar de Monte; and to the Monastery of Saint Saviour de Leyre, the town of Arpadoes, and other spoils of his son D. Ramir, who died before him. These Princes sought to win Paradise by their works.   

D. Alphonso, fift of that name, and 22 King of Leon.  
18 AFter king D. Bermond, 
Leon.  D. Alphonso his son did inherit, being the fift of that name, 
Anno 982.  and two and twentieth in order of the kings of Leon, in the year 982, being only fourteen years old. His father had given him, to breed up, to the earl of Gallicia, called D. Melendo Gonsales, and to his wife D. Maior, whose daughter, D. Eluira, he married, when he came to age: of whom descended D. Bermond, who succeeded his father in the realm of Leon, and D. Sancha promised after the decease of the king D. Alphonso, unto D. Garcia, earl of Castille; but he dying, she was wife to D. Fernand the Great, the first which carried that title of king of Castille, son to D. Sancho the elder, king of Navarre. In the time of this king D. Alphonso, Zephyrus Bishop of Astorga lived, who writ some Histories of Spain.  
We have heretofore made mention of the loves of Gonsal just, 
Castille.  being prisoner at Cordova, with a Princess, a Moor; the which proceeded so far, as when he was set at liberty by king Hizen, she was with child, and was brought in bed of a son, named Mudarra Gonsales. Those that have written the Histories of Spain, say, That he was nourished and instructed in the city of Cordova, by the diligence of his mother (whom they make sister to king Hizen) in all things befitting a Prince; so as he was much beloved by the king his uncle, by whom he was armed a knight, at the age of ten years, and became valiant and redoubted, as much as any of his time.  
When he came to years to judge of honour, his mother told him who was his father, and by what means she had been familiar with him, and especially the death of his seven brethren of Lara, by the treason of D. Ruys Velasques, and the damnable appetite of revenge of D. Lambra his wife. Wherefore this young nobleman had a wonderful desire to see and know D. Gonsal just, his father. Having therefore not only obtained leave, but also an honourable train of noblemen and knights from the king, he came to Salas, where the father and the son had means to know and advow one another, to their great joy and content: and soon after Mudarra, having left the law of Mahumet, was baptised, and made a Christian. Then he came in company with his father to Burgos, to kiss the hands of the earl D. Garcia, and to watch an opportunity to kill his uncle D. Ruis Velasques, and to revenge the death of his seven brethren; the which he did execute in time, as D. Ruis went from Burgos to his house of Barbadillo: 
Old offences punished.  and finally, he found means to get D. Lambra into his power, whom he caused to be hung up, and then burned her body: but it was after the death of D. Garcia, earl of Castille, to whom she was allied. And for that he was very like to the youngest of the seven sons of D. Sancha his mother in law, she did love him as dearly as if she had been his own mother.  
The Monks of Saint Peter of Arlansa show a tomb in their church, without any inscription, the which, they say, is the tomb of that knight D. Mudarra: of whom they make this Genealogy, 
Posterity of Mudarra Gonsales, from whence are des●eded the Manriques of Lara.  or descent; which is, That he had one son, named D. Ordogno de Lara, from whom issued D. Diego Ordogno de Lara, who did fight a combat at Zamora, against D. Arias Gonsales: from D. Diego Ordogno descended D. Pedro de Lara, and from him the earl D. Almarie of Lara, whom others call Malrique, or Manrique, who was lord of Molina des Comtes: and from him, they say, are descended, the Manriques of Lara in Castille. This earl D. Almarie, or Manrique de Lara, had one daughter, called D. Malfada Manrique, who was the first queen of Portugal, wife to D. Alphonso Henry, king of Portugal, of whom we will speak hereafter.  
About the year 982, 
Rebellion of the son against the father.  when as king D. Alphonso came to the Crown of Leon, there were great alterations in Castille; for that D. Sancho Garcia, son and heir to the earl D. Garcia Fernandes, rebelled against his father, and put Castille into factions. Whereupon the Moors failed not to enter the country of Castille, destroyed the city of Auila, took Saint Estienne de Gormas, and Crugna in the bishopric of Osma, slew, spoiled, and burned all where they passed.  
D. Garcia Fernandes being gone to field with those soldiers of Castille whom he thought to be best affected unto him, 
Defeat of the Castillans, and death of their earl.  being but few, in comparison of the Moors, he did hazard a battle; in which fight valiantly, he was environed by a multitude of his enemies, where his men were cut in pieces, and he himself taken alive by the Moors, but so sore wounded, as he died within few hours after. His body was afterwards redeemed for a great sum of money, and buried in the monastery of Saint Peter of Cardegna, re-edified by him seventeen years before. This happened about the year nine hundred fourscore and ten, 
An. 990.  or according to the inscription of his tomb, nine hundred fourscore and five. Then D. Sancho his son, surnamed Garcia, was earl, without any contradiction; and, except this disodience against his father, he was a good Prince, and loved his subjects.  
19 Whosoever was mother to D. Sancho, either Abba, Ogna, or Sancha daughter to the knight which was slain by D. Garcia, or else allied to the Emperor Henry, there is a tragical act reported of her in the Histories of Spain: That, being widow to her husband D. Garcia Fernandes, she fell in love with a Prince of the Moors, whom she had heard was very sufficient in Venus' sports: 
A dishonest desire of a countess of Castille, and her impiety against her son.  so as she had a secret treaty with him, to marry him; promising (to the end they might with more ease effect their design) to make away her son, by poison, upon the first opportunity: But God would have this wickedness discovered to the earl D. Sancho, the day before it should be put in execution. Wherefore being very careful of all things, as the mother and the son dined together on the day appointed, the earl calling for drink, they brought him a cup full of wine, mingled with poison: Then dissembling what he knew, he entreated his mother to drink first, as if he would do her honour; but she refusing it, he still persisted, 
Custo● to make the women drink first in Spain.  and in the end forced her to drink this poison, whereof she died. The general Chronicle says, That thereof grew a custom in Castille, to make the women drink first, the which is observed at this day in biscay, and other parts in Spain, by way of civility.  
This accident was the cause which made the earl D. Sancho to build the convent of Saint Sautour of Ogna, where he placed Nuns, and made a daughter of his, called D. Tygrida, Abbess; thinking thereby to expiate his offence, for that he had hastened his mother's death. Since there were Monks put in this monastery, and the women were transported elsewhere, by the king D. Sancho the elder, 
Genealogy of Castille.  son in law to this eale D. Sancho Garcia, and husband to D. Nugna: for the earl had by his wife D. Vrraca, one son, who was called D. Garcia, who was earl of Castille after him; and three daughters, D. Nugna, who was queen of Navarre, D. Theresa, queen of Leon, wife to D. Bermond the third, and last of that name, these two sisters were elder than the Infant D. Garcia; and the third was the above named D. Tygrida, Abbess of this monastery of S. Saviour.  
20 Whilst these things passed in Castille, 
Cattelogne.  the Moors entered Cattelogne with a great power, about the year 986, and gave a great rout to the earl D. Borel, who thought to repulse them near to Moncada and Matabous: After which they besieged Barcelone, 
Barcelone take and ruined by the Moors.  and took it by force, with all the pitiful spectacles of cruelty, covetousness, and infamy, that are used in the like case; doing the like in many other places. Then laden with spoils, and drawing after them an infinite number of poor Christian slaves, they returned into their country. The earl, who was retired into the mountains, having gathered together all the horse and foot he could, returned to Barcelone, took it again, and recovered all the places which the Moors had taken. Cattelogne was again invaded by the Moors which held Tortosa, Lerida, Fraga, and other places, being joined with them of the Isle of Majorca, who once again defeated the earl D. Borel: and thinking to save himself with about threescore horse, he was pursued; and being forced to shut himself up in the castle of Gautha, 
Earl of Barcelone slain by the Moors.  near to Galdes, he was forced, and slain there, with all those that were in his company, in the year 993, having been earl of Barcelone six and twenty years, where his son D. Raymond Borel succeeded him. We find, that Lothaire king of France (under the sovereignty of which kingdom the earldom of Barcelone was at that time) granted a great privilege to the monastery of S. Cucufat, in the valleys near to Barcelone, given at Compiegne, in the year 987.  
But returning to D. Sancho Garcia, 
Castille.  earl of Castille, he being loath to leave his father's death unrevenged, confirmed the league which his predecessor had made with Leon and Navarre, and in the year 992 entered into the Moors country, by the realine of Toledo, with a great army, ruining and spoiling all where he passed, as the enemies had done in Leon and Castille: passing on into divers other jurisdictions, where he had good opportunity to ruin, burn, kill, and carry away what he pleased, for that the Arabians were then full of factions for the sovereignty. There was no head, order, nor council, to oppose against the violence of this incensed earl, 
The exploits & conque●s of D. Sancho, earl of Castille, upon the Moors.  so as he ransomed many towns, and drew great sums of money from them, as well to spare their country, as to redeem prisoners. He took the town of Sepulueda, which was then a frontier for the Moors towards the straight of Sumosierra. He granted many privileges to the inhabitants thereof, restoring them to their ancient jurisdictions. He recovered the towns of Pennafiel, Maderuelo, Monteio, Gormas, Osma, and Saint Esteva; which places had been lost after the battle where his father D. Garcia was slain. The earl did all these brave exploits against the Moors: but some hold, and not without reason, that they were before the death of the countess his mother; who at the return of this voyage (which was in the year 992) had news what this above mentioned Prince of the Moors could do with women: of whom she grew so far in love, as she forgot all piety, and honour, and in the end lost her life. His name is not written by any Author. If the earl did much annoy the Moors by open war, he did no less by secret practices, entertaining factions among them, to trouble their estate, and make them more easy to be spoiled.  
21 There were great seditions among the Arabians after the death of Abdemelic Abundasin, Captain general, 
Moors.  or Constable to king Hizen: for having been substituted in the place of his brother, called Abderramen, and showing himself too severe and proud in his commands, his place seeming also to be of too great authority, he was slain by the soldiers: which bred great quarrels and factions. D. Sancho, earl of Castille, and D. Alphonso, king of Leon, 
The declining of the Moors Monarchy in Spain, by their divisions.  sought by all means possible to entertain these divisions, sometimes favouring one party, sometimes another: so as from that time the Arabians power began greatly to decline in Spain, as it had been already dismembered in the East, by their discord and furious desire of reign, the which we will hereafter relate in a more convenient place. The Estate of Miralmumin Hizen was wonderfully troubled in those times, by many which desired either to reign, or to have the greatest charges in the kingdom of Cordova, namely, the dignity of Alhabib: among the which there was a Moor, called Zuleima, stronger than the rest, by the support and favour he had from D. Sancho, earl of Castille: He took and shut up Hizen, after that he had reigned three and thirty years, four months, 
Zultima 11 king of the Moors at Cordova.  in the 379 year of the Arabians, and made himself king of Cordova, in the year of our redemption 989. He was an African, or Barbarian, and was much savoured from beyond the seas. In his reign was the last rout given to the Cattelans, and their earl forced, and slain, as we have said. But he did not long enjoy this Estate of Cordova; for another nobleman of great power, 
Mahumad the third, the 12 king at Cordova.  called Mahumad Mehedi, or Almohadi, of the lineage of Aben Humeya, rose up against him, and deprived him of his kingdom in Spain, in the year of our Lord 993, which he had maintained four years, with great toil and difficulty.  
In his time there reigned a Moor at Toledo, 
Abdalla king of Toledo.  called Abdalla, who was solicited in such sort by D. Alphonso king of Leon, as they contracted together, and did swear a perpetual offensive and defensive league betwixt them: the which was so strongly confirmed, as D. Alphonso gave his sister D. Theresa, a Christian, in marriage to Abdalla, an Infidel king, and sent her to him to Toledo, notwithstanding that she did contradict it all she could. They say, That this Moor being ready to consummate the marriage, he was admonished by the Lady, that it was not lawful to do it, seeing they were of two divers religions; and that for so profane a contempt, he might assure himself God would punish him grievously, if he resolved to proceed. But notwithstanding all her allegations, the Moor would not forbear to accomplish his desire; 
Marriage betwixt a Christian and an Infidel, reproved of God.  but he was presently surprised with such a terror and amazement, as if death had approached. Wherefore repenting himself, he sent back D. Theresa to Leon, to the king her brother, with great store of treasure, and rich jewels, for that he would not touch her. This princess lived long in Leon, in the habit of a religious woman, and in the end put herself into the monastery of Saint Pelagius, where she died, and was interred.  
In the mean time Mahumad the third, or Mahumet, of the race of Aben Humeia, surnamed Almohadi, settled himself in the realm of Cordova, and was Miralmumin of the Arabians in Spain; who showed himself so cruel in the beginning, against the inhabitants of Cordova, partisans to Zuleima his predecessor, of the lineage of Aben Alaveci, that many of them fled out of the city, and lived in banishment. By reason of this division, many other noblemen, Moors, seized upon places and provinces in Spain, of the jurisdiction of the Miralmumins of Cordova: as Abdalla did, who (as we have said) had seized upon the city of Toledo, & restored the royal seat there, where he was the fourth king: since which time it continued a royalty, and returned no more under the sovereignty of the kings of Cordova. In some Authors we find a tale of a Gentlewoman called Galiena, 
Fable of Galiena.  daughter to Galafrey, king of Toledo, who by her beauty drew Charlemagne out of France to Toledo, where he did fight with a knight called Bramante, that would have married her: and, they say, that Charles being victor, he led fair Galiena into France. But there is no great probability, that this happened to Charlemagne. It may be that since there was a Galiena, daughter to some Governor of Toledo, called Galafrey, famous for some like act: For we find in the city of Toledo, a place called Galienas Palace, where as now the Monastery of S. Foy is: and in like manner at Bourdeaux in Guienne. Which shows, that some lady of fame came out of Spain into France, but conducted by some other Charles than he that was king and Emperor, surnamed the Great Zuleima being expelled by Mahumet, fled from town to town, being accompanied by many Moors and Barbarians, who conspired against him, in favour of a cousin of his called Maroan, whom they would choose for their captain: but being ready to kill him, Zuleima being advertised, and prepared, slew them which pretended to murder him: As for his cousin Maroan, he saved his life, but he kept him in a straight prison. Being environed with so many miseseries, chased from Cordova, a vagabond, and not safe among his own followers, he had recourse unto D. Sancho, earl of Castille, craving succours from him, to recover his Estates. Wherewith the earl was very well pleased, and led a great power of Christians into the Moors country; and with him D. Raymond, earl of Barcelone, as some writ. Mahumet did also make great levies of soldiers, whereof the Alhabib, or General, was Albaharin Almaharin, who did reside at Medina Zelim, or Coli; and had commandment to come and join with the army, with all the forces he could make. Their forces being joined of either side, 
Cruel wars betwixt the Moors.  there was a fierce and bloody battle, betwixt Zuleima and Mahumet; whereas Zuleima (who had the forces of Castille with him) was victor, hane slain five and thirty thousand of his enemies upon the place: and pursuing his victory, he chased Mahumet, and those which remained, as far as Cordova. And whilst that Zuleimaes' men and the Christians were busy at the spoil of the suburbs, the Alhabib Albaharin abandoned his king, and took his way to Medina Celi, with those that would follow him. It was then a great fort and rampat of the Moors Estate, against Castille, Arragon, and Navarre. Mahumet seeing himself defeated, and abandoned, was so saint-hearted, as he shut himself up into the fort of Cordova, resolving to deliver king Hizen, who was a prisoner there: choosing rather to see Hizen reign than Zuleima. The people of Cordova hearing speak of their true king Hizen, made so great an exclamation of joy, as Mahumet thinking himself lost, and fearing to die, fled and hid himself in a Moors house, who was borne at Toledo, and very confident unto him, 
Anno 994.  with whom that night he fled to Toledo, Wherefore Zuleima entered into Cordova, and reigned again, 
〈◊〉 of the Prince's Electors in Germany.  Mahumet having been king but one year, which was in the year of Christ 994, and of the Moors 377. A memorable date, for that this year the seven Princes Electors in Germany were instituted at the instance of the Emperor Othon, and Pope Gregory the fift.  
King Zuleima being re-established in Cordova, he sent back D. Sancho, earl of Castille, and his men, well satisfied, rewarding every one according to his degree. Yet he was not received, nor obeyed, throughout all the towns of his jurisdiction, but some maintained Hizens party, who was prisoner at Cordova. Mahumet Almohadi being come to Toledo, Abdalla reigned there, but not very quietly in the beginning; but the hatred the Toledanes did bear to the kings of Cordova, made his way the more easy. Neither of these two tyrants reigned long; for Albaharin the Alhabib, who lived at Medina Celi, hearing that Zuleima was much troubled to subdue the people of the jurisdiction of Cordova, which were rebelled against him, he made a levy of soldiers, both Moors and Christians, and came to Mahumet Almohadi, at Toledo, who had been newly made king of that city; but the manner how is not specified in Histories. There having raised a great army, they took their way to Cordova, to deliver king Hizen, who was prisoner. Whereof Zuleima being advertised, he resolved to defend himself, calling all his friends and vassals together, whereof most of them excused themselves, showing that they were naturally bound unto king Hizen, for whose delivery they knew Mahumet had taken arms, with Albaharin, and some Christian captains which were in their army, whereof two are called Bermondo, and Argomento. Notwithstanding this refusal, Zuleima relying upon the forces of Barbary, who assured him that they would never forsake him, sallied out of Cordova, and came and affronted the enemy, 
Battle betwixt the Moors.  nine leagues from the city, at a place called Hacantalbasar; where his first charge was so furious, as he put the foremost of the enemy's squadrons to rout, and slew so many, as he thought all had been defeated, and Mahumet dead: but the Christians which were in Mahumets' army, rallied their disordered battle, and charged Zuleimaes' men with such violence, as they made them quit the field, with great slaughter of the Barbarian Africanes. Zuleima saved himself with a small troop in the fort of Cafra. They writ, that in this battle there died thirty thousand Moors, and nine thousand Christians; among which were D. Arnoul, Bishop of Ausa, Aetius Bishop of Barcelone, and Otho of Girone, who carried arms for the Moors quarrels: by the loss whereof Zuleima left the realm of Cordova the second time, 
Hizen a prisoner restored to realm of Cordova.  where he had reigned a year. This was in the year 995. Hizen was restored to his royal Estate by the victors, the people of Cordova being affected to him, and did mutiny to have him: and Mahumet was the more inclined to him, for that he was settled at Toledo. The victor prepared to besiege Casra, to expel Zuleima, and to spoil the treasure that was within it: but foreseeing the danger, he dislodged, and carried away with him what he could.  
The castle being abandoned, was taken by them of Cordova, and that which remained spoiled, and the soldiers which were found in it, slain. The booty which was taken in this castle, was carried to the great Mosque at Cordova, and there consecrated. This dove, Albaharin the Alhabib, led the army against some places in Andolousia, which continued in their rebellion since the former divisions; he besieged Almerie, which was defended by Afila, a Moor of a great house, and battered it twenty days: the which in the end was forced, and Afila, with some of his children, drowned. The like happened to the towns of jaen, Baesa, and Ariona, the which were kept for king Hizen. In this manner did the Moors make war, being divided into two factions, where of the one held the party of Hizen, and of the Moors in Spain, and the other of the Barbarians, and Moors of Africa, of whom Zuleima was the chief in Spain.  
Mahumet Almohadi reigned at Toledo after Abdalla very little; 
Obeidalla sixth king of Toledo.  for the Historians make present mention of his son Obeydalla, sixth king of Toledo: against whom, king Hizen seeing himself now settled in his kingdom, sent his lieutenant with a great army, to reduce them of Toledo under his obedience: who made a sally upon them of Cordova, where there was a cruel combat: but the end was shameful for the Toledanes, who lost their king Obeidalla there, and many of their men. Yet were they not daunted, neither did they abate any thing of their rebellious contumacy against Hizen, and the Estate of Cordova, whom they did hate extremely: For presently after their defeat, and the death of their king Obeidalla, they chose another of the same lineage of Aben Hume●a, 
Hairam seuneth king of Toledo.  called Hairam, the seventh king in number, who left the Sceptre of Toledo to his descendants, until it was conquered by the Christians. This past about the year 1000, when as king Hizen, thinking himself to be in more quiet and security then ever, he found himself plunged in greater troubles than before: for the Moors were so greedy of command, as those which had any authority or power, would make haed against whom soever that would command them. The which was no wonder, for that in the city of Cordova, and the jurisdiction thereof, there were infinite families descending from kings of the Moors, issuing from the race of Aben Humeia: which grew by reason of their plurality of wives, which their sect allowed; which was the cause of seditions and revolts, for the desire of rule.  
During these civil wars, 
Cattelogue.  the Cattelans and Barcelonians had been in peace, and free from the Moors invasions, and had rather sought to annoy them, or invade them, either alone, or jointly with the Castillans. D. Raymond Borel, the earl, who had succeeded his father, did bury, in a manner at the entry of his principality, his cousin D. Oliban Cabrica, earl of Cerdagne and Besalu, at our Lady of Ripon, in the year 994: whose Estates were divided among his children D. Bernard Brisefer, and D. Geoffrey. This new earl had fortified Barcelone, and repaired all the spoils which the Moors had made during the war against D. Borel his father; joining the Monastery of Montjuhy to the walls of Barcelone, and called it S. Peter of the virgins, to gratify D. Borella his sister, whom some call Engelrade, Abbess of that place. There is no mention made of him in Histories, but that he had one son called D. Berenger Borel, in the year 995, who succeeded him after his death.   

D. Garcia, called the Trembling, fift of that name, and 12 King of Navarre.  
23 IN the same year of the decease of the earl D. Borel, 
Navarre.  which was 993, died (according to the common opinion of writers) D. Sancho the 3, son to D. Garcia Sanches, king of Navarre; but it is most uncertain: for the computation of the lives and reigns of these first kings of Navarre, Leon, and other Princes and Potentates of Spain, is so divers and confused in their writings, as no man can judge rightly of them. D. Sancho gave for the soul's health of his son D. Ramir, to the Monastery of S. Emylian, the town of Cardegnas, with all the appurtenances. Afterwards D. Garcia his son, surnamed the trembling, succeeded him in the kingdom of Navarre, and the County of Arragon. This surname was given him, for that when he entered the combat, he did tremble, not for fear, but by a natural custom▪ the which did afterwards turn into force and valour, being a little heat. In a certain privilege and donation made in the year 996, of the town of Herrero, granted by this king D. Garcia to the Monastery of S. Emylian of Cogolla, mention is made of D. Sancho and D. Garcia▪ his nephews, who were sons to D. Ramir, his brother, whom they called king of Arragon▪ it may be it was only in title: he died in the life time of D. Sancho their father, and by his death Gonsalo their other brother is said also to have reigned in Arragon with D. Vrraca, Queen mother to these three Princes, and not the children of D. Ramir, the which is a stronger argument, that they were but titles, To which place of S. Emylian, this king D. Garcia and D. Ximena his wife make another donation of the water which comes from the valley of Alencon, to water their fields and orchards one day and a night in the week; to which titles D. Vrraca is always set: for it was always a custom of the Princes in Spain, for honour's sake, to name their mothers and wives, in all letters of donation and privileges which they grant; for they soul (say they) and that of their father, and they make this donation to S. Emylian, whom they call their Patron, as they had been taught. Without doubt their devotion in those times to S. Emylian had been very great, who was called on as an Advocate and Patron by the Christians in Spain, from Burgos unto the Ocean: of the which there are two Monasteries, the one called the higher, the other the lower.  
D. Garcia the trembling married D. Ximena, and yet there is great diversity among Authors touching the name of this Lady, by whom he had D. Sancho, who was king after him. He recommended his education and bringing up to D. Sancho, Abbot of Saint salvator of Leyre, who was afterwards Bishop of Pampelone. The qualities of this king are little known, forwant of ancient records, whereof they commend one, the which is questionable, whether it be a virtue or a vice, That he could never refuse any thing that was demanded of him: but they chiefly merit to be held liberal, when as they give, with judgement, measurably to men of merit, otherwise they are termed prodigal, ignorant, careless, and contemners of the chiefest point of their charge, 
Rewards and punishments maintain all Estates.  which is, to distribute rewards and punishments equally. There is no mention made of his wars and enterprises. He reigned, as they esteem, seven years, and so he died in the thousand year of our Saviour. His body, as some hold, was buried at S. john de la Pegna; others say, at S. salvator at Leyre, which place was more famous, and of greater authority.   

D. Sancho, the fourth of that name, and thirteenth King of Navarre.  
24 D. Sancho succeeded his father D. Garcia the trembling in his Estates, accounted the thirteenth king of Navarre; a virtuous and valiant Prince, and famous for his great exploits; during whose reign, the History, and especially the computation of times, gins to be more plain and certain, than in the time of his predecessors.  
25 In the year 1001 of our redemption, 
Moors.  and the 384 of the Arabians Empire, and 287 of their entry into Spain, Zuleima being abandoned by the Castillans, he had recourse to the king of Sarragosse and Carrace, with whose aid he recovered Cordova, and made himself king again, Hizen being fled into Africa; one of whose captains, called Hali Hatan, holding Orichela, 
Hali 13 king of Cordova.  called Hali Governor of Ceuta, and caused him to pass with some forces into Spain, in hope to reign there. These two did besiege and take Cordova, and Zuleima in it, whom Hali slew with his own hands: but it was not long before Hali Hatan did rise against Hali, 
Confusion and civil wars among the Moors.  whom he troubled much for the space of two years, and after some battles won and lost on either side, he caused him to be secretly slain in a bath, in the town of jahen, by some of his eunuchs, whom he had corrupted, in whose place, the noblemen and knights of the Moors which were at jahen, chose his brother Cacin, who kept at Sevile, in the year 1003, and 386 of the Arbians reign. Many African Moors of Barbary, (some sent for, some voluntaries, to seek their adventures) passed daily into Spain, by reason of these conspiracies and civil dissensions; of which, Cacin the new king had many which followed his party, as his deceased brother had. Being come to jahen, he caused a diligent search to be made for those treacherous eunuchs which had slain the king, but they could find no more but two, whom he put to death, and then it behoved him to defend himself: for Hali Hatan seeing that he could not reign, procured him great enemies, that is, Abderramen Almorrada, of the blood royal of Aben Humey●, who governed in Murcia, sending messengers with all kinds of persuasions, and other means, to induce the petty Arabian kings, which held Sarragosse, Valence, Tortosa, and other towns and forts in Spain, to join with him, to resist (said he) the Barbarian moors which came to invade Spain: wherefore Abderramen was created King and Miralmumin by them, but he never held the chief town of Cordova. Having raised an army of all those of his faction, he besieged and took the town of jahen, cutting the Moors in pieces, which held it against him, and from thence went to other places, which he seized on, and in a short time became Lord of a great country; the which Hali Hatan and another captain of his train, called Almundar, Aben-Alsaie, did very much envy, and as they had helped to raise him to that height, so they sought all means possible to pull him down, and not only to deprive him of his estates, but also of his life, saying, That it was not reasonable any other than themselves should reap the fruits of their labours, and the conquests gotten with the price of their bloods. For the effecting whereof they filled the king's Court and camp with quarrels and discontents, among the commanders and captains, watching some fit opportunity to execute their malicious design. King Abderramen pursuing his good fortune, came to besiege Grenado, the which at that time was reasonably great, and well peopled, and commanded by a petty king, a Moor, 
Envy and treachery among the Arabians.  called Bedeci, Aben● Abus. There these two conspirators, Hali Hatan and Almundar (making show to employ themselves faithfully in any thing that might annoy the besieged) had secret conference with some Moors of the town, and laid a plot, That they should make a sally upon Abderramens' army, the which they would favour in such sort, as most of his best men and he himself should either be taken or slain; and having instructed them where they should charge, and of the situation of the king's lodging (which was upon the side of a hill, called Senesta, two leagues from Grenado) they held themselves ready, attending the alarm; the which being given very hot, and at a fit time to strike terror, they joined with the Grenadines, where they made a great slaughter of Abderramens' men, he himself being in like manner slain, and the rest of the army dispersed and put to flight, abandoning their Engines of battery, and all their baggage, the which was spoiled, and carried into Grenado, with great joy. This treason was practised by these two captains through envy, together with a distrust of king Abderramen good success; wherefore after this goodly exploit, they resolved to send part of the booty, with many heads of the chief of the Moors, slain in this surprise, to king Cacin, in sign of triumph; the which was very pleasing to this king, who was then at Cordova, and making use of this good fortune, he went to field, to reduce under his obedience many towns and forts which had revolted to king Abderramen, when as he was advanced to that dignity; the which he did to many; but he wanted force and time to finish it: for having reigned scarce three years, he died in the year 1007. The Moors of Barbary, which had for a time followed the party of the kings of Cordova, were then in great authority in the city, and therefore had the means and credit to choose Hiaya, the son of Mahumet, for king: the which did much discontent the ancient Moors borne in the country, who sought some good opportunity to be rid of these Berberuzes (as the Spaniards called them) by killing or chase them out of the town, to the end that the government thereof might return into their hands, as before. A fit occasion was offered: for the new king Hiaya, who before his election to be king was resident at Malaga, having a desire to have that town at his devotion, for that it had not obeyed the precedent kings of Cordova, since their troubles and seditions, went forth of Cordova, leading with him great troops of soldiers, especially of that race of Moors which came out of Barbary. Coming to Malaga, he was received without any contradiction: but whilst he was busy there, the inhabitants of Cordova, who had intelligence with Buz of Grenado, drew certain troops, which he had sent, into their town, being led by two of his captains, Hayran and Mogid, by whose help they cut the throats of above a thousand African Moors, who were left for the guard of the city. 
Hiaya 15 king of the Moors at Cordova.  At this bruit, king Hiayas' lieutenant was so amazed, as he got out of the town, with all the ministers of justice, and fled to Malaga, to carry these troublesome news to the king his master; who within few days was slain by a Moor, called Ishmael, 
Abderramen 16 king at Cordova.  having reigned only three months and some days. Abderramen the fourth of that name was advanced in his place: he was king but a month and seventeen days, and we do not read, whither he died, or were expelled his kingdom. After him followed Mahumet, 
Mahumet 17 king at Cordova.  great Miralmumin of Cordova, who reigned not long, for that being rich in treasure, by his good husbandry, before he came to be king, it was a cause to shorten his life, by the treachery of his household servants, who conspired to murder him for his treasure, wherefore they poisoned him, having held the kingdom a year and four months: He died in the year one thousand and nine, and of the Arabians reign three hundred ninety two. 
Hizen 18 king at Cordova.  He left this place to Hizen the third of that name, who lived long at Sevile, being desirous to reign, the which he now obtained. In the mean time a Moor, who called himself king of Ceuta, passing the straight, came to Malaga, where he took the fort of the town. He was called Esdriz, and brought with him a great number of the Moors of Africa: with whom Buz, who termed himself king of Grenado, joined at Malaga, and called himself his vassal, doing him homage. Being thus fortified with the Moors of Spain, he came to Carmona, the which he took: then passing on by Alcaladel Rio, he burned the suburbs of Triana, and seized upon Sevile. Many other tyrants did rise in divers places, so as all Spain, under the Moors jurisdiction, was full of seditions, and civil wars, and the estate of Cordova was spoiled by him that could get it: but the kings of Toledo made their profit more than any other, who meddling not with other men's quarrels, kept themselves quiet, and assured with their own limits. After the death of Obeidalla (as we have said) Hyran reigned, of the lineage of Aben Humeia, who dying left the sceptre to his son, called Hizen, who reigned in the time of this other Hizen, king of Cordova, and was the eight king of Toledo.  
King Hizen of Cordova was of as small continuance as his late predecessors; for the Moors his subjects expelled him, in hatred of the robberies and extortions committed by his Alhabib. or Constable, who from a base place was advanced to that dignity: so having held the kingdom twenty months and some days, he gave place to Almondirs folly, in the year one thousand and eleven. Almondir, who was of the lineage of Aben Humeya, put himself forward (being desirous to reign) in this sedition and popular tumult, and having gathered some of his friends and kinsfolks together, he came unto the castle of the city, entreating them to receive him, seeing they would not have king Hizen: Whereupon being advertised by some one well affected, that he offered himself in an unseasonable time, the people being in arms, and incensed against a king, wherefore he should do wisely to retire, 
The furious and nrestrained ambition of Almondir.  and to keep himself from murdering in this tumult: but being mad with ambition, he persisted in his demand, adding thereunto, that he did not care, so as they created him king that day, if they slew him the next. Which words were so odious unto all that heard them, as without any further delay, or giving him that fading contentment to see himself king that day, they slew him upon the place, presuming by the words which he had uttered, that he would be an unprofitable and bad king: such was the reward of his furious desire to reign. This being done, they did forbear to kill Hizen, and being resolved not to have him for their king, they let him understand, That if he would save his life, he should quit the fort, and retire where he pleased: whereunto he obeyed, and retired himself, with some of his friends, into another strong house of his, joining unto the city, of a contrary humour to Almondir: but the Moors of Cordova not thinking themselves secure, he being so near them, and being resolved not to endure any more kings of the lineage of Aben Humeya, they besieged him in this house, took him, and imprisoned him in Cordova, from whence he escaped, and fled to Sarragosse, where he lived in a private estate. Then a Moor of great power, called joar of Algazur, seeing the city without a king, 
joar 19 king at Cordova.  embracing this occasion, with the help of his friends which did affect him, took upon him the title and royal authority at Cordova: but on the other side, one Hali Cacin, or Aben Cacin, 
Hali Cacin ruling at Sevile.  residing at Sevile, a man of a great house, and mighty, seized upon the town of Sevile, where he did remain with the Moors of his faction, and enjoyed the sovereignty fifteen years; yet taking no other title upon him, but as judge and Governor; but he prepared the way for his successors to make it a royal seat. joar reigned but two years, and Mahumet his son succeeded him, 
Mahumet the 20, and last king at Cordova.  being the twentieth and last king of the Moors at Cordova, and in whom the majesty of the Miralmumins of Spain (which had been great) was extinct: from the which grew so many petty kings, as there was scarce any good town in Spain but had a particular king, which made strict alliances among themselves for the preservation of their estates, and maintained themselves until the coming of the Almoravides, Moors, which came out of Africa, as we will show. This king Mahumet, desiring rather to hold that little of the estate of Cordova, which remained, than to seek after that which was drawn away, enjoyed it in peace thirteen years; the which fell out, according to the common opinion, about the year 1027, and of the Arabians 415: So as the royal seat of the Miralmumins of Spain (accounting from Abderramen the first, who did begin it) had continued in the city of Cordova 269 years. The Moors affairs in Spain being in this confusion, the Christians neglected this fit opportunity, to recover all Spain, and to root out the sect of Mahumet: but they had their infirmities in like manner. D. Sancho king of Navarre made some attempts, but as it seems ill pursued, being not mentioned in the Histories.  
D. Alphonso king of Leon, 
Leon.  made an enterprise against them that governed in Lusitania, and besieged the town of Viseo, but as he went inconsiderately about it, to view the place, being unarmed, he was shot with an arrow from the town, whereof he died soon after: this was in the year 1006, 
An. 1006.  as the Spanish Histories report: But the letters and, titles of Chapters and Covents say, he lived unto the year 1028. A little before his death, he had received into his country the children of D. Bela of Nagera, a knight who as we have said, had been chased out of Castille, by the Earl D. Fernand Gonsales: which were D. Roderigo, D. Diego, and D. Inigo Bela, who would never be reconciled unto D. Sancho Earl of Castille, their Lord: wherefore having lived a wandering and vagabond life for a time among the Moors, and elsewhere, in the end they came into Leon, whereas the king D. Alphonso received them, honoured them, and gave them lands and revenues, in the quarter of Somocas. This Prince was careful to administer justice to his subjects; 
D. Alphonso 5 king of Leon, a lover of justice.  and therefore did review and restore the ancient laws of the Goths, and did correct and moderate them with new decrees fit for the time, and all by the advise of the general estates, assembled at Ouiedo, in the year 1003. He repaired the ruins of the City of Leon, and there built a Church to Saint john Baptist, whither he caused the body of D. Bermond his father, and many others, to be brought, and there interred. In his time lived Athilan, Bishop of Leon, and Florian, a great Preacher in Gallicia, both held for Saints in Spain. They writ, that Florian meaning to try if his Sermons were pleasing to God, put burning coals into his mouth, and had no harm.  
As for D. Sancho fourth king of Navarre, 
Navarre.  he was surnamed the Great, chief for his great dominions, 
D. Sancho Emperor of Spain.  and for his great exploits, both in peace and war; by reason whereof he entitled himself king of Spain, the which the Goths with all their greatness and power durst not do. He married D. Nugna, eldest daughter to D. Sancho Garcia, Earl of Castille; yet the Histories of Arragon call her otherwise, & say the king had a former wife, which was, D. Caya, Lady of Ayvar, the which was rather a concubine, than a lawful wife, of whom D. Ramir, 
Genealogy of Navarre.  first king of Arragon was borne. By this Lady D. Nugna, he did inherit the Earldom of Castille, and by her had D. Garcia king of Navarre, after him D. Fernand, first king of Castille, and D. Gonsalo king of Sobrarbre, and Ribagorsa. He was either in person, or sent to all the wars betwixt the Christians, and the Moors, whose estate was much shaken in his time, by reason of the divisions of that mutinous nation; and this king was more fortunate abroad, than in his own house.  
The Histories which treat of his deeds, say, That being absent in some war against the Moors, his son D. Garcia demanded a goodly horse of his mother, out of the king's stable, the which he loved above all the rest, and had straightly commanded his wife not to suffer any one to ride him: yet she desiring to please her eldest son, granted him; but being afterwards dissuaded by a knight, called, Pedro de Seize, or as some writ Fernand of Ordognana, master of the king's horse, she would have avoided it, considering the charge the king had given her: whereat D. Garcia being too much incensed for a matter of no moment, began to imagine that there was some dishonest familiarity betwixt this Master of the Horse and his mother; whither that he believed it, or did maliciously invent it, forgetting God, and all filial respect, 
Notable treason of a son against his mother.  he resolved to accuse them of adultery: and having conferred this design with his brother D. Fernand (who was of a better disposition) he would have forced him to serve as a witness, or assistant in this wickedness, the which he refused, and did often dissuade D. Garcia from so vile an enterprise, but it was in vain. In the end D. Fernands' youth was vanquished by the importunity, or rather fear of his elder brother promising not to reveal the fraud and lie, which he had discovered unto him. The king being returned to his castle of Nagera, 
Queen of cpan of Adulter●e.  this perverse son D. Garcia failed not to accuse his mother: whereat the king was wonderfully amazed, for that he had never seen any cause to suspect his wife of any dishonesty, neither would he lightly believe that which his son had said, but examining this business carefully, he sought by all means to discover the truth: yet he caused the Queen to be put in prison in the castle of Nagera; then taking D. Fernand his second son apart, he examined him upon this fact, who answered the king doubtfully, the which increased his suspicion more than before: wherefore the king called an assembly of noblemen, and of his Council, to whom he propounded this pitiful case, demanding their advice. They answered that the Queen must purge herself by contrary proofs, according unto the Laws, or according to the custom which was then in use, she should find a knight to defend her cause by arms, else she must suffer the punishment due to such an offence, which was to be burnt. The poor Lady attending this sentence, made her continual prayers unto God, to make her innocency known, who heard her prayers: for after some days, no man daring to present himself to defend this princess honour, 
The virtue of D. Ramir the bastard condemning the lawful children of Navarre.  D. Ramir the king's bastard son offered himself to enter combat for the Queen, against any that would maintain the accusation which was laid against her. As they prepared themselves to the combat, there was a religious man of good fame, and much respected in Navarre, who doubting of this fraud, or otherwise advertised by the providence of God, came unto D. Garcia and D. Fernand the king's sons, whom he persuaded with such lively reasons, as they were touched in conscience, and began to apprehend the foulness of their offence, to have sought her death who was the cause of their being, against all truth, and for a matter of so small moment; wherefore casting themselves at this holy man's feet, they confessed their fault, demanding pardon of God, and entreating him to find some means that this pursuit might cease, 
Queen of Navares innocence justified.  the Queen's innocency known, and that they might be restored to the king's favour. The religious man having comforted them, went unto the king, to whom he declared what he had done, and what he understood from his sons, entreating him to pardon their offence, whom youth and choler had thus transported. The king being joyful of the innocency of his wife, delivered her out of prison, and meaning that the favour which they pretended to recover, should depend wholly of their mother, 
Affection of a mother.  he sent them unto her: but she showing herself a true mother, did forget the cause she had to dislike her ill advised sons, and pardoning them with a motherly affection, she restored them to the king's favour: In this action, D. Ramir showed himself both virtuous and valiant, wherein he purchased the more honour, by this circumstance, That he being son of an other woman, would defend the reputation of his mother in law against her own children: in recompense whereof, the king D. Sancho, assigning portions for his children in his life time, gave after his death the Earldom of Arragon to D. Ramir with the title of king. By this division of portions made by the king D. Sancho, and D. Nugna, D. Fernand was also graced with a royal title, in the succession of Castille, which fell unto her by the violent death of her brother D. Garcia, as we will show: Navarre remaining to D. Garcia the elder brother, and the ancient realm of Sobrarbre to D. Gonsalo; meaning to honour all his children with the names and titles of Kings, which was the cause of great divisions among these brethren, which haply had ceased, if one of them had been made sovereign King over the rest, the which had maintained the Christians estate in Spain better united, and of more force to repulse the Moors. The time of this action of adultery is uncertain.  
The king D. Sancho was a very devout and religious Prince, 
Religious deeds of D. Sancho the great.  after the manner of those times: for besides the confirmation of gifts which he and his wife gave to S. Emylian, of the town of Ventose (annexed to this place by D. Garcia his father and others) he made a vow, to give unto the Coveat of S. salvator of Leyre, the tenth of bread and wine, and the herbage of such places as he should take from the Moors: and with this hope, in the year 1015, he raised an army to invade the Infidels by the frontier of Funes: at which place of Funes he gave to the same Monastery a field of Vines which he had of the inhabitants, for that he had slain ten Moors in the time of peace, for the which they ought a thousand solz, for a fine, which were so many crowns, or thereabouts, More, in Falses he gave a possession, house, vine, and other appurtenances: and in Nagera, the houses, vines, and fields of king Antrayo, but what he was, we have no certain knowledge. These things he gave to the Church of S. salvator of Leyre. It is not known what was the success of D. Sanchoes war against the Moors, but that by conjecture it was good, for that in that time there is a confirmation made by him, of nobility, and exemptions granted by his predecessors to the inhabitants of Roncal. The zeal of this religious Prince was such, 
Counsels in Navarre.  as he called a Council at S. salvator de Leyre, in the year 1022, but the chief decree was, a confirmation of privileges granted to this Monastery by his grandfather D. Sancho, and D. Vrraca his grandmother, and D. Garcia and D. Ximena his father and mother; which confirmation was signed by the king and all his children. The year after 1023, 
An. 1023.  there was another Council held in Pampelone, where the Bishopric was transferred to S. salvator of Leyre, where it continued some time. There enquiry was made of the ancient limits of the jurisdiction of the Bishopric of Pampelone. This was the subject of Counsels in those days. Then was D. Sancho the elder (who had been schoolmaster to the king) Bishop of Pampelone, and Abbot of S. salvator, but he could not see this alteration, for that he died this year: but his successor carrying the same name, surnamed the younger, saw it in the year 1026, being the seventh Bishop of that Church, being uncertain to what Archbishop it was then subject. In our time it is to that of Sarragosse.  
This year 1026 was borne that great captain, 
Castille.  a Castillan, called Roderigo Dias of Bivar, who was afterwards called Cid. Ruy Dias, the Camper, of whom mention shall be made. In the year 1028 they hold (and it is verified by titles and ancient records) That D. Sancho Garcia Earl of Castille died, 
An. 1028.  having ruled nine and thirty years, and was buried in the Monastery of S. salvator of Ogna, founded by him. He was an unfortunate Prince in his house, by reason of the miserable death of his mother; otherwise he was wise and valiant, and a great lover of his nobility, to whom he gave great privileges and exemptions, yea, he dispensed with them from going to the war without pay and entertainment, and that they should not be taxed for any imposition which should be levied upon the public. And as he was very devour, after the manner of those times, he made many reparations and orders, to make the ways more easy for them that went in pilgrimage to S. jaques of Compostella: for in the beginning, 
The ancient way from France to S. jaques.  the ordinary and most usual way was by the Provinces of Guipuscoa and Biscaye to the mountain country, then to the Asturies of Sentillana, then to Ouiedo, from whence they entered into Gallicia; and since the way being mountainous, although it were short, being left, by reason of the difficult and hard passages, they came from France by Navarre into Alava, and then through the Asturies; a longer, but a far more easy voyage than the other: but the Earl D. Sancho caused a way to be made even, from Navarre by Rioje and Bureva, to the city of Burgos, the which is frequented at this day, to the great ease of such as make this voyage to S. jaques. They call this the French way. This Earl gave Quintanilla to the Monastery of S. Emylian, and did many other works for the redemption of his soul, as appears by the letters and titles of that age.   

D. Bermond, third of that name, 23. King of Leon.  
DON Bermond, 
〈◊〉  son to D. Alphonso succeeded his father in the Realm of Leon, in the year 1028. being but a young Prince at his first entry to the Crown, 
A religious king and lover of justice.  he began to follow the religious steps of his father, causing churches, monasteries, & other buildings which had been ruined by the Arabians in the former wars, to be repaired. And moreover, was very careful to maintain good orders among his subjects, and to do them justice, punishing the disordered with great severity. An argument that he had good and virtuous men in his Court, and of his Council, who honoured both themselves and their Prince, in the due execution of their charges, and discharging of their consciences so as it followed, that all the subjects governed themselves by their king's example: yea the Noblemen and Knights of his Court. The beginning of which reign could not but be held most happy. He married with D. Theresa, second daughter to D. Sancho, last earl of Castille, by whom he had one son, called D. Alphonso by his grandfathers name, who died before his father.  
27 By the same treaty of marriage with the youngest daughter of Castille, after the decease of D. Sancho Earl of Castille, by the advice of the country, there was a marriage propounded, betwixt D. Garcia successor to the said earl, and D. Sancha sister to the K. D. Bermond. 
D. Garcia 4. Earl of Casti●  Both parties being agreed, D. Garcia went to Leon, to consummate this marriage, being accompanied by D. Sancho k. of Navarre his brother-in-law, who had married D. Nugna the eldest daughter of Castille. The Court being full of Noblemen and Ladies to honour this marriage, which should be performed with state, and the Earl D. Garcia having no other thoughts but to court his mistress; there came unto him the 3 brethren of Bela abovementioned, who were banished out of Castille, & fled into Leon: D. Roderigo, D. Diego, and D. Inigo, who making a show to desire the Earl's favour, came to kiss his hand, offering him all service & homage, as his natural vassals, craving pardon for that was passed: to whom D. Garcia being courteous, gave good reception; and presuming they had nothing hidden in their hearts, but what their countenances showed, and their tongue uttered, 
D. Garcia Earl of castille murdered by the thr● brethren of Bela.  he assured himself of them, going without any guard, like a private man that had no quarrel: so as these traitors found opportunity to murder him, in revenge that the Earl his father had banished them out of Castille, and confiscated their goods: so the innocent suffered for the offendor, if we may call it an offence to do justice upon rebels. He that gave him the first blow with his sword, was D. Ruys or Roderigo his godfather. Such excesses did the Christians then commit. The murderers did then escape, but afterwards they fell into the hands of D. Sancho King of Navarre, who took a worthy revenge. There was great heaviness in Court for this wretched murder: but D. Sancha lamented more than all the rest, to see herself a widow before she was a wife: who seeing her spouse interred at S. john Baptist in Leon, entreated them that they would burn her alive with him. 
Castille united to Navarre.  By the death of D. Garcia, the Earldom of Castille fell to the k. of Navarre D. Sancho, who had married D. Nugna the eldest sister or D. Garcia, and took peaceable possession thereof in the same year 1028.  
28 After the death of D. 
Cattelogne.  Raymond Borel Earl of Barcelone, which was in the year, 1017. D. Berenger his son governed this principality, as proprietary, under the Sovereignty of France, being the sixth in number, and was surnamed Borel, as his father, but of a contrary disposition to his father: for by his idleness, he gave entry to all vices into his Court: war and all exercises of chivalry were contemned by him, which bred him great troubles. We find that this Earl had three sons, the first called D. Raymond Berenger succeeded him: the second, D. Guillen or Guillaume Berenger, was Earl of Manrese, 
Genealogy of Barcelone.  and the third son, Don Sancho Berenger Prior of the Monastery of Saint Benoist of Bages: Who after the decease of D. Guillen the 2. brother, which died without children, left his habit, and succeeded him in the Conty of Manrese, & died also without children. In the year 1020. D. Bernard Brisefer, cousin to the Earl Berenger, riding through Provence, was drowned in the river of Rosne: And for that he was a brave Knight, the Moors having notice of his death, grew so hardy and courageous, as they did overrun the country of Cattelogne, entering by Cerdagne: but they were repulsed and chased, by D. Geoffrey Earl of that place, brother to D. Bernard. This D. Geoffrey was founder of the Monastery of Saint Martin of Canigo, and mention is made of five sons issued from him. D. Raymond Geoffrey, who was Earl of Cerdagne and Besalu, after the father: D. Geoffrey Guinar, Archbishop of Narbon: D. Berenger Geoffrey, Bishop of Girone: D. Guillen Geoffrey, Bishop of Vrgel: and the last D. Geoffrey, Earl of Bergada: Having so goodly an issue, he died in the year 1025. and was interred at Saint Martin of Canigo, which he had built. His eldest son and heir in the County of Cerdagne, did little enjoy it, for he died two years after, leaving two sons, D. Guillen Raymond Earl, and D. Henry.  
The Moors by another Invasion into the territories of Cattelogne, ruined the Monastery of Ripol; but by the care of D. Oliban, son to D. Oliban Cabrisa, they were repulsed, and the Monastery repaired and fortified by him, in the year 1035. in which year the Earl D. Berenger Borel died, having governed five and thirty years without any fame, 
Navarre and Castille.  being scarce forty years old, and was buried at Ripol.  
After the death of D. Garcia Earl of Castille, and the perception of the succession by D. Sancho the Great, king of navarre, in the name of D. Nugna his wife, being elder sister to the deceased, the first woman which succeeded in Castille, there grew a war betwixt him and D. Bermond king of Leon, who had married the Earls other sister, called D. Theresa: in the which the King of Leon lost the country which lies from the river of Cea, unto the ancient limits of Castille: but by the mediation of some Noblemen, and good counsellors, these two Princes were reconciled and concluded a peace; by the which there was a marriage contracted betwixt D. Fernand, second son to the king of Navarre, and D. Sancha sister to the king D. Bermond, who had been promised to D. Garcia, Earl of Castille. By this Treaty the lands which the King of Navarre had taken from the King of Leon, should be given to Fernand: and it was said, that the Earldom of Castille assigned to him, should have the title of a Kingdom, when he should begin to enjoy it. Thus they were good friends, and maintained peace betwixt these two Estates of leon and Castille, 
An. 1033. Palence restored by the king of Navarre.  till after the death of the King D. Sancho the Great: Who about the year 1033. restored the town of Palence, upon an opinion which he had to have been miraculously cured, (having put his arm out of joint, striking at a wild Boar) in the ruins of this town, which was sometimes destroyed by the Moors, and at a place where as Saint Antolins' church had been. To this place he restored the ancient Episcopal seat, and gave great gifts unto it. The Bishops of Palence, call themselves Earls of Pernia since that time. He gave much to other Monasteries, as it was the custom of those times: and that for the devotion he had to the Relics of Ouiedo, he went thither as a pilgrim, but he was slain by the way, 
Death of D. Sanchoxy king of Navarre.  as we have said, and was buried at Ouiedo, & afterwards transported to Ogna, in the year 1034. 
An. 1034.  After his decease, his children took possession of the Realms assigned unto them by their father and mother: D. Garcia of Navarre, D. Fernand of Castille, D. Gonçalo of Sobrarbre and Ribagorça, and D. Ramir of Arragon.  
Thus a great Estate (by reason whereof D. Sancho had called himself Emperor of Spain, and was surnamed the Great) was dismembered, to the great prejudice of Christendom. Being dead, his brother in law D. Bermond, would not observe the conditions concluded by the Treaty of marriage betwixt his sister and D. Fernand the new King of Castille, seeking to take from him the Land which did confine upon the River of Cea, conquered and overcome by. D. Sancho the Great, the which he afterwards left unto D. Fernand, and to his wife, his sister, in making of the marriage. D. Fernand hearing that he prepared and addressed himself to Arms, with an intent and resolution to annoy and trouble him, he also, on the contrary, put himself in defence, 
D. Bermond king of Leon, breaks the peace, is defeated and slain  being succoured by his brother D. Garcia King of Navarre, with great troops of soldiers, the which he ●edde himself in person, to a place called Llantada. The two armies encountered near to the River of Carrion, where there was a furious battle, with great slaughter of either side: But D. Bernond lost his life, being run thorough with a Lance; by whose death (for that he had no lawful children) the succession of Leon and Ouiedo, fell to D. Fermand, husband to D. Sancha, sister to the deceased. This was in the year 1037. that the two Estates of Leon and Castille were ●nted. 
Union of 〈◊〉 and Castille.  D. Bermond was interred at Leon with his wife D. Theresa, who was dead before.  
The end of the seventh Book.    

❧ THE EIGHTH BOOK of the History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 D. Ferdinand, first king of Castille.  
2 D. Raymond Berenger, 7. Earl of Barcelone.  
3 D. Ramir, first king of Arragon.  
4 D. Garcia, 14. king of Navarre, the sixth of that name.  
5 D. Sancho, fift of that name, and fifteenth king of Navarre.  
6 Division of the Estates of D. Fernand the first king of Castille, among his children, giving Castille to D. Sancho, to D. Alphonso that of Leon, and to D. Garcia, Galicia, with the like title.  
7 D. Sancho Ramires, king of Arragon, 2. and the invasion of Navarre by him, wherefore he was numbered for the 16. king of Navarre, and the sixth of that name.  
8 Estate of the Arabians in the East, their divisions and quarrels, from whence sprung 4 mighty Monarchies.  
9 D. Alphonso the sixth, called the Brave, king of Castille, Leon, and Galicia, uniting these three Estates.  
10 Exploits of Cid Ruis Diaz, a valiant Captain of Castille.  
11 D. Raymond, eighth Earl of Barcelone.  
12 Usurpations of the King of Castille, upon Navarre.  
13 Conquest of the city and kingdom of Toledo, from the Moors. Re-establishment of the Archbishop's seat and primacy of Spain, and other things belonging to the dignity of that City.  
14 D. Raymond Arnoul, ninth Earl of Barcelone.  
15 The royal Seat restored to Cordova, by Ali-Aben●Axa a Moor, who united all the Princes and Potentates of that Sect in Spain, under the Empire of the Almoravides: his rebellion and death.  
16 Passage of joseph Aben-Tefin, Miralmumin, or king of Maroc in Spain: reduction of all the Moors of Spain under one Empire.  
17 Henry of Lorraine, or of Besançon, Earl of Linbourg, the stem of the royal family of Portugal.  
18 Spain furnished with French Prelates.  
19 D. Pedro first of that name, 17. king of Navarre, and third of Arragon.  
20 Ali-Aben●Tefin-Miralmumin, or king of the Arabiens Almoravides.   
❧ This eighth Book contains the beginning of the Realms of Castille and Arragon, erected by D. SANCHO 4. king of Navarre, and the continuance of their Princes, and other Potentates of Spain, as followeth:  

LEON. Kings.  
24 D. Fernand 1.  
D. Alphonso 6.   

CASTILLE. Kings.  
1 The same 2.  
2 D. Sancho 2.  
3 The same 1.   

NAVARRE. Kings.  
14 D. Garcia 6.  
15 D. Sancho 5.  
16 D. Sancho Ramir 6.  
17 D. Pedro the first 1.   

ARRAGON. Kings.  
1 D. Ramir the first 1.  
The same 4.  
The same 1.   

CATTELOGNE. Kings.  
7 D. Raymond Berenger.  
8 D. Raymond.  
9 D. Raymond Arnoul.   

PORTUGAL. Earls.  
1 D. Henry of Lorraine, or of Besançon, first  
Earl under the Sovereignty of Leon.   

D. Fernand, 2. of that name, first king of Castille, and 24. of Leon.  
1 D. Fernand had reigned 2. 
Castille.  years in Castille, when as the quarrel grew betwixt him, and D. Bermond king of Leon, whereof followed the defeat of Llantada, and the death of the king D. Bermond: after which the two brethren, D. Garcia king of Navarre, and D. Fernand of Castille, led their victorious army before the city of Leon, where the remainders were that had escaped from the battle. The Leonois would have made some resistance against D. Fernand heir to the Crown: but fearing they should not be able to hold out long, they received him: and being crowned in Saint Mary de la Regle, 
1037.  the Cathedral church of Leon, in the year 1037. he reigned in peace. Thus these two Estates of Leon and Castille were united, 
Succession of the Estates of Castil. and Leon by wo●●●.  about an hundred years after they had been divided, in the time of D. Fernand Gonçales: and they came into the masculine line of the house of Navarre, in D. Fernand, the second son, by the hereditary right of women: that is, Castille by his mother D. Nugna, and Leon, in the right of his wife D. Sancha, for want of heirs males of the direct line in these two houses. Before he came to these great successions, during the life of the king D. Sancho his father, he had had by his wife D. Sancha, presumptive heir of Leon, one daughter called D. Vrraca, than a son D. Sancho, and after him another daughter named D. Eluira, being King of Castille, she bore him D. Alphonso, in the year, 1035. and for the last of all their children D. Garcia: All which were well instructed and bred up like king's children according to their sex.  
The first royal act which D. Fernand did, was to dispose of justice, fortifying by his authority the ancient laws of the Goths, with some necessary additions or reformations: he was much renowned, not only for that respect, but also for his Religion, and valour in war, whereof he showed good proof against the Moors, who invaded his dominions in the year 1038, 
Which is the country of Extremadura.  by the frontiers of Gallicia, and the country which is properly called Extremadura, the which lies upon the banks of Durio, whence it takes the name, not that which they think at this day lies betwixt Tayo and Guadiana where the good woad grows. D. Fernand did not only repulse them, but also poursued them unto Merida and Badajos, then entering into the country, which is now called Portugal, he took from them the towns of Cea, Gana, Viseo, Lamego, the castle of Saint Martin, Tarança, and in the end after a long and difficult siege, the city of Coimbra, where his army was in great distress for victuals; whereof they were relieved (as the Spanish Histories say) by certain religious men of that country, who had secretly gathered together (if it be credible) great store of victuals, wherewith they did furnish the camp. The Spanish Authors write, that the king D. Fernand had (at the taking of Viseo) gotten the Moor, which had slain the king D. Alphonso his father in law, whose eyes he caused to be put out, and both his hands, and one of his feet to be cut off, wherein he rather showed a base, than a generous disposition. In that war he laid the bounds of his country beyond the river of Mondego, 
Revenge 〈…〉 royal mind.  which is in the midst of Portugal: and leaving for Governor of Coimbra, (being the greatest town in all the country) a Knight called D. Sisenand: he returned into his country, and went to visit. jaques Sopulcher, offering part of the spoils which he had taken in the war, as to the Patron and Protector of Spain, according to the manner of the Religion in his time. After which he continued eight years without any wars against the Moors, who having dismembered their monarchy of Cordova, which had so long maintained the name and glory of the Arabians in Spain, to the great ruin of the Christians, did now busy themselves to make petty Royalties: whereof the most famous in those times were Sevile and Toledo; that of Sevile extended his jurisdictions unto the country called Algarbe, beyond Guadiana.  
2 Other Moors neighbours to Cattelogne, 
Cattelogne.  having entered the Contie of Barcelone, in the time of D. Berenger Borel, were stayed by his son and successor D. Raimond Berenger, whom they called the Elder, for that he had a son of the same name, who succeeded him. This Earl was of a small stature; but in this little body there lodged a great courage, unlike therein unto his father, having no delight but in action and arms. By his judgement and valour, the Moors were dispossessed of the Castle of Manresa, of the Towns of Ceruera, Segarra, Tagarra, Verdun, Tous, Lacuença of Odena, and of many other places: and subjecteth some of the Moors unto him, and made them Tributaries. With this Warlike virtue, he was wise for the well governing of a quiet estate, loving justice, being religious, honourable, and liberal to his Nobility, the dignity of which Estate he did much augment. He was twice married: his first wife, 
Genealogy of cattelogne.  called Radalmurs, brought him two sons, the one called D. Pedro Raymond, who was much hated of his father, for some reasons which we will hereafter show: The seconds name was D. Berenger Raymond, who slew his brother; and for that he was exceeding proud, he lost his Estate. To his second wife he had D. Almodia, or Almadis, a wise Lady and virtuous, by whom he had D. Raymond Berenger, who was Earl after him, surnamed (for that his hair was white and thick) flaxen hair.   

D. Ramir, first King of Arragon.  
3. THe Arragonois their neighbours, 
Arragon.  began at that time to have Kings, the country having that title given it, in favour of D. Ramir, a Bastard of Navarre, in the year, 1304, the Country having continued with the title of an Earldom about 250. years, by which means it was divided from Navarre. This title of a King was confirmed to D. Ramir, by Pope Benedict the ninth, and the Arms of these first Kings of Arragon, wear a Cross argent in a field azure. D. Ramir did soon after seize (I know not by what right) of the Realm of Sobrarbre, and Ribagorça, by the death of D. Gonçalo his brother, 
Sobrarbre and Ribagorsa united to the Crown of Arragon.  who had been made King by the will of D. Sancho their father, he being slain passing the bridge of Montclus, by a household servant of his, called Raymonet, and left no children. This succession did more rightly belong to D. Garcia, the lawful son of D. Sancho, and brother by father and mother to D. Gonçalo. Whatsoever they say, that D. Ramir was a Prince endowed with great virtues, yet would he have dispossessed his brother D. Garcia, who was at Rome, of the kingdom of Navarre, where their father died. For the effecting whereof, he demanded succours from the Moors, which held Tudella, Saragosse, and Huefca, and besieged the town of Tafalla, but D. Garcia arriving at that instant, had means to make D. Ramir to raise his siege with dishonour and loss. He had to wife D. Ermisende, daughter to the Earl of Bigorre, 
Genealogy of Arragon.  by whom he had D. Sancho Ramires, who was King of Arragon after him, D. Garcia, Bishop of jacca, D. Sancha Countess of Tholousa, D. Theresa Countess of Provence, wife to the Earl Guillen Bertrand, and one Bastard son, called D. Sancho, Lord of Ayvar and Xavierre. The time of this King's Reign, or the manner of his death, whether it were in war, or by sickness, is doubtful amongst Authors, the common opinion is, that he died about the year 1063. being at the siege of the Castle of Grados, or Iraos', of a wound which he received, being in arms against the Moors of the Country: for that leaving the protection of Arragon, they had put themselves under that of Castille, and that he is interrred at S. john de la Pegna.   

D. Garcia Sanches 6. of that name, and 14. King of Navarre▪  
4. AS for D. Gracia heir of the Realm of Navarre, 
Navarre,  he came to the crown as his other brethren in the year 1034. the Queen D. Nugna his mother, yet living: he was surnamed Sanches of Nagera, for that he was bred up there, & made his ordinary residence there until he died, and was buried there. The portions given by D. Sancho the Great, their father, were very prejudicial unto him, for that as the elder, the sovereignty of all those Estates did belong unto him, of all which D. Garcia had nothing but the crown of Navarre, the country which is from Bureva and Ogna, running from the country of Frias, 
The bounds of the realm of Navarre under D. Garcia Sanches.  containing seven jurisdictions, in ancient time called Castillia the old, and moreover Alava, Nagera and a part of Biscay. In the beginning D. Garcia was in reasonable good terms with his brother D. Fernand King of Castille, and did assist him as we have said, in the wars he had against D. Bermond, to settle him in the Realm of Leon: but afterward there grew divisions betwixt them, as also betwixt him and D. Ramir, so as during his life they were never reconciled. He was married whilst he was Infant of Navarre, to a French Lady called Estiennette, of the house of Foix, as the Spaniards say, yet is it doubtful, for there is no mention in those times of any Earls of Foix, it may be she was of the house of Carcassone, or Beziers, from whence the Earls of Foix did afterwards descend. By this wife he had four sons: 
Genealogy of Navarre.  D. Sancho Garcia, who was King after his father: D. Ramier Lord of Calaorra, Torresilla, de los Cameros, Rivafresca, Lea, Villoria, Trebejan and others: D. Fernand the third Lord of lubera, Lagienilla and other places▪ and D. Raymond the fourth Lord of Murillo, Agon and Agoncillo, and four daughters, D. Ermesilda or Ermisenda, who was Lady of Villa Mediana and Matres: D. Ximena Lady of Corcerous and Hornos. The third D. Mayor of janguas, & D. Vrraca, or according unto some Oguenda, Lady of Aluerite, Lardero & Mucrones, such was the issue of D. Garcia Sanches of Nagera: During whose reign the Spaniards set up the invention of the image of the Virgin Mary of the royal Monastery, in the town of Nagera; in honour of whom, D. Garcia, and his wife D. Estaphana, or Estiennette caused the Convent of the order of Saint Benet to be built: 
Knights of the Lily in Navarre.  and moreover the King did institute the order of the knights of the Lily, for that in the same picture there was a pot of white Lilies, and would have the Knights carry upon their cloaks, Lilies embroidered with the needle. This was the devise of the Knights of the order of Navarre, wherewith the King's children, and many Knights of Navarre and strangers were honoured, the which continued in this house of Navarre.  
The King D. Garcia did greatly honour his nobility, and did confirm in the year 1043. the previledges of the gentlemen in the Valley of Roncal, in testimony of their perpetual fidelity to the Kings of Navarre their Princes, who had done him great services against the Moors his neighbours. He took Calaorra from them, in the year 1044. 
An. 1044.  a more fortunate war, out of doubt, then that which he had against D. Fernand King of Castille his brother, a fatal man to all his kinsfolks and allies. Envy which torments man, by reason of an others prosperity, bread a hatred in D. Garcia, against his brother D. Fernand, the which was augmented by some dispute that was betwixt them for the town of Nagera in Rioje, 
Quarrels betwixt the Kings of Castille and Navarre.  whereas D. Garcia kept his Court, and the Lands of Bureva, which D. Fernand maintained did belong unto the crown of Castille. The first and most unworthy effect, whereby this hatred was discovered, was a treason plotted against D. Fernand in the town of Nagera; for being come in brotherly love to visit D. Garcia, 
D. Garcias practise against his brother.  who was sick in bed, he was advertised that by his commandment they meant to stay him, and in truth he had been put in prison if he had not escaped: this did so incense them one against an other, as falling to arms, it was one of their deaths.  
This treacherous part was long dissembled by D. Fernand, attending some opportunity of revenge, notwithstanding any excuse D. Garcia could make, seeing his design had failed. Thus the King of Navarre lived in continual hatred with his brethren. D. Ramir, and D. Fernand, as he had purchased by his bad disposition, the dislike of his father and mother: a Prince in truth unworthy to make war against the Moors, for the advancement of the Christian religion: against whom (notwithstanding that he was in bad terms with his brethren) he sent an army, and took from them the town of Funes, in the year of our Lord 1045. For the recovery of his health, he had sent messengers to all the famous Bishops and Abbots of Spain, that by their prayers to God he might be cured: with this devotion he caused himself to be carried to the Monastery of Saint Saweur of Leyre, where he did believe that by the prayers of those religious men, his health was restored; in recompense whereof, he gave to that house the Convent of Centurifontes, and many other things: all this did nothing abate the spleen he had against his brother D. Fernand, who would not be surprised.  
Being returned into his country, 
Castille.  dissembling the wrong which had been done him, he made war against the Moors, upon the fronters of Castille, where he took the towns of Goruas', Vado del Rey, Aquilera, Berlanga, and other places, passing unto Tarrassone and then he returned by Medina Celi, ruining the forts, and watchtowers which the Moors had built in those countries; the which he did with less difficulty, for that the Moors estate was in great confusion, by reason of the seditions and tiranies which were practised amongst them. 
An. 1047.  They writ that this Prince did also that year (which was 1047) chase the Moors out of the mountains, of Ora and Ouan. Sometime after, continuing the war against the Mahumetists, he passed the mountains with his army into the realm of Toledo, he spoilt the country about Talamanca and Vzeda, whereas the river of Henares passeth to Alcala, and Guadalajara: he entered the territory of Madrid, and made such a general spoil of towns and people, as the King of Toledo, a Moor called Aly Maymon, was advised to pacify him by presents, yea to promise him tribute: the which he did, sending home D. Fernand rich with gold and silver, and of all other spoils, into his countries of Leon and Castille.  
This King Aly Maymon was the ninth of those which had reigned at Toledo of the royal race of Aben Humeya, 
Moors.  son to King Hizen, and grandchild to Hayran. He had one son amongst others, carrying his grandfathers name Hizen, and one daughter called Casilda, who was a Christian, as you shall hear. At that time there dwelled many Musarabes in Toledo, whom God left not unfurnished of Pastors, among the which Archiques the archdeacon is famous, 
Arts flourished among the Arabians in Spain.  who encouraged the Christians of that city, and instructed them in the grounds of their faith: arts and liberal sciences were in like manner maintained and honoured among the Arabians, and in those days their lived many learned men of that nation, whereof the most renowned were Haly Albuacem, and Aly Aben Ragel, very learned in Astrology. The occasion which drew the Princess Calside to the Christian religion, is thus related by the authors of the Spanish History. She fell (say they) very sick of a bloody flix, for whose recovery her father had in vain employed the skill of all the Arabian Physicians, and others that were expert in that faculty: but in the end she had a revelation, that if she did wash herself in the waters of Saint Vincents Lake, which is in the territory of Bureva, near unto Biruiesca, she should be cured: 
Cas●de a Princess of the Moors baptised.  the which she presently declared to the King her father, who was very well pleased: and having written to the King D. Fernand, he sent this Virgin well attended unto him, and presently set many Christian slaves, at liberty, upon this occasion D. Fernand entertained her with great honour, & caused her to be furnished with all things necessary. Being bathed in those waters she recovered her health, whereupon the Spaniards say, she would return no more to Toledo, but caused herself to be baptised and built an Oratory with a little chamber upon the Lake, where she made her abode, and there spent the remainder of her days, in prayers and other religious exercises, and was there buried after her decease.  
But the same author said, that being at Toleda, before she came into Castille she was full of charity and compassion to Christian captives, to whom she gave great alms, which was a sign that there were in her some good seeds of better instruction, the which by the recovery of her health was confirmed. There was also an other Prince of the Moors called Allay Maymon (not he which was King of Toledo) against whom D. Garcia King of Navarre had a sharp encounter, at Ricorbasesca, where the Moor was vanquished and slain.  
These Christian Kings, 
Navarre.  ambitious and treacherous one against an other, not sparing their own blood, thought to expiate all their offences, in building of Churches, and indowing them with great revenues, in envy one of an other, with this opinion, D. Garcia gave many gifts, and granted many previledges to the Church of Saint Mary the Royal of Nage●a, 
Donations to Churches.  which he had caused to be built, for his funeral: declaring that these gifts were for the health of his soul, of his fathers, of the Queen his wives, and of his children, with the approbation of the chief noblemen of his Realm: which donations and previledges, he meant should continue unto the end of the world, upon a penalty, to him that should break them, of a thousand talents, to be applied to the Monastery. In these terms they are expressed in the letters which are found in the said Monastery, dated in the year of our Lord 1052. and seen by Garibay.  
By the like persuasion, 
Casti●le.  D. Fernand King of Castille built the Church of Saint Isidore in the city of Leon. And to make that place of more authority, he resolved to get his body, which he thought was yet in the city of Sevile, where he had been Bishop, for this cause he proclaimed war, 
Exploits of D. Fernand and the Moors.  against Almuncamus, called by others Benabet, Aben Amet, who at that time was King there, wasting and spoiling his country, on this side the river of Guadiana, towards Portugal, where he took the town of Montmaior, and pursuing his enemy, he forced him to the like conditions, as he had done Aly Maymon, King of Toledo, and besides he made him to deliver Saint Ifidores body, or something in steed thereof, the which was received by D. Auito Bishop of Leon, and D. Ordogno Bishop of Astorga, which relic he caused to be carried to Leon. This King D. Fernand at the suit of his subjects of the Kingdom of Leon, caused the town of Zamora to be new built, which had remained a heap of stones, since the reign of D. Ramir the third. 
1054.  D. Garcia King of Navarre did in like manner build the town of Peralta, 
Detention of D. Garcia King of Navarre in Castille.  and other works. And to return to the hatred which continued betwixt these two brethren, it burst forth in the year 1054. so as the King D. Fernand being fallen sick at Burgos, he requited D. Garcia in the like manner: for D. Garcia being come unto him, to visit him, and to take from him all suspicion that he had attempted against him, he was seized on and carried prisoner unto Cea.  
D. Garcia, 
Navarre.  wrought in such sort with good words and money, as his guard suffered him to escape, and so being full of wrath and indignation, he returned into Navarre, where he levied a mighty army of his subjects, of Gascons and of Moors, allies or mercenaries, the which he led by the mountains of Oca, unto Atapuerca within four leagues of Burgos: 
Wars betwixt Navarre and Castille.  whereof the King D. Fernand being advertised, he had raised great troops in Castille, Leon and Asturia to resist him. Yet before they came to join in battle, he did solicit the King D. Garcia, by many messengers to retire, entreating him to forget all things past, and that from thenceforth he would remain his good brother and friend: but D. Garcia was so incensed, as he would not give ear to any good counsel, wherefore both armies advancing, there was a furious battle, in the which there was much Christian blood spilled: but D. Garcia was so unfortunate as he was encountered in the charge, by two Knights of Navarre, who being discontented with him, had retired to D. Fernands' army; these two ran upon him and slew him; whereupon the Navarrois army was soon put to rout, and defeated. The King D. Fernand did grieve at D. Garcias death, and delivered his body to his people to bury it, leaving to pursue any but the Moors, 
Death of D. Garcia Sanches King of Navarre.  who were come to this war. Such was the end of D. Garcia King of Navarre, in the year 1054. having reigned twenty years. His body was interred at Saint Mary the royal in Nagera. He entitled himself King of Pampelone, Nagera, Alava, Oca, Bureva, of Castille the Old, and of Biscay, where intruth he held most part of the country.  
In witness whereof there are letters found, containing, that in the year 1053. D. Nugno Sanches Earl of Durango, and D. Leguncia his wife, endowed a church of Saint Augustine, the which is now called Saint Augustine of Echavarri, near unto the place whereas long after the town of Helorrio was built, which letters were confirmed by the King D. Garcia, as reigning in that country.  
After this victory the King D. Fernand seized upon all Castille the Old, 
Castille.  of the territory of Bureva, of Mont Oca, and of part of Rioje, unto the waters of the flood Oja, which fall from the mountain of Eucimi, 
Usurpations of the King of Castille upon Navarre.  where now stands Saint Dominique de la Calçada, and falls into Ebro at the town Haro. In confirmation of the Monks good husbandry, mention is made, of acontroversie betwixt the deceased King D. Garcia King of Navarre and Saint Dominique, called of Silos, who was a religious man, borne at Cagnas, in Rioje, and of a shepherd became a Monk; he was bred up in the Monastery of Saint Emylian of Cogolla, where he took the habit of the order of Saint Benet, and lived there so religiously as he was made Abbot: but for that he was a stout protector of the rights of the Abbay, and of their exemptions, he fell in disgrace with the King, who expelled him out of all his dominions: the which he aftewardes repent.  
This good father went into Castille, where D. Fernand received him courteously, and gave him commission for the restoring of the Monastery of Saint Sebastian of Silos, in the valley of Toblatello, the which had been destroyed by the Moors. In those times there began to be great fame of the valour of D. Roderigo Diaz, 
D. Roderigo Diaz of Bivar a valiant Knight.  called by the Arabians, Cid Ruis Diaz, against whom he made long and sharp wars, being a new knight desirous of honour, and ready for all virtuous exercises. After that D. Fernand had subjecteth under his obedience, the territories of Rioje and Mont Oca, which had been held by the Kings of Navarre, the Moors made many roads thither, being their neighbours, and did daily carry away great spoils, whereof they were often stripped by Cid Ruis Diaz; and amongst others mention is made of a rout which he gave them upon Mont Oca, where he took five of their commanders or petty Kings, the which he afterwards delivered upon ransom, and promise of a yearly tribute. This Cid Ruis had a quarrel with D. Gomes Lord of Gormes, the which had been conquered by D. Fernand from the Moors, few years before, so as entering into Combat, D. Gomes was slain; he lest one daughter called D. Ximena Gomes, who made great and continual complaints for the death of her father: but soon after she herself entreated the King, to make a marriage betwixt her and Cid, the which he did, and so this Lady was comforted. He purchased this name of Cid, which in the Arabian tongue signifies Lord, in the town of Zamore, when as the messengers of these five petty Kings, above mentioned, bringing the tribute contracted with them, presented in the presence of the King D. Ferdnand, 
Cid a title given to Roderigo Diaz.  they called him Cid Ruis Diaz: wherefore the King would have this brave Knight carry this title still, who by his right name was called Roderigo Diaz de Bivar.  
The town of Calaorra being taken by the Moors, and recovered again by the King D. Ferdnand, there grew some controversy betwixt him and D. Ramir King of Arragon, for that place; for the deciding whereof either should bring a knight to the combat, upon condition that the victor should purchase the right to his party. For D. Fernand Cid Ruis Diaz was armed, and for the King of Arragon came a knight called Martin Gomez, 
Race of cid Ruis Diaz.  the author (as they say) of the house and family of Luna in Arragon; Who being vanquished and slain upon the place, Calaorre remained in the jurisdiction of Castille. The race of this knight D. Roderigo Diaz, descended of Flavin, whom others call Lain Caluo, judge of Castille, son in law to Nugno Nugnes Rasura, who had by his daughter D. Eluira Nugnes Bella, or Theresa Bella, as some say, four sons, Fernand, Bermond, Lain and Diego, surnamed Laynes. Of Fernand the eldest was borne, Lain Fernandes, of him Nugno Laynes, who begat Diego Laynes, father to Cid Ruis Diaz: whose mother was called D. Theresa Nugnes, daughter to D. Roderigo, Aluares Earl and Governor of the Asturies, by others called D. Nugna Aluares, d' Amaya, Of Cid Ruis, and of D. Ximena Gomes above named was borne D. Diego Rodrigues, who died in his father's life time, in the wars against the Moors. And moreover they had two daughters D. Eluira, and D. Sol, whereof mention shallbe made in the relation of the affairs of Castille and Navarre.   

D. Sancho Garcia the fifth of that name, and the fifteenth King of Navarre.  
5. D. Sancho Garcia, 
Navarre.  succeeded D. Garcia Sanches his father in the realm of Navarre, who could not stop the course of D. Fernands' conquests, having after the battle of Atapuerca, taken from him a good part of the country which his father enjoyed: wherefore he made a league with his uncle D. Ramir King of Arragon, against D. Fernand King of Castille. By this alliance the Spanish authors say, that these Kings gave divers towns and forts in pawn one to an other, and that the King of Navarre did quit to him of Arragon, and to his for ever, the towns of Sanguessa, Lerda and Ondues. This King had to wife a Lady called D. Plaisance, by whom he had children, but there is no certain mention made of them. He was of little valour, and therefore D. Fernand of Castille his uncle, had means to restrain him in his Realm of Navarre, at his pleasure, were it either right or wrong.  
In the mean time the King D. Fernand, 
Castille.  to purge and expiate these outrages, gave bountifully to the Cathedral churches, colleges, parishes and monasteries of his realm, and to others without it; for they say he gave every year to the Abbay of Clugny, 
The alms deeds of the King of Castille.  a thousand pieces of gold, out his treasury and infinite alms deeds to the poor in particular. The tribute which he demanded of the King of Toledo, was denied him a little before his death: but he went in person against him, forced him to acknowledge him for his Lord, and to do him homage, and in like manner the other Moors, who after his example had rebelled: and they hold that he also led his army along the river of Ebro, by the confines of Cattelogne to Valence, where having taken great spoils from the Moors, which reigned in those Marches, he returned victorious into his country. His residence was for the most part at Leon, for certain reasons.  
And although that homebred examples did warn him to keep his Estates united in one body, to have the more power and authority, to withstand the attempts of all enemies, yet he was resolved to assign his children their portions in his life time: To D. Sancho he appointed the realm of Castille, unto the river of Pisuerga, 
D. Fernand 〈…〉  towards Leon; and towards Navarre limited by the river of Ebro, as he had augmented it on that side, with the prejudice of his Nephew D. Sancho Garcia: To D. Alphonso his second son, he assigned the Kingdom of Leon in the Asturies, and Tramsiera, unto the river Deva, which passeth by Ouiedo: and moreover he gave him part of Campos, and the town of Astorga, and other lands in Galicia, with the town of Zebrero: To D. Garcia the youngest the realm of Galicia withal that he had conquered in Portugal. He did also endow his two daughters, assigning to D. Vrraca the eldest the city of Zamora, and to D. Eluira the youngest, the city of Toro: but this division was not allowed, nor kept by his son D. Sancho, after his death, the which many say, was in the year of our Lord 1059.  
A remarkable year by the credit which was given to the Cardinals of Rome, 
An. 1059.  by the diligence of Pope Nicholas the second, a Savoyard borne, who having called a council at Saint jean de Latran in Rome, provided that from thence forth the Pope should not be chosen but by the suffrages of the Cardinals, 
〈…〉  grounding this decree upon the corruptions, troubles and seditions, which grew ordinarily upon the election of Popes; holding it less dangerous to have these indirect courses practised by few, then by the whole Clergy, or the people of Rome. This Decree is inserted in the three and twenty distinction, and gins. In nomine domini etc.  
The writers of the Spanish History are not very certain of the time of D. Fernands' death; for those which seem most exact, prolong his life unto the year of our Lord 1067. The place where he died is also very doubtful: but all agree that he was interred at Saint Isidore of Leon, dying so full of contrition and repentance for his sins, as they hold his body for a holy relic, in the King's chapel in that church. By this computation he should have reigned two and thirty years in Castille, and thirty or thereabouts in Leon. We find no other thing touching the affairs of this King with foreign Princes, but only a contention betwixt his Ambassadors, and those of the Emperor Henry, at the council of Florence, under Victor the second, the Emperor pretending that the Kings of Spain should acknowledge his Majesty and do him homage as to their sovergaine: but this question was decided by the council, where it was said, that seeing the Kings of Spain had defended and conquered their Realms by arms, without any aid from the Emperors, they were free and exempt from all acknowledgement or subjection to the Empire: 
The Kings of Spain do not acknowledge the Empire.  whereof we may read the gloss, upon the Chap. Adrianus Papa, Distinc. 63. the like previledge have the Kings of France, the State of Venice, the Kings of England, and some others.  
D. Raymond Berenger the elder, Earl of Barcelone, a wise and valiant Knight, of whom we have made mention, 
Cattelogne.  defended his country by his arms and wisdom, and enlarged his limits to the prejudice of the Moors, by the favour of the other Christian Potentates of Spain, which maee war against them, and the divisions which were among these Arabian Mahumetists. At that time was Seneschal in Cattelogne (which was a dignity equal to that of the Constable or Mareshals in France) one called Raymond Myron. In his time D. Guillen the fat was Earl of Besalu, son to Bernard Brisefer, who dying in the year 1052. D. Bernard Guillen his second son succeeded him: at the same time was Earl of Cerdagne, D Guillen Raymond, son to. Count Raymond Geoffry, who held it long, and had two sons, D. Guillen jordain, who was Earl after him, and D. Bernard Guillen, who was also Earl of Cerdagne: and to make clear the alliances of this house of Cattelogne, we find that D. Almodis, wife to Count Raymond Berenger, was issued from the house of the Earls of Carcassone, being strongly allied, especially with the Lords of Bearne and Narbone, and the Earls of Tolouse, Bigorre and other great houses of France. From the same house of Carcassone, was issued Emengarde, married to the Vicont of Besiers, both which in the year of our Lord 1068. yielded unto Raymond Berenger Earl of Barcelone, all the interest and right which they might pretend unto the Earldoms of Carcassone, Tolouse, Cominges, Rhodes and minerve: by means whereof, this house of Barcelone, had great Siegneuries, and pretensions in France, and from that time did enjoy the town of Carcassone● about which time the town of Perpignan was built.   

D. Sancho Fernandes the second of that name, and the second King of Castille.  
6. 
Castille.  IN the year of our redemption 1067. 
An. 1067.  the realms of Castille, Leon and Galicia, were divided betwixt the children of D. Ferdnand deceased, and Castille fell to D. Sancho Fernandes, surnamed the valiant. Leon to Alphonso Fernandes the second, whom they called the Brave: and Galicia to D. Garcia, with that which he had conquered in Portugal. Adding unto these D. Sancho Garcia, who held the Kingdom of Navarre, and D. Sancho Ramires, reigning in Arragon, we find that at one instant there were reigning in Spain, five grandchildren to D. Sancho the Great, King of Navarre. The Kings of Navarre and Arragon last named, made a league against D. Sancho King of Castille, but their quarrels and exploits are obscure and uncertain, at the least they did him no great harm. Whilst that D. Sancha, the mother of D. Fernands' three children lived, they continued in reasonable good terms, for she remained at Leon her own inheritance, so as Sancho durst not attempt any thing against D. Alphonso, to whom it was assigned, she being dead, which was the second year of D. Sancho Fernandes King of Castille, they sought all occasions to spoil one an other. D Garcia King of Galicia began first, taking from his sister D. Vrraca, Lady of Zamoraja part of her territory, the which he usurped. D. Sancho King of Castille, who demanded no better subject, embraced his sister's quarrel, and for her cause resolved to make war in Galicia; but the Noblemen and Knights of his council, were not of opinion, that he should go to arms, 
War betwixt the three brethren sons to D. Fernand, King of Castille.  for a matter which might be reconciled by some milder course. Amongst those which did contradict the King's ambitious desire, were D. Garcia de Cabra, and Cid Ruis Diaz, saying, that if, contrary to their advice, he were resolved to invade Galicia, he should first provide to be in good terms with D. Alphonso King of Leon, that he might have free passage for his army through his country, and to conduct his victuals and munition from Castille into Galicia. To this end the two Kings had two enteruewes at Sahagun, where in the beginning D. Alphonso seemed untractable: yet in the end he yielded to give his brother. D. Sancho passage, and whatsoever he demanded: wherefore in the year 1071. war was begun against the King D. Garcia who had recourse unto his brother. D. Alphonso of Leon, to be aided by him; but he excused himself, saying that he would remain indifferent, 
D. Garcia King of Galicia dispossessed.  a●d not deal, for the one nor the other: so as D. Sancho entering Galicia with great forces, after many encounters he became master thereof, dispossessed his brother of all his country, and took him prisoner. So the reign of this King ended the fourth year after his coming to it: yet some authors say, that this was done, after D. Sancho had dispossessed his brother D. Alphonso of the Kingdom of Leon, and forced him to become a Monk, and to take upon him the habit of Saint Benet: the which they report after this manner: D. Sancho being discontented with the division of portions which D. Fernand had made betwixt him and his brethren, thinking that they had done him wrong to take from him the sovereignty of these Kingdoms, being the eldest. As soon as D. Sancha, their mother was dead, he set upon his brother D. Alphonso King of Leon, and at his first entry won a battle at a place called Plantaca: but the Leonois rallied again together, they gave an other battle to D. Sancho, and defeated him upon the river of Carrion near to Gulpejora, whereas the King D. Alphonso commanded that they should not pursue the Castillans.  
Then was Cid Ruis Diaz, in D. Sanchos army, as his vassal, who excusing this loss with good reasons, and comforting his King, he revived his courage: so as having gathered his troops together, 
D. Alphonso King of Leon, dispossessed by his brother.  he came and charged the Leonois the morning following, being heavy with sleep, having made good cheer for their victory gotten the day before, and not doubting any enemy, putting them all in disorder, and to a shameful flight, having slain and taken many; then he pursued this advantage in such manner, as he besieged the King D. Alphonso in Saint Mary's Church of Carrion, where he thought to save himself, and carried him away prisoner to Burgos.  
A while after at the suit and instance of D. Vrraca, sister to these Kings, and of D. Pedro Ansures, he was set at liberty upon condition: that he should go into the Monastery of Sahagun, and take upon him the habit of Saint Benet: but he stayed not long there, being forced to enter into it: for by the advice of the same D. Pedro Ansures, 
Hospitality of King Alm●non a Moor,  he left Sahagun, and went to Toledo, to King Almen●n or Almeon, a Moor, who received him very courteously, and entreated him honourably, whilst he remained with him, having taking an oath of fidelity of him.  
He lodged him in a fair great house, near unto his Palace, which they imagine was in that place where as now the Monastery of religious women of the conception doth stand, to the end that he might there enjoy the company of the Christian Musarabes, which dwelled in that city.  
Thither came three Knights, sent from his sister Vrraca, to keep him company. D. Pedro, D. Gonçal and D. Fernand Ansures, brethren, of the country of Leon, who brought with them many other Christians, the which were entertained by the King Almenon: During this exile D. Alphonso gave himself to hunting and country sports: and taking great delight in a certain place of the territory of Toledo, where there were the ruins of old buildings, the King D. Almenon to gratify him, gave him leave to build them up again, and to plant it with Christians, the which is at this day called Brihuega, yet D. Alphonso grew to be suspected of the Moors, who feared that he sought means to seize upon the city of Toledo, whereupon Almenon was persuaded to kill him, notwithstanding he would not violate the laws of Hospitality, although he were a Mahumetiste, but was content only to take a new oath of him.  
Whilst that the King D. Alphonso past his time thus in exile, D. Sancho his brother, made himself master of the city, and of all the Kingdom of Leon, where he caused himself to be crowned King. He being thus dispossessed, they say he went against D. Garcia King of Galicia, to entreat him after the same manner. The division which was then in Galicia, betwixt the King and a great part of his Nobility, made the enterprise more easy; for D. Garcia being grown a tyrant, spoiling and entreating his subjects unworthily, he governed himself after the appetit of a slave more than was fit. This woman (who some say, was a slave enfranchised) put the Nobility and gentry, in favour or disgrace with the King (most commonly by false reports) as she pleased, which was the cause of many inconveniences: So as in the end growing insupportable, certain knights slew her in the King's presence.  
Upon this occasion the Nobility was divided, and the Realm full of troubles and factions, some following the King's party who would revenge this murder, and others supporting the murderers. The affairs being in this Estate, the King D. Sancho entered Galicia with a mighty army, against whom D. Garcia finding himself too weak, 
D. Garcia King of Galicia made a prey to his enemy, by reason of his tyrannies.  he abandoned his country, and had recourse unto the Moors, demanding aid of them for the recovery thereof, promising to make them sharers of that which he should get from D. Sancho his brother: but the Moors answered him wisely, that he who had not the heart to defend his own, should not be able to invade an other: yet the Moor being liberal and courteous, gave him rich presents, and sent him back, refuzing to engage himself in that action. D. Garcia having gathered some men together, but no sufficient to effect any matter of importance, doubtful what course to take, he fell to spoil his own country, and making his retreat into Portugal, where he had recovered some places, he did mightily annoy D. Sanchos garrisons, but it continued not long: for D. Sancho having raised an army, came against D. Garcia, fought with him, defeated him, and took him prisoner, near unto Saint Iren, and sent him to the castle of Lune, with a good guard, from whence he departed not until his death, the which happened in the time of D. Alphonso his Nephew about the year of our Lord 1081. who commanded he should be buried with irons on his feet, at Leon, in the Church of Saint Isidore: by this means the King D. Sancho remained Lord and Master of all Galicia, and other lands of that partage. By this it appears there is difference in the time, and in the means of their dispossessing. All this did not satisfy D. Sanchos ambition, for he would in like manner strip his sisters, D. Vrraca and D. Eluira, of the lands and places which they held, by their father's will, and laid siege to the town of Zamore.  
The inhabitants much affectedto their Princess, doing their endeavours for the defending of her rights, had with her consent chosen for their captain a knight, called D. Aria's Gonçales who had nourished her, under whose conduct they made many gallant sallies upon the besiegers, with loss of either side. Whilst that D. Sancho was busy at this vain attempt, a desperate knight of Castille, called Vellides Ataulphe, or Delphos, went out of the city with a resolution to kill the King, and found such an opportunity, as he struck him dead with a boarspeare, without any let, and then retired himself to the place from whence he came, 
D. Sanchos ambition stayed by the judgement of God.  notwithstanding that he was pursued by Cid Ruis Diaz and others. Thus the valour and conquests of D. Sancho Fernandes King of Castille (which could not be restrained by two great Kings) were made vain, when as he would attempt against a woman: an argument of the vanity of humane enterprises, and that there is a greater power which controls them. 
An. 1073.  This death happened in the year of our Lord 1073. having reigned in Castille about six years and nino months: by reason whereof the army disbanded, every one returning to his home, except the Castillans, who would needs continue the siege before Zamora for a time. The King's body was carried to the Monastery of Saint Saluador of Ogna. The inscription which is in that Monastery shows that he died five years later, but there is an error, for that Garibay affirms, that he had seen ancient writings, witnessing that D. Alphonso his brother reigned then in Castille.  
If the Castillan brethren were at discord, 
Navarre. The Brothers of Navarre at discord.  they of Navarre had as little charity amongst them: for betwixt D. Sancho Garcia, and D. Raymond, there was envy and secret hatred, the which burst out in time: for D. Raymond holding some strong places, and some in his brother's government, and having by his bounty drawn many unto him, who were discontented with the present Estate of the realm, he rebelled, meaning to defend these places he held: but the King D. Sancho, and the Nobility of Navarre did easily expel him. But there fell out a new trouble for the Navarrois, to demand reason of the Kings of Castille, who detained from him the territory of Bureva, Castille the old, and other places.  
D. Raymond being thus expelled, had no recourse to any Christian Princes his neighbours, 
D. Sancho King of Navarre slain.  who (as he doubted) would detest his attempts, but he fled unto the Moors, the enemies of our faith, and making war with them against his brother, there was a battle given near to Rueda, or Penalen, in the which D. Sancho was slain: this was about the year of our Lord 1076. 
An. 1076.  having reigned two and twenty years: he had by his wife D. Plaisance, amongst other children, D. Ramir Sanches, and two D. Garcias: D. Ramir being very young, upon the news of his father's death, put himself under the protection of D. Sancho Ramires, King of Arragon, whom also the Noblemen and Knights of Navarre called to reign over them, by reason of the minority of their King to oppose him against the enterprises of the bad. D. Raymond, who pursued his design to make himself King of Navarre, and had already seized upon Pampelone, and usurped the title of King there, but he was virtuously repulsed, so as being deceived of his ambitious hopes, not knowing what to resolve, he retired to the King of Sarrogosse, a Moor, where he passed his banished life, and by the bounty of this Pagan, enjoyed certain Lands and places, 
D. Raymond of Navarre retires to the Moors.  which descended afterwards to a Niece of his called Marquis, wife to Aznar Lopes, a Knight, who made a donation of Saint Maria Maior, to the Collegiall Church of Sarragosse, in the time of D. Alphonso King of Navarre, called the Warrior: the two Garcias brethren, sons to the deceased King of Navarre, fled into Castille, to the King D. Alphonso, the mightiest Prince at that time in Spain.   

D. Sancho Ramires the second King of Arragon, and chosen sixteenth King of Navarre.  
7. D. Sancho Ramires had reigned some years in Arragon, when as he was called to the crown of Navarre. 
Arragon and N●uarre united.  He had married a Lady, daughter to the Earl of Vrgel, called D. Felicia, by whom he had three sons. D. Pedro who succeeded in his Kingdoms. D. Alphonso who reigned after his brother, and D. Ramir, a religious man in the Monastery of Saint Ponce of Tomeres, near to Besiers, and afterwards King by the decease of his brother D. Alphonso, 
Genealogy of Arragon and Navarre.  who left no children. He had also one bastard, called D. Garcia who was bishop of jacca. In this Prince the two realms of Navarre and Arragon were united, 42. years after the separation thereof: he was warlike and politic, and withal very zealous in the Roman religion: for he changed the ceremonies of the Goths, which the Christians used, and brought in those of the Romish church, it may be by the council held at jacca, under this King, when as the Bishopric of Arragon was first established there: to enrich which seat, besides the tithes, there were certain portions appointed out of the conquest; which they should get from the Moors of Sarragosse and Tudele: and in steed of the civil Laws of the Goths, he brought in the common law of the Empire into his jurisdiction. There is a volume extant of particular laws, given by this King to them of jacca, which is inserted amongst the customs of Navarre at this day: but the chief acts of religion done by him, and other Princes in his time, were to endow churches; for the Monasteries, Colleges and bishoprics of Spain, have thousands of previledges, donations and exemptions granted unto them.  
There is mention made of a council assembled in the town of Parcelone at the pursuit of D. Raymond Berenger, 
Cattelogne.  the elder, and at the request of D. Almodia his wife, whereas Cardinal Hugnes, Legatto Pope Alexander the second, or Gregory the seventh did precede, for the certain time is not set down, but it is only said, that it was celebrated about the year 1071. 
Acouncel at Barcelone.  there it was decreed that Clergy men should live chastened, for that (as the History says) many of them were married, according to the introduction of King Vitiza the Goth: and after the example of the Arragonois, the service of the Musarabes was left, and the Roman of Saint Gregory received in Cattalogne. In the same council they treated of secular affairs, as of the government of the country of Cattelogne, of the Earl's house, of the Estate of the Nobles, of their names and titles, distinguished by this Earl, into Viconts, Barons and Vavasseurs: and such like. During the assembly of this council D. Pedro Raymond, 
The Countess Almodie of Barcelone poisoned by her son in law.  eldest son unto the Earl D. Raymond Berenger, poisoned D. Almodia his mother in law, fearing that she should labour to deprive him of his father's succession to advance her own children: whereupon he was justly disinherited: thus the wicked reaped what he feared. In the same country died D. Armingol Earl of Vrgel, in the year of our Lord 1075. to whom his son succeeded, carrying the same name: and the year following 1076. died the Earl D. Raymond Berenger, the elder, having governed in the county of Barcellone longer than any of his Predecessors, that is one and forty years. He divided his Earldom betwixt his two sons, D. Raymond Berenger, and D. Berenger Raymond, to the great hindrance of the commonweal, giving moreover unto D. Raymond Berenger the Earldom of Carcassone. By this Earl D. Raymond the customary laws were ordained, taken out of the volume of the old Gothique laws, amended and reform.  
8. 
Arabians.  The divisions of the Moors in Spain, above mentioned, do admonish us to speak some thing of the turbulent Estate of the Arabians in the East, and in like manner of them of Maroc, which was the cause of a great alteration in Spain. Returning then to the Caliphe Maruan, 
Seditious, revoltes and usurpations among the Arabian Princes.  who was in arms against Salin, the son of Asmulin, who had seized upon the Regions of Persia and Syria: we say that by the defeat of Maruan, and his death, Egypt was also conquered by Salin: so as all that which the Arabians held in the East, did obey Asmulin and Cataban his companion and councillor.  
They being dead, Abubalan surnamed Muamat, was Caliphe of Persia and Syria, and Salin the son of Asmulin kept Egypt to himself, and gave the beginning to a sovereign seat in that country, the which he established at Cairo, causing himself to be called Caliphe. Against Abubalan, did rise many enemies in Syria and Arabia, of the faction of Maruan, whom they did believe was yet living, so as there died great numbers of that nation, in divers encounters.  
After the death of Abubalan, his brother Abdala succeeded in the Eastern Empire of Sarrazins or Arabians, but an other of the same name aspiring to that dignity, slew him, and held the throne about the year 756. at which time there were great troops of Turks began to disperse themselves over all Armenia, the which did overrun and spoil the Sarrazins country, who encountered them in divers sharp and bloody battles. After this Abdala, who reigned about some twenty years, his son Madi Amadi was Caliphe, who held the Royal seat nine years, and Moyse his son succeeded him, who lived but two years, and left the place and dignity to Aaron Caliphe, who they writ was very just and charitable to Christians, and had sought the friendship of Charles the Great, King of France, of Alphonso the chaste reigning in Spain, and of other Christian Princes of his time, to whom he sent Ambassadors and presents, and they to him.  
Having reigned three and twenty years, he left, after his death, the dignity of Caliphe in question betwixt his two children, Muamat and Abdala, who after great effusion of blood, agreed to reign with equal title and authority. Muamat transported the seat of his Empire to Bagadat, a town built by him, near unto old Babylon, and would reside no more at Damas. At that time the Empire of the Arrabians and Sarrazins was divided into four great potentates, 
Four great potentates of Mahumets' sect in Asia and Africa.  whereof that of the East and of Bagadat, retained the title of Caliphe, which signifies King or ruler. That of Egypt called himself Sultan, which is as much to say, as Emperor. At Cairon, a great and mighty town, built within the country of Africa, in the time of Oxmen, some five and twenty leagues distant from Tunis, reigned an other Caliphe, and at Maroc (which Estate was come to them of the family of Aben Alabeci) reigned a Miralmumin, from which great potentates did afterwards grow, the Kingdoms of Fez, Alger, Tunes and others. After Mahumad reigned Imprael, who left the Empire of the East to his son Mamum, who held it with great reputation: but after him the Sarrazins power began to decline in the East, by their continual seditions and civil dissensions, whereby the Turks had means to settle a Monarchy, the which began about the year of Christ one thousand, being called by Mahumet Prince or Governor of Persia, who made war against the Caliphe of Bagadat, in which they served him: but falling afterwards to quarrel with him, they defeated him, and seized upon Persia, where they did choose for their first King, their General Tangrolipix, and sense partly by force, and and partly by an accord, they deal so with the Sarrazins, as their power declining, the name and Empire of the Turks hath continued to firm and mighty, unto our days. The Miralmumins of Maroc, being far from these tempests of the East, maintained their dignity in their race and nation, but not without the like furies and enraged appetites of rule; so as having been held many years by them of the lineage of Aben Alabeci, they were set upon and subdued by an other race of Princes Moors, called Almoravides, whereof joseph Aben-Tefin was the chief, who made himself Monarch in Africa, over all the Kings and potentates which did reign there, about the year 1068. and extended his power into Spain, as we will show.   

D. Alphonso the sixth of that name, the third King of Castille, and five and twentieth of Leon.  
9 D. Sancho Fernandes, 
Castille and Leon.  King of Castille, being slain as we have said, by the treason of Vellides Dolphos, or Ataulphe: D. Vrraca did presently advertise her brother D. Alphonso, who remained at Toledo under the protection of King Almenon. This Moor having many spies amongst the Christians, had already intelligence of the murder, and observing the actions of D. Alphonso, he was resolved to stay him, if he should offer to departed without his privity and leave. D. Alphonso was wonderfully persuaded by D. Pedro d' Ansures (who walking about the town had by chance met the messenger which brought him the news of the death of the King his brother) to departed as secretly as he could, fearing some treachery in the Moorish King, but D. Alphonso did otherwise, wherein he wrought wisely for himself, for the doubted that the King Almenon having advice of what had passed, did watch him at the passage: wherefore coming freely unto him, he read D. Vrracas letters in his presence, demanding his advice, leave and aid, to go and take possession of the Realm of Castille. King Almenon was much pleased, in that he did not distrust him, embraced him very lovingly, 
G●neros● 〈◊〉 and b●unt of King Al●enon to D. Alp●onso 6. King of Cas●il● and Leon.  rejoiced with him at the change of his estate, suffered him to departed at his pleasure, and furnished him with money and other things necessary to honour his voyage, and to assure his affairs, telling him freely what his intent was, to stay him prisoner if he had showed himself so ingrate, as to distrust him who had honoured him, and entertained him so lovingly during his exile: and before his departure he caused him to renew the oath, never to be contrary to him, nor to his son Hizen. Whilst that D. Alphonso prepared himself to come into Castille, to enjoy his new Kingdom, the siege of Zamora continued: for the Knights of Castille and the Prelates, having performed the funerals of the deceased King, in the Monastery of Ogna, were returned before the city, under the conduct of D. Diego Ordognes', Earl of Lara, being much incensed, that the murderer of the King had saved himself within their walls: wherefore they were resolved to batter it all they could.  
They writ that D. Diego Ordognes' defied the city, according to the Laws of duels or combats, amongst the which it was decreed, that any knight that would defy a chief ●owne, 
The law of defying a town.  was bound to fight against five knights, one after an other, changing every time his arms and horse, and taking (if he pleased) bread dipped thrice in wine or water: wherefore D. Diego submitting himself to the rigour of this Law, offered to fight against five knights, whereof he slew three, the which were sons to D. Arias Conçales: 
Combat of one Knight against 〈◊〉.  D. Pedro, D. Diego and D. Roderigo Arias; and that then the judges appointed, made the combat to cease, not declaring who was victor, notwithstanding that the Earl D. Ordognes', offered to end it, and to fight against those two which remained; some say, that D. Roderigo being wounded to the death, struck at his adversary with all his force, thinking to part him in two, but the sword falling upon the horsenecke cut the reins, and hurt him very sore, wherewith the ho●se being moved, carried the knight out of the lists, the which was not lawful for him that would have the honour of the combat. Hereupon the King D. Alphonso came to the camp before Zamora, where he was received without any contradiction for King of Castille, Leon, the Asturies and Galicia, and of those Lands which the King D. Fern●nd his father had taken from the crown of Navarre. They say that the Castillans, before they would acknowledge him for their King, would have him purge himself by oath, 
Ancient an● relgious 〈◊〉 to purge themselves by o●●  that he was not acquainted, nor consenting unto the death of D. Sancho his brother: which oath was required of him by Cid Ruis Diaz, only, amongst all the Castillans, in the churches of Saint Gadee of Burgos, a place appointed for that business.  
This manner of purging themselves by oath, of grievous crimes imposed, but not proved, was usual in Spain in those times, with great ceremonies, and religious terror in many churches and places consecrated, where there were great assemblies of people of all sorts, whereof did follow many horrible judgements of God, of those that were perjured, the contempt of Religion, how impure soever, being detestable and abominable before God. The King D. Alphonso was about thirty years old, when he began to reign, and was surnamed the Brave, for that he was valiant, and did effect great enterprises.  
We find that he married six wives, 
Genealogy of 〈◊〉 and Leon.  and had the company of two friends, nobly descended, by whom he had many children. The first of his wives was called 〈◊〉 a Spaniard: The second was D. Constance: The third D. Maria, daughter to the King of Sevill, called Almuncamuz or Benabet, Aben Amet, a Moor: whom he married after that he had taken the city of Toledo, and was before called Caida or Zaida, of whom was borne the Infant D. Sancho, whom the Moors slew in the war. Of D. Constance was borne D. Vrraca, heir to the King her father: the which was twice married, once to Count Raymond of the house of Bourgongne, and of the blood royal of France: brother to Guy Archbishop of Vienne, and afterwards Pope, called Cal●xtus, from whom issued D. Sancho, and D. Alphonso Raymond, who was King of Castille. And for her second husband she married D. Alphonso, King of Navarre and Arragon: The fourth wife of D. Alphonso the Brave, was D. Bertha of Tuscan: The fifth D. Isabel, a Spaniard, of whom was borne D. Sancha, wife to D. Roderigo, and D. Eluira married to Roger first King of Naples and Sicily. And the sixth and last wife was D. Beatrix, a French woman: Besides all these lawful wives he had the company of D. Ximena Nugnes de Gusman, by whom he had two daughters: the first whereof D. Eluira was married to an Earl of Tholousa and S. Giles, called Raymond, who had by her three sons, D. Bertrand, D. William, and D. Alphonso jordain, who were all Earls of Tholousa. 
Heury of Lorraine the st●m of the house of Portug●l.  The second called D. Theresa, who had to husband D. Henry, of the Blood of the Princes of Lorraine, borne at Besançon, the stem of the Kings of Portugal. For of this marriage issued D. Alphonso Henriquez, first king of Portugal. These three Knights, Raymond of Tholousa, Raymond of Bourgongne, and Henry of Lorraine, did serve the King D. Alphonso the Brave, happily and valiantly in his wars against the Moors: in requital whereof, he gave them Estates, honours, and his daughters in marriage. We find that he had another friend also of a Noble House, whose name is buried in forgetfulness. Of all this generation and alliance there shallbe often mention made in the discourse of this History. 
Disposition of D. Alphonso King of Castille and Leon.  This king D. Alphonso was a worthy Prince, virtuous, a lover of justice, and of his people, religious and zealous to the Sea of Rome, after the manner of his ancestors, so as he was most esteemed of all the Christian Princes of his time.  
He showed himself a friend and thankful to king Almenon of Toledo the Moor, 
Moors.  whose country was invaded by them that held the town of Cordova: for he led a great army to his aid: yet this Moor seeing what great forces D. Alphonso had with him, and seeing him lodged at Olias, two leagues from the Town, grew jealous that he would break the league, but he showed by the effects that he was of a noble and generous disposition: for with him he pursued them of Cordova, and plagued them in such sort, as for a long time they would not adventure to make war against Toledo.  
9 The Moors of Sevill and Cordova, Tributaries to the king of Castille, by a Treaty made with the king D. Fernand, did protract the time to send the tribute. Whereupon the king D. Alphonso sent D. Roderigo Diaz, called Cid, who being come into Andalousia, found all in arms and combustion: the Moors of Grenado, and their turbulent king Almundafar, 
Christian 〈◊〉 in pry with the Moors.  having begun war against Almuncamuz, King of Sevill, with the help and favour of some Christians, whereof Fortune Sanches, whom they held to be son-in-law to D. Garcia king of Navarre, and D. Lopes Sanches his brother, with D. Garcia Ordognes', and a knight of Castille, whose name was D. Diego Perez, were the chief: to whom Cid sent to let them understand, that Almuncamuz king of Sevile was vassal to his king, and therefore entreated them to forbear, and not to press him by arms, but they did not regard it: wherefore Cid embraced the quarrel in such sort, as with the troops he had brought out of Castille, and the Moors which he had found fit to carry arms, he gave a great and bloody defeat to the Granqdins, and their allies, and took D. Garcia Ordogno, D. Lopes Sanches, and D. Diego Parez, abovementioned prisoners, whom notwithstanding he delivered within three days after upon this consideration: the king of Sevile having much honoured and thanked Cid Ruis Diaz: 
Exploits of Cid Ruis Diaz in Andalou●ia  he paid him what he ought unto the king of Castille, quit him the whole prey, and moreover presented him with great gifts. Here did Cid purchase the name of Ca●peador. But for that all the Moors, which ought tribute in Andalousia, had not paid, the king D. Alphonso went in person to force them, leaving Cid in Castille sick: In the mean time the Moors of Medina Zelin, or Celi, began to over run the lands of Saint Stephen of Gormas, where they did much harm; against whom Cid, who was somewhat recovered, assembled the forces of Castille, and chased them out of the confines: and as he was of a great courage, and an irreconcilable enemy to the Moors, not respecting which of them he annoyed, he passed on, and entered the country near unto Toledo, where he put all to fire and sword, and led away above 7000. prisoners of all sexes and ages. This action did so discontent the king D. Alphonso, by reason of the league he had with king A●menon, 
Excess of Cid Rui● Daz, & h●●an 〈◊〉 out of Castille.  as without respect of this knight's valour, nor the great services which he had done unto the crown of Castille, thrust on moreover by the counsel of some which envied the others virtue, and did aggravate his offence, gave him commandment to departed his country within few days: Whereupon Cid departed, having left his wife and children at Saint Peter of Cardegna: but he was followed by above 300. horse, and a great number of foot, who loved him in particular: and with this troop began to make violent wars against the Moors. He entered their country by Atiença, and won Castreion by an ambush which he laid for the Moors, whilst that Alvaro Ian●s Minaya his cousin, did overrun the country unto Alcala of Henares, from whence he returned to Castrejon with great spoils. And for that Castrejon was upon the frontiers of king D. Alphonso, and for some other respects, Cid abandoned it, and went unto Hariza, Cetiva, and Alcocer, and striking great terror in all the country of Calatajub, Teruil and Tierar, he surprised Alcocer in Arragon.  
At that time the town of Valencia did belong to the king of Toledo, and was governed for king Almenon by a More, called Abubacar, to whom the Inhabitants of Calatajub, and the country thereabouts, made their daily complaints of the wrongs and lostes they received by Cid, demanding aid from him: whereupon Abubacar sent them two Captains, called Faris and Galue with good troops; but that could not defend them: for Cid joining with them, defeated them, and put them to a shameful flight, carrying great spoils to Alcocer, which was his retreat; from whence he sent to king D. Alphonso, by his cousin D. Alvaro jancs Minaya, thirty horses, with as many sword tied to the saddles. This did somewhat pacify the King, who did willingly see Alvaro's lanes, but for all this he did not call Cid from banishment: yet he suffered all men freely to go to the wars with Cid against the Moors, except Toledo. Cid desirous to make war, and wanting means, he took money upon the castle of Alcocer, and crossing to Xalon and Monreal, he stayed there some days.  
11 About this time D. Raymond Ber●nger the elder, 
Barcelore. An. 1076.  Earl of Barcelone, being deceased, his son D. Raymond called Flaxen-head, succeeded him, in the year 1076. When as near to Cattelogne, D. Armengol, Earl of Vrgel, won from the Moors, Sanahuya, Guizona, Balager, and other places of that country.  
The same year died Almuneamuz king of Sevile, 
Moors.  leaving his Realm to his son of the same name, who reigned also at Cordova, and in a manner over all Andalusia: so the discord betwixt these Arabians made Cordova (which had been lately Princess over other cities) to be subject and slave to Sevile. Cid having taken some good order for his affairs, and assembled good troops of soldiers, he began to torment the Moors of the straight of Sarragosse, & pressed them in such sort, as Almundafar king of Sarragosse, made a treaty with him greatly to his honour, and reccived him into his city, by whose means he drew many Christian Knights, which did willingly receive pay of these Moors, when they were in arms one against another, that they might help to defeat them. 
〈…〉  Thither D. Alvaro janes' came unto him with a good number of soldiers, being desirous to march under the command of so valiant a Captain as Cid was; who understanding of the good reception which the king had made unto D. Alvaro, and how he had received his presents, was wonderful glad. This year died Almenon king of Toledo; for whose quarrel Cid had been banished out of Castille: A Prince who had governed the kingdom long, and with whom the king D. Alphonso entertained true and firm friendship whilst he lived, and with his son and successor Hizen, 
An. 1078.  who reigned only one year, and died in the year, 1078. after whom a brother of his called Hiaya Alcadurbile, obtained the Crown of Toledo: a Prince of a bad disposition and cruel, numbered the 11. king of that city, and the last of the Arabians or Moors.  
12 During these things, 
Castille.  the king D. Alphonso (discontented, that the Navarrois had called D. Sancho Ramires, king of Arragon to reign over them, rather than him, who had a better title, 
Usurpations of D Alp●on●o King 〈◊〉 upon the rea●m of Navarre.  being cousin germane to the king D. Sancho Garcia deceased, by the lawful line, whereas the king of Arragon descended from a bastard:) seized upon the town of Nagera, and of all that jurisdiction, which was in the Province of Rioje, of which he made Governor D. Garcia de Cabra, called Crespo de Granon, and entitled himself king of Nagera. The people of Guipuscoa, Biscay, and Alava, who were neighbours unto it, hearing of this exploit, and considering the greatness of D. Alphonso, they thought good to lean unto him, and to leave the kings of Navarre, who were of less power: thus his jurisdiction increased, so as he commanded from the town of Saint jaques, unto Calaorra. In this felicity he began to restore and repeople many towns of his country, destroyed in former wars, as Salamanca, Auila, Legovia, Medina del campo, Olmedo, Coca and C●ellar.  
D. Sancho Ramires king of Arragon, 
Navarre and Arragon.  having no good title to the Realm of Navarre, for that D. Ramir Sanches, son to the deceased king was yet living: and by the same reason the king D. Alphonso having no good reason to pretend it, they agreed together, to the prejudice of the pupil: 
The Kings of Castille and Arragon spoil the 〈◊〉 of Navarre of his Kingdom.  by which accord Pampelone, with all the appurtenances (except Nagera and the other country where of D. Alphonso was seized) remained to the king of Arragon, but upon condition, that he should acknowledge himself vassal in that respect to the king of Castille. This king had made war against the Moors, whilst he was king of Arragon only, and before he had obtained the kingdom of Navarre, he had chased them out of the mountains of Arragon, Sobrarbr● and Ribagorça, and moreover had made war against Abderramen King of Huesca, and taken the town of Barbastro, at which siege Armingo Earl of Vrgel his father in law died. Having made his profit of the Realm of Navarre, and in good terms with D. Alphonso, 
Conques●s of the king of Arragon upon the Moors.  he continued his enterprises and conquests against that sect, and took from them the castle of Mugnones about Secastilla in Ribagorça: then he seized of Cobin and Pitilla, and had a great and cruel battle near unto Sarragoffa, and took from them Bolea, a place of great strength: to supply the charges of which war, this king was sometimes forced to use the revenues of the Clergy, his treasure being not able to furnish so great a charge: but the bishops of his country, who affected nothing more than to enrich their order and estate, 
King made to do pennarce by the Bishops of his country.  opposed themselves against him, and afflicted him in such sort, as putting him in a vain fear, that he was damned for this cause, they made him do penance, and to confess publicly in the church of Roda, before S. Vincents altar, in the presence, and at the poursute of D. Raymond Dalmace, Bishop of that place, and D. Garcia the kings own brother, Bishop of jacca, that he had grievously offended. Thus these good fathers insulted over their Sovereign. This fell out about the year, 1083: 
An. 1083.  at which time D. Ramir son to D. Sàncho Garcia, moved with great devotion, gave a new, and confirmed that which he had given to the monastery of Saint Mary of Nagera, which were the places of Torresilla, Cameros, Trevexan, Ribafresca, Lea, Villoria, and S. Pelagius of Cerezo, S. Peter of Torresilla, Saint Mary of Veraça, and other places and churches, making the Monks and Abbot of that place where he is interred, his heirs general. The King D. Sancho Ramires did in the year 1083. win the castle of Graos', the which he presented to the Monastery of Saint Victorian, to free himself of a certain vow made by D. Ramir his father, and also for a satisfaction to the Clergy: 
Princes of Spawn bet●ay their 〈◊〉 Christians.  but some writ that soon after he received a great overthrow about Roda, where they say, that the king D. Alphonso carrying a secret spleen, for that the King of Arragon did enjoy the Realm of Navarre, gave secret aid and favour to the Moors, and was the cause of this defeat of Christians.  
Almundafar King of Sarragossa being dead, 
Moors.  he had left two sons, Zuleima who was king of Sarragossa, and Aben Alfay in Denia, who being at dissension, fell to arms: either of them drawing Christian Noblemen and Knights to his party. Cid Ruis Diaz was for Zuleima. D. Pedro of Arragon eldest son to the king D. Sancho Ramires, and Count Raymond of Barcelone favoured Aben Alphare. 
Valour and bounty of 〈◊〉  Being in arms, and overrunning the country, Cid coming from Huesca and Montaban, encountered the troops of the Earl of Barcelone, with the king of Denia, whom he defeated, taking Count Raymond prisoner, who was soon after freely set at liberty by Cid, yet the Earl of Barcelone joined again with the king of Denia, who came to besiege the castle of Almenar, whilst that Cid was at the siege of Escarpe: but he coming upon them which were before Almenar, he put them again to rout, and returned victor to Sarragossa; after which he spoilt the countries of Mançon, Onda, and Burriana, notwithstanding that the Arragonois sought to hinder him, being their allies. On the other side, a More; of Andalusia, called Almofalas, took from Adofir, another Moor, the castle of Grados, for the recovery whereof, the king D. Alphonso went to arms, and besee●, ed Grados: but being priest upon other affairs, he returned into his country, and called Cid from banishment, granting at his request, unto the Knights and Gentlemen of Castille, which should be banished for any misdemeanours, in stead of nine days respi●e appointed them to departed the country, that they should have thirty. Cid continuing the siege of Grados, took it by famine, and sent Almophalas prisoner to the king of Castille, whom he punished, for that by treason, and against the laws of the peace, he had subtly surprised his neighbour's house. From thence Cid returned to Sarragossa, and not able to live without making war, he led an army into Arragon, in the company of king Zuleima, where they wasted the country, and carried away great spoils, and bending towards the territory of Denia, they did as much as they had done in Arragon, and moreover Cid began to build a fort in the territory of Morella, called Alcala; to hinder which fortification Aben-Alfaye demanded succours from the king of Arragon, who came with a great army: but the king of Arragon lost a battle, and according to the opinion of foam, was himself taken there: but the Histories of Arragon do not confess it. After which exploits Cid Ruis Diaz returned into Castille, where as D. Alphonso the king received him graciously, 
Cid Ruis Diaz returns into Castille.  and gave him Birbiesca, Berlanga, A●zejon, and other places, and employed him in the conquest of Toledo, which he went to besiege soon after, for some reasons which follow.  
13 King Hizien being dead, 
Castille and Moors.  within th● year that he began to reign, (a good Prince, who had sincerely entertained the alliance and league contracted by his father Almenon, with the king D. Alphonso) Hiaja Alcadurbile came to reign at Toledo, a treacherous, cruel and vicious man, so as he was equally hated of the Moors and Musarabes, who cried out for aid to the king of Castille, and other kings, against this barbarous tyrant: being forced thereunto by his baseness, and for that they did see themselves abandoned of the Captains and Noblemen, which had served his father and brother: for being exceedingly given to lust, he shut himself up in his palace with his concubines, where he had no other thoughts, but to glut his filthy and dishonest pleasures. Wherefore Abubacar Governor of Valencia rebelled, and kept the government for himself. The Moors solicited the king of Badajos, to take upon him to dispossess Hiaja, 
Rebellions of Toledo draw the king of Castille to besiege the city.  and the Christian Musarabes made the like offer to D. Alphonso king of Castille. The king of Badajos meaning to prevent him, entered first into Toledo, in despite of king Hiaja, whilst that the army of Castille was preparing: which D. Alphonso understanding, he was incensed, and entering in hostile manner into the territory of Toledo, he spoiled the country: which made the king of Badajos (for that he would not remain betwixt two enemies) to leave Hiaja in his kingdom, and to return home. D. Alphonso left not for all this to pursue this good occasion, but went to besiege Toledo, not straightly, but spoiling the country, and cutting off their victuals, thereby to force the Inhabitants to yield through famine; the which it seems he had resolved with himself long before, to execute when time should serve. D. Alphonso's army holding the fields in this manner about Toledo, Aben-Alfaye king of Denia, came suddenly upon him, yet joining his forces together as speedily as he could, there was a battle fought about Consuegra, where the Moor was defeated, and forced to retire into the castle of Consuegra. 
moors twice defeated.  In this battle D. Roderigues de Bivar, son to Cid, was slain: whose body was buried at S. Peter of Cardegna.  
Aben-Alfaye desirous to revenge this loss, levied all the Moors he could, and invaded the Christians country, passing the mountains towards Medina del campo, where they were again encountered and defeated by Alvaro janes' de Mimaya, cousin to Cid, whilst that the King D. Alphonso did overrun the territories of Toledo, whereas Hiaja Alcadurbile the King kept himself strong, continuing notwithstanding in his filthy and dishonest life, and in his cruelties, whereby he made himself odious to all his subjects, as well of his sect, as Christians Musarabes; so as they told him plainly, that if he took no order for the necessities which priest them, they would provide for themselves. This madman made no account of all these things: wherefore the Musarabes did solicit D. Alphonso, more than before, to approach near the Town, and to besiege it close.  
This siege seemed exceeding difficult, as well for the greatness of the city, which was better peopled then any one in Spain, as also for the natural strength of the situation, and the ramparts and fortifications, made about it by art. So as to attempt a thing of so great labour and such consequence, D. Alphonso drew out of his countries all that were fit to bear armies, and not content therewith, he had the forces of all his other neighbour-friends, and allies of Spain, namely, of D. Sancho Ramires, king of Navarre and Arragon, 
D. Sancho king of Arragon at the se●ge of Toledo as vassal to him of Castille.  who was there as his vassal, for the Realm of Navarre, and besides there came unto him many Noblemen of France, Germany, and Italy, moved with religion, and hoping to win Paradise, in helping to subdue so great a fort, held by the Mahumetists in Spain.  
Thus this great city was besieged and battered with all violence, according to the manner of those times, on the side of Vega: there were seen many valiant exploits of arms on either side; the Moors making divers furious sallies upon the Christians, seconded oftentimes by troops of strange moors which arrived on the sudden, and greatly employed themselves for the preservation of that city, knowing that the loss thereof would be the ruin of the Moors estate in Spain. On the other side the Christians of divers nations there assembled, moved with divers passions; some with religion, some with desire to win honour, some with an inveterate hatred against the Moors, but most part fight resolutely for spoil, forgetting nothing which art, judgement, and valour do give to resolute men. Opinions are divers touching the length of this siege, it is most certain that the spoiling of all that country continued some years, which the Christian armies did continually overrun, hindering the tillage, and cutting off the victuals which came from other places: but being once straight lie besieged, 
Toledo yielded to king D. Alphonso the 6.  the war continued not many weeks: for the besieged wanting victuals, and pressed with hunger, without hope of any succours, by reason of the great forces which did besiege them, they yielded unto the King D. Alphonso, upon these conditions:  
1 That he should repair the ruins of the castle, 
The conditions  ports and bridges of the city, with the King's gardens which are upon the river of Tayo, and near unto the city.  
2 That king Hiaya Alcadurbile might retire freely into the city of Valencia, or where he pleased, and that king D. Alphonso should aid him to recover it: and that he might conduct with him what number of Moors he pleased.  
3 The Moors which would remain in Toledo, should be maintained in the same privileges, exemptions and liberties, that they were under their Kings Moors, and not be charged with taxes and impositions, more than of custom.  
4 That the great Mesquite of the city of Toledo, which at this present is the principal church, should remain for the said Moors.  
These conditions granted and sworn by the king D. Alphonso, he entered the city in great triumph, the 25. of May, 1083. 
An. 1083.  the tenth year of his reign, which they accounted 1121. of the Aera of Caesar, and of the foundation of the said city, as some will have it, 1673.  
The taking of this great and mighty city, 
Antiquity of Toledo.  did generally amaze all the petty Kings of the Moors in Spain, and did so animate the Christians, as they had ever after great advantages. Their ambitious discord was the cause of their declining, having estranged them from the Miralmumins of Africa, and then banded them among themselves. So that as many towns and forts as were held by the Moors, so many petty Kings were there of them in Spain. At this time their estate had the greatest check, that ever it had since they entered: and it did not only augment the lands and Seigneuries of the king D. Alphonso, but it also won him great honour and reputation, as well is Spain, as with all other nations, Christians, and Mahumetists. Here the Spanish authors fail not to relate an apparition of Saint Isidore, 
Apparition of S. Isidore.  unto D. Cebrian Bishop of Leon, saying, That the king being tired with the tediousness and difficulty of this siege, and almost out of hope to take the city: this bishop was advertised, that within fifteen days, the king D. Alphonso should enter a conqueror, as it fell out: notwithstanding the same authors find it strange, how the king (being assured by this revelation) would grant those articles abovementioned to the Moors, especially to leave the great Mosque for the exercise of their superstition. By the conquest of this great city, 
Towns yielded to D. Alphonso.  there came into the King of Castile's power, without any resistance; the towns of Magueda, Escalona, Illescas, Canales, Olmos, Talavera, Coria Consuegra, Mora, Buytrago, Hita, Medina Celi, Atiença, Berlanga, Guadalajara; and by this means were also assured the towns of Salamanca, Auila, Segobia, Osma, Sepulueda, Coca, Cuellar, Roa and Olmedo, the city of Toledo serving as a rampar and fort, to all that lies betwixt it, Atiença, and Medina Celi, and by consequence to Palença, Coria, and city Roderigues: so as all that was within that circuit began to be repaired and re-edified, the inhabitants being freed from their great fear of the Moors.  
The first work which the king D. Alphonso did after the taking of Toledo, 
Governor put into Toledo.  was to repair the castle, forts, and bridges, giving the government thereof to Cid Ruis Diaz, with a garrison of a thousand Gentlemen Castillans. The house and family of them of Toledo, which is famous in Spain, is derived from a Grecian knight, called Peter Paleologue, who came to serve D. Alphonso, at the siege of this city: 
Family of Toledo in Castill. Primacy restored to Toledo.  but there are apparent arguments, that the name of the family of Toledo is more ancient: for there is a ●ombe to be seen in the royal Monastery of Ogna, of a knight called D. Gutiere Rode. rigues of Toledo, who had been Chamberlain to D. Sancho Earl of Castille, who died in the year 990. of this D. Peter, they say, issued a son called D. Illian Peres, of him D. Peter Illian; of D. Peter, D. Estevan Illian, whose image is to be seen on horseback in the church of that city. Don Estevan begat Don I●an Estevanez, from whom issued Don Gonçalo jaime of Toledo, who lies buried in Saint Romans' church, built in the highest part of the city, by D. Estevan Illian. D. Vrraca, the King D. Alphonso's sister being deceased this year 1083. Zamora whereof she was Lady, was reunited to the crown of Castille.  
As king D. Alphonso, desired nothing more, then to order things belonging to religion, 
Riches of the church of Toledo.  and the service of God: in a great assembly of Noblemen and Prelates, made to that end, restored the Primacy and archiepiscopal seat of Spain, to the church of Toledo, as it had been in the time of the Kings of the Goths: and there was chosen for Archbishop, a reverent religious man, of the Order of S. Bennet called Friar Bernard, a Frenchman borne, who had been sent some years before into Spain, by Hugo Abbot of Clugny, at the request of D. Alphonso, for the reformation of the Monastery of Sahagun, which at that time was the chief of all the Monasteries of Spain: this Friar Bernard was found so sufficient for his learning and integrity of life, as he was held worthy to be preferred before all the Bishops and Abbots of the country, to the primacy of Spain; which sea beginning by this King D. Alphonso, was so enriched by all the kings and chief Noblemen of Spain, as besides the primacy and head Chancery of Castille which it hath gotten, we may now say, that next unto the Pope, he is the richest Prelate in Christendom. 
Debate for the primacy of Spain.  Since that time the church of Toledo hath been in great credit and authority among all those of Europe, and is served with an incredible number of Clerks: for besides the Archbishop, 14. dignities, 40. Chanoins with Prebends, and 50. Portionists, and other extraordinary Chanoins, there are so many Priests, Chaplains, Clerks, Chantres, and other Officers that have fee, as they exceed 600. b●eing very rich moreover in jewels and plate. The first Archbishop of Toledo is called Eugen●us the Martyr; from whom to Frian Bartholomew Carrança of Miranda, who was in our time, they number 76. The Archbishops of Tarragone and Braga, contend with him of Toledo for the primacy, neither will the Archbishops of S. Iaqu●s & Sarragossa, acknowledge him for primate; which quarrel I leave unto themselves.  
To return to our History, 
Moors.  after that king Hiaja Alcadurbile had lost Toledo, he went into the territory of Valencia, the which was held by Abubacar, terming himself king of that place, being but Conernor some years before, under the kings of Toledo. This Abubacar was discreet and wise, and had governed that town uprightly many years: who to assure his usurped estate, had given his daughter in marriage to Amet Aben-Hut king of Sarragossa, successor to Zuleima. About the taking of Toledo or soon after, he died, leaving two of his sons for successors; who fell to so great discord, and by reason of them, the people, as Abo●ca Aben-Lope Captain of the fort, foreseeing the ruin of these two young Princes, & fearing that these divisions would make them fall into the hands of the kings of Castille, was ready to abandon the place, and to retire to Moruiedro, and other lands in that quarter, 
Seditions and treacheries among the Moors of Spain.  which were his: but being better advised by a Secretary a Moor, called Mahomad Aben-Hay, he stayed still to see what would be the end of these factions of Valencia: some were of opinion rather than to yield unto their adversaries, to give themselves unto the king of Sarragossa; others to him that had been king of Toledo, to whose father Almenon had been subject. These troubles made work for Hiaja Alcadurbile, who lost neither time nor opportunity, but came before Valencia with such Moors as he could keep together, with whom soon after those joined which king D. Alphonso sent him, according to the treaty, under the conduct of Alua●o janes' Minaya. Being thus camped, and rather soliciting the town by good words and promises, then attempting it by arms, in the end they were received, and King Hiaja acknowledged for their lawful Prince, to whom Aboeç Aben-Lope, the captain of the Fort, yielded up the keys, and purchasing by that present the King's favour, and assured his estate and life for king Hiaja hated him, for that he had been always of the faction of Abubacar his rebel: notwithstanding knowing him to be wise, and a man of good service, having also performed so good an office, as to yield him up the fort, he received him into grace, and honoured him, leaving him in the same charge. At the same time Hamet Aben Hut, king of Sarragossa died, to whom succeeded joseph Aben-Hut. King Hiaja lived in such continual distrust, as he would never give leave to Alvaro janes' Minaya and his soldiers to return home into Castille: for the entertaining whereof, this king was forced to over-charge his subjects with insupportable taxations. There was a Captain of the Moors in the town of Xativa, called Aben Maçor, who would not present himself before King Hiaja, being notwithstanding in all other things obedient unto him, but the king not satisfied therewith, would have him: wherefore he led an army of Moors and Castillans before Xativa, and battered it in vain: for besides that the besieged defended themselves valiantly, they called unto their succours the king of Denia their neighbour, who seized upon the place, and kept it in despite of king Hiaja, who was forced to retire, having lost, by over-pressing it, that which he might have enjoyed with a little patience.  
Whilst that D. Alphonso disposed of the affairs of his new conquest, 
Navarre and Ariagon.  & that the Moors more divided then ever, not able to discern the miseries which pursued them, continued their spoils; and to stir up new troubles among themselves, D. Sancho Ramires king of Navarre and Arragon, being loath to live idle, and to let slip such good occasions to enlarge his dominions, and to advance the Christians power in Spain. He won a battll of the Moors, near unto a place called Pietra Pisada, took from them the town of Arguedas, and defeated them in another battle near to Tudele; and fought with them the third time about Morella; which encounters fell out happily for the Christians, in the year 1084. 
An. 1084.  And the year after, seeing that he had made great conquests in the champion country, he gave to his eldest son the realm of Sobrarbre and Ribagorçca, with the title of King, and a while after the Queen D. Felicia died, who was intetred at S. jean de la Pegna.  
The estate of Barcelone, 
Barcelone.  after the death of Cont Raymond Berenger the elder, was in great combustion by the emulation of his two sons D. Berenger Raymond, and D. Raymond Berenger, called Flaxen head, whereof the eldest held a part of the country of Cattelogne: but D. Raymond Berenger the younger commanded the greatest part. So as the Moors were not molested in their estates by them; but D. Raymond Berenger followed the party of the Morish king of Denia, against him of Sarragossa, who envied the others estate, as we have said. Yet some hold opinion, that it was D. Raymond Berenger the elder, their father, who carried arms against the K. of Sarragossa: and that on the other side, D. Raymond Flaxen head, was his friend and ally. Only. Armingol Earl of Vrgel, did virtuously make war against the Moors, upon the frontiers of Cattelogne. D. Raymond Flaxen head had married a most virtuous Lady, called D. Almodia, daughter to Robert Guichard duke of Povillia, by whom he had D. Raymond Arnould which succeeded him.  
The Spanish Authors show a great argument of this Lady's holiness and religion, for that in her husband's life time, she built the Monastery of Valde Mary, of the Order of Saint Benet, in the Vicountie of Cabrera, and another of Saint Daniel, of the same Order near unto Girone, where she professed herself, and lived a Nun, after the decease of the king, 
Parricide betwixt the Princes of Cattelogne.  her husband: in whose life time, some people of the County of Cerdagne, revived the Arrian heresy; for the prevention where of D. Guillen jordain, Earl of that place, was much troubled. The ambition of reign was such betwixt the two Earls of Barcelone, as the eldest slew the youngest by treason, watching him as he went from Ostarlit to Girone: this D. Raymond Flaxen head, having reigned only six years; a religious, mild, courteous, and bountiful Prince, and of a goodly presence, and therefore lamented of all men. This fratricide seeking to dissemble his treason, did weep much before the world, but he could not so well disguise his offence, but the truth was known.  
Wherefore the Cattelans rejected him, and in the year 1082. choose Don Raymond Arnoould, the son of the deceased, for their Earl, chase away D. Berenger Raymond, who thinking by treachery to take away another man's, lost his own patrimony: and being poor and dishonoured, and moreover, by a just judgement of God, having lost his speech, he died in jerusalem, whither he went in pilgrimage. During the infancy of this young Count Raymond Alnoould, some tyrants of Provence & Languedoc did invade the territories of Carcassone, giving the Earl of Barcelone to understand, that they would hold it in fee of him, and do him homage, and restore it unto him, when he should come of age. This Earl Raymond Arnould was a great parsonage, as we shall hear hereafter.  
Returning to Toledo, 
Castille.  after that the king D. Alphonso had given order for all things that were necessary for the guard of that city, he returned to Leon. leaving Cid Ru●z Diaz for Governor: and for the ecclesiastical and civil government, Queen Constance his wife, falsely called by some Beatrix, with the Archbishop D. Bernard and others: during the king's absence, this Prelate being very zealous in his religion, and discontented that the Moors remaining in Toledo, did enjoy the Mosque mayor, a rare and stately building, among all them of Spain, laid a plot with the Queen to deprive them of it, and without any respect to the promise and oath made by the king, he seized thereon, and forbade the Moors the use and entry into this temple, the which he did consecrate the Cathedral church the fifth of October, 1086. 
An. 1086.  All this was done suddenly, and without the king's privity: the Queen and Archbishop knowing well, that it would much displease him, but their hope was, that what had been done would not be easily undone, by reason of the respect the king carried to Prelates, and to the Christian religion, for the honouring whereof they had undertaken it, the which succeeded according to their conceits: for the king being returned, and seeing that of force they would make him perjured, being somewhat discontented with the Queen and D. Bernard, in the end he was pacified with such persuasions, that it was an unworthy thing, that in an archiepiscopal city, and the first in dignity in Spain, that infidels should enjoy the greatest and most stately Temple, there to exercise their impieties and blasphemies, to the great dishonour of the king, and the name of Christians: and the grief of pastors and holy Ministers of the Church. Wherefore it was expedient he should advow the fact; the which was not done rashly, but with great zeal, and by divine inspiration. hereunto, they say, were added the supplications of the Moors, That it would please the king to suffer things as they were, and not to discontent the people: and that for their parts they would willingly exercise their religion in a place of less show. For the Moors spoke an Alfagui of their law, whose image is to be seen cut in stone, in the great chapel of that church.  
The service called Gothique of Isidorian, 
Cothique service changed in Spain.  for that Isidorus had brought it in, and afterwards called Musarabic, for the Christians living among the Moors had maintained it, was in use, until that time as well at Toledo, as in Castille and Leon: but the King Don Alphonso desiring to show himself in all things an affectionate son to the Romish sea, would have it changed, and in stead thereof the Gregorian Service received, so called of the author Gregory; for which effect he caused a Bull to be sent from the Pope then reigning, commanding that the service of Rome should be from thence forth celebrated in all the Churches of Spain, as they did in France, by reason whereof, 
The Metropolitan of Langu●doc under the Primate of Toledo.  it is called by some Spaniards, Gallican. This done, the Archbishop new chosen, went to Rome, where he entered, when as Vrban the 2. entered this Popedom, and there took his oath, received and Archbishops cloak, and was confirmed Primate of Spain; and not only of Spain, but of Gotique France, as the limits of the Primacy of Toledo had been in the time of the king of the Goths: in witness whereof the Spaniards writ, that (to ●hew his rights and prerogatives) at his return from Rome, he called a Council at Tholousa, where the Archbishop of Narbone did assist, with other bishops of those countries, 
Council at Tholousa.  suffragans, and subject to thè jurisdiction of the Prelates of Toledo.  
During his absence, Richard Abbot of Saint Victor of Marseilles, was Legate in Spain (being sent some years before by Gregory the 7. Predecessor to Vrban the 2.) who took great pains to bring in the new Gregorian or Romish service, and to abolish the Musarabic: for which consideration, and to put in execution that which had been decreed, the Archbishop Bernard, at his return called a national Council at Toledo, whereas the Clergy, Knights, and people of Toledo, Castille, Leon, Asturia, Galicia, and Portugal were assembled, or their Deputies in great numbers. D. Bernard presiding the King being present, there grew great controversies among them, the Spaniards refusing to leave their ancient manner, to receive a new service, so as not able to be satisfied by any allegations and reasons, 
Controutrsies for Ecclesiastical matters decided by arms.  they came to a furious and brutish manner of trial, by combat, which was much used in those times: there were two knights brought to field, the one for the king, and others who desired alteration of the serui●e, the other for the knights and commons, which would keep the Musarabic: for these came jean Ruiz, of the family of Matanza, who vanquished him which fought for the Roman service, whose name is unknown. Yet the importunity of the King, queen, Archbishop, 
trial by fire in Clergy matters.  and others of that party was such, as the business was referred to another kind of trial, which was by fire: wherefore having brought two books, the one containing the service after the Roman use; the other, the ancient and Musarbic, they were both cast into a great fire; whereof the Roman book leapt presently out (as they say) and the other lay still, and was nothing burnt.  
Wherefore they did conjecture, that either of them was pleasing unto God: and for this cause it was ordained, That they should retain the ancient manner of service in six parishes of Toledo, and that in the great Cathedral church and others the new Gregorian service was brought in, and likewise in all the rest of Don Alphonso's Kingdom, the which was granted more by force, to please the king, and to obey the Pope, (who confirmed and allowed it,) then for any good will. Yet the Musarabic Office continued long after, in many Monasteries of Spain: and in the same great church of Toledo, even at this day they sing Mass all after the Musarabic, every day in a Chapel called Corpus Domini.  
The six Parishes of that City, where as this service was maintained, had been held by the Christians Musarabes, whilst that the Moors did reign there, which are Saint Just, Saint Luke, Saint Antolin, Saint Mark, Saint Eulalia, and Saint Sebastian. That the Musarabic service anciently used were that which they hold at this day, and that it was not reform and corrected, I will not doubt: for in matters of Religion, it is most certain, that all things have been fitted to the time, and to the dispositions of those which lived from age to age, especially in that which concerned the eccle●iasticall discipline. The day of the reception of this Romish service, is quoted by the Spaniards the one and twentieth of May, in the year 1091, at the third hour.  
Matters concerning Religion being ordered at Toledo, 
Toledo called the Imperial city.  Don Alphonso gave many honourable titles, dignities, and privileges to the City, to their great advantage. For first of all by reason of his conquest entitling himself Emperor of Spain, he would have Toledo called and denominated the Imperial and Monarchicke city, a name which hath remained and continued unto this day. And to give the Christians occasion to come and dwell there, (for the greatest part of the inhabitants were Mores) he granted rights and privileges to the citizens, as follow, being drawn out of the letters which are in their Registers.  
1 First, he ordained for a privilege to that ctttie, 
Privileges g●●ted to the c●tty of Toledo.  that all controversies amongst the citizens should be judged there, according to the laws and ordonances written in the book called Of judges, appointing a Council of six of the most sufficient men amongst them, to assist the judge: all which together should take knowledge of the people's causes, exempting the Castilians, who might decline from that seat, and desire to be sent before their ordinary judges. According to which book of judges, all the inhabitants of Toledo, and that jurisdiction should be judged in matters of crime: expressly exempting the wives and children of offenders, (not culpable) from the pains, and fines due for all offences, namely, for high treason, or practices against the city.  
2 That the inhabitants of Toledo might appeal from all other judges, & demand to be sent to the justice of Toledo, declaring all decrees against it to be void.  
3 That the Inhabitants of Toledo should not be apprehended, not put in prison for murder, unless it were wilful, if they put in caution, or that the truth were apparent: and whereas they could not give caution, they should not be put in any other prison, than the Dalfada.  
4 All controversies betwixt Christians and jews, or Moors, should be decided by the Christian laws, and before a Christian judge.  
5 Exemptions, granted unto Churchmen serving God, of the tenth penny in all their inheritances.  
6 Exemption of all taxes granted to soldiers, and to all such as had been prisoners amongst the Moors.  
7 All inhabitants of Toledo, as well Christians as Musarabes, should equally enjoy all royal grants.  
8 The widows of soldiers deceased, should enjoy the honours, and privileges of their husbands, and the children of their fathers, yea the sons should have their arms & horses.  
9 The labourers and trimmers of vines should pay unto the king for all tribute and service, the tenth penny, or portion of their corn and wine, and not bound to any other charges either in peace or war, except it were to succour the city of Toledo, being assailed by foes, in which case they should be bound to assist it with all their means.  
10 The like exemptions were granted to the inhabitants of Toledo, for all lands, which they should hold in any other jurisdiction of the kings of Castille.  
11 Liberty granted to the inhabitants of the said city, to build mills upon the river of Tajo, against their lands and possessions, and to sell them, exchange them, and otherwise dispose of them at their pleasures.  
12 No jew nor Moor should have commandment over Christians in the city of Toledo.  
13 That the city of Toledo might never be alienated from the Crown, nor given upon any title whatsoever, to man, woman, or child.  
14 No man, that had not his ordinary residence in the said city, might enjoy any inheritance within the walls thereof; which inhabitants might enter into their lands and possessions, from whence they had been chased by the Moors, in such towns and places as should be recovered from them.  
15 The common treasure of the city should be employed, especially, in the building and reparations of the walls, and the fortifications thereof.  
These were the privileges granted by the king D. Alphonso the 6. to the city of Toledo, the which were afterwards confirmed by D. Alphonso the 9 an 101 years after: so as by means thereof, it was in a short time peopled with Christians, which came thither from all parts of Spain, and other countries: and the kings of Spain have been always very careful to honour this city. D. Alphonso leaving the city of Toledo in this estate, in the guard of Cid Ruis Diaz, 
Gotique characters abolished in Spain.  he went to Leon, with the Archbish. D. Bernard, where there was a council called, in the presence of Reguier the Pope's Nuntio; where among other things it was decreed, that the Scribes and Notaries should no more use the ancient Gothique characters, invented (as they say) by Vlfilas their Bishop, otherwise called Toledains: but those letters which are now used in Castille, were at that time not put in practice. About that time died D. Theresa, the king's sister, wife to the Earl D. Garcia de Cabra, 
Marriage of D. Alphonso the 6. king of Castille with a Moor.  and soon after Queen Beatrix the 2. wife of D. Alphonso being deceased, he took to wife a Princess Moor, daughter to Almuncamuz Abenamet, ●●ing of Sevile, called Caida, or Zaida, the which was christened and called Mary. He received for her dourie the towns of Cuença, Huete, Ocagna, Vcles, Mora, Volera, Consuegra, Alarcos, Caracuel and other places. By her the king had one son, named D. Sancho, who died before the father, and the mother lived not long after him.  
This alliance caused great familiarity betwixt the king D. Alphonso, 
Arabians.  & the Moors, both in Spain and Africa; the which notwithstanding turned to the Moors ruin, and especially of his father-in-law Almuncamuz Abenamet, K. of Sevile: for to do him a pleasure, and to satisfy his ambition, and desire to be sovereign Lord over all the Moors in Spain, King D. Alphonso, who was in great credit with all the Princes and Potentates that were neighbours to Aben Tefin, who was of the house and family of the Almorau●des; to aid and assist his father-in-law in this enterprise, and to send him succours of Moors and Africans, the which he obtained to the prejudice of them both, as we shall hear. But it is fit to understand, firsty what these Almoravides were: Wherefore leaving a little the affairs of Spain, we will return to that which we have handled of the succession of Mahumet. 
Mahumets' sucacssion.  The which (as we have said) being fallen to two of his daughters Fatima and Zeineb; of Fatima descended the house and family of Aben Alaben; and of Zeineb, that of Aben Humeja. These two races were in perpetual dissension for the Sovereignty of the Arabians, both in Asia, Africa, and Europe, whereupon grew many alterations: so as in the end the Arabians of Africa being divided from them of Asia, the Crown of Africa continued in the race of Aben Albecy, for the space of 310. years: but as this nation was never faithful within itself, and could not subsist without tumult and treasons: about the year 1068. there rose up a noble family among them, called the Almoravides, or Lumptunas, which descended not from Mahumet; the which took the sceptre from the race of Aben Alabecy, and seized upon the sovereignty, and regal power over the Moors in Africa: 450. years after that Mahumet had made himself Lord and Emperor over that nation. The first of this race which was chosen and declared king, and great Miralmumin, was Abu Texifen, to whom joseph Aben Tefin abovenamed his son succeeded, who forced the others to quit the Sceptre, and transferred it into his family, where it continued 79. years: the second year of his reign, Ambassadors came unto him from king D. Alphonso, for the cause abovementioned: so as within three years after, 
moors of Africa drawn into Spain by D. Alphonso, the 6. king of Castille and Leon.  all the Moors of Spain were united to them of Africa, as they had been long before. joseph Aben Texifien the Miralmumin, considering, that if he sent forces into Spain, it must needs increase the Moors estate and reputation: he sent a Captain of great esteem, called Ali Aben-Axa, his Alguazil mayor, or Lieutenant in the country of Marrow, who with a great power of men of this race of the Almoravides, and other Africans, came and handed in Andalousia, and joined with the king of Sevile: but they stayed not long together; for being grown into some controversy, it drew them into sedition and arms: so as their forces being divided, and joining in battle in the open field, Almuncam●z Abenamet king of Sevill, lost his life; and this newcome Moor not only seized upon his lands and Segneuties without any difficulty, but also made all the other Moors of Spain subject unto him, saying, that they had rather keep the Arabians Camels, than the Swine of the Christian Spa●iards. Ali Aben-Axa was so fortunate in his proceed, 
moors in Spain united under Ali Aben-Axa.  as he grew exceeding proud, not respecting his king any more but rebelling openly against him, he serled the royal seat at Cordova, and caused himself to be called Mira●mumin of Spain: by means whereof all the treaties of peace which had been contracted betwixt the Moors and Christians of Spain, were then broken: and moreover, this new king of the Moors, thought to recover the countries which had been held by the Moors, namely those, which D. Alphonso had had in dow●y with Q. Caida his last wife: so as the king D. Alphonso thinking to enjoy an assured peace, he found himself suddenly engaged in great and dangerous wars: for Ali entering into the Realm of Toledo, he spoiled the country at his pleasure, having gotten two great victories, and put two mighty armies of D. Alphonso's to bloody routs: so as the lands of D. Caidas dowry, with others, came into his power; the which was the more easy to effect, for that they were in a manner all inhabited by Moors. Yet in a third expedition, whereas D. Alphonso went in person with all the flower of his kingdoms, the conquerors fury was stayed, so as he was forced for fear (seeing this great preparation made against him) to keep himself within Cordova, and tò abandon his country to the spoil, not daring to defend it, and in the end came to a composition and treaty of peace with D. Alphonso, by the which he made himself his vassal and tributary, giving him rich presents, and great sums of money, wherewith the King and his army being enriched, they returned victoriously into Castille. From thence king D. Alphonso having gotten new courage, led his army to subdue Sarragossa, and did so press it, as the Inhabitants did offer to hold it in fee of him, and to do him homage, the which he refused, demanding the city; but whilst he was busy at this enterprise, behold there arrives in Spain a great cloud of African Moors, which struck a greater terror in Spain then had been in many ages. It was joseph Aben Tefin the Miralmumin, who incensed at the treachery of Ali, was come out of Africa with a greater army of Moors, than had been seen in long time, to take revenge of his treachery.  
16 The presence of this king stayed the siege of Sarragossa, 
joseph Aben Tefin king of Meroc, subdues all the Moors in Stain under his Empire  broke the accord made betwixt Alphonso and Ali, and was the cause of many great alterations. He besieged and forced Ali in the city of Sevile, and as a traitor, cut off his head: he seized upon Cordo●a, in the which was a son of Abencamus, and in a short time he brought all Andalousia under his obedience, and in a manner all the Noblemen and towns which the Moors held in Spain: he drew unto his service some Earls and Noblemen Christians, 
An. 1089.  with many soldiers; whom gain, or their disordered passions, commanded more than religion. One of these Earls was called. D. Ordognes' de Lara: So the Moors of Spain joined with them of Africa, under one Miralmumin in the year, 1089. having been divided 334. years, they of Africa being subject to the race of Aben-Al●becy, unto this king, and these of Spain obeying the family of Aben Hum ●ja from Abderramen the first. This king stayed some time in Spain, to dispose of his new conquests, not respecting any more the friendship of king D. Alphonso, who first had invited him to come into Spain, and then he returned into Africa, where he had settled his imperial seat at Maroc or Marrox. Then began there a difficult war betwixt these two Potentates in Spaine● by reason whereof King D. Alphonso sought the friendship and succours of other Christian Princes: upon which occasion there came many ●aliant Knights into Spain, to win honour by arms, and moved also with zeal of religien; among the which were three Princes, where of mention hath been made in the beginning of this reign: that is, Raymond son to William, brother to the Earl of Bourgongne: Henry of Lorraine or of Besançon, and his uncle or cousin Raymond of Tholousa, and of S. Giles: with these and other brave soldiers, as well Spaniards, as of other nations, D. Alphonso made head against this Arabian king: so as he stopped his course, and overrun his country newly conquered, taking great spoils, and carrying away many prisoners, without any opposition.  
17 At that time D. Alphonso (for the good services he had received from these three personages, 
Portugal.  and to bind them the more to defend the Christians estate in Spain) gave them his daughters in marriage: to Henry of Lorraine, whom some call Earl of Limbourg, D. Theresa his bastard, to whom bearing a private affection, he gave the country of Portugal, 
Henry of Lorraine first earl of Portugal.  which he had conquered from the Moors, with the hereditary title of an Earl, for him and his heirs lawfully begotten, and withal making him a promise to add unto his Seigneuries whatsoever he should conquer from the Moors in those parts, 
Portugal held in fee of the Crown of Leon  with the same right of hereditary succession. These goodly gifts did the king D. Alphonso bestow upon D. Henry, upon condition, that they should acknowledge the kings of Leon for their Sovereign Lords, and hold them in fee of them, do them homage, and present themselves at the king's court at Leon, whensoever they should call there vassals, and serve them against their enemies: Moreover they should furnish three hundred horse, with some other duties. This was the beginning of the Siegneury of Portugal, and of the royal posterity of the possessors of that country. To Raymond Earl of Tolouse and Saint Gyles, King D. Alphonso gave D. Eluira an other of his bastards, and to Cont Raymond of Bourgongne D. Vrraca his lawful daughter, with the Government of Galicia, & the title of an Earl, which was the ordinary title of great dignities in Spain, in those times.  
D. Sancho Ramires, 
Navarre and Arragon.  King of Navarre and Arragon, did all he could to annoy the Moors, upon his borders: from whom he took about the year of our Lord 1089. the town of Montçon, yet with great difficulty, by reason of the fort, and the obstinate defence of the garrison, The same year the previledges of Nobility, with all exemptions, were confirmed to them of the valley of Roncal, as a testimony that they had been always valiant and faithful to their Kings.  
In the year 1091. he forced Abderramen the Moor, King of Huesca, to pay him tribute: 
An. 1091.  he sent succours to his cousin D. Alphonso of Castille, in the war which he made upon the marches of Toledo; and having a design to besiege Sarragossa in time, he began a fort near to the river of Ebro, five leagues from Sarragosse, the which he called Castellar; 
F●rt of Castillar buill.  he won afterwards from the Moors, Olalla, Almenara and Naval, and he peopled Luna; from whence is descended the family of Luna: and to coop up the King of Huesca, he fortified the castles of Marcuello, Loarre and Algueçar, upon the Marches of Sobrarbre, and subjecteth all that is betwixt it and Montarragon, within a league of Huesca: wherefore King Abderramen seeing himself restrained daily more and more, he had recourse unto D. Alphonso King of Castille, offering to pay him a greater tribute, than he did to him of Navarre, if he would take him into his protection: whereunto D. Alphonso gave ear, being glad to make himself great by what means soever, of such power is ambition in the hearts of men, who sparing not the King D. Sancho his cousin, he had wrested from him the Siegneury of Guipulcoa, which had ever been united to the crown of Navarre, and had made Earl and Governor, in his name, D. Lopes Dias of Haro, Lord of Biscay. This manner of proceeding did much displease D. Sancho Ramires, who for this cause having sent some troops of soldiers, to the fronters of Alava, to entertain the Castillans, he went to the siege of Huesca, being resolved to take it at what price soever: he was accompanied by his sons D. Pedro, King of Sobrarbre, and D. Alphonso, with the forces of Navatre and Arragon: but as he proceeded in this siege, with to great vehemency, it happened that going to view the weakest places, with his captains, he was shot with a Moorish arrow under the arm hole, as he lifted up his arm, 
D. Sancho Ramires King of Arragon slain at the si●ge of H●esca.  to show some one that was near him, a place where he thought fit to make his battery. The blow was mortal, the which D. Sancho feeling he retired to his tent, dissembling his pain as much as he could: being there, he caused D. Pedro and D. Alphonso his children to swear, not to departed from the siege, until they had taken the town, and soon after he died, as they drew the arrow out of the wound. He was a valiant Prince, and had happily enlarged his dominions by conquests against the Moors, but his neighbours Christians were not very faithful, even D. Alphonso▪ King of Castille. He loved justice and Government: the town of Estella was begun by him, the which at this day is one of the three cities of Navarre, and the second in dignity. He affected religion much, according to the practice of that age, for besides many donations made by him to churches and monasteries, and the re-edyfying of them that were ruined, he made D. Ramir his youngest son a religious man of the order of Saint Benet, in the monastery of Saint Ponce of Tomerres. D. Pedro his eldest son succeeded him, in the realm of Navarre and Arragon, in the year of our Lord 1094. about this time many monasteries of France, obtained exemption from the jurisdiction of Bishops, the Monks beting desirous to enjoy greater liberty, & their Abbors to adorn themselves with crosses and mitres like Bishops.  
About that time D. Therefa, 
An. 1094. Portugal.  eountesse of Portugal, had a son by Henry of Lorraine, or of Besançon at a place called Guymaranes his name was D. Alphonso, as the King his grandfather by the mother's side, and by surname Henriques, who was first King of Portugal, and that stem of all the Kings which have held that Kingdom unto this day, whose birth is strangely written by the Spanish authors, saying that he had his feet joined together behind, the which were set at liberty the fift year of his age, by, the prayers and vows of his parents: in remembrance whereof, Cont Henry and his wife finished a church, begun long before at Carquere, near unto the river of Duero, dedicated unto the Virgin Mary, the which at this day is a receptacle for lesuites, within two leagues of Lamego. The first lands which lie betwixt Duero and Minio, Porto, Braga and Guymaranes, and then Coimbra, Visco and Lamego, with the jurisdiction of Vera. It is to be presumed that he was a wise and valiant Knight, and of a great house, seeing that D. Alphonso gave him his daughter in marriage, with so great a dowry, and that he did so confidently commit unto him the fronter of his realms on that side. There is nothing written certain of his father and mother, but that being of the house of the Dukes of Lorraine, and Nephew to the Earls of Tolouse, we may hold him to be descended from the house of France, and moreover nobly allied to the families of Germany. Besides the Prince D. Alphonso Henriques, he had two daughters by D. Theresa his wife: D. Theresa Henriques, who was married to D. Fernand Paez, of Transtamara, and D. Sancha Henriques, who married D. Fernand mends.  
To return to the King D. Alphonso, 
Moors.  and to this new war which he had against the forces of Africa, being joined unto the Moors of Spain, the which he himself had drawn upon him, D. Roderigo Diaz de Binar, called Cid, having the guard of Toledo, and of all that fronter, finding himself, somewhat eased, by the departure of King joseph Aben-Tefin, who was returned into Africa, he propounded to attempt Sarragosse, from the siege whereof D. Alphonso had been diverted, by the coming of the Moors Almoranides. He chose a fit occasion, for the Sarragossans & their King joseph Aben-Hut, being terrified with the forts which the King of Navarre had built about them, 
Cid Ruis Dliax received into Sarragosse as Protector.  by the which they did see themselves daily restrained & annoyed, they did willingly receive Cid, as their protector. King Aben-Hut was an enemy to the King of Valencia, and so was the King of Denia, either of them seeking to seize upon his Estate: but Cid carried himself so wisely, as he preserved the realm for King Hiaja, who was a friend to the King of Castille his Lord, he repulsed the King of Denia, and forced the Earl of Parcelone (who at the persuasion of the King of Sarragosse, had besieged Valence) to retire; notwithstanding the Earl having received great sums of money from the King of Denia, to support him against Cid, continuing to forage and spoil the country of Valence, he was vanquished by Cid in an encounter, to whom afterwards he became a great friend, as we will show: and the happiness of this captain was such, as the King of Denia being dead at the same time, his son & successor, did so honour his virtue and wisdom, as he made himself his vassal, and was so beloved of him, as having reconciled him with King Hiaja, he wrought so; as he conversed familiary with him, and in so great favour, as he governed both the King and the Estate of Valence, as if himself had been Lord. Aben-Hut King of Sarragosse died also about that time, leaving one son called Almizaron, heir of his Kingdom, at whose advancement, the Estate being somewhat troubled, Cid was entreated to come to Sarragosse, the which he did. In the mean time there fell out great garboils in the Court of Valence, by the envy & emulation of two moors whereof the one was a captain under Cid, called Aben-Alfaras, and the other a certain provost called Aben-laf. This Provost was so transported with hatred, as he called the Almoraui●●s, & by their means made himself Master of the town, forcing King Hiaja to fly, whom he pursued, having intelligence that he had carried away many rich jewels, took him, and slew him miserably, giving him a wild & unworthy sepulchre. Such was the end of Hiaja King of Valence, who had reigned the last of the Moors at Toledo. Aben laf having by this means gotten so goodly an estate, kept a great ga●d about him, as such do commonly as will rule by ●●rany, being in the mean time under the sovereignty of the Almoravides: but he did not long enjoy the fruits of his wickedness, for Cid being advertised of this base treason, parted from Sarragosse, with such forces as he had, and came before Valence, to see if the hatred of the tyrant would move the inhabitants to revolt.  
There came many Noblemen Mootes of the country thither to him, among which were Aboeca, Abeni-Lopes, and Aben Racin, who joined with him, moved thereunto by his virtue and valour: then was the city fiercely assaulted, so as the inhabitants, and their commander Aben jaf, receiving no succours from the Almoravides, as they attended, being unwilling to give ear to the secret practices of the King of Sarragosse, who persuaded them under hand to give themselves unto him, the which was well known to Cid, whose vigilancy was great, they were forced to yield, upon condition, that the garrison of Almoravides should be thrust out, and that Aben jaf should hold the town of Valencia of Cid, and should pay him tribute: yet could not the Valentians agree well with Aben jaf, the murderer of their King, but raising daily new troubles and seditions against him, he fortified himself in a great quarter of the town, and callad Cid, giving him entrance on that side. Whereat the Valentians being much moved they fell to open rebellion, and entrenching on their side, they put themselves virtuously in defence, and called back the Almoravides to their succours; but the city being besieged of all sides by Cid's army, and all the passages stopped, they could not enter into the town, but returned without fight: wherefore the besieged were forced to subject themselves under the obedience of Aben jaf: who showing himself treacherous, and breaking his promise with Cid, he gave him occasion soon after to teturne to Valencia, 
Valence taken by Cid Ruis Diaz.  and to subdue it for himself, the which he did by a siege of ten months, reducing the town, and the inhabitants to such extremity, for want of victuals, and by continual assaults, as they yielded to his mercy, having all the places and forts already in his devotion. Being master of the city, he put Aben jaf to death by justice, and sent a way the Moors which were suspect unto him, the which soon after brought a great army of Almoravides out of Andalousia, and other countries which they held in Spain, against Cid, and his new conquests: but he repulsed them valiantly, and so settled himself, as during his life, it returned out under the Moors subjection: these things were effected by Cid Ruis Diaz of Bivar, after the return into Africa of King joseph Aben Tefin, the chief of the family of the Almoravides Arabians.  
About the year of our Lord 1096. 
An. 1096.  began that famous expedition of Christian Princes to the holy Land, 
Expedition in●● Syr●a, or the Holy War.  decreed by Pope Vrbain the second, at the council of Clermont; in the which there went infinite numbers out of France, England, Italy and Germany, under the conduct of divers Princes and Noblemen. Few made this voyage out of Spain, by reason of the wars, which they had against the African Moors, by whom they were greatly annoyed: Only D. Raymond Earl of Tolouse and Saint Gyles, joined in these Levant wars leading with him some small number of Spanish Knights, and was followed by D. Eluira his wife, who was brought in bed, in the East countries of a son, who was baptised in the water of jordain, and for that cause was named Alphonso jordain. D. Bernard Archbishop of Toledo, being desirous to go, was crossed, and went into the East, recommending his charge to certain regular Chanoins of Saint Augustine, who after his departure chose an other Archbishop, whereof D. Bernard advertised, being not yet gone out of Spain, he returned suddenly, and passing by the Monastery of Sahagun, he took with him certain Monks, with the which he went to Toledo, where he punished the Chapter for their inconstancy, deposed the new Archbishop, and placed the Monks of the Order of Saint Benet in his church, the which continued there many years.  
This done, being desirous to see the world, he continued his course and came to Rome, to receive the Holy father's blessing, meaning to proceed in his voyage; but they say the Pope would not suffer him, but fent him back into Spain, knowing him to be fit for the affairs of the Romish Catholic church● so D. Bernara returned, being absolved of his vow.  
He passed through France, 
Prelates of the French nation given to the Churches in Spain●.  from whence he carried with him many men of fame, amongst others one named Girard, borne at Moysi, whom he made Chantre of his church, afterwards he was Archbishop of Braga, and canonised for a Saint: one Peter borne in Berry, whom he made archdeacon, and was afterwards Bishop of Osma, put also in the numbers of Saints: Bernard of Again the second Chantre, and after Bishop of Siguença and in the end Bishop of Saint jaques: Peter also of Again, second archdeacon of Toledo, and since bishop of Segobia: Raymond of Again, who succeeded in the Bishopric of Ofina, and in the end to the same D. Bernard in his dignity of Toledo: an other Peter who was Bishop of Palence, and jerosme of Perigueux, whom he made Bishop of Valencia, arriving in that city soon after that D. Roderigo Diaz de Bi●ar had conquered it; to whom he was an assistant to order clergy matters. He carried with him also one Bernard, who was bishop of Zamora: and besides a Limosin called Bourdin, who was archdeacon of Toledo, and afterwards Bishop of Coimbra, and successively Archbishop of Braga: but this Bourdin became a judas to the church of Rome, and would have made himself Pope, against Calixtus the second, which caused a great schism.  
All this seed the Archbishop of Toledo brought out of France into Spain, at his return from Rome, & furnished Spain with these Prelates, in recompense of the vow which he did not perform to go to the holy war: and moreover he rebuilt churches and other apparent places in the town of Tarragone, with the money which was prepared for his voyage, and there established, Berenger Archbishop, having been Bishop of Vi●d Ausone, leaving the temporalty of that town to Raymond Arnould Earl of Barcelone.  
This Prince was left young at the death of his father, 
Barcelone.  who had been cruelly murdered by his own brother, desirous to rule alone in Cattelogne. He was much troubled with divisions and factions betwixt the Noblemen of the country, and was spoiled of Carcassone and other Lands which he had in France, by tyrants, as it happens often during the minority of the Prince or Lord. His mother the Contesse Almodia, a widow, gave ouer●al government, and professed herself a Nun in the convent of Saint Daniel of Girone: so as he remained in the hands of Armingol Earl of V●gel, the Earl of Cerdagne, and some other of his blood, who being employed against the Moors, got for themselves, and did not much attend the good of their pupil, yet did he grow both in virtue and valour. Count Armingol died in the year of our Lord 1092. and D. Guillen jordain of Cerdagne, went to the war; of Syria with Godefrey of Bovillon, where being dead and soon after his brother D. Bernard Guillen his successor, leaving no heirs of their body, the Earl D. Raymond Arnould, as nearest allied did inherit the Earldom, 
God the Trotector of pupils.  whom God did so favour, as the Barnard of Aton who had usurped Ca●cassone, was grown so hateful to them of the country, as they chased him away, and delivered the town to D. Raymond Arnould their natural Lord. So he not only recovered that which they had taken from him, but also augmented his Estates and Siegneuries with the town of Tarragone, and the county of Cordagne. We have said before, that he was in a certain encounter against Cid Ruis Diaz, during the wars betwixt Valencia and Denia, and that he was repulsed and vanquished by hi●: but became afterwards good friends, after that Cid had taken Valencia about the year of our Lord 1096.  
To return to which conquest, 
Castille.  we will say that Cid did presently send to King D. Alphonso his Lord, a hundred goodly horses richly furnished, with other great presents, who being in Palenza, received them with great contentment. He sent other presents to D. Ximena his wife, whom with his two daughters, D. Eluira, and D. Sol, he caused to come to Valencia with the leave of King D. Alphonso. The Almoravides of Africa stayed not long before they passed the seas, to defend their new conquest in Spain, and came into the country of Valencia with a great power, but they were repulsed by Cid with great loss and dishonour; of the spoils of which victories Cid sent two hundred horses unto his King, richly furnished, and at every saddle did hang a sword of great value. The King D. Alphonso was at that time at Vailledolit in Castille, who received this present graciously: 
Marriage of the daughters of Cid Ruis Diae.  There began the treaty of marriage for the daughters of Cid, with D. Diego and D. Fernand Gonçales, sons to D. Gonçala Lord of Cartion, for the effecting whereof, the King, Cid and the parties came to Requegna, whether the King brought the two young Noblemen, to whom Cid promised his daughters; and afterwards the marriages were celebrated at Valencia with great pomp. But in the end of this feast there happened an accident, which did much trouble these two houses, so inconstant and short are humane pleasures, and the counsels and judgements of God inscrutable. There was a Lion bred up in Cid's house, the which by the negligence of the Governor, or otherwise, getting lose, came into the hall, where there was a great assembly of Noblemen and Ladies, with the married coples, and struck a great terror among them, where as above all others the two Gonçales, newly married showed themselves faint, hearted cowards, whereat they were ashamed, seeing themselves less esteemed both by their father in law, and by the other knights there present. 
Cowardliness of Cid's sons in law.  From that time they conceived a mortal hatred against Cid, thinking that this Lion had ●eene let lose by his commandment, to try them and fear them, so as they resolved to be revenged upon the first occasion. This was no vain argument of their baseness, seeing a Lion upon the sudden (although that an unexpected accident, might amaze the most hardy, being an ordinary thing in nature to be moved at sudden things) for soon after they gave a more ample testimony of their want of courage, in a battle against the Moors, who were come against Valencia, where they carried themselves basely, yet by the wisdom and valour of Cid these Infidels were vanquished. After all this, these two base Knights would carry their wives home to their houses, but having their hearts full of poison, and fearing they should not be able to hurt their father in law, they revenged themselves in humainly upon their innocent wives, and entreated them so ill before they came to Carrion, as they left them for dead upon the way, at a place called Robledoes de Corpses, near to Berlanga, where these poor Ladies being cherished by the good people of the country, they had means to advertise Cid their father of their misery▪ The messenger whom they sent, was encountered by Cid's men, going to the King D. Alphonso with four score horses, and other rich presents, of the spoils of the last victory obtained against the Moors. Complaint was made by them unto the King, of this villainous act committed by the sons of the Lord of Carrion against their wives: whereupon the King assembled the Noblemen and Knights of the country of Toledo, and kept a court (whereas Cid appeared, having retired his daughters to Valencia) and judges were appointed to do right unto the parties, 
Reparation of ●imes by combat.  upon so great a controversy, among the which D. Raymond of Bourgongne, the King's son in law was one: Their sentence was that their question should be decided by arms, betwixt Knights chosen of either part: such was the justice in those days among Nobles, a custom which is not lost amongst Christians at this day. The camp where they should fight was chosen in the town of Carrion, whereas there appeared Pedro Bermudes, Martin Antolines and Nugno Gustos, Knights for Cid, who vanquished, the two sons of Carrion, with their uncle a partifa of their villainy, called Suero Gonçales who were proclaimed infamous and traitors, and degraded of all honour and title of nobility. These two Ladies were afterwards happily married into the house of Navarre, that is D. Eluira to D. Ramires, son to the King D. Sancho Garcia; and D. Sol, to the son of D. Pedro, then reigning in Navarre and Arragon, called also D. Pedro, who died before his father. After these last marriages, Cid grown old, did nothing that was memorable. He settled the Estate of Valencia as well as he could, with the aid of the Princes of Navarre and Arragon his allies. And the better to assure it, he chased away divers families of the Moors, which were suspected unto him. A captain of the Moors, who was also a Doctor of the law of Mahumet, 
Alfara●i a great Doctor of the Mahumetists baptized.  called Alfaraxi, a great friend to Cid, took upon him the Christian religion, being held a man of great valour and judgement. The author's place the death of Cid Ruis Dias of Bivar in the year 1098. the town of Valencia being annoyed by the Moors, which held their camp about it: yet notwithstanding they say that the widow accompanied with D. jerosme the Bishop, went out of the town, conducting her husband's body, to bury it at Saint Pedro de Cerdegna, where it was laid: 
Death of Cid Ruis of Bivar.  the Monks of that place at this day show many jewels and other things which they say had been given by that great captain to their Monastery. After his death, the Christians which were at Valencia fearing they should not be able to resist the forces of the Moors Almoravides, abandoned the town, which came into the Infidel's power again, and so continued 140. years.   

D. Pedro the first of that name, the seventeenth King of Navarre, and the third of Arragon.  
19 IN the mean time by the decease of D. Sancho Ramires, 
Navarre and Arragon.  the crown of Navarre and Arragon was come to D. Pedro the first of that name in the year 1094. who had reigned nine years in Sobrarbre and Ribagorca. At his coming he swore to maintain the laws & previledges of the country, and entitled himself King of Pampelone and Arragon. He continued the ●eege of Huesca, the which was long and difficult, by reason of the strength of the place, and the resistance of the Inhabitants, assisted by Almocaben King of Sarragosse and other Moors, and also by some Christians, of which number were D. Garcia Earl of Cabra, and D. Gonçales, vassals to the King of Castille. 
A great defeat of Moors, and the taking of Hues●●.  These being come to succour Huesca with a mighty army, in the year 1096. thinking to raise the siege, had a battane in the fields called Alcoraz, with the Navarrois and Ar●agonois, who won it, killing above 30000. Moors, the rest were wholly put to rout and flight, so as the town despairing of all succours, yielded to D. Pedro King of Navarre and Arragon. Here they forge the ancient arms of Arragon, upon a vision which the Spanish writers say had appeared to many Arragonois during the combat: that is, Saint George on horseback with a shield of steel and a cross gueules, fight for the Christians: and that after the defeat there were four heads of the chief Princes of the Moors found: 
The arms of Arragon.  whereupon they say that D. Pedro the King took for the arms of Arragon a cross gueuls in a field argent, betwixt four Moors heads of the same colour.  
In this battle of Alcoraz, were renowned for their virtue and prowess, Gaston Bi●l, the stem of the family of Cornels, Federic Atrocillo, Lopes Ferencio de Luna, Gomes de Luna, Fortune Maza, Simon Aznar Oteicia, & Sancho Pegna, Knights of Arragon. Huesca being taken, the great Mosque was presently dedicated for a Cathedral church, and the Episcopal Sea of jacca was translated thither, as it had been in times past. There were Christians Musarabes found within the town, who had lived there during the Moors Empire, always in liberty of their religion, saying their service in Saint Peter's church. The King D. Pedro endowed this Cathedral church of Huesca with great revenues, and invited by great previledges men to come from all parts to inhabit it.  
This D. Pedro during the life time of D. Sancho his father, was married to an Italian Lady, called by some Bertha, by others Ygnes, so as it is uncertain whether he had one wife, 
G●ncalogy of Navarre.  to whom these names are attributed, or that he were twice married. He had by his wife one son called also D. Pedro, and a daughter, named D. Isabel, both which died before the father. The Infant D. Pedro was married to D. Sol, the second daughter of Cid Ruis Diaz. As for D. Eluira the other daughter of Cid, she had by her husband D. Ramir Sanches, son to the King D. Sancho Garcia, one son called D. Garcia Ramires, who was Lord of Corrada, and one daughter D. Eluira Ramires, the which was married in Castille, to D. Rodrigo Gomes, son to D. Gomes Earl of Candespina and Gormas. By these alliances, the house of Navarre and Arragon being favourable to Cid Ruis Diaz, who held Valencia, he had often aid and support against the Moors, both of men and money, from the Princes thereof. After the taking of Huesca, the King D. Pedro put in garrison there D. Fortune Garces de Biel, D. Ferris de Liçana and D. Pedro de Vergas, he took a strong castle near to Bolea, called Calafanzo, and he with the other Christian Princes had done greater exploits, if there had been more faith and better correspondency amongst them, yea more zeal, and good religion, but every one seeking to make his house great, and to that end crossing one an other, the Moors power increased, by the union which they had made of Spain and Africa.  
It was at that time when as the wars in the East were most hot, and that all the Princes, Noblemen and Gentlemen which bare arms in France, Germany, Italy and England, yea and in Spain, burned with desire to go this voyage. Forgetting their countries, affairs, and families, to engage themselves in this enterprise. So as it is no wonder, if the Moors Estate being in a manner trodden under foot in the West, by their seditions and factions, having found support of the Myralmumins of Africa, at such time when as every man did run to the conquest of the East, were restored by the Almoravides.  
At this time the secular Lords or Lay men, 
Tithes granted tolay men.  fitted themselves with the revenues of the church and with titles throughout all Europe; Pope Vrbain having granted his Bulls to Christian Princes and potentates, according unto those of Pope Gregory the 7. given at Saint jean de Latran, in the year 1073. who did not grant it but unto Kings, in those Lands where they should build churches: But Pope Vrbain granted it to all Kings, Princes, Noblemen and gentlemen, not only in places of their foundations, but in all other places, yea in those countries which they should conquer from the Moors; whereof the Noble houses of Spain, as well as in other places, have made their profit, yea in high Navarre and Biscay. All these permisions and faculties; to enjoy (as they call them) the spiritual goods of the church, the Pope granted to encourage men to make war against the Infidels, not so much for to make them desirous to become Christians, as to stay them, and repulse them, fearing they should come and trouble the commodities of the Roman church, which were great in those days, and since.  
D. Alphonso the Brave, 
Castille.  Emperor of Spain, as he is entitled, in the instrumental letters, giving about that time faculty to the Abbot Fortune to build a town about the Monastery of Saint Dominike of Silos, 
Beginning of the town of Saint Dominike of Silos.  for the great wonders which Christ did unto the Christians, which implored the aid of this Saint: such be the words of the letters cited by Garibay, in the year 1095. This town in our time is come into the possession of the Duke of Frias, Constable of Castille. The same King re-edefied near unto Toledo, and to the castle of Saint Servant, the monastery of Saint Servant, and Saint , of the order of Saint Benet, which had been a house belonging to the same order, & endowed it with great revenues. The name of the Bishop of S. james, called until that time Irienses, was changed, & they were called of Compostella, by Bulls from Pope Vrbain the 2. The first Bishop which carried this title, 
Bishop of Saint jaques exempt from all subjection but of the Pope.  was Dalmichius, a religious man of the order of Clugny: it was also granted to that church that from thenceforth they should be no more under the Archbishop of Braga, as that of Iria had been, but should immediately acknowledge the holy apostolic Sea of Rome. The Episcopal seat of Oca, was changed by the same Pope Vrbain to Bourgos, 
Bourgos made a Bishopric.  the chief city of Castille, with the same previledge and exemption, not to acknowledge any but the Sea of Rome immediately: yet some say it had been done long before, and that it was only a confirmation which Pope Vrbain the 2. made. D. Pedro King of Navarre, did for his part give bountifully unto churches. The writers of the Spanish history make mention of a holy man called Lesmes, a Frenchman borne, dwelling at Bourgos, but they make no particular relation of his Holiness. 
Navarre.  The country of Navarre being spoiled by grashopers and caterpillars, the Navarrois had recourse to the holy father at Rome, bewailing their calamities, and entreating him to be a means to pacify the wrath of God. The Pope by the advice of the Consistory of Cardinals, sent the Bishop of Ostia, called Gregory, who let them understand that it was for their sins, the which it may be D. Pedro de Roda, bishop of Pampelone, and their other pastors had not told them, or else could not persuade them, that it was the cause of their affliction. This Bishop of Ostia was believed, and therefore after some amendment amongst the people of Navarre, this scourge of grasshoppers and caterpillars ceased. Hereupon this Gregory of Ostia was held a Saint by them, and is at this day the patron and protector of Vines and fruits, 
Gregory Bishop of Ostia, made the Protector of v●gnes and fruits in Spain.  against caterpillars, and other such vermin, in Spain. Saint Dominike, called de la Calçada, was his disciple, who lived long in the country near unto Navarre, four leagues from Nagera, receiving strange pilgrims which came from divers parts of Europe to visit the sepulchre of Saint James. This Saint Gregory died afterwards at Logrogno, and is buried at Beruesa in Navarre, where (as the history says) the Christians which recommended themselves unto him, are cured of many infirmities. In the same season 1098. was instituted the order of Cisteaux in the Diocese of Chalon in Bourgongne, by one named Robert.  
This order was augmented since by Saint Bernard, who entering into it about the two and twentieth year of his age, did so well, as in less than 36. years, he erected 16. abbeys of his Order. These were the exercises of religion in those days, to the which the great devotion of Princes and people, did move all Kingdoms, States, Provinces, Towns and in a manner all private families.  
In the year 1100. 
Castille.  died D. Raymond of Bourgongne, Earl of Galicia, son in law to King D. Alphonso the Brave, 
An. 1100.  leaving one son by D. Vrraca his wife, called D. Alphonso Raymond, who was bred up by the Earl D. Pedro Trava, and came afterwards to reign in Castille and Leon.  
20. 
Moors  The same year their died at Maroc, joseph Aben-Tefin, or Texifien, Miralmumin, or Emperor of the Arabians in Africa and Spain, having reigned 32. years; to whom Ali Aben-Tefin, his son succeeded. This new King Ali, desirous to win honour by arms past, soon after his coming to the crown, into Spain, with a great power of Almoravides Africans, and having made some stay in Andalusia, to join the Moors of Spain unto his army, he entered the territory of Toledo, where the King D. Alphonso made then his residence, being old & full of infirmities, & therefore unfit to make head against this Barbarian, who was young and full of ambition to enlarge the country conquered by his father, yet having called his Nobility together in time, if they had been well led, he commanded D. Sancho his son to fall forth against this army of Moors, being a Prince of a great courage and too desirous to fight, being accompanied by D. Garcia de Cabra, and other Earls and Noblemen of Castille, who having encountered the enemy near unto Voles, 
Christians defeated by the Moors and D. Sarch● heir of Castille st●ine,  they gave them battle, but they were defeated, and put all to rout. The Infant D. Sancho, the Earl D. Garcia, and other great personages were slain upon the place, so as the Moors had means to overrun and spoil the country at their pleasures: they took many places and forts, which the King could not prevent, nor make any resistance; who was exceeding heavy and sorrowful for the loss of this battle, but especially for the death of his son and only heir. He did much blame many captains which had escaped that day, for that they had so rashly joined in battle; but this was no means to cure the disease. This rout was the more unseasonable, for that his son in law Raymond of Tolouse and Saint Gyles, a valiant Commander in the war, by whom he might have been much eased was then absent in Syria, where he died a while after leaving three sons, Bertrand, William and Alphonso jordain, which were all Earls of Tolouse●, although with great difficulties and troubles. The heat and fury of these Arabian Almoravides, was cooled and stayed by some other good success of the Navarrois, Arragonois, and Cattelans, against the Moors their neighbours, which gave the Castillans some time to breath, and to recover new forces.  
D. Pedro King of Navarre after the taking of Huesca, had made continual wars against the Infidels which lay near unto him, 
Navarre.  and had taken Pertusa from them. After which he went to besiege the city of Barbastro, 
An. 1101.  which after a long contestation of either side, was yielded, with the castle of Vililla, and other forts of that country in the year 1101. He presently restored the Episcopal Sea to that city, as it had been, whereof D. Ponce was Bishop, who was of Rode.  
On the other side the Earl of Barcelone, 
Barcelone,  grown both in courage and possessions, having with him the Earl of Vrgel his cousin, made an enterprise upon the Island of Majorca, which was held by the Moors. Being assisted by some galleys of Pisa and Genova, they passed their army into the Island, and began to batter the forts, and to affault the Moors which inhabited it. 
Ma●orca taken by the cattelans.  D. Armingol Earl of Vrgel was ●laine there in a sally, leaving a son of his own name to be his successor, yet Cid Raymond did batter and assault the city of Majorca with such fury, as it was taken in the year 1102. and for that he had news that the Moors, to divert the conquest of those Islands were come to besiege Barcelone, he returned into Cattelogne, leaving the Island to the Genevois, to reduce the rest under the power of the Christians, 
Infamous c●net●●snesse of the Genevois.  but moved (as the Cattelans say) with a treacherous & villainous covetousness, they sold both the town and the whole Island to the Moors, for a sum of money, whereof, they say, grew the irreconcilable harred betwixt the Cattelans and Genevois. The Moors which had besieged Barcelona, wère force did abandon it with shame and great loss of their men. Some authors of the Spanish History write, that this Earl D. Raymond Arnonld, went into Germany in a disguised habit, 
provence given to the house of Barce● lo●e by the Emperor or Henry the fifth.  and did fight a combat for the Empress Mathilds, wife to Henry accused of adultery, and that having vanquished her accuser, and delivered the Lady, he returned to Barcelona, without discovering himself: yet this fact being known and verified, the Emperor rewarded him with the county of Provence, which did then belong to the Empire. About that time, which was in the year 1102. died in Castille the wife of Cid Rui● 〈◊〉, 
Castille.  daughterm D. Gomes, Earl of Gormas, who was buried with her husband, at Saint Peter of Cardegna, near unto Burgos. The King of Castille in the mean time made head against the Moors without hazarding of much, so as after great spoils of either side, that realm had some rest.  
The affairs standing upon these terms, 
Portugal.  D. Henry Earl of Portugal, son in law to the King D. Alphonso, had a desire to go● into the Levant, to see the Land where our Saviour and so many Holy Prophets and apostles had lived, and thrust on also with an emulation of the fame of his cozen or uncle D. Raymond of Tolouse and Saint Gyles, and of somany▪ Noble men and Barons of France and Germany, which had run to that war. He parted in the year 1103. having with the help and advice of D. Bernard Archbishop of Toledo, restored the cities of Coimbra, Braga, Viseo, Lamego and Porto, to their Episcopal Seas, of which towns Coimbra was the chief for the temporal, and for the spiritual Braga was made Metropolitaine; as it had been in the Goths time. His way was by Germane and Hongary, with many other Noblemen of France and Germany, whose voyage was long and painful. There is nothing spoken of him, but that he returned with many relics, and among others an arm of Saint L●ke the Euangilist, as they did believe: whereof Alexis Comnen Emperor of Constantinople (a secret enemy to the Western Princes, and to all their enterprises, & who mocked at all their devotions) made him a worthy present; which relic Cont Henry carried into Portugal, and placed it with great reverence in the chief church at Braga. It was at such time as the Knights of the Temple of jerusalem were first instituted, 
Knigh's of the Temp●● at jerusalem.  by one Hugue de Paganis, and jeoffrey of Saint Adelman, having vowed to keep the ways safe from the port of laffa (in old time called joppa) unto the Temple: to whom and to their companions (which soon increased to a good number) was a place assigned for their dwelling near the Temple, whereof they took the name of Templars; afterwards mingling Knighthood with Monacal rules, they instituted an order, the which which confirmed by the Pope; they took upon them a white habit, with a red cross, and in succession of time got so great possessions throughout all Christendom, as Kings and Popes themselves did envy them: so as under the colour of many crimes, whether true or false, 
Temple●t the beginning 〈◊〉 el the M. 〈◊〉 orders in christandom.  they were condemned and to rooted out at the council of Vienne, by Pope Clement the fifth, their order having continued 200. years. Whose spoils were divided betwixt the Pope, King Philip of France, the Hospitaliers of Saint john of jerusalem and others. These Templars were the beginning of all the military orders, which have been since made in Christendom.  
Returning to D. Alphonso King of Castille his subjects seeing, 
Castille.  him without any heirs male, by the death of D. Sancho, & that he was now old and broken, they took council to persuade him to marry the Countess D. Vrraca, widow to Raymond Earl of Bourgonge to D. Gomes Earl of Campdespina, the greatest Nobleman next unto the King in Castille, for the effecting whereof, the Noblemen of Castille assembled at Magan, a Bourough of Toledo, or according unto others at Masquereque: the difficulty was that knowing the King to be of a high and great spirit, there was not any one that durst presume to deliver the message; wherefore they resolved to give this charge to a physician which was a jew, called Cidello, who was very familiar with the King, the which (being a rash man) he accepted, to his own ruin: for having found a fit opportunity as he thought, 
A just punishment of a r●sh men.  to speak unto the King of this marriage, he had no sooner touched that subject, but he was repulsed with bitter words, and chased out of the Court, with charge never to return again upon pain of death, yet this made the King to think, that it was fit to marry his daughter, and therefore he made choice of D. Alphonso Infant of Navarre and Arragon brother to the King D. Pedro for his son in law, the which he did by the advice of D. Bernard Archbishop of Toledo, 
D. V●raca la●re of Castille and Leon married to D. Alphonso of Navarre.  which marriage was accomplished according unto some, in the life time of the King D. Pedro, others say it was after his decease, D. Alphonso having already succeeded him to the crown of Navarre and Arragon, in the year 1104. for that the King D. Pedro's son, of the same name, was dead without children, and D. Isabel his daughter was also dead a virgin. 
An. 1104.  This King D. Pedro and his children were buried at. jean de la Pegna, the last of the Kings which were interred there. He had reigned in Navarre and Arragon ten years and three months.  
As for King D. Alphonso, he lived unto the year 1108. being afflicted with great infirmities, 
Death of D. Alphonso the sixth King of Castille.  with the which he languished to the age of 73. whereof he reigned four and thirty years and eight months, after the decease of his brother D. Sancho, his body is interred in the Monastery of Sahagun, D. Alphonso his son in law succeeded him, in the right of D. Vrraca (the only lawful daughter of the deceased) in all his realms of Castille, Leon, Toledo and other Siegneuries. A little before his death, one Moyse a jew, very learned in the tongues, in Philosophy and the holy Scriptures was baptised, and the King D. Alphonso was his god father, 
Conversion of Moys●a jew.  wherefore he was called Pedro Alphonso. His conversion was profitable to many jews and Moors, whom by disputing and writing he brought to leave their sects, and to embrace the name and profession of Christians. At the same time flourished Deminike de la Calçada, whose practice was to retire the pilgrims which went to Saint jaques, and to direct them in their way. At the place of whose abode there was since a city built of that name: he caused a Chapel to be built there in honour of the Virgin Mary, and a little from thence, five years before his death, he made his sepulchre: for at that time they buried not any in holy ground. Now it is a Cathedral Church.  
The end of the eight Book.    

The Contents of the ninth Book.  

1. Union of the realms of Castille, Leon, Navarre and Arragon, under the King D. Alphonso the 7. of that name in Leon, and 2. in Castille, and the first in Navarre and Arrago●  
2. Siege and taking of the city of Sarragosse from the Moors, the which was afterwards the chief of the realm of Arragon.  
3. The County of Provence annexed to the house of Barcelone, by hereditary succession.  
4. D. Alphonso Henriques 2. Earl of Portugal, and the bad government of the Countess D. Theresa his Mother.  
5. The licentions life of the Queen D. Vrraca heir of Castille her divorce from King D. Alphonso her husband, and the miseries which happened in Castille.  
6. Conspiracy of the Nobility and States of Castille and Leon, against the Queen D. Vrraca, and the establishing of her son D. Alphonso.  
7. Raymond in the reyall dignity, accounted the 8. of that name, and the 27. King of Leon, and 5. of Castille.  
8. Disordered and prodigious testament of D. Alphonso the 7. King of Navarre and Arragon.  
9 Usurpations of towns and Lands in Navarre by King Alphonso Raymond of Castille.  
10. D. Garcia Ramir the 19 King of Navarre, and 7. of that name.  
11. D. Frere Ramir the 5. King of Arragon and 2. of that name.  
12. Kings of Navarre and Arragon, forced to acknowledge the sovereignty of Castille.  
13. Union of Cattelogne to the crown of Arragon, by the marriage of the Earl of Barcelon. D. Raymond Berenger, with D. Petronille.  
14. Accord betwixt D. Raymond Betenger, Prince Regent of Arragon, with the Templars and Hospitaliers, upon the testament of King D. Alphonso.  
15. The Earl of Portugal takes the title of King.  
16. Change of the State in Africa, and the new reign of the Almohades.  
17. Taking of Lisbon, and other towns from the Moors, by the new King D. Alphonso Henriques.  
18. D. Sancho the 20. King of Navarre 7. of that name.  
19 Change of Religion among the Moors in Spain, and persecution of Christians by the new sectaries.  
20. D. Sancho the 6. King of Castille 3. of that name.  
21. D. Fernand the 2. of that name 28. King of Leon.  
22. Institution of the Order of the Knights of Calatrana.   
This ninth book contains the rest of the Kings of Navarre, Arragon, Leon and Castille, and the erection of the Earldom of Portugal to a Kingdom by D. Alphonso Henriques as followeth.  

NAVARRE. ARRAGON. LEON. CASTILLE.  
18. Alphonso Emperor. 14. the same. 1-26. the same. 7-4. the same. 2.  
19 D. Garcia Ramir. 7. 5. D. Fr. Ramir. 2. 27. D. Alphon. Ra. 8-5. the same. 3.  
20. D. Sancho. 7. D. Petronille and 28. D. Fernand 2. 6. D. Sancho. 3.  
D. Raymond Berenger unites Arragon and Cattelogne.   

PORTUGAL.  
D. Alphonso Henriques. 2. Earl, and the first which took upon him the title of King.   

D. Alphonso the eighteenth King of Navarre. Emperor of Spain.  
ALL the Christian Kingdoms of Spain were united in one body, 
Navarre, Ar. 1. rag●a, Leon and Castille.  in the year 1108. by the succession of Leon, Castille, 
An. 1108.  Toledo and other conquests, fallen to D. Vrraca, wife to D. Alphonso King of Navarre and Arragon, entitled Emperor of Spain by a better right then his Predecessors: notwithstanding that some Chronicles will not have him put in the rank and number of the Kings of Castille and Leon, for that it was D. Vrraca his wife, and not he which was heir of the said Realms D. Pedro Ansures during the King's absence, who was in Navarre and Arragon, governed, and was Viceroy in Castille; in which time the Moors went to field, and did great harm unto the Christians, taking the town of Coria, with other places. D. Alphonso King of Navarre, entered with an army into Castille, leading with him D. Vrrca his wife, but there needed not any force, for all obeyed him, both the towns, forts and Noblemen of the country, whom he governed with all mildness, humanity and justice, and repulsed the invasions of the Moors on the fronters of his wives dominions: but he made sharper war against them upon the confines of Navarre and Arragon: in Castille he repaired Vilhorade; in Rioje Berlanga; and upon the river of Duero, Almasan and Soria. The surname of warrior was given him by reason of his deeds of arms, and the battles wherein he was during his reign: The Histories report that he did fight 29. times in a pitched field, & was victor in them all, except in the two last battles, 
D. Alphonso se●●es to assar●h ins● lse of Castille,  which were fought near unto Fraga. Having goften footing in Castille, he began to forecast what might happen, if his wife should die without children by him; wherefore he put governors and captains of his countries of Navarre & Arragon in all the strong places of Castille, that if he were forced to quitthese realms of Castille, Leon, Toledo & their depedances, he might keep those people in some awe, and leave it with his honour and advantage: the which did somewhat estrange the Noblemen of Castille. 
The bad qualities of D. Vrraca Queen of Castille.  He knew also, that his wife D. Vrraca was proud, ingrate, inconstant, and not very continent, and therefore with good advice he armed himself for all events. This woman upon a light occasion, conceived a great hatred against the Earl D. Pedro Ansures, Lord of Vailledolit, who had nourished her, and had kept her Estates after the death of the king her father, only for that in his letters written to the king her husband, & her, advising them to come and take possession of her inheritance, he had entitled her husband King of Castille. Whereupon she sought to take Vailledolit, and other lands from him, but the King did presently restore them: and to the end he should be the more secure, against the rage of this woman, he sent him into Arragon, with D. Elo his wife, giving him the government of the young Earl of Vrgel his Cousin.  
The first expedition which he made against the Moors, 
Expedition against the Mahume●●sts.  was about the year, 1110. upon the frontiers of Navarre and Arragon, where he took from them the town of Exea, 
An. 1110.  in which war he was assisted by many voluntary Noblemen and Gentlemen of France, being disirous to win honour by bearing arms against the Mahumetists. Running along the river of Ebro, he took Tihaust, Borja, Magallon, and other places of those marches: so as the happy success of this enterprise gave him courage to effect that which his predecessors Kings of Navarre had long before deseigned; which was, to reduce the city of Sarragossa under his obedience, the which as he made show to besiege, 
moors defeated by D. Alphonso.  spoiling the country round about it King Abuçalen came with a great power, and presented him battle, neat unto Valtierra, where the Moor was vanquished, and slain upon the place. By means of this victory, King D. Alphonso took Morella, and resolved to besiege Sarragossa, wherefore he put a strong garrison into the fort of Castilia, of old soldiers, called at that time in Spain Almogarabes, who were continually entertained upon the Moors frontiers. 
Sarragoss● besieged.  This siege was long and dangerous, for the Moors defended this city courageously, being great, full of men, and well fortified.  
In the army of king D. Alphonso, there were many Noblemen of France, which had vowed to carry arms against the Infidels, among the which were Gaston Lord of Berne, 
Noblemen of France in the compe before Sarragossa.  the Earl of Cominges, and Rotron Earl of perch, by whom the Town of Tudele, seated upon Ebro, betwixt Sarragossa and Calaorra, was taken by surprise. The Moors which were there in garrison, did much annoy the camp; for that they spoilt their victuallers and merchants, and cut off their victuals: whereupon D. Alphonso sent Cont Rotron with good troops of foot, and six hundred horse. The Earl kept himself close in certain valleys, covered with woods, near unto the town, and sent forth some men into the open plains, to get some spoil, and to drive away their cattle; who being discovered by the Moors of the fort, they sallied forth with all their forces, to the end that not any one of these runners should escape. Whilst they were in skirmish, the Earl came out of his ambush, and cut off their retreat to the town, the which he found ill guarded, so as he seized thereon without any difficulty. The king D. Alphonso to reward the Earl of Perch for this prize, which was of so great importance, 
Tudele taken by the Earl of perch.  for that siege where ho was, gave him this place of Tudele, the which was afterwards annexed to the crown of Navarre. The Moors amazed at this loss, began to faint in many places: so as Mon●ajo, and other neighbour towns, were made subject to D. Alphonso within few days. The Sarragossans were much assisted by the Moors, which commanded at Lerida and Fraga, as well for the danger which did threaten them, as for their conformity in Religion.  
During this siege, the king D. Alphonso being in the city of Barbastro, there came unto his Court Count Bertrand of Tholousa, son to Count Raymond, and D. Eluira bastard daughter to the deceased King D. Alphonso the 6. This young Prince had been dispossessed of all his Estate by the Earl of Po●ctiers, who being graciously entertained and honoured by king D. Alphonso, to the end he might be aided by him, to recover his Estate, he made himself his vassal, acknowledging him for his Sovereign Lord of all the did, or should possess (according to the Spanish Histories.) The King received him into his protection, & gave him good hope, it was about the year 1116. yet this did little avail Cont Bertrand; for the continual war which D. Alphonso had against the Moors, would not suffer him to attend the affairs of Tholousa, besides William Earl of Poitiers was the king's friend, and came himself in person to the war against the Moors in Spain, and was at the siege of Sarragossa, with the Earls of perch, Cominges and Bigorre, the Lord of Beam, the Viscount of Lavedan, Bishop of Escar, and many other Noblemen and Knights of France, whereas also were all the Noblemen of Navarre and Arragon, both Ecclesiastical and secular; among the which those of greatest mark, were Diego Lope Ladron, Ximen Fortunes de Leet, Simon Fortune's de mont castle, Pedro Momesio, Lope Ximenes Torelia, Lope Sancho of Ogabre, Pedro Ximenes justice of Arragon, jean Galindio d'Antilia, Lope Fortunes of Albero, Pedro Myr Entenza, 
Almudebar taken from the Moors.  Raymond Peres d'Erillo, N. of Almoravid, and with them many of Castille and other places of Spain. About the year 1118. Almudebar, a strong place and well furnished, was taken by the French; the which struck such a terror into the Moors thereabouts, as they abandoned Sarrignena, Salce, Robres, Zeura, and Gurrea, the which were seized on by the Arragonois, whilst that the French with the other forces did batter Sarragossa, with all violence, the which the Moors defended valiantly, the king D. Alphonso being then gone into Castille. The Spaniards writ, that the French seeing this siege to grow tedious, and being out of hope to take the city, they retired in a manner all home to their houses, except the chief Commanders, to whom D. Alphonso brought new supplies, about july this year 1118. The besieged beginning to doubt that they should not be able to keep the city long, they employed all their money, means, and credit, entreating the Moors that were near and far off, to secure them in their great necessity. Who sending a captain unto them called Temin, with men and victuals: he was encountered and defeated near unto Daroca, by the king D. Alphonso, 
Sarr●gessa taken.  and the Earl of Provence, who (according unto Surites, the Writer of the History of Arragon,) was there with six hundred horse; contrary to that which the Spaniards say: so as the Moors despairing of all succours, began to parley, and to treat of conditions to yield. Some notwithstauding to do more honour to the Clergy of those times, say, that D. William Gaston, Bishop of Pampelone, general of the soldiers of Navarre, behaved himself so in his quarter, as having made a great and spacious breach, he entered the town by force, the Moors making wonderful resistance, with their king Almocaven, who was slain among the ruins. This great city was taken in December, in the aforesaid year 1118. where the king D. Alphonso entering, 
Episcopal seat restored to Sarragossa.  he lodged in the palace of the kings of the Moors, called Açuda, near unto the Port of Toledo, beginning to settle the estate thereof, to make it the Capital city of all the Realms which he enjoyed, or that he might conquer hereafter, intituling himself king of Sarragossa. His chief care was to settle the Clergy, and to enrich that Order, which had served him much in the siege of the town: wherefore the Mosque Maior was then consecrated for a cathedral Church, under the name of S. Saweur, and one Pedro de Libana, was chosen Bishop, confirmed by Pope Gelasius then reigning. They found many Christians Musarabes in Sarragossa, who had lived there among the Arabians, with great liberty of their Religion, the which they did exercise in a very ancient church, called Nostre Dame del pillar: we read in the Histories of Arragon, and in the writings of jerom Surita, that the Lords of Bearne, and the earls of Perch did long enjoy very great privileges in the city of Sarragossa, by the grant of D. Alphonso. This king and Emperor of Spain granted great liberties and privileges to this city, to provoke strangers to come and dwell there, namely, the privilege of gentry, and the laws and justice of Arragon: and in time of factions and seditions to choose for their Council certain Syndics, Protectors of the people.  
As for the dignity called justice of Arragon, 
dignity of chief justice in Arragon.  which was used in the time of D. Pelro Ximenes, it is a Magistrate, the gardien and protector of the public liberty, against the violence of great men, yea to suppress the excess and tyrannies of Kings, with sovereign jurisdiction, instrituted in the infancy and beginning of principalities and Christian Estates in Spain, after the invasion of the Moors, when as the kings, not by succession of blood and birth, but by their valour and virtues were chosen, to be ready and faithful Governors of the affairs, as well ofwarre, as of justice, according unto certain simple laws, and as then military, propounded under the title of the court or law of Sobrarbre. This Magistrate was first called justice mayor, entertained and augmented both in dignity and authority from time to time by good kings. There were great gifts and fees given also by this great king unto the Earl of Bigorre, in recompense of the good offices he had done him in this war. These things thus done, he went and laid feege before Tarrassone; 
Tarrassone taken from the Moors.  the which made no great resistance, seeing that the neighbour places were come into the power of the Christians Being yielded, it received the ancient Episcopal seat, and one D. Michael was chosen Bishop. This town which in former times had belonged to the Crown of Navarre, by this last conquest was annexed to that of Arragon.  
D. Alphonso continuing his conquests, took the places and forts which were along the river of Xalon, and in the end took the town of Calatajub, into the which he put a great garrison, as a place which frontred upon the Moors on the mountains of Cuenca, Molina, Valencia, and Castille, he cleansed that which remained of the Moorish faction upon the river of Xiloca unto Daroca: he repaired and peopled Montreal, whereas this devout king instituted an Order of Knights in imitation of the Templars of jerusalem, which was called S. salvator, affigning them rents and revenues, to the end they should employ themselves courageously to root out the Infidels in Spain, 
Order of knights at S. Sawiour.  as he had propounded. King D. Alphonso did these great exploits unto the year, 1120 at which time the Moors were dispossessed of all which doth now belong to Arragon.  
But in Cattelogne there yet remained the king of Lerlda and Fraga called Aben Gama, 
Catt●logee or Barcelone.  whose forces were not to be contemned: and the which were as a thorn in the foot of the Estates of Arragon, but more to Raymond Arnould Earl of Barcelone, who was a good and a valiant Knight, and who had received no small blessings from God: having by unexpected means recovered the lands which were usurped from him during his minority, and augmented his Estates by new successions of the Earldom of Cerdagne, of the town of Tarragone, and even newly of the County of Besalu, by the decease of D. Bernard Guillen, by reason of which prosperities he entitled himself Marquis of Spaineu, Earl of Cerdagne, Besal, and afterwards of Provence and A●millan, by the death of Gilbert his father-in law, who had no other heir then D. Doulce, wife to D. Raymond. It is likely, that by this means he got the County of Provence, whereof (as a fee of the Empire) he was invested by the Emperor Henry the 5. as we have said. As for those lands which he held in Languedoc, as Carcassone and others: some Authors write, that the vicious Bernard of Aton, having usurped them, under a counterfeit promise to hold them of him, and to do him homage, he afterwards made this acknowledgement to William Earl of Poitiers, usurper of the Contie of Tholousa: but D. Raymond forced him by arms to submit himself unto him.  
In Portugal Cont Henry had defeuded his country against the Moors wisely and valiantly, 
Portugal.  and had governed with all justice and honour, under the sovereignty of the King, 
D. Alphonso Henrques 2. Earl of Portugal  or Emperor Don Alphonso, until the year 1112. that he died in Galicia, in the town of Astorga, and was interred at Braga in S. Mary's church, leaving for heir D. Alphonso Henriques his eldest son, about eighteen years old. D. Theresa the Countess widow, to whom the Earldom of Portugal did belong in propriety, showing her indiscretion, married soon after to a knight of a noble house, called Don Bermond Paez de Transtamara, with whom having lived some time, by a disordered appetite, 
The desestable marriage of the Countess of Portugal.  or some other damnable occasion, she left him, and married again with a brother of his called D. Fernando Paez of Transtamara; D. Bermond being thus forsaken, and as it were striving with his wife who should be most incestuous, he married her eldest daughter, and sister to D. Alphonso Henriques, called D. Theresa Henriques. These goodly exploits were done among Christians, in the house of Portugal, which was but now growing: for expiation whereof, they say, that Fernando Paez, who had taken away his living brother's wife, built a Monastery at Sobrado in Galicia, nine leagues from Saint jaques, a penance and satisfaction taught by the pastors of those times, to miserable contemners of God's laws and ordonances. The young Earl Don Alphonso being much troubled with these excesses, and moreover seeing himself contemned, and out of all credit and favour, for that the adulterous and incestuous D. Fernando entitled himself Earl of Portugal, in the right of his wife, he went to arms against him, the event you shall hear hereafter.  
If this Countess were unchaste in her several marriages, 
Navarre, Castille, Arragon, etc.  her sister D. Vrraca showed herself as lose and disloyal to her husband King Don Alphonso: so as this Prince who was endowed with great virtue and wisdom, was forced to restrain her in the fort of Castellar, nee●e unto Sarragossa, from whence she sought by all means to escape; as she did, with the help of some discontented Noblemen of Castille; with whom she retired into her Inheritance, where she took council to be divorced from the King her husband, making her pretext, that she had been married against her will, and by constraint; and moreover, that she was his cousin germane removed, and therefore the marriage could not be lawful, without dispensation fro the church of Rome, the which in those days was not much used. Of this Council were the Archbishop of Toledo, the Bishops of Bourgos, Leon, Palence and others, who were all dispossessed, chased away, and banished by D. Alphonso, and with them the Abbot of S. Facunds, whose Abbey was given to D. Ramir the king's brother. Wherefore the Nobility and Estates of Castille, considering what troubles and miseries would ensue, if this design were put in execution against the king D. Alphonso, they would not give their consents, but took their Queen with all respect, and conducted her into Arragon, to her husband; who dissembled the wrongs she had done him, received her into-favor: but as she continued her lewd life, forgetting more and more the honour of herself & house, which should have been more dear unto such a Princess, 
Queen D. Vrraca unchaste.  than her life, the king in the and caused her to be conducted to the town of Soria, chased her from his company for ever: notwithstanding he kept still many strong places in Castille, not caring much for the government of the Realm.  
Without doubt this king was of a great courage, and gave good proofs, that he did more esteem virtue and his honour, 
D. Vrrace chasd away by the king D. Alphonso her husband.  than all worldly goods, dispossessing himself of so great jurisdictions, as those of Castille, Leon, Toledo, and others, which D. Vrraca had brought him; who being settled in her countries, began to show some tokens of amendment, governing herself by the advice and counsel of D. Pedro Ansures, and other knights of greatest wisdom and fame among the Nobility of Castille. Having then assembled her estates, she complained that many forts were kept from her, demanding their advice and aid to recover them: Those which were kept by Captains and governors Castillans, were presently yielded unto her, without attending any commandment from the king D. Alphonso, in hatrred that he had chased away the Queen. Among others D. Pedro Ansures, presently after the restitution of some places by him, went to the king, who was at Castellar; where coming before him, being mounted upon a white horse, and clad all in scarlet, he lighted, and holding a halter in his hand, he said unto him, 
Castille separatted.  That he had done unto his Queen (the natural and sovereign Princess of Castille) the duty of faithful vassal: yet having failed unto the king, to whom he had sworn fealty and homage, he had brought unto him both hand and mouth, the instruments of the oath which he had made unto him, to the end that his Majesty might dispose of them, and of his whole body at his highness pleasure and command. King Don Alphonso (always like himself) although (upon sufficient grounds) he were discontented with the yielding up of these forts, showing no good countenance unto the Earl, yet upon his first speech he pardoned him, yielding to the counsel of the wise, 
Magnanimity of King D. Alphonso.  who commended much the loyalty and integrity of this knight, the which should serve as a Precedent to posterity: wherefore he was sent back with honour into Castille.  
After this, D. Vrraca did nothing of merit: for falling to her old design of divorce she obtained it by the authority of Pope Pascal. Of whose commandment and Bulls, Don Diego Gelmirio, Bishop of Compostella, was minister and executioner. Thus finding herself without restraint in her lust & luxuriousness, she exceeded strangely.  
She had familiar and dishonest conversation with D. Gomes, Earl of Candespina, who had in former times pretended to be her husband, 
Navarre, Castille, Arragon, etc.  who was secretly delivered of a son, gotten by him, and was for that cause called D. Fernand Hurtado, from whom as they say, is descended the house of Hurtadoes, a noble family of Spain. Although that some doubt hereof, yet it is most certain, that the Earl D. Gomes, had in a short time the whole government of the Realm, and disposed of all the affairs, both of war and peace at his pleasure, conversing as familiarly with the Queen, as if she had been his wife: and yet another Knight called D. Pedro de Lara, son to Don Ordogno, Earl of Lara, who entered combat at the siege of Zamora, against the three sons of Aria Gonçalo, after the decease of the king D. Sancho, did insinuate himself in the Queen's favour, and was in a short time one of her greatest minions, whereof the earl D. Gomes was very jealous. The dissolute and unchaste life of D. Vrraca was so publicly known to all the world, as king D. Alphonso (moved with a just disdain, both for it, and for the abovementioned divorce) resolved to enter into Castille with an army, putting all to fire and sword, 
Queen D. Vrraca unchaste.  being much incensed as well at the dissolute life of the Queen, as at the Castillans' baseness, who obeyed her, bearing them also a spleen, for that they had delivered her those places which he had given them in guard.  
There went against him to field the Queen's two favourites, D. Gomes, and D. Pedro, with the forces of Castille and Leon, who having encountered the king's army, consisting of Navarrois and Arragonois, 
D. Vrraca chased away by the King D. Alphonso her husband.  they came to fight near unto Candespina, and not far from Sepulueda. D. Pedro who led the forward, was first charged, who abandoned his men basely upon the first encounter, and retired to Bourgos, where the Queen, was carrying news of the rout which he had no leisure to see. The army of Castille was defeated and put to flight, and many good Knights slain and others taken, namely, D. Gomes Earl of Candespina, with a brother of his called Diagomes died upon the place. The valour of one of the house of Olea was great, which carried the Standard of the Earl D. Gomes, who being overthrown from his horse, and both his hands cut off, 
Castille separated.  he held his Standard fast in his arms whilst he lived, crying out with a loud voice, Olea, Olea. After this victory, D. Alphonso passed unto Leon, by the territory of Campos, making a cruel spoil and murder, wheresoever his army went, upon D. Pedro's faction. And for that his treasure failed him, the soldiers abandoning themselves to the spoil, committed infinite thefts and sacrileges, sparing nothing, were it holy or profane.  
King D. Alphonso having passed into Galicia with the like disorder, the Nobility of those countries, assembled all that were fit to carry arms, and came to meet with this furious enemy, bringing in the army young D. Alphonso Raymond, the son of D. Vrraca, and of Cont Raymond of Bourgongne her first husband. There king D. Alphonso had another battle, near unto a place called Carrera of Anguas, betwixt the towns of Leon and Astorga, 
Loyalty and integrity of D. Pedro Ansures.  where the Navarrois and Arragonois had the victory. So as having slain a great number of Leonois, put the rest of the army to flight, and taken D. Pedro de Travas prisoner, D. Alphonso Raymond was forced to save himself in Portugal. King D. Alphonso passed no farther, but returned with his victorious army, ruining all those which followed D. Pedro de Lara's party: who with their Queen shut themselves up in a place near unto Palenza, called Mençon, which was the retreat of them that had fled: and so returned into his own country, with many prisoners, and great spoils.  
6▪ The Queen being freed from so great a danger, continued her lustful and unchaste life, 
Magnanimity of King D. Alphonso.  with her minion D. Pedro, with as little shame and respect, as she had been accustomed; who playing the king, yea the very tyrant, incensed the Nobility in such sort, as many of them conspired to abandon the Queen, and to call unto the government, D. Alphonso Raymond her son, who by hereditary succession ought to have succeeded her. The chief of these conspirators were. D. Gutiere, Fernandes de Castro, and D. Gomes de Moncanedo, who with their confederates (hoping that the infant D. Alphonso should draw great aid from his uncle Pope Calixtus, who then governed the Church of Rome) they caused D. Alphonso to come unto their assembly; and in despite of the Queen his mother, and her Minion D. Pedro, made him king of Castille and Leon, in the year 1122. D. Alphonso King of Navarre having reigned in those realms, almost 14. years, in continual troubles and care.  
This Pope Calixtus of whom we have spoken, was before called Guy, brother to Cont Raymond, and Cont William of Bourgogne, who being Archb. of Vienna, had been advanced to the sea of Rome, after the decease of Gelasius the 2. in the year 1120. in the Abbey of Clugny, where Gelasius died, flying the fury of the Emperor Henry the 5. This Calixtus was to contend against Maurice Archb. of Braga, a Limosin, called Bourdin, who had been chosen Pope by the emperors faction, against the election of Gelasius, and caused himself to be called Gregory the 8. He had been brought into Spain by D. Bernard, Archb. and Primate of Toledo, with a great opinion of his holiness and wisdom, and therefore he made him bishop of Coimbra, and afterwards. Archb. of Braga: but he sought to make him a bad requital, persuading Pope paschal, who was Predecessor to Gelasius, to deprive D. Bernard of his dignity, and to choose him in his place, offering him a good sum of money. The Pope who was exceeding covetous, took his money, and put him in hope, but he did not any thing. Wherefore there growing great dissension betwixt the Pope and the Emperor Henry, for the nomination of Prelates, Bourdin, who had changed his name, & taken that of Maurice, to his promotion to Braga, joined with the Emperor, and censed not till he was made Pope of Rome, whilst Gelasius lived, who soon after died, leaving this quarrel to be decided by Calixtus.  
Then might you have seen Christ's Vicars command armies, 
The Papacy disputed by a●mes.  place guards, give the word, be in battles armed, give the bodies and goods of miserable Christians in prey, and to countenance the most horrible insolences which war could produce. Gregory the 8. going from Sutri, where he had assembled his forces, priest Rome by all acts of hostility, spoiling pilgrims which went to get pardons, according to the Roman doctrine. On the other side, Calixtus sending many soldiers out of Bourgongne, under the conduct of john de Crema, Cardinal of S. Chrisogone, he himself followed after in person, with other troops, so as he entered Rome with great effusion of blood, and there suppressed Gregory; where making him a ridiculous spectacle unto the people, mounted upon a Camel, with his face backward, holding the tail in his hand, for a bridle, he put him in perpetual prison, where having renounced his Popedom, he ended his days. Thus were Ecclesiastical charges executed among Christians in those days. Pope Calixtus having prevailed over his adversary about the time that D. Alphonso Raymond his nephew was chosen in Castille to reign in stead of his unchaste mother, it was likely this election should be confirmed and supported by the authority of Rome, against all that should contradict it.  
The estate of Portugal was troubled with the like disorder, 
Portugal.  and D. Alphonso Henriques, and the Portugals were priest with the like difficulties, by the disordered appetites of their Countess, 
War betwixt the Mother and the son in Portugal The Countess D. Theresa and her unlawful husband taken prisoner.  D. Theresa his mother, who was then enjoyed by D. Fernand Pacz: against whom D. Alphonso armed, pursuing him as a Tyrant and incestuous adulterer, their armies joined near unto Guymaranes, where D. Alphonso was vanquished, being too hasty to fight, and would not attend some supplies, which D. Egas Nugnes (who had bred him up, and governed him in his infancy) brought unto him: by whom he was then sharply blamed for his rashness, proceeding from want of experience and heat of youth. Having recovered new forces, there was a second battle fought, whereas D. Alphonso had the better: for D. Ferdinand's army was put to rout, and himself with the Countess put in a safe prison, from whence D. Fernand was afterwards delivered at her entreaty, with promise never more to style himself Earl of Portugal, but to be a perpetual subject and vassal unto D. Alphonso Henriques, who by this means remained a peaceable Earl in Portugal. These fruits did the two unchaste and lascivious sisters reap, being Daughters to king Alphonso the sixth, and in a manner at the same time.  
D. Alphonso the 7. left reigning in Castille, where he had some places at his devotion, 
casfile  held by a Navarrois garrison: during whose reign died S. Dominike of Calçada in Rioje, who was reputed a Saint: he was buried in the tomb which he had made in his life time. He had been a Monk of the Order of Saint Benet, at Valbanera, and after in the Monastery of Saint AEmylian, where they did not much esteem him: wherefore he gave himself to a solitary life, and to follow the doctrine of Gregory bishop of Ostia: for he was a man without any learning. At the place of his Sepulchre, there is at this present a town built with a Cathedral church, and Episcopal see, carrying his name, united at this present to that of Calaorra. He was much honoured in his life time, and after his death his memory was reverenced: Monks being then admired, which gave themselves to a monastic and solitary life. At that time there was given by the king D. Alphonso, to the Monasterio of Saint Mary of Valbanera, the church of Levador, to that of Saint Saluadour of Leyre, half the town of Arascues: in imitation of whom other Noblemen gave gifts unto Churches, where they had special devotion, every one choosing for his Patron, Advocate, and Protector, that Saint of whom the churches and Monasteries were named. This was the ordinary doctrine of that age to win Paradise.  
In the mean time the Bishops intruded themselves into the Counsels of Kings, to manage affairs of State, 
The exercise of Bishops of that age.  and to maintain their Ecclesiastical privileges, rights, and revenues, they led armies, and were many times too forward to fight, as we read of D. Pedro of Roda, Bishop of Pampelone, who about the year 1115. meddling with the quarrels of some soldiers in the Town of Tholousa, received a blow on the head with a stone, whereof he died a Martyr, as the Spaniards say: an advertisement for the rest to contain themselves in their vocations. D. Mayor Garcia, daughter to the Earl D. Diego Ordognes'; and of D. Vrraca Garcia daughter to the king D. Garcia, gave unto the Monastery of Nagera about that time, certain possessions which she had in Calaorra. D. Fortune Velez a knight, at that time one of the most renowned in the Kingdom of Navarre, gave unto the same Monastery, the place of Aleçon, to furnish lights at the Altar of the Virgin Mary: so great and so constant was the opinion of men in that age, that by gifts unto the Clergy, they might redeem their souls from eternal damnation, as they did not spare the principal towns of their Estates: D. Raymond Arnold Earl of Barcelone, at the same time, gave unto D. Alderic the Archbishop, the city itself of Tarragone, 
The city of farragone given in propriety to the Archbishop of that pla●e.  which the Archbishops did enjoy in full propriety, for the space of four and thirty years. The foundation of the Hospital upon the Pyrenee mountains, at the passage of Ronceval, seems to be a godly work, the which was done by D. Sancho de Rosas Bishop of Pampelone, about the year 1122. but it was only for Pilgrims, going our of France to Saint james, wherein King D. Alphonso assisted him with money. This Hospital was built near unto the place which was called Charlemagnegs Chapel, a place which was much subject to winds, and continual storms: whereupon it was afterwards built lower in Roncevall where it is now.  
As soon as D. Alphonso Raymond was crowned King of Castille and Leon, by the means and direction of D. Pedro de Travas, a Nobleman, who was allied in Cattelogne, to the Earls of Vrgel, 
Accord betwixt the king of Castille and his mother.  and had bred and governed that Prince, he began to pursue his mother, and D. Pedro de Laya her minion. D. Vrraca fortified herself in the tower of Leon, where he besieged her: but by the mediation of some Noblemen, who were all of the new King's party, a peace was made upon condition, that she should give over all government of affairs, and be content to live a private life, having a pension fit for her estate and calling. As for D. Pedxo de Lara, after that he had wandered long up and down, in the end he left the country, and being as coldly entertained in Navarre and Arragon, as in Castille, he made his retreat into Barcelone.   

D. Alphonso the 8. of that name, and the 27. King of Leon, and the fifth of Castille.  
7. D. Vrraca being thus dispossessed, 
An. 1122.  D. Alphonso Raymond carried himself for king of Castille and Leon. 
Castille and Leon.  After which he thought upon the recovery of the forts of Castille, which his father-in-law, D. Alphonso King of Navarre detained from him, wherefore he raised a mighty army to use it, if he might not recover that which he pretended without arms: with these forces he marched towards Navarre and Arragon, which were not unprovided: for the King had also taken arms to cross him, if he should prove insolent, and was already entered into Castille by Rioje, when as the Prelates of both kingdoms, foreseeing the great miseries which would ensue, if these two great Princes should once enter into war, they laboured to make a peace and unity betwixt them: and they prevailed so, as they persuaded the new king of Castille, to make request unto the king of Navarre and Arragon, 
Modesty of greater force than arms.  to restore him his towns and forts; the which was of such force, as without any difficulty, King D. Alphonso being glad that he had taken ●o modest a course, did lovingly restore unto him all that he held in Castille, retaining only the country which is from Villorado to Calaorra: for that (said he) those lands were of the ancient patrimony of Navarre, usurped by king D. Alphonso his father-in-law, since the decease of Don Sancho Garcia king of Navarre, and by the same reason, the Provinces of Guipuscoa and Ala●a remained to the crown of Navarre. Thus they laid down arms of ●ther side, and retired into their countries: Alphonso Raymond King of Castille, seeing himself settled in peace, he began to make war against the Moors, 
Exploits of K. D. Alphonso the 8. against the Moors.  his first enterprise was upon Coria; which town had been surprised, during the interregne or absence of the king of Navarre and Arragon after the decease of King D. Alphonso the Brave, his grandfather. This was a work of few days, for he easily recovered it, but not content herewith, he passed on into the countries of Extremadura and Portugal, held by the Moors, the which he wasted, and brought away the spoils, not any Moor appearing to make head against him. This good success of his affairs, gave him courage to greater attempts, and were as a spur to the natural virtue and bounty wherewith God had endowed him, as much as any Prince of his time: for he was active, hardy and valiant, and withal wise, mild, capable, and very devour.  
In his time flourished the Order of Cisteaux, 
The virtues of King D. Alphonso the 8.  and the religion of S. Bernard, of the which he was careful, and a great benefactor, so as they attribute to him the building of most part of the Monasteries of that habit which are in Spain: and he was no less careful to repair the ruins of many towns, and castles, which had been destroyed by the continual courses of the Arbians; he built and peopled new, and made many good laws and ordonances, for the administration of justice, and government of towns: so as for these excellent virtues he was favoured of God, beloved and respected of his subjects, and greatly feared of his enemies. It was about his coming to the Crown, 
Zamora made a bishopric.  that his uncle Calixfus erected an Episcopal sea at Zamora: whereof D. Bernard, Arcl-deacon of Toledo was the first Bishop, whereas now the Sepulchre of Yllefonce, Archbishop of Toledo, is worshipped with divine honours, found (as the Histories say) by a shepheare, a testimony worthy of the invention. At the same time (which was about the year 1125.) the church ofs. james in Gallcia, was made a Metrapolitan, 
An. 1125.  by the same Pope Calixtus, 
S. james of Compostella made an archbishopric.  in favour of his nephew, king D. Alphonso, who showed great devotion to this Saint, for that he had had his breeding, and past most of his youth in Galicia. The first Archb. of that place was Don Diego Gelmirio, abovenamed, borne in the same Diocese; under which Archb. were appointed 12. Bishops, Salaman●a, Auila, Plaisance, Zam●ra, Badajos, Cite Roderigo, Coria, Lugo, Astorga, Oren●e, Mondoguedo and T●y. Then began the Abbey of S. Dominike of Calçado to increase, to the which was given by Don Alphonso the Warrior, king of Navarre, the place called Olgabarte, or otherwise jubarre; with great freedoms and exemptions. This Church was made subject to the Bishop of Calaorra, and at that time there was an Abbot and Monks there, whereas since there were Chanoins placed, and in the end it was made a Cathedral church, the which is now a town seated betwixt Nagera and Vilhorado, and in the beginning was but a small borough, called Malburgue●e, the which is now by corruption called Margubette, and is joined to the Cathedral Church of that place, the which at this present is called the Bourg of Saint Dominicke of Calçada.  
King D. Alphonso the warrior had given some respite unto the Moors, 
Navarre and Arragon.  unto the year 1125. when as he led his army against them of Denia and Valencia, and spoiled the country: then passing into Murcia and the marches of Carthagena, he attempted Alcaras, but could not take it: wherefore pursuing his good fortune, he overrun the territories of Granado, then turning by Cordova, as he prepared to besiege it, he was diverted by an army of Moors Almoravides, to whom he gave Battle and defeated them. Yet he did not think it fit to stay then at this siege, but returned laden with spoils into his country, whither he led many Christians Musarabes, retired out of the tyranny of die Moors, to whom he gave dwellings and lands, with exemptions and titles of Nobility for them and theirs.  
In Portugal, 
Portugal.  Count D. Alphonso Henriques did in like manner annoy the Moors upon his frontier, 
An. 1127.  from whom he took Leyra, in the year 1127. the which he gave to the Monastery of Saint Croix, in the town of Coimbra, built by him, as the first fruits of his victories. He took in like manner the town of Torrslnovas'. The contrary happened in Cattelogne, whereas the Moors (whilst that the king of Navarre and Arragon did overrun their western country) were furiously entered, and committed infinite spoils, the which might well be one of the reasons which made the siege of Cordova to cease, and caused the king of Navarre and Arragon to retire to come and succour D. Raymond Arnould Earl of Barcelone.  
In these wars D. Alphonso king of Navarre, 
Navarre and Arragon.  had great aid and assistance of many Knights and Noblemen of France, that were neighbours to the Pyrenees, to whom a great part of the victories obtained by him against the Moors are attributed by the testimony of the Spanish Authors themselves. In this voyage of Cattelogne, he led with him the infant D. Garcia, son and heir to D Ramir Sanches, to whom by right of succession the kingdom of Navarre did belong, for that he was issued from the direct and lawful line of the king D. 
D. Garcia rige● hetre of Navarre.  Sancho Garcia his grandfather. This young Prince was lest by his dying father in the government of D. Sol widow to the infant D. Pedro, daughter to Cid, his Aunt by the mother's side, by whom he was bred up in his youth, in all virtue and religion, and they called him the Lord of Monçon. After this expedition the king peopled the new Bourg of Pampelone, which he had caused to be built near unto the old town, and was called at that time Iruna, that is to say, good town: he placed French Inhabitants there, taken out of the soldiers which had followed him in the wars against the Moors, whem he would reward for their good services, in lodging them in this new increase, which he had made of the town of Pampelone, giving them the privileges and exemptions of the town of jaca. Some think they came from Cahors in Quercy: he also gave privileges to the Inhabitants of Maragnon.  
During these things, 
Castille.  the Countess of Portugal, who was a prisoner, being too hardly entreated by D. Alphonso Henriques her son, had means to acquaint D. Alphonso Raymond, king of Castille her nephew, with her afflictions, and to entreat him to embrace her cause, and to f●ee her from that hard prison, wherein she was detained: in recompense whereof the offered to make him her heir of the Earldom of Portugal. D. Alphonso desirous● to join this piece to his demaynes, came in person with a great army, to deliver this woman, forgetting that the Earl had assisted him in the war, which he had against his mother D. Vrraca Queen of Castille and Leon, but he had a sharp encounter in the fields of Valdues, along the banks of the river of Limia▪ where being vanquished by the army of D. Alphonso Henriques, his cousin, he saved himself, being hurt in the foo●e, in the territory of Leon.  
Being cured, and having raised another army, he entered again into Portugal, being desirous to recover his honour, and to force the Portugals to acknowledge him, and to do him the homage which they ought him, as King of Leon. Being arrived at Guymaranes, where the Earl was, he besieged it, and did all he could to take the place: but D. Egas Nugnes the Earl's Governor going forth with a safeconduct; they so treated, as upon a promise which Don Egas made unto the King, that the Earl of Portugal should take an oath of fealty, as to his Sovereign, he returned satisfied into his Country, without doing any other exploit: but the Earl D. Alphonso Henriques would not perform that which his Governor had promised: wherefore D. Egas went to the King being at Toledo, and there presenting himself at his feet, with a halter about his neck, he craved pardon, for that which he had promised, and could not perform; which was, that the Earl should do him homage for his Earldom of Portugal, whom the King pardoned, being duly informed that he had done his best indeanour to effect his promise. These wars (which were the first the Castillans had against the Portugals, written by the Historians of Portugal, whereof notwithstanding others make no mention) passed about the year 1127. D. Theresa for that time had no ease, Her sister D. Vrraca made her residence in Saint Vincents church, being straightly guarded: yet they say, that going one day to Saint Isidores church in Leon, to take the treasure which her father and grandfather had given unto that place, as she was carrying this prey, 
Death prodigious to D. Vrraca of Castille.  having one foot within, and another without the door, she burst in the midst, a worthy and condign punishment due for the adulteries which she had committed, and the murders which ensued not long after, to the prejudice and dishonour of the King's house, and of all the Christian Estate in Spain, as also for the sacrilege. Others say, that she died in the Castle of Saldagne, being brought in bed of a child by stealth. So Don Alphonso Raymond remained destitute and without a mother.  
About that time the king of Castille, provoked by the Moors, who were entered into the Territories of Toledo, marched far into their country, and took from them by a long and painful siege, 
Calatrava taken from the Moors.  the town of Calatrava, the which he gave to the Archbishop of Toledo, being a great favourer of the Church and Clergy, into the which he put a good garrison, the which some believe were Templars; who were wonderfully increased, and grown exceeding rich, even in Spain. After which D. Alphonso Raymond took from the Infidels, Alarcos, Caracuel, Almodovar del campo, and other places, whereof he fortfied some, and razed others. At that time there reigned over the Moors in Spain and Africa, H●li Aben-Tefin, the third Miralmumin, and last of the Almoravides, upon whom the King of Castille extended his limits unto the Mountains called Sierra Morena, where he fortified Pedroche: then he passed into Andalousia with a great army, and laid feege unto the town of jaen, but it was in vain: for being valiantly defended by the Moors, he was forced to retire, and returned with his army into Castille.  
This King D. Alphonso had married D. Berenguela, 
Cattelogne.  daughter to Don Raymond Arnould Earl of Barcelone, 
An. 1131.  who died in the year 1131. having held the Earldom eight and forty years. A little before his death, he made himself of the Order of Saint john of Jerusalem, called the Hospitaliers. The Earldom of Provence was fallen unto him in the right of his wife D. Doulce, and of other lands in France, whereof he caused himself to be called Marquis: 
Genealogy of Cattelogne.  by which Lady he had two sons, D. Raymond Berenger, who succeeded him in the principality of Cattelogne, and afterward came by marriage to the Crown of Arragon, and D. Berenger Raymond, who was Earl or Marquis of Provence, thus ordered by his will. of D. Doulce was also borne D. Berenguela Queen of Castille, and two other daughters, who were married into France. The Earldom of Provence had been in question betwixt D. Raymond Arnould, and the Earl of Tholousa and Saint Giles, but their suit, after many delays, was ended by accord: which was, That the lands of Provence lying betwixt the rivers of Durance and Isera, making at this day a part of Dauphin, should belong unto the Earl of Tholousa, with the Castle of Beaucaire, the Lands of Argence, Castle of Bolobrege, and the moiety of the city of avignon, and of Pont de Sorge, the rest should remain to the Earl of Barcelone. According unto this division, D. Berenger Raymond did inherit Provence, and there was added, that if any of the parties died without lawful heirs, the other should succeed. Among other Articles of D. Raymond Arnoulds restament, he ordained, that if his heirs died without lawful children, his daughter Berenguela, Queen of Castille and Leon, and D. Ximena, wife to Roger Earl of Foix should succeed.  
By this noble and virtuous Queen D. Berenguela, D. Alphonso king of Castille, 
Genealogy of Castille.  had four children: D. Sancho who was king of Castille, he was bred up in his youth and governed by D. G●itiere Fernandes de Castro. The second, D. Fernand, who did inherit the Realms of Leon and Gallicia: and two daughters, D. Isabel, called by some D. Constance, wife to the French King, Lewis the young, the seventh of that name, he that did put away Elinor, Countess of Poitiers, heir of Guienne, daughter to Count William, who after this divorce married with Henry Duke of Anjou and Normandy: who being heir to the Crown of England, had long and cruel wars against the French, by reason of this Lady's patrimony, the which continued above three hundred years, unto King Charles the seventh. The second dughter which D. Alphonso had by D. Berenguela, was called D. Sancha, or by others D. Beacia, who was Queen of Navarre, having married the king D. Sancho surnamed the Wise, or the Valiant, as others writ. There is to be seen among the tombs which are in the great Chapel of the Monastery of Ogna, an inscription of D. Garcia, who they imagine was son to the said D. Alphonso, who had a second wise, daughter to Vladislaus Duke of Polonia, called D. Ri●a, by whom he had one daughter called D. Sancha, who was married to D. Alphonso, the fixed king of Arragon, the second of that name. He had familiar acquaintance with two Gentlewomen, whereof the one, which was called D. Maria, brought him a daughter, called D. Stephana, or Estienette: the other which was called D. Gontrude, bore him D. Vrraca, who was first married to D. Garcia Ramires King of Navarre: and for her second husband, she married a wise and valiant Knight, called D. Alvaro Rodrigues, without any respect of her degree, falling from a Queen to be the wife of a simple Knight: it may be the Ladies of those times had no such haughty spirits as they have at this day, or else could not distinguish betwixt virtue and fortune. D. Stephana her sister was married to another Knight, of the house of Castro, whom they called D. Fernand Rodrigues the Castillan, from whom issued a son, called D. Pedro Fernandes de Castro. This was the posterity of King D. Alphonso of Castille. About the year 1132. he made his eldest son D. Sancho a Knight, on Saint Mathias day, upon the which he also gave the town of Vra, to the Monastery of Saint Dominicke of Silos.  
It was about this time that Don Alphonso the Warrior, 
Navarre and Arragon.  King of Navarre, who always called himself Emperor of Spain, had certain quarrels with them that dwelled on this side the Pyrenees, towards France, in the Duchy of Guienne, the occasion being concealed by the Authors, is not known to us, but that we may conjecture he would favour Don Alphonso Earl of Tholousa and Saint Giles, from whom William Earl of Poitiers detained his living: 
Bayonne taken.  but whatsoever moved him, he besieged Bayonne, the which he took with little danger and difficulty, extending his limits much on that side.  
During this siege he made his last will and restament, and as he was always environed with Bishops, who forgot not themselves in such opportunities, being also very devout, 
D. Alphonso's Tetlamen.  and seasoned with an opinion, that sins are wiped away, and punishments redeemed by gifts and foundations of rents and revenues to Churches: He gave unto the great Church of Pampelona, and to the Monastery of Leyre, the town and Castle of Estella, to enjoy the moiety thereof, with all the rights, profits, and commodities. To the Monasteries of Saint Mary of Nagera, and of Saint Aemilian of Cogolla, he gave the town of Nagera and Tubie with the castles. To the Monastery of Saint Dominicke of Silos, he gave the Town of Sanguessa, together with the castle, and the two boroughs, the old and new. To that of Saint Saluadour of Ogna, the town and territory of Villorado. To the Monasteries of jean de la Pegna, and of Saint Peter of Ceresa, and to the Cathedral churches of Saint james in Galicia, and of Saint Saviour of Quiedo, he gave many Legacies of great consequence, but the most important was, that which he gave to the religious of the holy Sepulchre, and to the knights of the Temple, 
A prodigious clause in D. Alphonso's testament.  and the hospitaliers of jerusalem, of both his Realms of Navarre, and Arragon, and whatsoever else he should conquer from the Moors, ordaining in particular, that his arms and horse should be sent to the Knights of the Temple.  
The King gave all these prodigious Legacies, upon a wonderful superstition, together with a hatred which he bore to them of his blood, finding himself old, and without any heirs of his body: but there were but few put in execution, being so prejudicial to the Christians estate in Spain, and would have been the seed of division and wars betwixt the Princes: yet his testament was made with all solemnities, and fortified with the pains and threats which were in use in that age. Being returned into his countries, he ordained a several court or jurisdiction for the Inhabitants of Calatajub, granting them many privileges and immunities, and ordaining that the revenues of the Clergy should be hereditary, to the end that the inhabitants, and such as were borne there, might only enjoy them, as in our time in Castille, those do which are of the bishoprics of Calaorra, Calçada, Bourgos, and Plaisance, and in many places of the Bishopric of Pampelone.  
In the beginning of the year 1133. 
An. 1133.  this King and Emperor of Spain, 
Assembly at Sarragossa.  called an assembly of the Bishops and Noblemen of his country at Sarragossa, to resolve upon the war against the Moors. Among those which were there present, they name the infant D. Garcia Ramires, Lord of Monçon, the right heir of Navarre: Rotron Earl of perch, Lord of Tudele, D. Sancho de Roses, bishop of Pampelone, another D. Sancho Bishop of Calaorra, D. Garcia Guerra Bishop of Sarragossa, D. Michael of Tarrassone, and D. Arnould of Husfca, 
Expedition against the Moors unfortunate.  with many other great personages, both Clergy and Secular. There they concluded to make war against the Infidels, enemies to the Christians, usurpers of the country of Spain; and withal, order was given for all things necessary for so great an enterprise: levies of soldiers were made, and Commissaries sent out for victuals, carriages, boats and other things necessary for the conduct of munition, victuals, instruments and engines of battery, with great provision of arms, and all that was needful for so great an army.  
The King D. Alphonso the warrior having resolved to root out the Moors, he began on this side Ebro to assail them of Lerida and Fraga, from whom he took the town of Mequinença by composition, being at that time exceeding strong, and valiantly defended by the Moors: from thence he came before Fraga, a town well fortified, and strong by nature, seated upon the river of Cinca, the which he began to press about August, and there made a long and fruitless stay: so as winter approaching, he was forced to raise his siege, having an intent to return in the Spring, the which he did in February, 
An. 1134.  If the place were strong before, the Moors had so fortified it during the winter, as they had made it impregnable: when as they retired, the besieged taking courage, as well by the retreat of the Christians, as by some succours which they had from about Lerida, they went to field, and charged the rearward of the Navarrois army, whom they forced to turn head, and to fight with all his forces. There was the king D. Alphonso vanquished, 
Alphonso king of Navarre vanquished by the Moors.  the which was strange, and of hard digestion to him, who having been accustomed to beat his enemies, ever since he commanded an army. Wherefore he retired wonderfully perplexed, having lost that day many Christians, and among others many valiant Knights, and great personages of his Realms of Navarre and Arragon.  
The Moors grown proud with this victory, and that they had chased the king out of their limits, entered into his country, putting all to fire and sword, which they could not carry away with them, and came as far as Monçon: wherewith the king being incensed, he thrust himself into a calamity unworthy of so great and wise a Captain as he had always showed himself. But we strive in vain against the will of heaven, and worldly man doth in vain call back good fortune, which hath once turned her fact from him, for his sins, which he doth not vouchsafe to acknowledge. His troops being dispersed, and every one retired to his house, after this rout he called those that were nearest unto him, and attending a convenient number to attend his person, he went in all haste, being old and broken, with four hundred horse to pursue these Moors, who carried away a great prey, and an infinite number of Christians prisoners, having overtaken them near unto their fort of Fraga, he found his own error, and would gladly have retired, but it was to late; for the Moors descovering the small number which pursued them, 
Descat and death of King D. Alphonso the warrior.  turned head, and having stretched forth their bands, they environed the King and his whole troop, and put them in a manner all to the sword, where amongst the rest the King was slain. This happened in September, in the year 1134. Such was the end of King D. Alphonso the warrior, a very worthy and a fortunate Prince, if homebred calamities, the hatred of his own blood, and his over great superstition, had not undermined and weakened the vigour of his spirit, the which was much decayed in his latter days. They say his body was taken up and buried in the Monastery of jesus of Nazareth in Montarragon: yet many hold that it was not found, being (it may be) scattered in this defeat from his company, and so swallowed up in some bog or river, or lost by some other accident, as hath happened to other Princes, in the like encounters. The brute was among the common people, that he was escaped in the charge, and that seeing himself twice vanquished, whereunto he had not been accustomed, he was so grieved as he durst not show himself to his subjects any more, but went to jerusalem, from whence he never returned. He had reigned about thirty years. At this decease, the Estates of Navarre and Arragon were much perplexed, both for that their King had left no heir of his body, as also for the desperate will which he had made. These difficulties were augmented by the factions of the Nobility, who could not agree upon the election of a new King.  
9 Whilst they contended among themselves, D. Alphonso Raymond King of Castille, being advertised of the decease of his father in law, by the advice and persuasion of his council, he revived his pretensions to the Estates of Navarre and Arragon, as great grandchild to D. Sancho the great, 
Usurpation of some places in Navarre by by the King of Castille.  who was King of Navarre and Earl of Arragon; whereupon he seized upon the Lands of the river of Oija, of Villorodo, Granon, Nagera, Logrogno, Arnedo, Biguerra, and many other places unto Calaorra, which were thence cut off from the body of Navarre: so as the jurisdiction of that Kingdom was then limited towards Castille, by the river of Ebro. D. Alphonso continuing his conquests, whilst that no man made head against him, having attempted the town of Victoria in vain, he overrun the country of Alava, and took the town of Maragnon and other forts: striking such a terror into the Navarrois and Arragonois, as if they had not feared to lose their exemptions and previledges, and to be ill entreated by King D. Alphonso, they would have willingly yielded all unto him.  
Amongst the chief which did council and accompany the King in this spoil, 
Names of Knights and Prelates, which did accompany the King of Castille.  were the Bishops, D. Bernard of Siguença, D. Sancho of Nagera, & D. Bertrand of Osma; and of Noblemen D. Lope, and D. Sancho Diaz, D. Garcis Fortuniones, D. Roderigo Gonçales, the Earls D. Pedro Lopes, D. Gomes Nugnes, D. Guttiere Peres de Lorea, Diego Nugnes, Garcia-Garces, Almerigo standard bearer to the King, D. Lopes Lord Steward of the King's house, Melendo Bofino, Ordogno Peres, Rodrigo Gonçales of Olea, Guttiere Fernandes, Rodrigo Fernandes, and Rodrigo Nugnes de Gusman. King D. Alphonso spoiling all along the river of Oija, 
Expiations of the sins and usurpatons of D. Alphonso King of Castille.  being admonished not to forget to make expiation for his excess, he gave many goodly things to the Monastery of Saint Emilian, the which are found written and received by Berenger archdeacon of Toledo. Being afterwards entered in Arragon, he committed the like spoils as in Navarre. The Navarrois and Arragonois seeing themselves priest by the King of Castille, they made haste to prevent these mischiefs, whereunto they were subject for want of a head: wherefore being assembled at a place called Borja, a town belonging to D. Pedro de Atares, a knight of the blood royal, who some think was son to D. Garcia, the son of D. Sancha, Bastard to D. Ramir first King of Arragon, and of D. Theresa Caxal his wife, a great number of them were of advice, that they should choose him for King of Navarre and Arragon, for that they had observed in him many royal qualities, and did know that the deceased King had much esteemed him, and had given him that town in reward of his services, with many other gifts. Notwithstanding this parsonage (otherwise endowed with great virtues) was grave and exceeding severe; which made him to be the less beloved by the Nobility of Navarre: of whom some held themselves wronged in their particular, for that offering sometimes to visit him, they have refused them the entry, the porters saying, that monsieur was busy about matters of great importance, but they understood afterwards that the great affairs which had made D. Pedro exclude his friends, 
D. Pedro ●●●ected, for her s●●iolence.  were, that his Barber was a trimming him: wherefore his great overweening and his unseasonable gravity, did him then harm, so as he was not chosen King of these two large Kingdoms, his greatest adversaries being Pedro Tizan of Quadrieta, and Pelegrin of Castellezuelo, who gave the assembly to understand, that the chief virtues, requisite in Kings, wanted in D. Pedro which were clemency and affability, in steed of which he was full of Arrogancy and insupportable presumption.  
If he have (say they) made show thereof in many places living in a private estate, who can doubt, but after that he hath attained to the royal throne, he will pass all bounds of modesty, and that he will contemn the Noblemen and Gentlemen his subjects: who shallbe the more rejected, when he shall find them to be virtuous, for pride in him that holds the sovereign place, is ever accompanied with jealousy and deadly hatred against the best men. Wherefore they concluded, that they must be very careful, not to submit themselves to such a man, but should choose some other Lord, who was descended of the same blood, whereof the country, by the Providence of God, was not unfurnished: that they had D. Ramir, brother to the deceased King, D. Garcia Ramires, Lord of Monçon and others, who had given better hope of them then D. Pedro.  
By their persuasions, the Noblemen and men of State assembled at Borja, inclined to D. Ramir, who was a Monk of the order of Saint Bener. But to the end it might be effected with more order, and less difficulty, they resolved to change the place of their assembly, and go to Monçon.   

D. Garcia Ramires the seventh of that name and the nineteenth King of Navarre.  
10. IN this dislodging, the Navarrois grew to be of an other opinion, considering that D. Ramir having been bread up amongst Monks, for the space of forty years, 
Division among the Nobility of Navarre and Arragon.  it was likely that he was better acquainted with matters belonging to a monastic and solitary life, then to govern a Kingdom, besides they grew jealous, that the Arragonois choosing a King of the blood royal of Arragon, they would by this means aspire to the chief places of favour and honour in Court: wherefore these things being propounded in private assemblies, by D. Sancho de Rosas, Bishop of Pampelone, Ladron de Guevara, son to Ygnes; chief of the house of Guevara in Alava, William Aznares of Oteyça, Fortunion Ynigues of Leete, Ximen Aznares of Torres and others, it was concluded, that in steed of going to the general assembly at Monçon, the Estates of Navarre should assemble at Pampelone, the which having performed with great diligence, they did choose D. Garcia Ramires, Lord of Monçon for King of Navarre, who was son to the infant D. Ramir grandchild to D. Sancho Gartia, & great grandchild, to D. Garcia the 6. who was son unto the king D. Sancho the great. D. Garcia was at Monçon at the time of this election, with the Arragonois, assisting at their assembly, for the election of a future King, having no thought to aspire to that degree, when as Willi, Azneares of Oteya, & Ximen Aznares of Torres, being sent by the assembly of Pampelone, came to advertise him of that which had passed, and led him secretly away to Pampelone. So D. Garcia Ramires was established King of Navarre, in October, 1134. being about forty years old.   

D. Ramir the second of that name, and fifth King of Arragon.  
11. 
Arragon.  WHen as the Arragonois understood that there was a King in Navarre, they suddenly made choice of D. Frere Ramir for their King, who had been Monk at Tomires, appointed to be Bishop of Roda and Barbastro, having been before of Bourgos and Pampelone, and in like manner had been chosen Abbor of Sahagun in Castille, and was a priest, as D. Rodrigo Ximenes the Archbishop doth write. To his election was added a dispensation from Pope Ancletus, then reigning. By this means the Realms of Navarre and Arragon, which had been united eight and fifty years, since the King D. Sancho Ramires, were separated in these two Kings.  
D. Frere Ramir, the new King of Arragon, had need of a more quiet estate, in respect of his breeding up in Saint Benet's order, for thinking to reign in Arragon, he found a rough adversary in D. Alphonso Raymond King of Castille, wherefore he retired himself into the mountains of Sobrarbre, having neither force nor courage to oppose himself against him: so as to settle and to assure himself, he was forced to use mildet means then arms, and come to prayers and entreaties, employing mediators which were fit to treat, and pleasing to his enemy. Amongst others which laboured to make a peace betwixt these two Princes, were, D. Oldegaire Archbishop of Tarragone; but both he and the rest lost their labours, 
Saragossa seized on by the king of Castille.  for the King of Castille being come near unto Sarragossa, the chief city of that Estate, he was received, and commanded there as King, having in his company D. Raymond Berenger, Earl of Barcelone, his wives brother, and Roger Earl of Foix who had married the other sister of Queen D. Berenguela, D. Alphonso jordain Earl of Tolouse, Armingol Earl of Vrgel, M●r Earl of Pallars, Berenger archdeacon of Toledo, and many other Knights of Castille, Arragon, Cattelogne, yea and of France.  
Having with this company disposed of the affairs of Arragon, he returned to Leon, 
Casfille.  whereas he made an assembly of Prelates, and other chief men of his Estates, whereas he caused himself to be crowned Emperor of Spain in the Cathedral church, with the solemnities and ceremonies requisite in so great an act, 
Alphonso Raymond King of Castille crowned Emperor of Spain.  receiving the holy unction and the crown from D. Raymond, Archbishop of Toledo which title was afterwards confirmed (as some Spaniards writ) by Pope Innocent the second, although that the Kings his Predecessors (who had usurped the like title, for that they were sovereign Lords in their countries, without acknowledging any other secular power) had not affected the like confirmation. Some say this coronation was at Toledo: it may be it was a reiteration of that pomp and ceremony in Castille and the territory of Toledo, which were distinct Kingdoms, and different from that of Leon, or it may be a second coronation, as the custom is in the Empire of Germany.  
They add moreover that the name of imperial was confirmed to that city, by King D. Alphonso the eight, 
Toledo the Imperial town.  and arms given it, the which it carries at this day, which are, an Emperor in a robe of gold, sitting in a throne, holding a globe in his left hand, and in his right a sword. In this pomp the church of Toledo had by gift from the Emperor D. Alphonso, the town of Alcala the old, in the year 1135. It was a fort built by the Moors, 
An. 1135.  and ruined in the former wars: wherefore they hold that D. Raymond the Archbishop did afterwards build the town of Alcala de Henares, whereas it is at this day, and whereas in old time the town of Comp●utum stood.  
This Spanish Emperor seeing himself in that greatness, struck against the same stone where his Predecessors had grossly stumbled, and came to divide his realms amongst 'mongst his children, 
Castille and Leoa divided.  making them Kings, being ill advised by bad council: to D. Sancho the eldest he gave Castille and Toledo; and to D. Fernand Leon and Galicia. To D, Sancho he extended the ancient limits of Castille towards Leon, unto the town of Sahagun, by Moral de la Roine, Tordehumes Vregna and Cavillas. To the second he asigned the Lands of Leon and Galicia, with that part of the Asturies, which lies from the river of Oua unto Galicia.  
These seeds of war and discord, were laid by the bad council of the Earls D. Almeric de Lara, otherwise called Manriques, son to D. Pedro de Lara, and D. Fernand of Transtamara, great Noblemen, who thought to maintain the greatness and reputation of their houses the better, by these parrages, and from the troubles which might ensue, then if there were but one Monarch in Spain, an ordinary practice in great Christian Estates: this done D. Alphonso returned into Arragon.  
D. Garcia Ramires King of Navarre, seeing the success of the King of Castille, in the countries of Navarre and Arragon, 
Navarre.  doubting he should not be able to resist the great power of this new Emperor D. Alphonso, especially if he made himself master of D. Ramirs' Kingdom, as he was very likely, he resolved to purchase a peace and his friendship, by some submission unto him for his realm of Navarre. D. Alphonso then being returned into Arragon, 
Navarre 〈◊〉 salto Casille,  after the ceremonies of his eoronation, these two Princes had an interview at Pradilla, with great shows of love, where their accord and league was confirmed.  
King D. Ramir, 
Arragon.  who could not obtain his realm of Arragon, pretended to recover that of Navarre from D. Garcia Ramires, saying that it belonged unto him, as being brother, and lawful successor to the deceased King D. Alphonso the warrior; not withstanding that D. Garcia had more interest than he, or his Predecessors Kings of Arragon, being son to the Insant D. Ramir Sanches, and grandchild to the King D Sancho Garcis, slain by his brother. Raymond through desire of reign, after which Parricide, the Navarrois called in D. Sancho of Arragon, father to the Kings D. Pedro, D. Alphonso, and of this Monk, to reign over them, by reason of the minority of the children of their deceased King, and with the forces of Arragon to repulse the murderer D Raymond, and his faction: and to keep him from reigning in Navarre: yea D. Garcia Ramires had a better title to Arragon, then D. Alphonso Raymond King of Castille, for that he was descended from the King D. Garcia Sanches, the eldest son of D. Sancho the great, but where force reigns, right must give place. Notwithstanding all these reasons, D. Frere Ramir would make war in Navarre, and being in arms, he forced. Garcia to arm also, who to avoid the danger which did threaten him, if D. Ramir should make an agreement with the King of Castille, he made haste to do the homage, whereof we have spoken, but it continued not long: for soon after the Kingdom of Navarre recovered the ancient and hereditary sovereignty. D Ramir, who kept, at Monclus in the mountains of Sobrarbe, stayed not long to submit himself also to the King of Castille, and to do him homage for his realm of Arragon: wherefore D. Alphonso restored him all his lands except Sarragossa, and some other places, which he kept to make use of them against the Moors.  
In the mean time there were cruel wars upon the fronters of Navarre and Arragon: but the Prelates desirous to see this war ended, 
War betwixt Navarre and Arr●gon,  laboured to reconcile the two Kings. D. Sancho de Rosas, bishop of Pampelone, an Arragonois borne, dealt so in this treaty of peace, as he gave the King D. Garcia occasion to suspect him to be false unto him, for the which he chased him out of his countries, whereupon he was taxed of two great severity; and for that he had banded himself against a prelate, he was in a manner compared to D. Pedro d' Athares, who by reason of his stern and sour disposition, had been rejected from the royal dignity, so dangerous it was to touch these sacred persons, were they good or bad.  
The Prelates who had undertaken to make this appointment, never ceased until they had brought it unto these terms, that they should choose fix knights: three of either realm, by whose judgement all quarrels should be ended: for Navarre were chosen Ladron de Guenars, William Aznares of Oteyça, and Ximen Aznar●s of Torres, for Arragon they did choose D. Pedro a Athares, 
Treaty of peace betwixt Navarre and Arragen.  D. Caxal, and D. F●rris of Huesca. These six being assembled at Vadoluengo; after many counsels and conferences, in the end they concluded that either party should lay down arms, and the two Kings should continue good friends; and for an order betwixt them, they assigned unto D. Garcia R●mires, the superiority over the Nobility, who should have the conduct of armies as General of both realms; and that D. Ramir should have commandment over the rest of the people, and administer justice, the which should take place in regard of their persons only, and during their lives: with which sentence the Kings were not well contented. Yet D. Ramir being willing to satisfy D. Garcia, came to Pampelone, where he was received with great honour procuring at his first coming the restitution of D. Sancho the Bishop, whom he restored into favour with the King D. Garcia. There they consulted for the setting down of certain and apparent limits, betwixt the two realms of Navarre and Arragon. The separation was drawn by a direct line, from Saint Encratia, to Biosal, the valley of Roncall remaining to Arragon. Then passing the river of Sarazas, 
Ancient ●●●mits betwixt Navarre and Arragon.  unto the place whereas it falls into that of Yda, and to Pont Saint Martin, and from thence to the place whereas as Yda falls into the river of Arragon, and that of Arragon into Arga, and that of Arga into Ebro, and along Ebro, into Tudele.  
This division being made, 
Navarre.  it seemed there should not remain any cause of hatred betwixt these two Kings, and that D. Garcia R●mires, should reverence D. Ramir, as his father; and D. Ramir embrace D. Garcia as his son, to whom moreover he granted, during his life, out of his pottion, Valtierra. Quadrita, and that which lies betwixt Roncal, and Bisoal, the which he should hold in see of the crown of Arragon, to be reunited again after his death. Yet D. Garcia was not satisfied with this accord▪ persuading himself still, that D. Ramir ought not to reign in Arragon, for that he had been a professed Monk, and had taken all orders: so as upon the pursuit which he made to be freed from the homage which he had done unto D. Ramir, for those places above mentioned; he attempted to stay him in Pampelone, 
Fraud of the King of Naua●e ill executed.  giving the charge thereof to some of his followers, but they could not put it in execution; for the King of Arragon was advertised by a Knight, called Ynigo d' Ayvar, so as having conferred with D. Pedro d' Athares, and other knights of Arragon, he went out of the town unknown, with four more with him, posting away with all speed until he came to Saint Saviour of Leyre, where he stayed three days for his train, who came unto him, according to his directions, and from thence he retired in safety to Huesca. So it happened to the King D. Sancho Ramires, as to his great Grand father. D. Gar●●● Sanches, when as he would have taken King Fernand the first King of Castille, his younger brother, prisoner, in the town of Nagera.  
Hereupon D. Ramir began to levy men for the future war of Navarre, whereof the King D. Garcia was assured, and therefore he made many provision for his defence and safety: the best and most worthy to be imitated, was, that he made choice of twelve of the chiefest families of his country, 
Orders for the Nobility of Navarre.  whom he bound unto him by honours and preferments, making them asit were heads of all the rest of the Nobility and gentry of Navarre. Which were the houses of Guevara, Almoravit, Baçtan, Aybar, Leet, Subica, Rada, Bidaurre, Montagnt, Vrox, Cascant and Mauleon.  
He made one Commander over these noble houses, which should be respected of them next to the King's person: this was D. Ladron of Guevara to whom he gave the title of Earl, and was the first which called himself Earl of Navarre: this he did, for that there were some gentlemen of his country began to abandon him, to follow the party of Arragon, retiring to. Ramir, who entertained them, and assigned them lands in Arragon. Of which number was D. Caxal, a man of great quality in those days, having lands in both realms, so as he quit them in Navarre to serve the King of Arragon, but as he carried himself very passionately in these quarrels, he fell soon after into a great danger; for being fent by D. Ramir, to the Emperor D. Alphonso of Castille, to confrme a peace with him, that he might with more liberty attend the affairs of Navarre, as he passed unadvisedly near unto the lands of D. Garcia, being advertised thereof, he caused him to be taken, at a place called Cares, a little Bourg, the which is now become a town, named Pont de la Roine, upon the river of Arga, about the which grows the best wine of all the country of Navarre. D Caxal was put in a straight prison, where he continued long: but the Abbot of Saint Saluador of Leyre, who was his kinsman and friend, gave unto the king all the jewels and treasure of his Abbey to redeem him: wherefore after his delivery he showed himself very thankful to this Monastery, and gave unto it all the lands he had in Tudele.  
All matters betwixt the Kings of Castille and Arragon were reconciled, 
Arragon.  and there was an interview of these two Princes at Alagon, whereas D. Ramor did acknowledge to hold his Realm in fee, and did homage to D. Alphonso, which submission continued some years. Such was the dexterity of the King of Castille, having reduced these two Kings under his Sovereignty, 
Dexterity of D. Alphonso King of Castille.  and as it were feudataries of his Empire, that although they had a great desire to invade one another, yet he kept them from all open hostility, as well by his authority, as by other means: sometimes restraying them by promises, sometimes by threats, presuming, that if they continued in that estate, he should have them more at his commandment, then if one increasing with the ruin of another, he would grow so great, as he might rebel, and deny him the homage which he had sworn.  
King D. Ramir presently after he had left the Monastery, married (with a dispensation from the Pope, for that he had sung Mass) to a French Lady, called D. Ignes or Agnes, daughter to William Earl of Poitiers, and Duke of Guienne, who died in the year 1136. going in pilgrimage to Saint james, for else his sister, as some hold, by whom he had the Infanta D. Petronilla, who was afterwards married to the Earl of Barcelone; he did not long enjoy his wife, after whose death, desiring to quit the affairs of the world, he sent his only daughter to D. Alphonso King of Castille, to be bred up in his Court with the Queen D. Berenguela: notwithstanding that the Noblemen of Arragon, brought her back again, saying, that she did not find herself well in Castille.  
About that time there was a knight retired into Arragon, called D. william Raymond of Moncada, 
Arragon and Ca●telg●e, vited by marriage.  Senesbal of Cattelogne, who had fled, for certain outrages which he had committed. By him there was a treaty of marriage begun, betwixt the Infanta D. Petronilla, heir of Artagon, and D. Raymond Berenger, Earl of Barcelone his Lord, the which was afterwards accomplished, and in recompense of so great aseruice, the Seneschal obtained his pardon, and his dignity, which was to be chief and captain of the horsemen. It is not certain when this marriage was effected, but it is probable, that it was near the end of King D. Ramir, for that the Infanta Petronille, was only two or three years old, when as the King left the government of the Realine, 
An. 1137.  to return to his religious order, which was in the year of our Lord 1137. three years after his election and promotion to the crown, at which time the authors writ that this marriage was concluded by words, De futuro: the conditions amongst others, were. That the Earl should not take upon him the title of King, but should only call himself Prince of Arragon, 
Conditions of the trea●y.  and Earl of Barcelone, but that the children which should descend of this marriage, should be called Kings of Arragon. That the Earl should carry in chief, the first and most ancient arms of Arragon, which was a cross argent in a field azure, in all actions of war, but he might carry those of Barcelone in his shield and ensigns, having four bends gueules, or a field or: yet the ensign bearers should be of Arragon; that the Arragonois should take the devise of Saint George.  
This treaty being made and concluded in Barbastro, by the King, being assisted by the Noblemen of Arragon, and the Earl of Barcelone, he was received in quality of Regent of the Realm of Arragon, with the which Cattelogne remained united a hundred and three years, after that Arragon was made a realm, and two hundred fifty and three years after that there had been hereditary Earls in Cattelogne. This done, King D. Ramir g●●ing over all administration and government, as in a royal estate and habit, he had always carried a Monks heart, he retired into a Monastery which he had built, in the Parish of Saint Peter the old at Huesca, there to spend the remainder of his days religiously, with the chaplains.  
This Prince is taxed of cowardice and great cruelty, 
Cruelty of the King D Ramir.  being transported with continual jealousies, his deeds do witness it, for that by the council of the Abbot of Saint Ponce of Tomeres in Languedoc, he cut off the heads of Lepe Ferencio, Rodrigo Ximenes, Pedro Marlines, and Fernand Gomes, all of the house of Lata: Federic Lisane, Pedro Verga, Gyles Atrosil, Pedro Çarnel Garzia Pigna, Raymond de Fosses, Pedro Luesia, Michael Azlario and Sancho Fontona, all noble men of great houses; only upon a conceit that he was conte●●ed by them. This execution was done at Huesca. They hold that this year 1137. the town of Lerida, held by the Moors, was attempted, but not taken, by the Earl D. Raymond Berenger, who seeing himself advancedin dignity, greatness and forces, being Prince of Arragon and Earl of Barcelone, would also enlarge his estates, and join unto it the realm of Navarte, reviving the pretended title of his father in law D. Frere Ramir, for the effecting whereof he had many treaties with the Emperor D. Alphonso of Castille, whom he found always favourable, by the mediation of the Queen D. Berenguela his sister, so as being provoked by the Earl, and no less by his own ambition, he led an army against D. Sancho Ramires, whom he found well attended to make head against him betwixt Cortes and Gallur, where it pleased God to stay these armies from fight, by the means of some good men, who did mediate some kind of accord for that time.  
Notwithstanding Count Raymond (desirous to embark the Emperor D. Alphonso, 
League betwixt the King of Castille and Prince of Arragon against the King of Navarre.  his brother in law in this war) came unto him to Carrion, where he renewed the oath of fealty, doing him homage for the country of Arragon; where he did insinuate so well into his favour, as he got out of his hands the towns of Sarragosse, Tarassone, Calataiub and Daroca, which were held by the Castillans. Afterwards D. Raymond Berenger returned again to D. Alphonso's court at Carrion, whereas the conditions and Articles were concluded and set down, concerning the war which they should make in common, against D. Garcia King of Navarre.  
Amongst the which they divided the bears skin before he was taken, agreeing, that of all the country of Navarre which they should conquer, the Emperor D. Alphonso should have a third part, and the other two should belong unto D. Raymond, Prince of Arragon, upon condition to hold them in fee of the realm of Castille. At this treaty there were present the Bishops. Berenger of Salamanca, and D. Pedro of Burgos, with other Noblemen both Clergy and Secular. From Carrion they went to Soria, where after they had held a council of profane things, they had a great care of religion, that is to say, of the temporal revenues of the Church, wherefore the King and Queen did give unto the Monastery of Saint Mary of Valbanera, a house in Canegosa, with certain immunities, to the end that if any thing were attempted unjustly, to the ruin of an other, this sin might by that means be purged.  
The army of Castille being ready to march, 
Navarre.  the Emperor D. Alphonso passed unto the frontier of Navarre, by the river of Ebro, marching along the which, he came to Calaorra, where he was met by D. Sancho Bishop of Calaorra, D. Stephen Prior of Saint Mary the royal of Nagera, D. Michael Bishop of Tarassone, with the Earl D. Ladron of Guevara, and others, who employed themselves happily to appease the ambition of this Prince, 
Peace betwixt Navarre and Castille.  and to convert the war into a good peace, the which was concluded by an interview of the two Kings of Castille and Navarre, betwixt Calaorra and Alfaro: to confirm the which, there was a marriage concluded betwixt the Infant D. Sancho, the eldest son of Castille, and D. Blanch, daughter to D. Garcia King of Navarre, in the year of our Lord 1140. and promises made by words, de futuro, by reason of the tender age of the Infanta, who was delivered unto D. Alphonso her father in law, to be bred up in Castille, until she were capable for the consummation of the marriage.  
14. This was a second cross to the designs of the new Prince of Arragon, who was at the same time in quarrel with the knights of the Temple, 
Arragon and Cattelog●e or Barcelon.  and the Hospitaliers of Saint john of jerusalem, which pretended the luccession of the realm of Arragon, by virtue of the Testament of the deceased King D. Alphonso the Warrior, by the which they were made heirs. Raymond Master of the hospitaliers was come into Spain to that end, who seeing it very difficult to challenged their right by arms, and that to pursue it by justice, besides the tediousness, the event would be uncertain, and the execution very hard, he sought to make an accord, and compounded with D. Raymond Berenger, quitting unto him that part which did belong unto the Hospital, upon condition, that if he died without children lawfully begotten, it should return to the same religion.  
Besides he received many benefices and charitable gifts for the said religion, in those places which the Earl did then enjoy, with promise of a large portion of all which he should conquer from the Moors. According to this accord the Templars surceased their action: so as after that time those two Orders got great revenues in Arragon, Cattelogne, and Valencia. In the transaction which was made betwixt D. Raymond Berenger and the Templars, for the Prince there assisted, the Bishops of Saragosse, and Huesca, with the Archbishop of Tarragone: and moreover Arn●●ld Earl of Pallars, Bernard of Comminges, Peter of Bigorre, and other Noblemen and knights of Arragon, Cattelogne and others: and for the Templars, Euerard Ostan of Saint Ordogno, Hugo Borra●o Pedro Anticho and Bernard Riginol. This accord was confirmed by Pope Adrian the fourth.  
D. Garcia Ramires King of Navarre, 
Navarre.  being (by means of a peace made with D. Alphonso Emperor of Spain) freed from a great danger, he stood very carefully upon his guard, in respect of D. Raymond Berenger, who priest him towards Arragon, finding himself strong enough to resist him: for notwithstanding that the Earl was a wife and valiant knight, yet the King. Garcia was nothing inferior unto him in virtue, greatness of courage, knowledge and discipline in war, and was also well assisted with good and wise Knights, amongst the which he was faithfully served by D. Sancho de Rosas Bishop of Pampelone, newly reconciled, the Earl D. Ladron of Guevara Lord in Ayavar, William Aznares Lord in Sanguesse, Ximen Aznares, Lord in Tafalle, Ramir Garcia, Lord in the town of Saint Mary of Vxue, Martin de Leet, Lord of Gallipienço, & Peralta, Peter Tizon Lord in Cadreyta, Rodrigo of Açagra, Lord in Estella, Roderigo Abarco, Lord in Funes and Valtiera, lean Dia, Lord in Cascant, Ramer Sanches Lord in Maragnon (they were Governors or Captains in these places) & many others, as well of his own country, as of France, He kept in fronter places well manded, like a provident Prince, as the fort of Tudele, which came unto him by marriage, as we will show, Bureta and Sos.  
He had put a valiant captain into the fort of Malon, called Gerard the Devil into that of Frescano an other captain, a stranger, called Robert of M●talon, and so in the rest which frontered upon Arragon. Moreover he had practised a league with France, first with Lewis the sixth, surnamed the Gross and then with Lewis the seventh, called the young, who assisted him with their forces, and fortified his army, when as the Emperor D. Alphonso presented himself first betwixt Cortes and Galur, and then in the second expedition of Calaorra, where the peace was concluded and confirmed by the marriage of D. Sancho Infant of Castille, with D. Blanch, Infanta of Navarre, whom the King D. Garcia had had by D. Marguerite his wife, daughter to Rotron Earl of perch, who had brought unto him the town of Tudele for her dourie, 
Genealegy of Navarre.  the which Count Rotron had obtained from King D. Alphonso the warrior, for his valour and good deserts. The King D. Garcia Ramires had many other children by this Lady: D. Sancho who was King after him, D. Alphonso Ramires; Lord of Castro Vieijo, D. Marguerite who was Queen of Naples and Sicily, married to William, son to Roger, father and mother to an other William, King of Naples and Sicily. Queen Marguerite, died about the year 1141. after which the King D. Garcia married again with D. Vrraca, bastard daughter to the Emperor D. Alphonso, which he had by a gentlewoman, called D. Gontrude, sister to one Diego Abregon, or Apricio. The King had one daughter by this second wife, called D. Sancha, who was married first to Gaston Earl of Bearne, and afterwards to D. Pedro de Molina, from whom issued D. Almerigo, or Manrique, who was vicont of Narbonne, by succession from D. Ormesind, his grandmother by the father's side●some say, that the second wife of there King D. Garcia, was not D. Vrr●ca, bastard daughter to D. Alphonso King of Castille, but the daughter of D. Lope Dia●de Haro, 
Family of Haro Loras of Bis●ay.  Lord of Biscay the third of that name, and the first which entitled himself the Haro, the which was called D. Ge●ffrey, who sister D. Vrraca Lopes, was wife to D. Fernand King of Leon, the second of that name, son to the Emperor D. Alphonso then reigning. These two Ladies had also one brother, called D. Diego Lopes de Haro, surnamed the good, who was a brave a valiant Knight. Yet the first opinion taken out of D. Radrigo Ximenes, Archbishop of Toledo, a Navarrois, is more approved by the Spaniards, touching the marriages of the King D. Garcia.  
There is mention made in the Histories of Spain, of a Lady of this house of Biscay, called D. Maria Lopes, 
Doxations to churches.  very devout and bountiful to the Clergy, who gave Saint Michael de Barbadillu, Saint Mary de Lorrique, Saint Mary d' Estivalis, Aperreg●●● and Magniriette, with other lands which are in the Province of Alava, where she dwelled, to the Monastery of Nagera. The devotion of Princes and Noblemen in those days was great striving who should give most unto the Church, being instructed by the Clergy, that the only means to redeem their souls from eternal damnation, was to do good to religious men, who prayed to God for them, whilst they abandoned themselves to all voluptuosness, and pleasures in their secular estates, spoiling oftentimes their neighbours, or subjects of their partimonies to enrich (that is to say, to ruin) the Church, making Bishops, Abbors, Priests and Monks partakers of their rapines and spoils.  
During the troubles of Castille. 
Castille,  Arragon and Navarre, there grew great contention betwixt D. Simeon Bishop of Burgos, and D. Sancho de Punes, Bishop of Calaorra, for the church & sepulture of Saint Dominike of Calsada, either of them maintaining that it was of his Diocese and jurisdiction. 
Debate among Bishops to enlarge their Dioccses.  Therein (in my opinion) they did not strive who should have the greatest flock, and feed them best for their soul's health, but they rather sought their own reputations, and particular profits, for that the opinion of the holiness to this dead man, did every day increase, in which place they built a town, and moreover that the Kings then reigning in Spain were very devour, and great benefactors; namely the Emperor D. Alphonso Raymond, and his wife D. Berenguela, who had a little before endowed this church with great possessions. The cause was argued before judges appointed by the Emperor, yet named by the two Bishops which contended: for him of Calaorra there was chosen Pedro de Granon, archdeacon of Cala●rra, and for the Bishop of Burgos, the archdeacon of Birbiesca, called also Peter, a dignity of Burgos; these two having made diligent inquiry, examined ancient and credible witnesses, and visited the confines of both Dioceses, they gave sentence for the Bishop of Calaorra, the which in the year 1137. many notable personages assisting at the judgement signed.  
In the year 1141. the Emperor D. Alphonso, 
An. 1141.  to incourrage men to people the town which they began to build about the church of Saint Dominike, granted to the Inhabitants thereof, the use of the woods, forests, mountains and pastures thereabouts like unto the other towns their neighbours, and moreover the waters which fell from the mount of Fayola, with other commodities, which did help to plant this Bourg, which began then to be built, and since is grown a good town, and a Cathedral church, as we see it. The town was under the jurisdiction of the church, for a time, for some occasions, there was a Court rayoll established, in the time of Ferdinand the third, as we will note hereafter.   

D. Alphonso Henriques the first King of Portugal.  
THe affairs of Portugal during these actions above mentioned, 
Portugal  remain obscure, by the error and negligence of authors; for there is no memory found of the deeds of D. Alphonso H●nriques, since the conquest of Leyra and of Torresnavas, which was in the year of our Lord 1127. unto the year 1139. when as he passed the river of Tayo, and led an army against a King of the Moors, called Ismar or Ishmael. In this voyage died D. Egas Nugnes who had been Governor to the Earl in his youth, and his faithful councillor; he was interred at the Monastery of Sonsa, near unto the town of Porto. He had founded, according to the opinion of some, the Monastery of Saint Martin of Cucuayes, in the country of Saint Mary, Ismar came out of his country, against D. Alphonso Henriques, being accompanied by four other petty Kings Moors: the two armies were in view one of an other, in the fields of Obrigue; the Earls was about Castroverde, which at that time was called Cabeças de Reys, that is to say, heads of Kings: and as the Christians were much inferior to the Infidels in number, so their opinions were divers, most inclining to a retreat without fight: but the Earl who was of a Noble courage, and generous resolution, persuaded his people with such forcible reasons, as they resolved to all hazards, and for a happy presage of a future victory, the soldiers turning themselves to God, were moved to salute their Earl, 
R●●al title of the house of Portugal,  with a royal name and title, crying all with one voice, Portugal, Portugal, for the King D Alphonso Henriques.  
Being thus incourraged, and all in good order, they charged the Moors squadrons, and made a horrible slaughter of them, so as having put them all to flight, they remained Masters of the field; they took five royal Standards of the Moors, and all their baggage.  
The Portugals celebrate this memorable victory, 
Victory of Obrique.  called of Obrique, unto this day: the honour whereof is due to them which dwell betwixt Tayo and Duero, and betwixt Duero and Minio, for the Inhabitants beyond Tayo were at that time subject to the Moors, who held also a great part of the country on this side. After this battle D. Alphonso Henriques took upon him the title of King of Portugal, and left by succession to his descendants this title obtained by a military prerogative, before the battle. 
Arms of Portugal.  Then began the arms of that royal house, this King taking (in memory of so great a victory which God had given him) five little shields Azure, representing the Standards of those fivekings which he had vanquiished, in a great scutchon argent, placing the small scutcheons like a cross, through devotion, in sign of our saviours five wounds upon the cross, adding moreover to every one of them five deniers argent, which make in all 25. the which with the five scutchons made the number of thirty representing in some sort the thirty pence which judas received to betray his Master, our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ (it is the allegory and spiritual interpretation of the arms of Portugal) to the which was since added a border gueules charged with castles, or, in the time of D. Sancho the second of that name King of Portugal, for some causes which we will hereafter specefie. After the defeat of these five Arabian Kings, who, you must understand were vassals to Alboxli, Aben-Te●in, the great Miralmumin of Afrique King D. Alphonso returned with his victorious and rich army, to Coimbra, being then the chief city of his Estate.  
In this happy success of his affairs, 
Pr●●●iscs 〈◊〉 the Countess of Portugal against her son.  D. Theresa his mother, being a prisoner, sought to cross him, treating with D. Alphonso King or Emperor of Castille, for her delivery and restitution: and moreover by her instruments she made great complaints at Rome, to Pope Innocent the third, accusing her son of cruelty and impiety: so as the Pope sent the Bishop of Coimbra into Portugal, being then at Rome, with charge to enjoin the King by the apostolic authority, and in his name to set the Countess at liberty: which the son refusing to obey, the Bishop did interdict the city of Coimbra, and returned to Rome, stealing away secretly in the morning, without the King's privity, wherewith being incensed, he would have forced the Chapter to proceed to the Election of a new Bishop, wherein he was not obeyed, so as he committed many outrages: wherepon the Pope sent a Caradinall Legate unto him, to correct him, but he lost his time; for the Countess continued still in prison, being very expedient and necessary for the good and quiet of the country. For this the Cardinal did interdict all Portugal, and then took his way towards Rome: but he was pursued by the King, who did greatly fear these interdictions: and having overtaken him betwixt Coimbra and Vera, near unto the Comanderie of Poyares, he forced him to disannul this interdiction, and moreover to gra●t him whatsoever he desired, partly by force and threats, and partly by persuasions.  
Whilst he was in this debate with the Church, Ishmael or Ismar, who had been vanquished, came upon the town of Leyra, 
Leyrataken by the Moors.  belonging to the Monks of Saint Croix of Coimbra (the which for that it was ill guarded by a Knight called Payo Guttieres, who was there in garrison for the Pior) fallen again into the Moors power; whereof the Abbot being advertised, leaving his frock and monks weed, he went to horseback with a good troop of soldiers, where having spoiled the Moors country, he seized upon Ronches: soon after King D. Alphonso Henriques came and laid siege to Leyra, and took it, since which time he deprived the Monks of the Temporality of this place and of Ronches also, leaving them only the profits of the spiritualty.  
The war betwixt Navarre and Arragon was hot at this time: 
Navarre.  but D. Raymond Prince of Arragon found himself troubled, not only against the Moors, which were neighbours to Arragon and Cattelogne, from whom he took Chalamera and Alcolea, upon the river of Cinca, in the year 1143. but also against some knights of Province, which were enemies to D. Berenger Raymond his brother, 
An. 1143.  having seized upon some places, and been the cause of great troubles, so as he was forced to go himself in person: wherefore his country was much annoyed by the Navarrois, who finding all assured towards Castille, did what they listed: yet at his return he had some final revenge and took the fort of Sos. The peace betwixt the Castillans and Navarre, 
Confirmation of the peace betwixt Naurre and Castille.  being settled and entertained, it was again fortified by the marriage of the King D Garcia Ramires with D. Vrraca, bastard daughter to the Emperor D. Alphonso, by whom he had the Infanta D. Sancha above mentioned● and we must not doubt but that which some have left written of this King's third marriage with the daughter of D. Lope Dias de Haro, is a mere fiction. It is likely the town of Haro was built at that time, where of the Lords of Biscay, and there successors, carried the name, from whence are descended many worthy knights, and great personages in Castille and Leon. The realm of Navarre at that time had larger bounds than it had since, having no means to augment them upon the Moors, for that the realms of Arragon and Castille lay betwixt both; so as the Arragonois, Castillans and Cattelans were to make war against them, as frontering upon Valencia, and other their lands and Siegneuries. Yet the Kings of Navarre, which have been since, were so far from extending of their limits, as they have been often restrained by the violence and too great power of the Kings of Castille.  
About the year 1146. An D. 1146. Alphonso Emperor of Spainel resouled to make war with all violence against the Moors of Andalusia, by reason of the seditions and revolts which were in Africa, against the Almoravides, whose History it is needful to relate.  
16. Alboali, Aben-Tesin (whom some will have to be Auicenne the great Philosopher, 
Moors.  whose works we read, but without any ground) reigning over the Moors of Africa and Spain, the third King or Miralmumin of the race of the Almoravides; a Moor of Africa, 
Troubles in the Moors estate in Africa by Imperstition dyvinations.  called Aben-Thumert, very learned in Astrology, could a certain youngman called Abdelmon, that he found by the stars, he should get the crown of the Arabians ●and therefore he advised him to meet with these heavenly influences, and to prepare himself to receive this great good which they had promised him.  
This man although he were of a base and vile condition, whose father got his living by making of pots, and other earthen vessel, yet he was neither fainthearted, nor without ambition, wherefore he gave such credit to that which the ginger had delivered unto him, as leaving his house and trade, he acquainted himself with a certain religious Moor, a Doctor in the law of Mahumet, and with all eloquent in the Arabian tongue, and therefore much esteemed amongst all the African Moors, to whom he imparted the prognostication of Aben Thumert, entreating him to council him, and to assist him in a matter of so great importance, assuring him that is he attained to that which he aspired, he would make him the chief man amongst the Arabians, next unto himself.  
This Doctor who was called Almohadi, tickled with the hope of greatness, could find no better, nor more expedient means, then to bring in new fects, and to make some change in religion, knowing that nothing doth more alter and transport the hearts of men, than persuasion of religion: wherefore he employed his knowledge and eloquence to interpret Mahumets' Koran, 
A new ●●ct among the Arabians of Af●rike.  after a stranger manner, and never heard of among the Arabians, not any other nations were his sactaries: fitting it so well to the humours and dispositions of the people, as in a short time he was followed by the greatest part of the African Moors, a nation easily misled with superstition: so as if before they took Almohadi for a holy man, now they held him for a Prophet, sent undoubtedly from God. He seeing this business succeed so well as he was welcome throughout all Afrique, and admired of all men, he began to put forth this youngman Abdelmon, giving the people to understand, that he was of the true and lawful royal race of their great Prophet Mahumet, and that he was a man sent of God, endowed with such virtue, as he should subject all the world to the Law of Mahumet; that those great matters had been divinely foretold him, and signified by the stars and heavenly motions: so as by his persuasions his fictions were received and believed of all men. And proceeding father, he presumed to speak something against King Alboals, and the present Estate and Government of the Almoravides, and so by little and little to tax him openly, declaring with great assurance, that Alboali was a tyrant, whose race had by force and violence expelled out of the royal throne of the Arabians in Africa the lawful Princes descended from Aben-Alabecy, and that the will of God, revealed and known unto him by many signs from heaven, was that Abdelmon should be advanced and chosen for King: he who was sent of God, and descended from the royal blood of their great Prophet Mahumet. This Impostor did so preach unto them, concurrning with the devil to bewitch these credulous men, given to the damnable art of dyvining, as many Noblemen and Knights, with an infinite number of the African people, desirous of Innovations, according to the mutinous nature of that nation, took arms against King Alboali, being accompanied, assisted and counseled by Abdelmon, Aben-Thumert and Almohadi. Whereof the King advertised, meaning to suppress these great alterations, he raised his forces, and had divers encounters against this new sect, which carried the name of Almohades, by reason of their Preacher Almohadi.  
We have said that some were of opinion, 
Auicenna and other learned Arabians.  that the King Albo-Ali Aben Tefin, was he whom we call Auicenna or Auicenni, saying that the goodly works which are amongst us at this day, were compiled and written by his commandment, by the four and twenty great Philosophers, and published under the name of Auicenna. For my part I rather believe them which have written that Auicenne or Auicenna, called also Albo Hali, was an excellent man, learned in Philosophy and Physic, as his rare works written in the Arabic tongue do witness, being translated since into Latin, who lived in those days at Cordova in Spain, where it seems the Moors had always entertained an university of all sorts of sciences, with a great concourse of learned men of their nation; the which had been always well furnished, the Africans being people given to contemplation, and of a subtle spirit: wherefore they have made Astrology famous, and advanced a fect of Physic diverse from that of the Grecians, given wonderfully to divination and conjuring, very superstitious in matters of religion, and reasonably eloquent either in verse or prose. Aben Rois whom we call Auerrois lived and frequented with him, a great Commentator of Aristotle, who through envy poisoned Auicenna, who finding it before it had wrought his full effect, caused the poisoner to be slain, as Mesua and Zoar report: for he was a man of great authority and of a Prince's house.  
Then also lived Abenzoar, and other great and learned Arabians, which have written many goodly works in their own language, in natural Philosophy, Metaphysic, Physic and Astrology, whereof part have been preserved and kept unto our days, and some lost. If these were moors borne in Spain, it redounds to the honour of the country: but it is doubtful whether they came out of Africa.  
The Moors Estate being thus troubled in Africa, 
Castille.  it moved the Christian Princes to make some gallant attempt upon them of Spain: wherefore the Emperor. Alphonso began in the year of our Lord 1146. to raise a great army of his subjects of Castille, Toledo, Leon and other countries, and to make the Christians arms of greater force, he laboured to make a peace betwixt the King of Navarre, and D. Raymond Prince of Arragon, for the effecting whereof he called them to Saint Stephano de Gormas, whither being come, he could not obtain any thing of them, but a truce for some few days ● There notwithstanding they treated of the war against the Moors, in the which these two Princes aided the Emperor: the King of Navarre by land, and the Earl of Barcelone by sea, who having armed some ships, and given the charge thereof to D. Galceran great Admiral of Cattelogne, and to the Earl of Vrgel, he caused them to join with the Genevois, who either for pay, or voluntarily in hope of some gain, came to this war, and there did great service. The land army was great and well furnished with good and valiant Knights, the Emperor D. Alphonso, and the King D. Garcia Ramires being there in person, their entry into Andalusia was so fearful, as approaching and coming near unto Cordova, with a show to besiege it, that great and well peopled city, 
Cordova yielded to the King of Castille.  which had been the Queen of Spain for so many years, was yielded unto him by the Governor Aben Gami, who presented him the keys with great humility, not attending either assault or battery; into the which the Christian Princes entered in arms, but very peaceably, in the year 1147. Yet the Spaniards writ, that for that the town was of too great a guard, and wonderfully peopled, it was left in see to Aben-Gami himself, who did homage to the King of Castille, the which is very doubtful, considering the importance of the place, and the consequence thereof. We may believe that the Emperor assured himself after another manner, and with better caution than the faith of this Mooore, who (they say) swore upon their Koran, to be his faithful vassal: from thence the army marched towards Baeça, the which being invested, 
Baesa taken from the Moors.  they had news that the Moors came to secure it: wherefore the Emperor going to meet them, he fought with them, and had the victory, and afterwards took the town by composition; where leaving a sufficient garrison to assure the country behind his army, he marched on to Almerie, a town upon the Mediterranean sea, which at this day belongs to Granado, much frequented of Merchants of divers nations. There he found the sea army of Count Raymond, and the galleys of Genova, which had already attempted it, under the command of Ansaldo Doria, Vbert Torre, and other captains of that commonweal. This place was so furiously battered both by sea and land, 
Almerie taken by source.  as it was taken by force: yet the Moors being retired into a part of the city of good strength, they were taken to ransom, from whom they drew great sums of money.  
They say, that at this prize, that great and inestimable Emeraud without peer, was taken, the which is at this day at Genova, and was given unto them for their part of the booty, and in recompense of the great service they had done there. 
Emeraud of inestimable price.  Yet many believe, that the Genevois brought it out of Palestina, from the town of Caesarea, at which siege they were employed. The spoil & sack of this place was divided betwixt the Castillans, Navarrois, Genevois, and the subjects of the Earl D. Raymond. This is all which was done in that voyage, from whence every one retired into his country rich, some by land, some by sea. The King Don Garcia Ramires accompanied his father- in-law into Castille, where he remained, with great tranquility and content, the rest of that year.  
If the Christian affairs in Spain succeeded well against the Moors, 
C●●●cell at Rh●ims.  those in Syria declined much: whereupon a Council was held at Rheims, under Pope Eugenius the 3. to resolve upon some means, to support the estate of the Kings of jerusalem, by some aid from the Princes of Europe, Thither went D. Raymond, Archbishop of Toledo, as Primate of Spain: who passing by Saint Denis in France, observed in a chapel an Inscription of this tenor: Here lies Saint E●genius the Martyr, the first Archbishop of Toledo.  
Being returned, he reported unto the Church what he had found, whereof the Emperor Don Alphonso, and the King's children were advertised, who together with all the people were exceeding glad: for since the death of this holy man, they could not learn where his body lay. Being thus found, they of Toledo procured means to have one of his arms, from king Lewis the young. It was a remarkable act of Religion in the Archbishop Don Raymond in his voyage to Rheims: In our time King Philippe obtained from Charles the ninth, the French King, and from Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, and Abbot of Saint Denis, the rest of the body (as they say) of this Martyr, the which was brought to his Church of Toledo, where he had governed, Domi●an being then Emperor at Rome: for they did not know him much in France, neither did it serve to any purpose, amidst the civil, or rather uncivil wars, grown for matter of Religion.  
D. Raymond Berenger being returned into Cattelogne, 
Arragon and Barcelone.  having the Genevois army ready, and at his commandment, he employed it against the town of Tortose which was held by the Moors, the which he besieged both by sea and land: at which siege the Earl left D. William Raymond of Moncada, Seneschal of Cattelogne, for his Lieutenant general, whilst that he made a voyage to Barcelone, to pacify some seditions which were risen in that extie. Such was the diligence of the Seneschal and Genevois, as by the 30 day of the siege, after many sharp assaults given and valiantly defended, the town was taken, 
Toriose taken by the Arragonois.  and soon after D. Pedro de Semenate arriving with fresh supplies, the castle was also taken: the Genevois had their part of the spoil, for the good services they had done unto the Earl. And the Authors of the Arragon History write, that a third part of the town was given in fee to the Seneschal D. William Raymond of Moneado, and another third part to the commonweal of Genova, which portion was afterwards redeemed by the Ea●le D. Raymond Berenger, for 16000 Maravidis Maroquins, a kind of money which was then currant, leaving unto the Genevois the Island of Saint Laurence, and granting unto all the Inhabitants of the city of Genova, and of the jurisdiction (the which was limited by Porto venere towards the East, and by Monaco, upon the West, along the sea shore) exemption of all Imposts and customs, Henrico Guercio, Marin Moro, William Lusio, and others, being then Governors of the Commonweal.  
Whilst the Earl was busy at this war, 
War betwixt Navarre and Arragon.  the King of Navarre broke the truce made at Saint Est●enne de Gormas: for that the King Don Garcia having caused the Emperor Don Alphonso, and other Noblemen and Prelates, to persuade and advise the Earl, to relinquish the pretensions, which he vaunted to have to the Realm of Navarre, he would not do it, but threatened to poursue it, when opportunity served: wherefore the Navarrois did overrun the Country of Arragon, and took the Towns of Thauste and Fayos, where they put good Garrisons, to serve as a frontier against the Arragonois.  
It is no wonder, 
P●rtugal.  if in all these attempts of the Christian Princes in Spain, against the Moors, the new King of Portugal did not join with the rest: for that he was in disgrace and out of favour with the Emperor D. Alphonso, who held him as an usurper of the Estate of D. Theresa his mother: and moreover, of the title of a king, in a Province which was subject to the Sovereignty of Leon. King D. Alphonso Henriques having lived now 52. years without a wife, he married in the year 1146. D. Malfada Manriqua de Lara, daughter to the Earl D. Manr●qt●ue, Lord of Molina, a great Nobleman of Castille, by whom he had one son named D. Sancho, who succeeded him in the Realm of Portugal, and the Infanta D. Vrraca, who was married first to D. Fernand the 2. of that name, 
Gencalogie of the Moors.  King of Leon and Gallicia, and from them issued D. Alphonso King of the same Realms, father to the King D. Fernand the 3. of Castille and Leon: a marriage notwithstanding which was broken, by reason of their proximity of blood, and for that they were married without a dispensation. King D. Alphonso Henriques had another daughter by D. Malfada, called D. Theresa, married to Philip Earl of Flanders, the first of that name, and one called Malfada, as the mother. Besides these lawful children, the King of Portugal had one bastard before he was married, whom they called D. Pedro Alphonso of Portugal. Soon after his marriage, being importuned by the continual complaints of his subjects, for the spoils which the Moors of Saint Iren committed in his country, he resolved to besiege that place, but he prevailed more by policy, then happily he should have done by open force: for marching thither in the night, after that he had made a vow (passing by that place where as now stands the royal monastery of Alcovaça) to build a Monastery there if his enterprise succeeded well: it fell out according to his desire, for he put his men secretly into the town, being ill guarded, 
S. Iren taken 〈◊〉 Moors.  without discovery, and took it in the year 1147. on Saint Michael's day, putting all that resisted to the sword, and taking many prisoners: Being returned to Coimbra, and having given thanks unto God for the favour which he had done him, he performed his vow, and built the Monastery of Al●ouaça where he placed Monks of the Order of Cisteaux, for the love of Saint Bernard, who lived in those times. After this conquest, seeing that the Miralmumin of Africa and Spain, was much troubled to defend himself against the faction of the Almohades, he followed his good fortune, and took from the Moors the castle of Mafra, where he placed D. Fernand of Montezo for Governor, who in succession of time was great Master of the Order of avis, of the profession of S. Benet, which had its beginning during the life of this king of Portugal. He took also from them the castle of Sintra, and from thence came to lay siege to Lisbon, where he was assisted by many knights of France, England, & ●landers, which came by sea, and landed at Cascais, then came they & camped where as the Monastery of S. Francis was since built, the King's army being lodged where as Saint Vincent now stands: which places were then without the circuit of the city walls. The city was so priest by these forces, as after many dangerous assaults, it was taken, the Christians entering by the port of Alfama, the 25. of October 1147. the siege having continued five whole months. Many Knights and other strangers, which were come to this war, desirous to employ themselves continually against the Infidels, enemies of our faith, 
Lisbon taken from the Moors.  vowed never to return into their countries, but to remain in Portugal; who by the king's permission inhabited there, and peopled Almada, Villeverda, Arruda, Zambuja, Castagrera, Lourinhan, Ville franche, and other places. This city of Lisbon, which since hath been the chief of Portugal, and the ornament of Spain, was purged by the bishops from the impieties of Mshumet, and their great Mosque made a Cathedral church, where as one Gilbert a stranger, but of a holy life, was made bishop: and the king caused the Monastery of S Vincent to be built in the same place where he had camped. By means of this important conquest, the king took also from the Moors, Alanguer, Obidos, Torresuedras, and many other places, so as he dispossessed them in this war, of all the country which is called Extremadura, and pa●●ing Tayo, he extended him limits, conquering Acaçar de Sal, Ebora, Yelbes, Moura, Serpa, & unto Veja, where he put the Moors which defended it to the sword, for that during this siege, other Moors having taken the town of troncoso, had unpeopled it, and chased away all the Christians that were within it.  
King D. Alphonso Henriques did these goodly exploits, 
Moors.  whilst that the Arabians were at war among themselves, by reason of the factions of the Almoravides and Almohades, the which was continued with such animosity, as after many routs of either part on the one side the followers of Abdelmon, and his companions Aben-Thumert, and Almoha●●, not ceasing to urge the new interpretatior of the law of Mahumet, and to persuade the Africans to poursue the race of the Almoravides, as tyrannous, and detaining the Sovereignty of the Arabians unjustly: and on the other side, Albo-Ali Aben Tefin defending the royal Sovereignty courageously, which he had received from his predecessors, in the end the chief forces of both factions encountering in a bloody battle, 
End of Almoravides reign in Africa, and toe beginning of the Almobades.  the Almoravides were vanquished, and their King Albohali slain upon the place: and the victors never ceased, until they had ruined all the contrary faction, the sovereign command remaining to the Almohades: so as Abdelmon was chosen Miralmumin and king, in the year of our redemption 1147. and of the Arabians Empire, 530. the Almoravides moors having reigned in Africa about 79. years, and 55. in Spain. The troubles of Africa, not presently pacified, did so busy the new king Abdelmon, as he had no means to provide for the affairs of Spain, until the year 1150. during which time the Christian kings had leisure to do these exploits.  
Beside the which, 
Arragon and Barcelone.  it is found, that D. Raymond Berenger won the strong towns of Lerida and Fraga, and D. Armingl Earl of Vrgel, those of Alquarra, Tamarit, Litera and others. D. Raymond Berenger changed the bishoprics of Roda and Barbastro to Lerida, with the Pope's approbation, the first Prelate was D. William Pedro de Rayeta▪ This Prince of Cattelogne being no less devout to Monks than others of his time, gave unto the Monastery of Escala Dei, the town of Alma in perpetuity, whereas the Monastery of Olive was built. He entitled himself then Prince of Arragon, Earl of Barcelone, and Marquis of Torrose.  
In the year 1150. 
Navarre. An. 1150  D. Garcia king of Navarre died, a Prince endowed with royal virtues. Being provoked by the daily mutinies of the Inhabitants of Pampelone, to suppress and punish them, he went thitherward from Estelle, and by the way stayed some little time at Lorca to hunt: as he galloped through the woods and mountains, his horse stumbling, fell with him in a narrow stony place, so as the king broke his leg, and withal was so bruised, as he died (past all cure) upon the place, having reigned sixteen years and some days. His body was carried to Pampelone, and interred in the Cathedral Church with a royal pomp, being the first of the kings of Navarre, which had been 〈◊〉 there: D. Sancho his son succeeded him, the seventh of that name, surnamed the Wife.  
This year D. Raymond Berenger continued to annoy the rest of the Moors, 
Arragon and Barcelone,  whom he chased quite out of all the country which lies betwixt Lerida and Sarragosse, having dispossessed them of the forts of Aytona Seros, and Mechinesa: this was when the Almohades began to show themselves in Spain.  
The marriage betwixt Lewis the French King, 
Castille.  called the young, and Don Isabel, daughter to the Emperor D. Alphonso of Castille, and of D. Berenguela, sister to the Earl D. Raymond, was then treated of. Being concluded, some put a conceit in the King's head, that D. Isabel was a bastard: wherefore he came in person into Spain, under colour to go to Saint james, but it was in truth to inform himself of the birth of D. Isabel, and to see her, where he found that she was the lawful daughter of D. Alphonso Raymond, and of D. Berenguel● his wife. In this voyage king Lewis was received in the city of Burgos, the royal seat of Castille, with all the honours fit for such a king, who in his return came to Toledo, where as he found the King or Emperor D. Alphonso, and with him the Earl of Barcelone, accompanied with a good number of his Knights of Cattelogne to honour these kings. It was this king Lewis, who had put away Elinor Duchess of Guienne, and Cou●esse of Poitiers, who married with Henry king of England, which was the cause of long wars in France.  
The year following 1151. 
Arragon and Barcelone.  for as much as the town of Tarragone was not well peopled, it may be, for that it did belong unto the Archbishop and the Clergy, and that fear of the Moors which were near, kept the people in those places which were commanded by martial men. The Archbishop D. Bernard Cord, made session again of the said Town unto the Earl D. Raymond, resigning it into his hands, with the permission of Pope Eugenius the third, and with the consent of the Chapter and Bishop's Suffragans of the Church. Don Raymond put it instantly into the hands of a Knight called Robert, and did invest him with a title of Principality. The same year his wife D. Petronille, Queen of Arragon, was brought in bed of her son Don Raymond, whose name, after the decase of his father, was changed to Don Alphonso, and he inherited the Realm of Arragon, and Principality of Cattelogne. 
Genealogy of Arragon.  This delivery was so dangerous, as the Queen resolving to die, made her will, and instituted her afterbirth for her heir, and the Earl his father for Governor of his Estates: but God delivered her, and sent her health, after which she had Don Sancho, who was Earl of Roussillon and of Cerdagne: and two daughters, D. Aldonça the eldest, married to Sancho the first of that name, and second King of Portugal, the other was wife to Don Armingol, Earl of Vrgel. After Queen Petronilles lying in, Don Raymond cleansing the rest of the Country which lies betwixt Sarrgossa and Torrosa of Moors, he taken from them the Castle of Miravet. A little before D Berenguels' Queen of Castille was deceased, who desired to be interred at Saint jemes, for the great opinion she had of the Apostles intercession, as she had been instructed by her Prelates.   

D. Sancho the seventh of that name, the 20. King of Nawarre.  
18 D. Sancho, surnamed the Wise, 
Navarre.  son to D. Garcia, being come to the Crown of Navarre, he made an Assembly and interview of Princes at Tudele, near unto Aigues-chaudes, whither came the Emperor D. Alphonso, and his son Don Sancho King of Castille, and D. Raymond Berenger Prince of Arragon: where they conspired against the new King of Navarre, and set down many Articles concerning the war, as the Emperor and Earl had done some year before. Among others they agreed, That the Realm of Navarre should be conquered at their common charge, and divided equally betwixt them except the forts which the Navarrois held, belonging to the Crown of Arragon, the which should be reunited. As for the town of Tudele, the jurisdiction should be divided, the moiety thereof entering into that portion of the lands which lie from Ebro to Montcajo: and that for one half of the Realm of Navarre, which the Earl should enjoy, he should, as Governor of Arragon, do homage to the King of Castille. That by Saint Michel's day next ensuing, the Infant Don Sancho should take unto him D. Blanch the Infanta of Navarre, to marry her, or (if the thought good) to leave her. These and such other like conditions were concluded betwixt these Princes, to the ruin of the young King D. Sancho of Navarre, and of his Estates, if God had not preserved him. With this resolution the Castillan and Arragonois parted from Tudele, and went every one into his Country, to give order for that which was needful for the wars, thinking that their enemy, who was but a child, could not defend himself against so great forces: but God had otherwise decreed, and confounded all their practices. Soon after D. Pedro ● ' Athares died, who had failed to be King of Navarre and Arragon, the founder of the Monastery of S. Mary of Veruela, where he was interred.  
The Navarro is doubting some practice against their Prince, in this Assembly of Tudele, were very careful to fortify their frontier places, and to renew the alliances of the house of Navarre, with the French king, and other Noblemen of that nation. The young king D. Sancho was crowned after the death of his father, in the Church of Pampelone, where he swore to observe the laws and statutes of the Country, which were the same which they call at this day the law of Arragon, according to the which Navarre, Guipuscoa, and the places joying to Navarre, were then governed. Saint Sebastian, which was at that time a place of great traffic, had privileges granted by him, and so had the Town of Durando in Biscaye. They surnamed this king the Sage, for that in truth he was a wife and a discreet Prince, and for his valour and courage he was called by some, Valiant. He had some knowledge of learning, honoured learned men, and was studious of the Scriptures, as the use was in those times, and showed himself a great justicer: for all which virtues he was much esteemed by other Princes, and was honoured, feared, and loved of his subjects. The armies of the league made at Tudele, began to annoy him at his first entrance, and did him some harm upon his fronters, yet he did not lose any place of importance: for although he were very young, yet he was of an active spirit, and a noble courage, and was well and faithfully assisted by his allies, and served by the Navarrois. The war was hottest in the valley of Roncall; but there is no mention, that either in that year, or in the other following, there was any memorable exploit done, and they hold that Lewis the French king, who had been a great friend to Don Garcia his deceased father, 
French king favours the king of Navarre.  did wonderfully cross the enterprises of the League, and hindered them all he could, being either upon his treaty of marriage, or else newly married to Dona Isabells' Infsanta of Castille, in favour of which alliance the Emperor D. Alphonso did desist from that war, or did neglect it, and Don Sancho his son, King of Castille, (who had his choice to marry D. Blanch, 
Genealogy of Castille.  or to leave her) married her, and had a jonne by her at the end of the year called D. Alphonso, who was king of Castille and Toledo, after the father. Some hold that the marriage of king Lewis with D. Isabel, was after all this, in the year 1154. and that the King of Navarre came to Burgos, to the celebration thereof, the which was admired by the French, for the exceeding pomp.  
The Country of Nagera was then one of the chief governments of Castille, for the Governor thereof was Captain general of the fronter towards Navarre. The Infant Don. Sancho who was called king of Castille, did enjoy those lands, and had a Lieutenant called Raderigo Pelaes', a wise Knight. About that time died D. Roderigo Gomes, son to Don Gomes of Candespina, one of the greatest Noblemen in Castille, whose Tomb is yet to be seen in the Cloister of Saint Sawiour of Ogna: and the town of Sur●ta was peopled with Christians Musarabes, which came out of Calatajub, Sarragossa, and other parts of Arragon.  
The Earl Don Raymond Berenger sought all means possible to seize upon Navarre, 
Arragon.  so desirous he was to join it unto Arragon: importuning the Emperor Don Alphonso continually, to declare himself an open enemy to D. Sancho, so as in the year 1156. 
1156.  there was a new League made betwixt them, to undertake this war where among other Articles, for the better fortifying of their friendship, there was a future marriage concluded betwixt Don Raymond, the young Infant of Arragon, who was afterwards called Don Alphonso, and D. Sancho daughter to the Emperor Don Alphonso, by his second wife. Dona Rica, daughter to Vladislaus king of Pologne, whom he had married in the year, 1151. yet they could never persuade the Emperor Don Alphonso to hurt the king of Navarre, whom he loved; but rather assisted him underhand. The same League was renewed at Toledo, in the year 1157. after Don Raymond's return out of Provence. The occasion of which voyage was to defend his Nephew, heir to his Brother Don Berenerg Raymond, who (being in a manner dispossessed of his Estate by the enemies of their house, which had slain his father in an encounter) had need of his aid. He repulsed the young Earls enemies, assured his Estates, and brought him into Cattelogne, there to be brought up. And for that in those troubles of Provence, the Knights and Commanders of Saint john of Jerusalem, (who were grown mercenary in these Christian wars) did intermeddle, he gave them large revenues in Cattelogne. After the renewing of this League, we find no mention of any worthy act done by this earl, but that he debauched some faithless and treacherous Knights, which fled out of Navarre and Arragon; yea one of the greatest called Garcia Almoravit, who came unto him to Lerida, and there made himself his vassal, and received from the Earl the title of Lord of Roncevaux, Vrros, and Obanos, which were not in his power: wherefore it is to be presumed, that from that time he sought to govern his Estates peaceably, seeing he could not get the Crown of Navarre: and with this desire he ended his days, after all his vain attempts against this Kingdom. Soon after this last assembly at Toledo, the king of Castille was engaged in war against the Moors of Andalusia, which made him perchance neglect that of Navarre, besides He did not greatly affect it.  
19 The troubles of Africa being past, as we have said, 
Moors.  Abdelmon established Miralmumin of the Arabians, and the Almohades in credit by the ruin of the Almoravides. The Preacher Almohadi would also have the Moors of Spain submit themselves to this yoke: wherefore leaving Aben Thumert the Astrologian at Maroc, he passed with Abdelmon into Spain, with great numbers of soldiers, being puffed up with pride by their late victory against their enemies. They found no great resistance there: for the petty Kings and Governors of Provinces and towns in Spain, being priest by the Christians, and too weak to make head against them, seeing the race of the Almoravides of Africa extinct, from whom they might have expected some succours, they sought nothing more than support, to maintain themselves in their authority, and greatness, 
Change of Religion among the Arabians in Spain.  which is most commonly the chief god of great men of this world, and therefore as men which regarded not Religion, but for a colour, and for their own private commodities: so as leaving the interpretation of the Koran, they embraced the new doctrine of Almohadi, without any opposition, thinking to preserve themselves by that means. And as this Impostor did vomit forth greater blasphemies and impieties, than his Predecessors had done against the true Religion, they became violent and furious persecutors of the Christians: so as the poor Musarabes, who had had some peace of conscience, living among the Moors, and had there exercised their religion, without any violence done unto them for many years, were in great perplexity, being now persecuted by these new Sectaries of Almohadi, both in their persons and goods, with all kind of rigour: for that they would not yield to their superstitions: so as either by the revolts, or by death, or by the continual flying away of these poor people, all the towns of Spain which were held by the Moors, were unpeopled of Christians, 
Christians persecuted by the Mo●●es in Spain.  who for above 400. years had preserved themselves, invoking (though with little knowledge) the name of jesus Christ. The government of the Almohades in Spain, continued in Abdelmon and his successors 52. years, until that notable battle in the fields of Tholousa, called by another name of the mountains of Muradal, or of Vbeda. Abdelmon having aspired to that which he pretended, held his royal seat in the city of Maroc, and showed himself a profitable Prince, and pleasing to the Moors, notwithstanding that he was a Potter's son, and for his chief Councillors, the Astrologian Aben Thumert, and the Preacher Almohadi, who dying within few months after this conquest, was by the commandment of King Abdelmon, buried with pomp and royal honours in a sumptuous Tomb, near unto the city of Maroc, whereas since the foolish multitude, holding him to be some great Prophet, and a messenger of God, made prayers and vows in all their necessities: as amongst the Christians they had recourse upon all occasions, to the sepulchres (either true or feigned) of Apostles, holy Confessors and Marryrs of the name of jesus Christ. This passage of the Almohades, bred a great alteration in Spain, whereas many Moors which held their countries in fee and homage of Christian Princes revolted.  
The Emperor D. Alphonso led first an army of Christians against this new Estate, 
Castille. Death of the Emperor D. Alphonso.  in the year 1157. being accompanied by his two sons, D. Sancho, and D. Fernand, who had the titles of Kings: in Andalusia he recovered the town of Baeça, which had been lost, and took Quesada and Andujar. But he did not long enjoy this victory with his subjects, for bringing back his army towards Toledo, he fell suddenly sick, the which (as he passed the mountain or straight of Muradal) did so increase, as he was forced to light at a place called Fresnedas, where he died in the arms of D. john Archbishop of Toledo, and of his son D. Fernand: D. Sancho remaining behind to guard those places which he had newly conquered. He was a worthy Prince, but too ambitious, a great favourer and benefactor of the Clergy, a friend to the people, and a severe punisher of the insolences of great men: of whom the Spaniards writ this History. That a certain Gentleman called D. Fernand in Gallicia, having taken away a poor labourer's goods, for which wrong he could have no justice from the ordinatie Magistrate of the country, so as he came to the Emperor being at Toledo, where having watched his opportunity, he cast himself at his feet, making known unto him the violence which had been done him by D. Fernand, and demanded justice: The Emperor did not disdain this poor man, but being duly informed of the fact, he sent unto the Governor, and Merino Mayor of Gallicia, commanding them to cause restitution to be made presently unto the Labourer, of all that he should find had been taken from him, but the Gentleman would not obey any command, neither durst the judge force him, either fearing to displease him, or else wanting means to constrain him: whereof the Emperor being advertised, he parted from Toledo, to come into Gallicia, where having made diligent inquiry of D. Fernands' fact, and of his disobedience and contumacy, he caused his house to be environed; where being taken, he commanded he should be hanged before his own gate; for a warning to others to live uprightly and in peace with their neighbours, & not to contemn justice nor their Prince. A noble act and worthy imitation. He had reigned king and emperor 35. years: his body was carried to Toledo, and interted in the royal chapel of that Church. His Estates were divided after his death, as hath been said, betwixt his two sons D. Sancho and D. Fernand.   

D. Sancho the sixth King of Castille.  
20 THe Realms of Castille & Toledo, 
Castille and Leon divided.  were then disunited from Leon and Galicia, in the year 1157. D. Sancho being advertised of his father's death, he parted suddenly from Baeça, and came to Toledo to his funeral. A Prince who did nothing degenerate from the virtues of his Ancestors, yea did rather exceed them, but he reigned little.   

D. Fernand, the 28. King of Leon.  
21 HIs brother D. Fernand, 
Leon.  neither attending his coming, nor the performance of his funerals, departed presently, and went to take possession of his Kingdoms of Leon and Galicia, according to the father's will, which division was a great cause of civil wars, to the prejudice and dishonour of the Christians name in Spain: wherefore great monarch should be warned by these examples, (which are ordinary in Histories) never to dismember their Monarchies, but to employ all their spirits and wisdom, to continue it still united, although they leave many children, leaving the Sovereign authority over the rest, unto him whom the laws and customs do call.  
D. Fernand being received and settled in his Realms of Leon and Galicia, 
Navarre.  he began to entreat his Nobility ill, & among others he dispossessed one of the chiefs knights of Leon called D. Pedro Ponce de Minerva, of his lands and goods, who for this cause came into Castille, to beseech the King D. Sancho, to mediate his restitution, and to bring him again into favour with the king his brother. But it falling out at that time, that Don Sancho the wise king of Navarre, being advertised of the death of the Emperor D. Alphonso, had made certain roads into Castille almost unto Burgos, for that D. Sancho had always signed the Leagues which the Earl of Barcelone had made against his father and him, with the Emperor D. Alphonso: and moreover, detained from him Nagera, and the lands upon the river of Oja, this knight was entertained by the king of Castille, who employed him in this war of Nautuarre, and made him head of an army, which he sent unto the fronters, by the rivers of Oja, which having encountered that of Navarre near to Bagnares, they came to battle in the fields of Valpierre near to S. Assent●o. In the Navarrois Army D. Lope Dias de Haro, Earl of Biscay, led the forward: Count Ladron of Guevara had charge of the rearward, with the Earl D. Sancho of Larrinacar, Inigo Ramires d' Aivar, with other, and the king the battle. On the other side, the Earl D. Pedro Ponce had ordered his men as well, and were more in number: wherefore coming to fight, although in the beginning the Navarrois seemed to have the better, yet were they defeated, and forced to save themselves in the next forts.  
The king D. Sancho had this rout for that he was too hasty to fight and would not attend the succours of horse and foot, which came out of France; which being arrived, and desirous to wipe out this blemish and infamy, they charged the Castillans, which gave them battle again in the same fields of Valpierre, and defeated them.  
These things are written in some Histories, 
Battle of Valpierre.  but not allowed nor credited by other Spanish Authors: for that they insert some things which have small probability, and others that are mere fictions. Whereas they say, that Don Pedro Ponce de Minerva, used a strange liberality to prisoners, both Navarrois and French, setting them all free without any ransom, which is not probable: and they also affirm, that D. Sancho king of Navarre died in the first battle, the which is reproved by other Authors, and by the letters and titles which are yet extant, witnessing that he lived above 37. years after: by these reasons, whatsoever is written of these two victories may justly be suspected.  
That which is written of the Earl Don Raymond Berenger, 
Arragon.  Prince and Governor of Arragon, is more authentic: that burning with desire to have the Realm of Navarre, he did solicit D. Sancho King of Castille to declare himself with him, and that they two joining their forces together, should set upon the King of Navarre: and that in the year 1158. D. Raymond came again into Castille, accompanied with a great number of Prelates and Knights, to renew their League, yet without any effect for Castille, for this assembly and interview passed not without great contention, for that Don Raymond Berenger refused to do homage unto the King of Castille, for the towns of Sarragossa and Calatajub: but in the end he was forced to acknowledge himself his vassal in that regard, with a bond to come to Court, and to assist at the coronation of the Kings of Castille. 
Castille,  to carry the royal sword before them at those ceremonies. As for the Earl D. Pedro Ponce de Minerva, and other Noblemen which were in the like perplexity, the best Spanish Authors say, that the king D. Sancho took the panies to go himself in person with them into Leon, to reconcile them to the King D. Fernand his brother, who came in a peaceful manner, to meet him as far as Sahagun, received him honourably, with great shows of love, and restored these Noblemen to their goods and honours; yea he augmented them by his bounty, in favour of the King D. Sancho, to whom he carried so great honour and respect, as he offered to acknowledge to hold of him (as his vassal) his Realms of Leon and Galicia; the which D. Sancho would not accept, saying, God forbidden, that the son of so great a Prince as the Emperor Don Alphonso was, should ever acknowledge to hold his land of any. In the end after great feasts and joy, these two Kings parted good friends.  
The king D. Sancho being returned to Toledo, he had news that the Moors were gone to field, & came with a great power to besiege Calatrava, a fort of great importance upon the frontier, the which did then belong unto the knights of the temple; who amazed at the brute of this siege, did so distrust their own strength to defend it, as they delivered it into the king's hands, to the end he should send Captanies and soldiers to resist the Moors. The king having received it into his protection, and meaning to provide for it, he found himself much troubled: for there was not any one that presented himself to take this charge, but they all drew back and excused themselves, fearing the great power which was said the Moors had. In the end God inspired the hearts of two religious men of the Order of Cisteaux, who offered unto the king, that if it pleased him to give them that place in guard, they would defend it like honest men. One of these religious men was Friar Raymond, Abbot of the Monastery of S. Marry de Hitero, upon the river of Pisuerga, in the Diocese of Palence, not of Hilero in Navarre, which was not then built: the other was one of his Monks, called Diego Velasco, who had carried arms long before he became a religious man of that Order. The offer was pleasing unto the King, but more to D. john Archbishop of Toledo, for that the lands of his Diocese should be first annoyed by the entry of the Moors to Calatrava: wherefore this Prelate by preaching and public exhortations, began to commend this Abbot D. Raymond, and to encourage all men to assist him, so as in a short time he was followed by a great number of Nobility and other soldiers, some thrust on to win honour, some moved with zeal to defend the Christian Religion against the invasion of Infildes, and some with shame. The king, the Archbishop, the Nobility of his Court, and the Inhabitants of Toledo, every one for his part, furnished money, arms, horses, corn, and other necessaries for a town which attends a siege; and all with such willingness and bounty, as the Abbot might well put himself into Calatrava, being assured not to be taken for want of men, victuals, and munition of war: but before he dislodged, the king to encourage him to do his duty, and to recompense the good which he had shown, to employ himself for the defence of the country, moved also with some Religion, gave unto God, to the Virgin Mary his mother, to the congregation of Cisteaux, to the Abbot D. Raymond, and to his Monks, both present and to come, the town of Calatrava with all the confines, hills, land, waters, meadows, pastures, entries and issues, rights, names and actions belonging thereunto, whereof he caused letters patents to be drawn in the year, 1158. 
Calatraus' giuten 〈◊〉 the Monks of Cis●eaux.  signed by his Secretary Martin Peleaz: in the which are named as witnesses, Don Sancho king of Navarre, vassal to the king of Castille, Don jean Archbishop Primate of Spain, Don Raymond Bishop of Palence and others.  
The Abbot having this provision he set forward, and came to Calatrava, a place of great importance, as we have said, and the only rampar for the Christians on that side against the Moors: who either advertised of this great preparation to defend that place, or for some other lets, did no great exploit worthy the great brute which had run of their army, neither came they to besiege Calatrava, whereof the King was exceeding glad, and the Abbot with his Monks no less, who by their courageous resolution had gotten this town, the which the Templars had basely abandoned. Many Gentlemen which had followed the Abbot in this voyage, seeing him in such reputation left the world, and made themselves Monks of Cisteaux, yet with a decent habit, fit for the exercise of arms, the which they meant to follow against the Infidels Moors, enemies to the Christian Religion.  
This was the beginning of the Knights of Calatrava, 
Knights of Calatrava first instituted.  an Order which was famous in Spain. The Abbot Don Raymond being freed from fear of siege, leaving a good garrison in Calatrava, he returned to Toledo, and from thence past to his Monastery of Hitero: about the which he gathered together a great multitude of people, to the number of twenty thousand, as the Histories report, whom with their movable goods and cattle, he transported to Calatrava, and other places of the fronter, which was badly peopled, making it as it were a strong bastion against the enterprises of the Arabians. 
Death of Don Sancho toe Desired.  The king Don Sancho the desired, lived not long after, but died the same year. They writ, that his wife D. Blanch being deceased some few days before in childbed, he was so oppressed with grief, as he fell sick and died. His death was very prejudicial to the Realm of Castille, and followed by many miseries, the which he did well foresee. He left the government of his son Don Alphonso, who was yet very young, to a knight whose name was Don Guttiere Fernand Ruis de Castro, ordaining that he should be bred up under his discipline, until he came to the age of fifteen years complete: willing that the Knights which held any places and garrisons, should keep them until that time. They surnamed him the Desired, by reason of the great virtues wherewith he was adorned, and the hope and taste the people had of his good and just government, in one year, or thereabouts, that he reigned. He was buried at Toledo in the Cathedral church, near to the Empeour Don Alphonso his father▪ The Queen Don Blanch his wife lies in the Monastery of Saint Mary the royal of Nagera, to the which a little before her death she had given the town of Nectaries, near unto Torrezillas de los Cameros.  
The Earl Don Raymond Berenger Governor of Arragon, 
Arragon and Barcelone.  having in the mean time made war against Don. Sancho King of Navarre, with his forces of Arragon and Cattelogne, being not able to engage the King of Castille, and taken Buereta, with some other petty forts of small importance, seeing in the end that he strived in vain against an enemy which had not only means to defend himself, but also on the contrary, to offend him: he yielded himself tractable to the persuasions of certain good Prelates, who were much grieved to see Christians seek the ruin one of another, 
1159. Peace betwixt Navarre and Arragon.  for their ambition: wherefore in the year 1159. after many treaties of Peace, betwixt these two Princes, in the end there was an interview, and they remained good friends, making an end of all their quarrels, which had continued almost five and twenty years.  
We must not wonder, if Secular Princes were in combustion, seeking to rule one over another, having (it may be) some plausible pretext, seeing that the Prelates of Spain were a precedent for them without any reason. 
Primacy of Toledo confirmed.  The Primacy which he of Toledo held over other Bishops, was not acknowledged of all: for the Archbishop of Braga, and he of Saint james resfused to obey him: but the Primate of Primates, Adrian the third, sending l Hyacinth his Legate from Rome, forced them by a sentence.  
The end of the ninth Book.    

THE TENTH BOOK of the History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1. D. Alphonso the seventh King of Castille, and the fourth of that name, called the Noble, and the troubles which did rise by the factions of Castro and Lara.  
2 D. Alphonso the second of that name, and sixth King of Arragon, Earl of Barcelone.  
3 Confirmation of the Order of Calatrava.  
4 Beginning and continuance of the ancient house of Biscay.  
5 Marriage of King D. Alphonso the noble, and of Elinor daughter to Henry the second King of England.  
6 War of Navarre against Castille and Arragon.  
7 Marriage of D. Alphonso the second king of Arragon, with D. Sancha of Castille, to the disgrace of the daughter of Manuel Emperor of Constantinople.  
8 Prou●nce annexed to the Crown of Arragon, the which is exempted from all fealty and homage to Castille.  
9 Institution of the knights of the sword, of the Order of S. james in Galicia. Their increase and forces, with their Commanderies and benefices.  
10 Commanderies and other benefices of the Order of Calatra●a, and their strength.  
11 Continuance of the war against Navarre, and the taking of the lands of Bureu● and Rioja from this Realm by the Castillans'▪  
12 Sedition of the Nobility of Castille to defend their Immunities.  
13 Continuance of the deeds of D. Alphonso Henriques the new King of Portugal, and the quarrels betwixt him and the king of Leon.  
14 Limitations and divisions of the conquests which were to be made upon the Moors, betwixt the Christian Princes of Spain.  
15 Exploits of the Portugals against the Moors.  
16 Continuance of the reign and deeds of D. Fernand the second king of Leon.  
17 Beginning of the town of Victoria in Alava: Expedition of the Navarrois in Castille, and other deeds of arms of D. Sanc●o the seventh.  
18 Cattelog●e rejects the Sovereignty of the French.  
19 The last acts of D. Alphonso Henriques, king of Portugal.  
20 D. Sancho first of that name, the second king of Portugal.  
21 Marriage of D. Fernand, the 28. king of Leon, and his death.  
22 D. Alphonso the ninth of that name, and 29. king of Leon.  
23 Submission of the king of Leon, to him of Castille. Assembly of the ordinary estates in Castille. Enmity and hatred betwixt five Christian kings reigning in Spain.  
24 Deeds of D. Sancho king of Portugal, the first of that name, and the institution of the Order of Au●z.  
25 Continuance of the deeds of D. Alphonso king of Castille, the building of the fort of of Navarre, near to Nagera.  
26 Aben joseph Mazemut king of the Moors, and his exploits against the Christians of Spain.  
27 D. Sancho the strong 21 King of Navarre the 8. of that name.  
28 Spoils done by the Moors in the countries of Castille and Leon.  
29 D. Pedro the 2. of that name, 7. King of Arragon, his marriages and submission to the Pope.  
30 Descent of the house of Champagne unto Thibault King of Navarre, the first of that family.  
31 Invasions of the realm of Navarre by the Castillans and Arragonois, the Province of Guipuscoa taken from it.  
32 Buildings and reparations of D. Alphonso the Noble, King of Castille, marriage of D. Blanch his daughter, with Lewis, father to Saint Lewis the French King.  
33 D. Rodrigo Ximenes Archbishop of Toledo: his deeds, buildings and the university made at Palence by King D. Alphonso.  
34 Great preparatives of war, both by the Christian Princes, and the Moors: the memorable battle of Muradal.  
35 Armouries of Navarre.  
36 The last exploits of D. Sancho King of Portugal. D. Alphonso second of that name, and third King of Portugal.  
37 Exploits of D. Pedro the 2. King of Arragon. Hatred betwixt him and Simon Earl of Montfort, his death in the war of the Albigeois, moved by Saint Dominike.  
38 D. jaques the 1. of that name 8. King of Arragon.  
39 Seditions at Pampelone. Exercises of arms appointed by D. Sancho the 8. King of Navarre, as necessary for a warlike nation.  
40 Order of the Knights of Alcantara.  
41 D. Henry the first of that name, and 8. King of Castille.  
42 Council of Saint john de Latran, under Innocent the 3. suit for the Primacy of Spain.   
This tenth Book contains the descent and continuance of the royal families of Spain. that is,  

Of Navarre.  
21 D. Sancho 8.   

Of Leon.  
29 D. Alphonso. 9   

Of Portugal.  
2 D. Sancho 1.  
3. D. Alphonso. 2.   

Of Arragon.  
6 D. Alphonso. 2.  
7 D. Pedro. 2.  
8 D. jaques. 1.   

Of Castille.  
7 D. Alphonso. 4.  
8 D. Henry. 1.   

D. Alphonso the noble the seventh King of Castille the fourth of that name.  
THE death of the King D. Sancho confirmed his surname of desired, for that there followed dangerous combustions▪ begun betwixt two great families of Castille, through jealousy and desire of rule. The young King's person (being then but four years old) was under the charge of D. Guttiere Fernando Ruis de Castro, according unto the will of the deceased King his father, who had also ordained that the captains and Governors of Provinces and places should continue in their charges, 
Troubles in Castille, by reason of the Kings No●●age.  until that his son D. Alphonso should be fifteen years old complete. Those of the house of Lara, being men of great account, were discontented with this decree; of which family the chief was the Earl D. Manrique de Lara, who had two brethren, D. Alvaro, and D. Nugno, all sons to D. Pedro de Lara (of whom we have made mention) and of D. Aba, forsaken by the Earl D. Garcia de Cabra: with these there joined, by reason of consanguinity, D. Garcia d' Acia, their brother by the mother's side, son to that Lady D. Aba, and the Earl D. Garcia de Cabra, her first husband: they were grieved to see the King's person, and the chief affairs of the Realm in the hands of them of Castro, who held many places, and good governments in Castille and Toledo: wherefore they sought all occasions to seize upon the authority, and to dispossess their adversaries: D. Guttiere Fernandes, was an ancient Knight, wise, faithful, and without any malice, who gave no man occasion to complain, but great means to such as envied his honour to hurt him by his sincerity. He had also been Governor to the King D. Sancho his father, in his youth, and was so worthy a knight, as they say he had made and armed five hundred Knights, with his own hand. Only he wanted the happiness to have children: but his brother D. Ruy Fernandes, called the Bald, had four. D. Fernand, D. Aluar, D. Pedro and D. Guttiere, surnamed Ruys, and one daughter, called D. Sancha Ruys married to D. Alvaro Ruys de Gusman.  
These factions declaring themselves, every one stood upon his guard: and for that it was not easy to dissolve that which D. Sancho had decreed by his testament, nor to wrest the authority from them of Castro by force, being in possession: the brothers of Lara found means to cirumvent the good knight D. Guttiere Fernandes, by goodly persuasions, saying, that for the good of the general peace, he should be content with those honours he had, and suffer the Earl D. Manriques to keep the King's person: the which should in no sort blemish his authority, 
Indiscretion of D. Guttiere Fernandes.  but should give great reputation unto the Earl, who was a noble man of that quality, as he well deserved it: all the four brothers promising and swearing unto him, that they would always preserve and defend the honour and authority which was due to his reverent age. D. Guttiere deceived with these good words delivered the King into the hands of these four brethren, who remained with D. Garcia d' Acia, as the eldest, the rest having at that time no means to contradict it, but soon after they had an opportunity to get the King from him: for D. Garcia, who was not cunning, nor of a bad disposition, being entered into some terms and difficulty, touching the entertainment of the young King's house, and the necessary provisions of money for his Estate with the brothers of Lara, they wrought in such manner as he resigned this burdensome charge unto them, the which they willingly accepted, as a thing which they had long affected; wherein the Earl D. Garcia, did somewhat wrong his honour and fail of his duty, as well as D. Guttiere Fernandes de Castro had done; so the King came into the power of D. Manriques de Lara.  
These alterations, unfit for the dignity of the young King, discontented D. Guttiere, and withal, those of Lara began to fail in that which they had promised him; wherefore he let them understand that he would have the King D. Alphonso again, to nourish and breed him up according to the disposition of the King D. Sanchos will: but they mocked him, as a man which had lost his senses. Whereupon these two houses went to arms, and drew unto them their kinsmen, friends and partisans. giving way and means to all the lewd people of the country to commit a thousand insolences, following the one or the other faction, as it is usual in civil wars.  
And moreover they made a passage for D. Fernand King of Leon, to enter into the territories of Castille, where he committed great excess under pretext to pacify the wars betwixt these two houses of Castro and Lara: for being entered with an army, he seized upon those forts, which were nearest unto his fronters of Leon, along the river of Duero, and passing on further, beecaused the Earl D. Manriques and his brethren to dislodge, who carried the King D. Alphonso with them to Soria. During these tumults D. Guttiere Fernandes de Castro died, and was buried in the Monastery of Saint Christopher of Encas: after whole decease the Earl D. Manriques caused his Nephews D. Fernand, D. Alvaro, D. Pedro and D. Guttiere Ruis to be summoned to deliver up into his hands the places belonging unto the crown, the which they held, and had commanded unto their uncles death: but they made answer that they were not bound to deliver them up, seeing that the will of the deceased King was, that they should hold them until the King D. Alphonso were full fifteen years old. There upon, D. Manrique commanded that the body of D. Gutti●re Fernandes should be unterred, and charging him with felony and treason against the King and crown, he sought to have him found guilty.  
His four Nephews embraced the cause, and defended both themselves and their deceased uncle, saying that they neither had, nor did commit any felony, in retaining of those places, seeing it was according to the last will and testament of the King D. Sincho, the which they had never demanded of their uncle living. The Lords of the council, who were judges in this cause, gave sentence that there was not any felony committed, and therefore they ordained, that the body of D. Guttiere, which had been against the law of Nations inhumainely pulled out of his grave, should be laid in again, Their contentions were so great, and the miseries which ensued so infinite, as priest by necessity, they were forced to engage all the revenues of Castille and Toledo, for twelve years, unto King Fernand; and in the end the Earl D. Manriques bound himself to deliver unto the King of Leon, 
Treachery of D. Manriques de Lara against his Prince and country.  the person of young D. Alphonso, his Lord, and to make him his vassal. And to perform his promise, he led the King D. Fernand to Soria, where having propounded certain reasons, in an assembly of the Noblemen of Castille, to persuade them that it was expedient the King's person should be put into his uncles custody, they delivered him unto him, protesting that they put him into his hands, being a free Prince, and therefore they entreated him to maintain him in his liberty. The Noblemen durst not herein contradict the King D. Fernand, being within the country and in arms. The young Infant being carried in a gentleman's arms, began to weep and cry out, wherefore they carried him back to the lodging to give him an apple, or some such like thing to please him. At that time there was present D. Pedro Nugnes Almexir, a hardy and generous knight, who being grieved at this treacherous act of the Earl D. Manrique, gave order (that whilst they dandled the child, to still him) they should bring him a good horse behind the King's lodging, then approaching near unto the young Prince, 
Pero Nugnes a faithful vassal.  making show to flatter him, he took him in his arms, and slipping away by some secret passage well known to him, he carried him to his horse, and so fled with him to the town of Saint Estienne of Gormas: doing this act for the liberty of his King with such dexterity and diligence (whilst that the King D. Fernand attended the Infant's return) as he was gone a good way before it was discovered.  
This being known by the King D. Fernand he grew into a great rage, and using threats, he commanded D. Manrique and the rest of his faction, to give order, that the child might be found out and brought again, wheresoever he were: whereupon the Earl D. Manrique, and his brethren, under colour of seeking their King D. Alphonso, had means to get out of Soria, where all was in Combustion. Being arrived at Saint Estienne de Gormas, that night they seized again of the King's person: notwithstanding whether remorse of so foul an act, altered the minds of these knights of Lara, or that all the brethren were not a like affected, as D. Manrique: D. Nugno the youngest of the brethren took king D. Alphonso, and carried him to Atiença, not respecting the accord made with the King D. Fernand, who holding himself deceived by D. Manrique, sent him word by a knight, that he was a traitor, and that he would be revenged. The Earl made no other answer, but that it was lawful for him to do any thing to deliver his King and natural Prince from captivity. Afterwards the Earl meeting with the King D. Fernand, who accused him of treachery, and demanded justice of the Estates of Castille; he answered again, that he knew not that he was a traitor, but that he repent him not to have done his best endeavour, to deliver his King, a child of so tender age from such unjust slavery.  
After many reasons and allegations of either side, 
The young King D. Alphonso given in guard to the inhabitants of Auila.  the Earl D. Manrique was absolved: but the King D. Fernand kept in a manner all the places and towns in Castille, except some of the lesser, which continued under the obedience of the King D. Alphonso, who was not in any great safety, until they had found means to put him into the City of Auila, where he was faithfully kept, by his good subjects the inhabitants thereof, until he was twelve years old, wherefore they say commonly in Spain, the Loyal of Auila.  
The tumults and confusions of Castille, 
Navarre.  invited D. Sancho King of Navarre, surnamed the wise, to make his profit, which is the mark whereat all worldly men do aim: yet had he some just pretension to do it, especially to invade the lands lying upon the river of Oja, which the Emperor D. Alphonso had laid hold on, during the vacancy and Interregne of Navarre and Arragon. So as he went to arms, entered in hostile manner into that Province, and took Logrogno, Entrena and Cerezo: and passing on, he also took Birbiesca, and in a manner all that was in his way, even unto Burgos: all which places he did fortify, but yet he enjoyed them not long. The King of Navarre did all these things, without any resistance made by them of Castille, being favoured by the confusion of the time, and the infancy of the young King D. Alphonso: besides that towards Arragon he found himself assured by a peace concluded with the Earl D. Raymond Berenger, 
Death of D. Ra●mon● berenger Earl of Barcelone 1162.  the which was the better confirmed by his death, which happened in the year 1162. in Piedmont, in the Bourge of Saint Dalmace, near unto Turin. This Prince went by sea into Italy, with his Nephew the Earl of Provence, to confer with the Emperor Frederic Barbarossa, who made war then in the Duchy of Milan.   

D. Alphonso the second, and the sixth King of Arragon.  
2. THis Earl had governed Cattelogne and Barcelone thirty one years, 
Arragon.  and the realm of Arragon five and twenty. He was wise and valiant, but too ambitious. He lest D. Raymond his son, who was afterwards called D. Alphonso, heir of both Estates by his testament: by the which he gave unto D. Pedro his second son, the Earldom of Cerdagne, with the same rights as Cont Bernard William had held it, and moreover the demeins and revenues of the lands of Carcassone, 
Disposition of D. Raymond Berengers wil  and rights of Narbonne, and other places in Languedoc, reserving the homage unto the Earl of Barcelon and King of Arragon his eldest: substituting to D. Pedro his third son D. Sancho, in case he died without children, and them two to their eldest brother D. Alphonso, either of them in his Siegneuries, with his children, unto Henry the second, King of England, his ally and faithful friend, the Queen D. Petronille his wife remaining Regent and tutoress of her Son, and Realm; but she brought D. Alphonso, being but 12. years old, to the government of the State, under the conduct of the Earl of Provence, his cousin german, the Queen giving over that charge, as unfit for women. This was the first King of Arragon that was Earl of Barcelone, since which time these two Estates have not been divided. Returning to D. Sancho King of Navarre, 
Navarre.  he governed his realm wisely and justly, and had about him many good and virtuous Prelates and Knights: amongst the which were D. Vivian Bishop of Pampelone, the Earl D. Bela Ladron Lord, that is to say, governor in Alava, Rodrigues Martin's Governor in Maragnon: Pedro Ruis in Estella, and Gallipienço; Sancho Ramires in Sanguessa, Ximeno of Ayvar in Roncal; Ximen Aznares in Tafalla, Sancho Esquerra in Saint Mary of Vxua, Martin de Lees in Peralta, Aznar de Rada in Falses and in Valtierra, Peter of Araçury in Logrogno and Tudele, with divers others. As for his domestic affairs, he was married to D. Sancha Infanta of Castille, whom others call Beacia or Beatrix, daughter to the Emperor D. Alphonso, by whom he had a goodly issue: D. Sancho, who was King after his father, D. Fernand, and D. Ramir, 
Geneology of Navarre.  the which was Bishop of Pampelone: for Ecclesiastical charges which had great revenues, were not there given to Pastors, which had care of Christians manners and consciences, but were portions for King's children: he was otherwise called D. Remy. Beside three sons, she brought him three daughters, D. Berenguela, who was married to Richard King of England, surnamed Corde-Lion, and had for her dowry the country of main in France, where she spent the remainder of her days, like a virtuous widow, after the decease of the King her husband D. Sanchos second daughter was D. Theresa, otherwise called Constance, who died a virgin: and the third was D. Blanch, married to Thiband Earl of champaign and Brie, from whom the race of the Kings of Navarre, of the house of champaign had their beginning, in D. Thiband their son. About the year 1165. 
An. 1165.  the sentence of the Process betwixt the Bishops of Pampelone and Sarragosse, begun in the time of D. Lope. Predecessor to D. Vivian, with D. Pedro of Zarroja, for the limits of their Dioceses, and jurisdictions, which had been judged by the Legate Hyacinthe, Cardinal of the title of Saint Mary in Cosmedin, was confirmed by Pope Alexander the third, successor to Adrian the fourth, being at Montpellier in France, who also by his Bull confirmed the previledges of the Church of Pampelone, and the order of the regular Chanoins of Saint Augustin, instituted by D. Pedro Roda, the Bishop, as other Popes his Predecessors had done.  
During these things, 
Portugal.  D. Alphonso Henriques King of Portugal, having some quiet with the Moors, who were not well settled under the obedience of the Almohades, spent his time about the fortification of the fronter towns of his realm, unto the years 1165. when as he went again to field, parting from Alcaçar de Sal, and went and laid siege to Cezimbra, the which he carried, and in like manner Palmela having put the Moors of Badajos to rout, in the mountains of Cezimbra, coming with great troops of horse to succour these two places. It is a remarkable thing in this Prince, that although he were three score and five years old, yet he was continually in arms, and himself in person, enduring the travels and discomodities of the war, as well as the youngest. The troubles of Castille and Leon procured his peace on that side, where he was to dispute his royal title, and the acknowledgement of the lands held by him, with D. Fernand king of Leon: who giving some time of breathing unto the Castillans, upon whom he had made his profit, although he could not get their king's person, he retired into Leon, leaving them of Lara and Castro to end their own quarrels.  
3 The Estates of Castille and the Governors of places, 
Castille.  amidest so great troubles which the King D. Fernand, he of Navarre, and the factions of the noblemen of the country had caused, maintained themselves as well as they could, whilst that the King D. Alphonso was bred up at Auila. The Order of the knights of Calatrava, which had his beginning in the time of the King D. Sancho the Desired, 
Confirmation of the order of Calatrava.  was now confirmed by Pope Alexander the third, by his Brief in the year 1164. directed unto D. Garcia, first Master of the knights of that Order. It appears by the Spanish Histories, that at that time there were Abbots at Calatrava, and that D. Raymond lived yet: in whose place there succeeded Priors, by grant from the Chapter general of the Order of Cisteaux. We find also that at that time the house of Aualos (which hath been famous since in Castille) was then great in Navarre, from whence it is descended: and mention is made of many great personages of that family: of D. Ximen d' Aualox, jean Mertines, and Sancho Martin's d' Aualos brethren, and of Garcia Nunes d' Aualos: 
The family of Aualos.  whereof D. Ximen, in the year 1162. gave unto the Monastery of Saint Emibian, certain rights which he had in the church of Saint Felix o' Aualos, the letters whereof are yet extant in that Monastery.  
The King D. Alphonso being eleven year old; the Earls D. Manrique, D. Alvaro and D. Nugno de Lara with other Noblemen, which had the charge of him, thought it now fit, that he should go and visit the towns of his realm, and show himself to his subjects, who desired to see him: wherefore they drew him out of Auila, with good troops of horse, besides an hundred and fifty horse which they of Auila gave him for his guard. Some places which D. Fernand King of Leon had seized on in Castille, began already to revolt; but when as King D. Alphonso went his progress, every town where he passed, obeyed him, until he came to Toledo, whereas D. Fernand Ruis Castro was Governor, since the reign of the King D. Sanche, and meant to keep it until the King D. Alphonso was fifteen years old, as it was decreed by the father's will: but the Earl D. Manrique de Lara was not of that mind: for having some secret intelligence with a knight of Toledo, called D. Estienne Illian, who had built the parish church, and the high tower of Saint Romans, and was in some bad terms with D. Fernand Ruis, he had by his prctises means to stir up the people to a mutiny, having caused the King to approach to Saint Romans tower, in a disguised habit, where he hung out his arms and colours, so as D. Fernand (fearing his own weakness) abandoned the castle, and fortified himself in Huete.  
By this means the city of Toledo was delivered unto the Earl Manrique in the King's name, by this knight D. Estienne Illian, whose picture armed on horseback, for this goodly act, is to be seen in the body of the great church of Toledo, and not for any prowess that is known to the ignorant people. In recompense whereof they gave him the government of this City. From thence D. Manrique led the King to Huete, against D. Fernand Ruis, who being faithfully and courageously assisted by the Inhabitants of Huete, sallied forth against the Earl D. Manrique, where there was a cruel battle: before the fight D. Fernand had given his arms and device unto a Squire of his, setting him in the most remarkable place of the battle, to the end they should take him for his master: for he knew they had vowed and conspired his death, at what price soever: so as coming to fight, the Earl D. Manrique followed by his choice men, picked out this Squire, whom he slew with his own hand: but an other of D. Fernands' Squires, 
The Earl D. Manrique de Lara slain before Huete.  revenging his Companions death, gave the Earl a deadly wound, and slew him upon the place: so as D. Manriques army having lost their General, was put to rout, and defeated. D. Nugno de Lara for his brother's death, did afterwards accuse D. Fernand of treason, saying that he had caused his brother to be treacherously slain, but it was ended by the Prelates, by reason of the great spoils they endured; but the hatred continued still betwixt these two families: many forts came afterwards into the power of the young King D. Alphonso, without any resistance.  
The town of Surita which was held by Lope d' Arenas, would not yield, objecting the testament of the young King D. Sancho, yet notwithstanding they would have the place, and having invested it, they began to batter it. D. Lope Diaz de Haro, Lord of Biscay, was at this siege well accompanied, although he had not been called, the Earl D. Nugno de Lara and he▪ being at some jar. The taking of this place seeming every day more difficult, D. Nugno, and the Earl D. Suero entered into the town, upon assurance given by oath, to parley, with Lope d' Arenas the Governor, but they were detained prisoners; Lope was soon after punished for this fraud, God showing that there is not any thing which displeases him more than falsehood and treachery; and in truth there is no brute beast more detestable than that man which seeks to cirumvent by promises and oaths.  
There was in King D. Alphonso's camp, one which had served, or been bred up in Lope d' Arenas house, who presented himself unto the King, offering to deliver him the place, if he would give him means to live, and that there were any one which would be content he should wound him, that he might have some colour to fly unto the enemy. The King promised to recompense him well, but as for the hurting of any one, there was some difficulty: yet there was one Pedro Diaz, or Pedro Ruis, as others call him, of Toledo, offered himself to receive the blow. This varlet, whose name was Domin●gullo, drew his sword presently, and gave this poor Pedro Diaz, a deadly wound, and then fled, the guard and other soldiers making show to follow him towards the town, where he was received and known by his old Master Lope d' Arenas, who nothing suspecting Dominguillo, was treacherously slain by him; the murderer having means to slip down the wall, and to recover the camp. Upon the governors death the soldiers and inhabitants resolved to yield the town of Surita unto the King, Dominguillo, who was proud of this execution, demanded his reward of the King: but the King by a memorable example of justice, whosoever advised him, used an admirable proportion in this action: for he first caused his eyes to be put out, for the murder which he had committed, having not made him acquainted therewith; and then he gave him that which was needful for his entertainment: but hearing after that he did glory too much in his treason, he caused him to be slain. After this enterprise of Surita, the King dismissed his soldiers, who returned to their houses.  
Howsoever D. Alphonso Henriques King of Portugal, ended his quarrels with D. Fernand of Leon; 
Portugal.  yet in the year of our Lord 1169. he had confirmation of his royal titles from Pope Alexander, to whom he sent his Bulls, taking the King D. Alphonso Henriques, his successors, Realm and subjects, into the protection of the church of Rome, paying two marks of gold for an acknowledgement or rent; the which the Archbishop of Braga, did receive yearly for the church of Rome, yet no man can say, that this rent was ever paid; and if D. Fernand married his daughter D. Vrraca, by whom he had one son called D. Alphonso, who succeeded him in his realms of Leon and Galicia; yet this affinity did not suppress the troubles and lamentable factions, which followed.  
King D. Fernand, by the advise of banished Portugais, caused the city of Rodrique to be fortified, the which some hold to be ancient Mirobrisa, and there placed a good garrison, the which did wonderfully annoy the Portugals that lay near it, & built Ledesma, near to Salamanca, which did much in damage that city, as you shall hear: this King took pleasure in building, 
Places built by D. Fernand  when he was not priest with war: and therefore they say that Granada, which is near to Coria Valenc●a in the Bishopric of Quiedo, Villalpando, Mansilla Majorga in the Bishopric of Leon, and Castro in Toraphe in the Bishopric of Zamora are his works. He was divorced from. Vrraca, by reason of consanguinity, and took to his second wife D. Theresa daughter to Nugno de Lara▪ after whose death he had a third wife called D. Vrraca Lopes, daughter to D. Lope Diaz, Lord of Biscay; By this last wife D. Fernand had D. Sancho and D. Garcia, lawful heirs to the realm of Leon, 
Genealogy of Leon.  for that they were, by the Pope's sentence, borne in lawful wedlock, & not D. Alphonso: yet they reigned not; neither did they leave any heirs.  
4 The house of Biscay was then in great esteem; 
The house of Biscay  out of the which was issued the third wife of the King D. Fernand: the order and continuance of which family is thus set down by the Spanish writers. They name for the best known stem of this house, D. suria, who by his mother's side was Nephew to the King of Scotland, begotten by a knight of Biscay, called D. Lope, who obtained the Siegneury of Biscay in the year 870. Suria in the Cantabrian tongue signifies white. He carried in his armouries two wolves sables, either of them with a Lamb in his mouth, in a field Argent, which were the ancient arms of Biscay: he married to his second wife D. Dalda, daughter and heir to D. Sancho Esteguis Ordognes', Lord of Tavira of Durango, by whom he had one son, called D. Manso Lopes, who was Lord of Biscay, and of Tavira of Durango this D. Manso had by his first wife (for he was married thrice) one son, called D. Inigo Esguerra, that is to say, deaf, in the Biscaine tongue, who was the third Lord of Biscay. Of him was borne D. Lope Diaz the fourth Lord of biscay, who lived in the time of D. Fernand Conçales Earl of Castille, D. Sancho Lopes was his son and the fifth Lord of Biscay: who although he had two sons, D. Inigo and D. Garcia, surnamed Sanches, yet did neither of them succeed him in the Siegneurie of Biscay: the reason was, that the soldiers being in mutynie, at their return from a certain war in Cubijana of Morillas, in the Province of Alava, as D. Sancho Lopes came amongst their drawn swords to paci●ie them, he received a wound for an other, and was slain, leaving these two very little: wherefore the Biscayne's having need of a Lord able to govern them, they made choice of D. Inigo Esguerra the second of that name, bastard brother to the deceased, who was the sixth Lord of Biscay: of him came D. Lope Diaz the second, who ruled in Biscay. And to make some recompense to the children of D. Sancho Lopes, D. Inigo Sancho had Lodio given him for a portion, and D. Garcia that of Orozco. D. Lope Diaz the seventh Lord of Biscay, was father to D. Diego Lopes, who succeeded him in the days of King D. Alphonso the sixth. This D. Diego was the eighth Lord of Biscay, surnamed the white, and being married to a Lady of Arragon, he begat one son called D. Lope Diaz, who was afterwards the ninth Lord of Biscay, the third of that name. It is that D. Lope which was at the siege of Surita, with King D. Alphonso, called the Noble, in whose reign we now are come, and whole daughter D. Vrraca was married to Fernand the second King of Leon and Gallicia: he also (having built up the town of Haro, in Rioje) surnamed himself of Haro, and left it to his posterity. He had of D. Mencia his wife, one son called D. Diego Lopes de Haro, heir of his father's estates, and an other daughter called D. Gaufreda, who some say had been Queen of Navarre, but it is doubtful. This D. Diego Lopes, was the tenth Lord of Biscay, and a very good Knight: who had the honour to be standard-bearer to the King of Castille, and was at all the exploits of war, done by King D. Alphonso the ninth. He had to wife D. Maria Diaz de Lara, daughter to Cont Nugno, of whom we have made mention, and she bore him D. Lopes Diaz de Haro, who was the eleventh Lord of Biscay. His Image is to be seen kneeling, in the quire of the great church of Toledo, planted against a pillar. The succession of these Lords, shall be hereafter set down according to the time.  
Returning to King D. Alphonso, 
Castille.  after the taking of Surita, having dismissed his soldiers, he returned to Toledo, where he kept his court, and assembled the Noblemen and knights his vassals: where finding himself in free possession of all the country of Toledo, he came to Burgos, where he called an other assembly, and kept his court, in the year 1170. 
An. 1170.  touching that which lies on this side the mountains, belonging to Castille and Nagera: 
D. Alphonso the noble King of Castille comes of years.  and for that the fifteenth year of his age was now ended, all the towns & forts were yeeled up unto him, without any contradiction, according to the will of his deceased father, yea those which were held by D. Fernand of Castro, who was never more seen in Castille, by reason of the quarrels he had with the house of Lara, but passing to the Moors, he showed himself a perpetual enemy to his country. In the assembly at Burgos, there was speech of the excess, and outrages done by Fernand King of Leon; to revenge the which he resolved to proclaim war against him, but it was not put in execution long after, by reason of D. Alphonso's youth, who was not yet capable of so great an enterprise. There they treated also of the King's marriage with Elinor daughter to Henry the second King of England, 
And marries Elinor of England.  who was as renowned as any Prince at that day in Christendom: he was son to Geoffrey Duke of Anjou and Normandy. It was this Henry which had married Queen Elinor, heir of the Duchy of Guienne, and county of Poictou, put away by Lewis the seventh the French King.  
5 After these things, there was an interview of two young Kings, D. Alphonso of Castille, and D. Alphonso of Arragon, at Sahagun, with shows of great love; and from thence they went to Sarragosse, from whence there was an embassage sent to effect the marriage of the King of Castille. The Ambassadors were D. Celebrun Archbishop of Toledo, the Bishops of Palenza, Calaorra, Burgos and Segobia, the Earls D. Ponce and D. Nugno, with other Noblemen; who found the court, with the Queen mother and her daughter at Bordeaux: whose return the King of Castille attended at Sarragosse, where during his abode, the league was renewed betwixt Castille and Arragon, and a new made for the mutual defence of both Kings, against all men, except the King of England, in the which were named all the great men belonging to either estate: for assurance whereof, there was consigned and laid in pawn the castles of Nagera, Biguerra, Clavijo, Ocon and Arueda, for the King of Castille; and for the King of Arragon, Hariza, Daroca, Aranda, Epila Borja: with a condition that he which should break the league, should lose these places: and the conventions were signed and confirmed by the two Kings, and their chiefest Nobles. The Ambassadors of Castille were welcome to Bordeaux, and their charge was very pleasing to the king of England: whereupon the Princess Elinor was sent into Spain, being accompanied by Bernard Archbishop of Bourdeaux, the Bishops of Poitiers, Angoulesme, Perigueux, Xaintes, Again, and Bazas: by Raoul de la Faye, Seneschal of Guienne, Helie Earl of Perigort, the viscounts of Tartax, Chasteleraud, Chastillon, Mortmar, Vendome, Augoulesme, Labrit or Albret, with very many other Noblemen and Knights. By the treaty made with the Ambassadors it was said, that the assurace and contract of marriage should be made at Tarrassone, and should be solemnly ratified in the presence of the King of Arragon: wherefore the two Kings came to Tarrassone, where these things were celebrated and sworn with great solemnity, 
Gifts to th● new Queen of Castille in fovor of 〈◊〉 marriage.  in the year of our Lord 1170. and for accomplishment thereof at that instant D. Alphonso King of Castille, caused all the Knights of Castille, which were there present, to swear fealty to his future spouse: and moreover he gave unto her in faaour of the marriage, the castles and city of Burgos, Castro, Xeris, Auia, Monçon, Saldagne, Tariego, Dueregnas, Carrion, Aabeson, Medina del Aampo, Villa Escusa, Aguillar & Astudillo, & for her idle expenses & to furnish her cabinet, he assigned particularly unto her, Burgos, Nagera, and Castro Xeris: besides he gave unto her the rents of the port of Saint Emeterio, Besgo, Cabedo, Briza de Centillana, Calaorra, Logrogno, Arnedo, Biguerra, Granon, Vilhorado, Pancoruo, Monasterio, Poza, Atiença, Osma, Penafiil, Curiel, Surita, Hita, Aegna Negra and others. Moreover he promised to give her the moiety of all he should conquer from the Moors from the day of their marriage. These promises and matrimonial conventions were sworn in the presence of the Archbishop of Bourdeaux, and other English Ambassadors, to whom in the Queen's name he caused the forts to be delivered, and the homages above mentioned to be done, all in the presence of the King of Arragon, as an indifferent arbitrator for both parties. These things thus finished, the two Kings of Castille and Arragon, parted good friends, and the Ambassadors, with the new spouse, came with D. Alphonso the Noble, to Burgos, where the marriage was celebrated with great state and royal pomp, after which the court parting from Burgos, it came to Nagera, in the country of Oja, where the King gave leave to many which had come to attend the solemnity of his marriage, namely to them of Auila, who had always followed him, to whom for their willingness to serve him, he granted many privileges.  
After which he led the Queen to Toledo, where he grew so amorons of a jew, whom they called Hermosa, as he forgot his new spouse, and entangled himself so far in her love, 
Disordanat just of D. Alphonso king of Castille.  as he almost lost his senses; whereat some Knights of Castille being very much grieved, they thought to do an act pleasing unto God, and profitable to the commenweale; to kill this jew, the which in the beginning the King did bear very impatiently, but in the end he acknowledged his error, and detested it.  
Upon the confines of Arragon and Castille, there began at that time a petty estate in Albarrazin, 
Fort of Albarrazin.  which place was usurped by a Knight, called D. Pedro Ruis d' Açagra, who held it of God and his sword. He was borne in Navarre, and won the love of the Moors of Murcia, and other neighbour places, which did favour and succour him in his enterprises, and withal he had newly made a league with D. Sancho King of Navarre, who supported him and used him, to bridle Arragon and Castille, with which estates he had or feared some jars. This fort which had been in ancient time called Saint Marie of Albarrazin, was a troublesome thorn in the feet of the Kings of Castille and Arragon, 
An. 1172.  into whose territories D. Pedro Ruis ● Asagra, made often roads, at his pleasure: who having about this year of our Lord 1172. taken some places in Castille, the King D. Alphonso the noble, resolved to make war against him, and to take them from him if he could: for this consideration he made a private league with the King of Arragon, who was interessed; by the which it was concluded, that the King of Arragon should have the fort of Albarrazin, and he of Castille should have the rest which D. Pedro did hold, for the observing of which Articles, he of Arragon did give in pawn to the King of Castille, the castle of Hariza, with Aranda, Boria and Arguedas: and the castle of Verdejo was given to the King of Arragon by him of castille, binding also the towns of Agreda, Aquilar and Cerueda: which places were assurances for that which had been contracted betwixt them, promising that if there should be any contravention, or fraud betwixt them, it should be repaired within three years, or the places lost for him that had committed the fraud. But these deseignes went to smoke, the two Kings being at a jar for Hariza, the which was delivered to the King of Castille by Nugno Sanches a knight, without the King of Arragon's express command, and before the war of Navarre was begun. Then the King of Castille was most commonly accompanied by D. Celebrun Archbishop of Toledo, Primate of Spain, the Bishops D. joselin of Siguença, Gonçalo of Segobia, Raymond of Pale●●a, Pedro of Bourgos, Sancho d' Auila, Bernard d' Osma, with other Prelates and Churchmen, of which kind of men Kings counsels did then most commonly consist▪ and therefore whatsoever Princes committed, were it good or bad, is justly to be imputed to them, be it in religion or in matters of State. There were also many Noblemen of Mark in those days; amongst the which were D. Ponce, Lord Steward, and D. Nugnes standard-bearer of Castille D. Gonçalo Maragnon, a standard-bearer also, and D. Roderigo Guttieres a Steward, which were the chief offices of the crown: they were annual, as it seems, or else at the King's pleasure.  
6. By their advice and assistance, with other Prelates, Noblemen and Knights of his realms, 
Navarre.  D. Alphonso entered Navarre in the year 1173. with a great army, against his uncle D. Sancho the wife, 
An. 1173.  moved thereunto, as well by the spoils which he had done in the territories of Rioje and Bureva, during his nonage, as also by the persuasion of the King of Arragon his cousin, whose country D. Sancho had invaded, whilst that the army of Arragon was in the Realm of Valencia against the Moors, thinking to make his profit thereby, 
Navarre invaded by the Kings of Castille and Arragon.  whilst the King of Arragon was absent with his forces. So breaking the accord and peace, which he had made with the deceased D. Raymond, and renewed with Queen Petronilla, he had overrun his country, and forced D. Alphonso King of Arragon, to give over his praiseworthy enterprises, and to turn head against his enemy, whom he had repulsed into Navarre, entering by Tudele, where he did besiege and take the town of Arguedas, the which he fortified and manned with a good garrison.  
These two Kings of Castille and Arragon being in arms, and pressing D. Sancho in divers places, he found himself to weak to make head against them, so as his countries endured great spoils and miseries, for his army being defeated towards Castille, the Castillans did run as far as Pampelone: on the other side the King of Arragon took from him the town and castle of Milagro, the garrison whereof did always keep his fronters in alarm, by reason whereof he razed it, but it was since repaired by the Navarrois. Notwithstanding these two united forces, yet D. Sancho defended himself valiantly against the King of Arragon and took from him the castles of Trasmos and Caxuelos. The most renowned Knights which were in those days in Navarre, as appears by the ancient Records of towns and Monasteries, were Inigo Almoravid in Roncal, Sancho Ramires in Aybar, jordain in Saint Marie in Vxue, Ximen Almoravid in Peralta, Garcia of Albero in Tudele, and Martin Ruis in Estella, who had the government of these places and forts, and commanded D. Shanchos soldiers.  
7. During these wars, 
Arragon.  the King of Castille resolved to propound a marriage unto D. Alphonso King of Arragon, the which had been treated of betwixt him and D. Sancha his aunt, daughter to the Emperor D. Alphonso, by his second wife D. Rica, and would attempt (by the charity which did guide both him and his council) to break the marriage which was already concluded betwixt the said King of Arragon and the daughter of Manuel the first Emperor of Constantinople, 
King of Arragon leaves the Emperor's daughter, to marry D. Sancho of Castille.  and so far advanced, as she was come already to Montpellier, when as D. Alphonso of Arragon forsook her to hearken to the marriage of D. Sancho of Castille, to the great contempt and disgrace of the Emperor. This other marriage was afterwards celebrated in Sarragossa, in the presence of Cardinal Hiacinthe, the Pope's Legate in Spain, in the year 1174. in consideration whereof, 
An. 1174.  the King of Arragon gave unto his spouse many towns in Arragon and Cattelogne, imitating the example of the King of Castille, who had extraordinarily advanced the Princess of England.  
8 Queen Petronilla of Arragon was deceased the year before this marriage, it may be whilst her son was in Provence to dispute the succession of the Earl of Provence his cousin, who had been slain near unto Nice by the Nissards: whose inhetitance he had obtained, 
Provence re●ui●es to the Crown of Arragon.  notwithstanding that the Earl of Tolousa were a great enemy unto him. They writ that this Princess by her last will and testament did ordain, that no women should succeed to the crown of Arragon.  
It was the same year 1174. 
Castille.  that King D. Alphonso the noble confirmed the privileges of the city of Toledo, the which we have set down by Articles during the life of the Emperor D. Alphonso the sixth: a while after the King D. Alphonso of Castille, being at the siege of Cuenca, 
Arragon exempt for the sovereignty of Castille.  he quit unto D. Alphonso of Arragon the fealty and homage, and all pretension of sovereignty, which he had to the realm of Arragon, in confirmation of their friendship, and in respect of their new contracted alliance, three and forty years after that the Realm of Arragon had beguine to hold of the crown of Castille.  
The Noblemen and Knights which had conducted Manuel the Emperor's daughter to Montpellier, 
Arragon.  seeing themselves and their Princess thus mocked, not knowing what other course to take, they would have carried her back into Greece: But either by love or force they married her to William Earl of Montpellier, in whose house she was lodged: of which marriage issued a daughter, called Mary, who in time, was wife to the son and heir of this D. Alphonso King of Castille. 
Gerealogie of Arragon.  This sons name was D. Pedro, borne of D. Sancho of Castille, besides she brought the King her husband, D. Alphonso, who was Earl of Provence, and D. Fernand, who being a Monk in the royal Monastery of Poblette, which his father had finished, He left it, to be Abbot of Montarragon. King D. Alphonso had three daughters also by the Queen D. Sancha, that is D. Constance who was married first to the King of Hongarie, and afterwards to the Emperor. Frederic the second, D. Elcnor and D. Sancha, both Countesses of Tolousa, the one married to Count Raymond the father, and the other to Cont Raymond the son. This Queen D. Sancha was very devout, after the manner of that age: wherefore as soon as she was married she built the Monastery of Sixena, of the Nuns of Saint jean.  
9 This age was (as the rest) full of devotions, 
Castille●  and inventions of new services: for Cardinal Hyacinthe being Legate a Latere for the Pope in Spain, the order of knights or men at arms, 
Order of Saint James.  of Saint james, had his beginning in the realm of Galicia, by an emulation betwixt some knights, & Monks of Saint Eloy, a Monastery in the same Kingdom. These good religious fathers seeing the great concourse of people which came from all parts of Christendom to the sepulchre of Saint james, they began to build Hospitals, out of their revenues which were very great, upon the passage which in Spain they do commonly call the French way, to lodge and feed Pilgrims, and to supply all their necessities, in sickness or in health: wherein they employed themselves honestly, and the first Hospital of their foundation was that of Saint Mark the Euangilists, without the walls of the city of Leon: afterwards they built another upon the passage of Castille, called de las Tiendas. In imitation of these Monks, using such courtesy to strangers which went to Saint james, there were thirteen Knights, very devout to this Apostle, taking him for their particular Patron and advocate, according to their instruction, vowed themselves to guard and assure the way for pilgrims against the incursions of the Moors, and other thieves which troubled Spain; and having imparted their design to the Monks of Saint Eloy, they agreed to make one body amongst them, and to make the patrimony of the Monastery of Saint Eloy common, with that of these Knights, and others which should join with them: at that time they did enjoy about twenty castles; which made the Monks more willing to allow of this communion: all these holy soldiers were married from their first institution, wherefore they did only vow conjugal chastity, and as for poverty it was not very great, they only renounced the property of their goods, for the service of the order: enjoying the fruits, whereof they paid tithe unto the Monks for the divine service, wherein they were employed: they did vow obedience to their Prior and Master, by such an order, as the Monks should be subject to their Priors both for spiritual and temporal; and the Knights to the same Prior touching the spiritualty; but in regard of the temporal they should obey the master of the order. Whereof the first was named D. 
First convent of Knights of Saint James.  Pedro Fernandes de Puente Encalada. The first convent which was built for these Knights, was near unto Saint Marks Hospital, without the walls of Leon, on a piece of ground belonging to the Monks of Saint Eloy, which they gave; into the which they all retired, taking upon them a modest kind of habit, fit for the war, carrying upon a white cloak a red-crosse, in form of a sword, for a mark of their order, and for an argument of humility they had hair pulled, which was no small abasement in those times.  
Their Order was under Saint Augustin, according to that of the Monks of Saint Eloy: and all these things were ordered in the presence of Cardinal Hyacinthe, the Legate, and allowed by him, having especial authority for it. A while after D. Pedro, the Master of the Order, accompanied with certain Knights, this order being wonderfully increased, went to Rome, to present himself to Pope Alexander, who confirmed the order in the year of our Lord 1175. according to the disposition of Cardinal Hyacinthe his Legate, who was afterwards Pope. Many have believed, and some have written, that this order of Knights of Saint james is more ancient, grounding it upon a certain privilege which is found at Salamanca, in the Monastery of the Holy Ghost, where at this present the religious women of that order are: for besides the modern Castillan Language, in the which this privilege is written, with the date and year thereof, counted from the nativity of our Lord jesus Christ, discovers the falsehood: for that in those days all Instruments, titles and letters were in written in Latin, and that they did account the years from the Aera of Caesar, there is not any mention found in Authors of the Institution of this Order, nor of any exploit of the Knights thereof, before this time: besides other makes of falsehood which may be discovered in this privilege, as to entitle the King D. Fernand the Great Lord of Biscay, and King of Leon, which he was not, and by consequence had no cause to grant privileges to that Monastery of the city of Salamanca, which hath been always of the jurisdiction of Leon. Whereas in the year 1034. which is the date thereof, there reigned D. Bernard the third of that name, so as it is not without cause if they doubt of the truth of the privileges granted to churches and convents.  
These Knights newly instituted being fallen into some dislike with D. Fernand King of Leon, reigning at that time, they left their Convent of Saint Mark at Leon, and retired into Castille, where they were courteously received by the King D. Alphonso, who gave them the town and Castle of Vcles, called in old time Vrcesia, where they built that renowned convent, which is the chief seat of their religion and order: yet they sent some of their brethren to dwell in their first convent of Saint Mark at Leon, after the decease of the King D. Fernand, upon condition that the superiority should belong to that of Vcles: but it is not observed, for the convent of S. Mark doth not acknowledge that of Vcles in any thing, but doth keep their first revenues, the which were since augmented in Estremadura, after the conquest thereof by them of Leon. In time this order did extend far into Portugal, where it got great revenues under the obedience of the convent of Vcles, unto the King D. Denis, who put the Knights out of his country.  
This order of the Knights of Saint james did so grow in wealth and number, by the bounty of Kings, 
A thousand lances of the Order of Saint James.  and indulgences of Popes, as they were able to arm a thousand lances complete, in both convents of Vcles and Saint Mark: and before that by the authority of Pope Adrian the sixth, the master's place was incorporate to the crown of Castille, the Masters of the Order were chosen and displaced, if there were cause, by the suffrages of thirteen brethren, who had that authority and power from the whole Order, the which doth enjoy more dignities, convents, monasteries, colleges, 
Two chief 〈◊〉  and other lands, than any Order that is in Spain: first there are those principal convents, which are the chief of all the rest, which be Vcles and Saint Mark, under the which are four Hermitages, Saint Marie de la Pegna, near unto the Town of Segure of the Mountain, Saint salvator of Munstiers, near to Almesca: Saint Mary of Cagnamanes in the fields of Montiel, and Saint Anthony about Alhambra. Besides one Convent in the City of Sevill, two Colleges in the University of Salamanca, 
Colleges.  six Monasteries of Religious women; which were the holy Ghost at Salamanca, S. ●oy at Toledo, Saint Croix at Vailledolit, Saint james at Granado, S. Olalia at Merida, and Saint james in junguera of Barcelone. 
Religious commanderies of women.  They have also five Hospitals: S. james of Toledo, where they go to be cured which have the pox or French disease▪ and all other infirmities which depend thereon, S. james at Cuença, las Tiendas in Castille the old, 
Hospitals.  the hospital near unto the Co●●ent of Saint Mark at Leon, and the hospital of the Convent at Vcles. Moreover, this Order hath many commanderies, the which are bound to serve in time of war against the Moors, and to furnish 368. lances: those which belong to the jurisdiction of Vcles, are, the great commandry of Castille, that of Paracuellos, Monthernand, Mora, does Barrios, Monreal, Horcajo, el Coral of Almaguer, el Campo de Critana, Alhambra, Membrilla, Montizon, Bedmar, Vacas, Segura de la Sierra, which is the best commandry of all Spain: Yeste, Moratallal, Caravaca, Aledo, Ricote, Biedma, Cieça, Soconos, Torres, and Cagnamares, Montiel, Socuellamos, Villamaior, Carrizoja, Vilhermosa, Vallanova de la Fuente, the buildings del campo de Montiel, Villa Escusa de Haro, the buildings of Mancha, and the river of Tayo, Huelamo, Orria, Estremera, Saint Croix de Sarça, Villoria, Villarubia, Alpages, and the Priory of Vcles, the Chamber of the Privileges of the Order, and Alorqui. These be those which acknowledge Vcles. Now those follow which are of the jurisdiction of Saint Mark of Leon, the great commandry Aquilarejo, Calçadilla, la Puebla de Sancho Peres, el Santo, Villafrancha, la Fuente del maestre, Almendralegio, Lobon, Montijo, Merida, Alcuescar, Rivera, and Azebucha, Hallame, Ellotiva, Palomas, Ornachos, Reyna Hinojosa, Medina de la Torres, Valencia ventoso, Monasterio, Montemolino, Vsagre, Azuaga, Guadalcanal, Mures, Benaçuça, Estepa, the houses of Corduba, the buildings in the Province of Leon, the Province of the convent of Leon, Villavoua of Alisdar, Vena Mexi, the Provostship of Bienuenida. In Castille the old, are Pegna, Vsende, Estriana, Castrotorava. Besides all these there are the commanderies of la Torre d' Ocague, Sarça, Miravel, Castelleja de la Cuesta, Barra, Castroverdé. And in the Realm of Valencia are the commanderies of Museros, Enguerra, Orcheta, Sagra, Zenet and Fradel. Besides these Commanderies, this Order hath at this day above fix hundred Knights of the habit, above two hundred Clerks brethren, which remain in the convents, with Vicarages and other Benefices, so as it is wonderful great and rich. And although it were first instituted to make war against the Infidels, yet there are few at this day which affect these commanderies, or the habit to that end, but only to increase their revenues, or to be in greater reputation among soldiers, by means of this habit. Such was the jurisdiction of this Order of Knights.  
During the reign of this King Don Alphonso the Noble, the Monastery of religious women of Balbuena was built by Peter of Balbuena an Hermit: in like manner one john of Ortega, borne at Quintana in Ortugno, in the Diocese of Burgos, was sanctified, I know not for what holiness, and his body was buried in the year 1173. in the Monastery which carries his name: where the Spanish Authors say, he did many miracles. There were infinite donations made unto Monasteries, convents, and Orders of Knights, by the King and the Nobility of Spain, for the redemption of their souls, and of their kindred and friends deceased, as their letters report.  
10 The Order of the Knights of Calatrava, whose beginning we have described in the life of the king D. Sancho the desired, was much augmented at that time, 
Order of Calatrava.  and was only governed by masters: whereof the first was called D. Garcia, to whom succeeded D. Martin Peres of Zion: and the third master which governed at that time, was D. Nugno Peres, of Quignones. The first Convent of this Order was at Calatrava: but since the Knights made divers changes, as appears by their Histories, as to Ciruelos, Buxeda, Corcoles', and castle of Saluatierra: and since the chief seat of their Order was translated to the castle of Covo, in the time of D. Nugno Hernandes the twelfth Master, where it now remains. The rents and revenues of this holy company of Warriors have so increased from time to time, by the bounty of the Kings of Castille, as they have been seen to serve against the Moors with 300 Lances well appointed, whereunto those Commanderies are ordinarily bound, whose names be, first the great commandry, Claverra, Obre●●a, and Argama●illa▪ the commanderies of Malagon, Mançares, Almagro, Montancheulos, Daymiel, Villarubia, val de pegnas, Eluico, and Saint Croix, Fuenteel Moral, and the houses of city Real, Castellanos, Almedovar del campo, Puerto Llano, Coral of Caracuel, Piedra Buena, Herrera, Fuente del Imperador, Carrion, Guadalerza, Mestança, Castilsers, Balestreros, Alcolea, Possuelo, Torrova, Bolagnos, Moral, Almiradiel, Havanilla, the houses of Sevile, the houses of Corduba, Belmer, Villafranca, Lopera, Canaveral, Ximena, and Recena Pegna de Martos, Bivoras, Moratalaz, Tores and Canena, Vallaga, Sorita, Almoguera, avignon, and Verniches, the houses of Talavera, those of Toledo, Huerta, Val de Caravans, the houses of Plaisance, Ateca, Carezuela, Ortas, Calatrava the old. And in the realm of Arragon are the commanderies of Alca●is, Mouroijo, Penna Roija, Faraxneda, Ralfas, Castelseras, Laguna rotta, Molinos. In that of Valencia there are also other commanderies. In Castille are the Priories of Sevile, Granado, jaen, Alhama, Fuencaliente, Porcuna, Sugueca, and Villatoro, besides other dignities & ecclesiastical revenues. This Order was confirmed Pope Alexander the third, and received into the protection and tuition of the apostolic Sea, and had under it, Knights of the Alcantara for a time.  
About the year 1176. 
Navarre.  was founded the Monastery of our Lady of Irançu, by Don Pedro de Paris, 
An. 1176.  bishop of Pampelone, who notwithstanding he called himself so, was of Navarre. It is very likely that the Prelates in those days had a great desire to build Monasteries and such like houses, that they might leave marks and memory after their death of their diligence in the estate whereunto they were called: for otherwise they could leave no subject to speak of them, that age being unlearned, and full of ignorance, so as not knowing in a manner any other duties, they thought themselves sufficiently discharged, if they did build any retreat for Monks: and withal, they had an assurance, that their beginning should not remain imperfect, nor unprovided of rich revenues, seeing that the hearts of Kings, and of all men in general, were seasoned with this persuasion, that to enrich the Clergy, was the true means to wipe out all their offences, and to be saved: Wherefore all their exhortations, councils, and other care, tended only to this end, to entertain all, especially the Nobility in this opinion. This Bishop, according to this kind of doctrine, built and erected this Monastery of Nostra Signora of Irançu, and there placed the religious of Cisteaux: the Abbot of which place is of great authority in Navarre, and hath a voice in the assembly of the Estates, as a chief member of the Clergy.  
11 Returning to the secular affairs of Castille, we find that this year, Don Alphonso, 
Castille.  the Noble, made another road into Navarre, being assisted by Don Celebrun, Archbishop of Toledo, and many other Bishops, but to small effect. The most renowned among the Knights, which served him, were Don Gonçal of Maragnon, his Standard-bearer, and Don Roderigo Guttieres Lord Steward: these were Offices in the court of Castille, 
An. 1177.  which were held during the king's pleasure.  
This war was diverted by the invasions which the Moors made into Castille and Arragon, 
Cuenca taken from the Moors.  in the year 1177. Whereupon the two Kings joining their forces together, besieged Cuença. The place was strong and well manned, and hard to be forced: wherefore the King of Castille left the king of Arragon there, who after many assaults took it. There they placed and instituted in Episcopal seat, changing that of old Valeria, by a grant from Pope Alexander the third. After which, the Moors of Alarçon, doubting they should not be able to defend that place, quit it: which conquests remained to Castille: and this was at the same time when as King Don Alphonso the Noble, did remit the Sovereignty and homage which the King of Arragon did owe to the Crown of Castille.  
In the year 1179. 
An. 1179.  there was a new League made and confirmed betwixt these Princes of Castille and Arragon, 
League against Navarre.  to make war against the king of Navarre, at their common charge, and equal conquests: according to the which Don Alphonso the Noble did so press the King Don Sancho alongst the River of Oja, as he took from him the places which he had seized on during his infancy, and recovered Burbiesca, Cereso, Granon, Entrena, and Logrogno, remaining by this means Lord and Master of Rioje and Bureva, 
Rio●e and 〈◊〉 taken by the ●astillans from Nauarr●  the which the kings of Navarre could never after get. The loss was made more grievous by the death of Donna Beacia, Queen of Navarre, a Princess of great virtue, who (as some writ) was buried in the Cathedral church of Pampelone.  
12. After all this, D. Alphonso the Noble came to Burgos, to provide for the necessities of the war, as well against Navarre, as the Moors: and having need of great sums of money to that end, he propounded in a general assembly of the Estates at Burgos, to levy tax upon the people, whereunto the Nobility as well as the rest should contribute, imposing five Maravidis of gold for every person, the which was valued above five Ducats: this counsel was given him by Diego Lopes de Haro, 
Nobility of Castille defend their freedoms  Lord of Biscay, but it took no effect: for all the Gentlemen of Castille (being discontented that he sought to infringe their liberties) fell to arms, and being led by the Earl Don Pedro de Lara, they were resolved to defend it, with the hazard of their lives. Wherefore D. Alphonso changed his opinion, and let them understand, that from thenceforth he would maintain their immunities, and that whatsoever he had then propounded, was not to continue, but only to supply the present necessity of this affairs, which he would seek to furnish by some other means. For the great resolution which D. Pedro de Lara showed in this action, they say, that the Nobility of Castille did grant to him and to his successors, a solemn breaks fast, in testimony of his good endeavour in a business of so great consequence: and moreover they affirm, that thereby the Lords of Lara have the first voice for the Nobility in the Court of Castil. 
Whente the Proverb com● in Spain, to revenge his Nobility for 500 solz.  It is not from these 5. Maravidis of gold, that the Proverb is grown in Spain, To revenge or defend their Nobility for five hundred solz, for five Maravidis are not five hundred solz. Wherefore leaving all the fables which some produce to that purpose, you must understand, that according to the ancient laws of Castille, the injury which any one did unto a Gentleman, where they was a civil reparation, they paid five hundred solz for a fine, which were worth four hundred Maravidis of currant money at those days, and that which was done to one which was no Gentleman, was repaired by three hundred solz, which were worth but two hundred and forty Maravidis: wherefore the Proverb, to revenge his Nobility, for 500 solz, is drawn from these civil laws. D. Alphonso king of Castille meaning to follow the war with all vehemency against the Moors, after that he had recovered those places which D. Sancho king of Navarre had taken from him, and the quarrels betwixt him and his uncle Don Fernand king of Leon being somewhat reconciled: by the mediation of the Noblemen and Prelates of both Realms, and by the means of the king of Arragon, who sent Don Berenger Bishop of Lerida, and D. Raymond of Moncada thither: the more to tie the holy Knights unto him, and to have them ready at need, he made Vcles the chief seat of the Knights of Saint james, to whom he gave the Towns of Mora, Ocagne, Oreja, and other places, along the river of Tayo. He gave to the Order of Calatrava, the towns of Magueda, Aceca, Cogolludo, Surita and others: he peopled the town of Palence in Vera, or rather pleasance, and there placed the ancient Episcopal sea: he fortified Toledo, and rampared Alarcos in that Diocese, being a place of importance upon a hill on the left hand, coming from Almodovar deal Campo, to Cité real▪ about Caracuel.  
13 In the mean time there fell out a great quarrel, betwixt Don Fernand king of Leon, 
Portugal.  and Don Alphonso Henriques King of Portugal, by reason of the fort of Cité Roderigo, 
Kings of Leon and castile in quarrel.  whereas the King of Leon maintained a garrison which did much annoy the Portugals: for the soldiers of this place did continually spoil the Portugals country, without any respect: wherefore D. Alphonso Henriques, who was now very old, sent this son D. Sancho with an army against this garrison of the King of Leon, and to raze the place, whereof D. Fernand being advertised, he fortified his guard there, and approaching himself with good troops, he encountered the Portugals near to a place called Arraganal, or Arganal, where they were defeated, and their General D. Sancho taken, with many Noblemen and Knights of his army, who notwithstanding were courteously set at liberty by the King of Leon.  
D. Alphonso Henriques wonderfully incensed at this loss, being now above 85. years old, he gathered his army together, and went to horse, where entering Galicia in hostile manner, he took Lymia, Turon, and other places: then returning into his country, he drew his forces again together, and marched beyond Guadiana, where he did assail the city of Badajos which the Moors held, being in a country, the conquest whereof did belong to the Realm of Leon: whereby it appears, that among the Christian Princes of Spain, there was some division made for their wars against the Moors, to the end they should not cross one another by their ambition and covetousness. The king of Portugal battered Badajos with such speed, as he had means to enter it, and won two parts of the town, forcing the Moors to retire into a part, which was of some strength, where they defended themselves. The King of Leon hearing of this enterprise of the King of Portugal, (although he were not fully reconciled with his nephew of Castille, by reason of the new troubles which happened by the revolt of D. Fernand Ruiz de Castro, & that he must of force leave some part of his forces to make head upon the frontiers of Castille, (if happily they would press him on that side) marched from Zamora, which was newly taken by him, with such soldiers as he could gather together, towards Badajos, whereas D. Alphonso came to meet him, and gave him battle, which the Portugals lost: so as D. Alphonso Henriques was forced to fortify himself in that part of Badajos, which he had won▪ yet finding himself not very safe, he resolved to retire as well as he could into his country: but as they went out of the city in a great press, he bruised his foot against a bar of the gate, so as he was taken by the Leonois, who carried him to the camp to the king D. Fernand, who received him with all honour, as his father-in-law, and a great Prince as he was, 
D. Alphonso K. of Portugal taken, and the war of 〈◊〉  from thence he was carried to Auila, where he was carefully looked unto, and there made an accord with the King of Leon his son-in-law: so as they continued good friends. The places which the Portugals had taken in Galicia, were restored, and D. Fernand desired no other satisfaction, but an oath of fealty and acknowledgement of the country of Portugal, holding of Leon. So Don Alphonso Henriques returned free into his Realm of Portugal: after which time he could not ride, being jame of his fall, but was still carried in a coach or chariot.  
As for D. Fernand Ruis de Castro, 
jeon.  who, as we have said, had left the king of Castile's service, and was retired into the Moors country, after that he had followed their armies some time, in the end he came to serve D. Fernand King of Leon, by whom he was put into cité Roderigo, after that he had succoured it, and chased away the Portugals. This Knight who was of a turbulent spirit, and did hate the Castillans' deadly, bred a quarrel betwixt the Kings of Leon and Castille, making continual roads from his garrison of cité Roderigo, into the country of D. Alphonso King of Castille, and had newly defeated some troops of Castillans, which were gathered together to repulse him, whereas some were slain upon the place, and some taken prisoners, among the which was the Earl D. Nugno de Lara, and others whom he delivered afterwards upon their faith. This was the occasion which did much trouble and hinder the King D. Fernand, when as he came against his father-in-law: 
Badaios taken by D. Fernand of Leon.  and the Portugals who besieged Badajos, a town in his jurisdiction belonging to the Moors, whom notwithstanding he chased away, making himself master of the town: where he left Aben Abel, a Moor for Governor, in whom he trusted, for that the Inhabitants were all Moors: but this Infidel did not keep the place long, but yielded it to Aben jacob, great Miralmumin of the Almohades, son and heir to Abdelmon deceased.  
15 Aben Abel did not only commit this treachery against the king D. Fernand, 
Portugal.  but moreover having gathered together great forces of the Moors Almohades, he overrun and spoiled the territories of Leon: then entering into Portugal, he came and besieged the town of Saint Iren, 
Exploits of D. Sancho against the Moors.  in the which the king D. Alphonso Henriques was, being then old, and unprofitable for the war; who was in great danger to be taken within that place: but the King Don Fernand coming in good time, the siege was raised, and the Moors put to rout: who were afterwards pursued by the Infant Don Sancho, who marched with the army of Portugal near unto Sevill, where being encountered by the Moors, he vanquished them, and then besieged Niebla: but he was forced to leave it, being advertised that the Moors were entered by Extremadura, and did besiege Veija: wherefore being priest to defend his own, he left the other. Arriving at Veija, he defeated and dispersed the Moors, and freed the town from danger: this was in the year, 1181. 
1181.   
At that time the chief in Spain among the Princes of the Moors, 
Moors.  according to the division which they had made among themselves, under the Sovereignty of Maroc, were the Kings of Murcia; one of the which called Lobo, had had a perpetual hatred against the Royal family of Almohade, called the Mazemutes. This Lobo had been tributary to the King of Arragon: but during the quarrels betwixt Arragon and Castille, he had rebelled, by the favour of the King of Castille: whereupon the King of Arragon favoured the Mazemutes. Lobo being dead, his son Modef succeeded him, who was father to Zaen, the last King of the Moors at Valencia. 
Zaen the last king of Valeneia.  16 As for Zamora which D. Fernand King of Leon had newly subdued, leon it was thus: The king of Leon having built and peopled the town of Ledesina and others, to accommodate his new Colonies, he had somewhat restrained the territory of Salamanca, whereat the Inhabitants being incensed, they rebelled against him: and having drawn unto them Auila and Zamora, and infected other neighbour places with the poison of their rebellion, they made●choice of a Knight, called Nugno Ravia, for their head; with whom going to field with a great number, as well of their citizens, as of their allies, the King D. Fernand came and charged them near unto Valdemuça, where he did quite defeat them, and took their captain D. Nugno Ravia alive, whose head he caused to be cut off. This victory made the chief of them which had taken arms against the King, to retire, giving the rest occasion to give over the enterprise, and then all jointly together demanded pardon, and obtained it. The town of Zamora being (as we have said) engaged in this mutiny, the King D. Fernand led his victorious army thither, but the Inhabitants yielded without any difficulty: so within few days these two towns, and others by their example, returned to the obedience of the king of Leon.  
17 This year 1181. D. Sancho king of Navarre, 
Navarre.  fortified a little town, called at that time Gasteiz, to serve for a bar against the king of Castille, and to defend the frontier in the Province of Alava. This place being since augmented in circuit and people, was called Victoria, 
Victoria built at Alava.  a part whereof (which at this day is called Villa de Suço) was that Bourg of Gasteiz. The king granted to his new town the same Laws he had done to Logrogno, correcting and reforming them in some points: he gave many privileges to the Inhabitants, namely, that they should not have any stranger to be judge or Governor over them, but one borne in the country, who should be chosen and changed by them, if they found him not faithful and capable: the which was called the privilege Merino, according to the style of the country. They have observed this order in the government of the town the which is one of the best ordered in Spain, having above all things been careful not to admit any new Christian to public charges, unless he be of four descents. The reason of this name Victoria, was for some victory obtained in that country against the Castillans, as it is to be presumed: but by the defect of Histories of those times the particularities are not known.  
After that this town came under the obedience of the kings of Castille, they did much enlarge it in circuit, and built the four parishes of Saint Michael, Saint Vincent, S. Peter, and Saint Illefonce or Alphonse. It is written of this king D. Sancho the Wise, that having about this time overrun the territory of Rioje and Bureva, the which D. Alphonso of Castille had taken from him some years before, and being near unto Burgos, at a place called Atapuerca, he gave a blow with his sword against an Elm, for a mark that the limits of Navarre should extend so far: then returning with an infinite number of cattle, and other spoils, as he had a little past the Monastery of Saint Peter of Cardegna, the Abbot of that place, who was a reverent man, took the Standard of Cid Ruis Diaz great Grandfather to the king D. Sancho, (who was buried in that Monastery) & mounted upon a Mulet, being accompanied by ten of his Monks; the strongest of which carried this Standard: he made all the hast he could after this army, until he had overtaken the king, before whom he humbled himself. The king wondering to see these Monks in this equipage, with standard of war, yet he gave them good reception, being of himself very devout: and demanding what was the reason of their coming, the Abbot said unto him, That he was Abbot of Saint Peter of Cardegna, and that he was come unto him to beseech him, for the honour of Cid Ruis Diaz, his great Grandfather, (who was interred with them and his Standard which he saw in their hands) that it would please him to leave the prey which he carried away. The King thought thereon a little, in the end he found himself so touched with the remembrance of Cid Ruis, and the devotion and great reverence he bore unto the religious, as he left this great booty which he had made, to restore it to the owners, wherewith all men were not content.  
The quarrels betwixt the kings of Castille and Navarre continued long, 
Castille.  although by fits they had some rest, but it was a counterfeit peace, or a feat of war. Logrogno and Aguisejo were (by some accord made betwixt these Princes) as neuters betwixt Navarre and Castille, in the hands of Ramir de Barea: but the city of Calaorra was held by a knight called Don Diego Ximenes, in the name of Don Alphonso, king of Castille. And for that the wars betwixt these Christian Princes were very dishonourable and prejudicial to religion, whereof they carried the title, Pope Lucius the third then reigning, sent a Cardinal Legate into Spain, to reconcile them, who used great diligence, but not with such effect, as he desired. The kings of Castille and Arragon had an interview, and he of Arragon passed to Saint james, to visit the Apostles Sepulchre. This Legate did set down an order betwixt these two kings, for the conquest of the Moors country, whereunto he did animate these Princes, and assigned to Arragon, that which lies from Valencia towards Cattelogne, and the rest to Castille: with which division the kings of Arragon (which came after) were not well content, so as they were feign to make a new division, extending the jurisdiction of Arragon, unto Alicant: this happened since in the reign of Don Pedro  
18 This king Don Alphonso of Arragon, 
Arragon.  having about that time held a Provincial Council at Tarragone in Cattelogne, made a decree among other things, That from thence forth the Notaries should not set down the years of the reign of the Kings of France, in any contract which should be made in Cattelogne, as they had till then observed, but only the year of the Incarnation of our Lord jesus Christ; which was, that they would no more acknowledge the sovereignty of France, of whom Cattelogne and the County of Barcelone did hold and depend. This King D. Alphonso finding himself mighty, and having a good share on this side the mountains, busied himself in the French wars, taking part with the factions, which were among the Noblemen of that nation, and yet was never in very good terms with Castille, but for his own profit: yet he maintained himself wisely in his country, and with reputation.  
19 Don Alphonso Henriques being very old, 
Portugal. An. 1183.  and at the graves brink, thought what was fit for his soul's health, as he had been instructed: he procured in the year 1183. to have the body of Saint Vincent transported to Lisbon; the which they said, was in that country called Algarbo, on the holy promontory, the which hath been since called (by reason of this relic) Cape Saint Vincent, he was borne at Sarragossa. The king went twice in person to Cape S. Vincent, being 89. years old, for the removing of this body, the which he placed in the Cathedral church at Lisbon. This Prince was so religious, and so great a benefactor to the Clergy, as (besides the three Monasteries of S. Croix of Coimbta, of Alcovasa, and of S. Vincent at Lisbon) he built the great Cathedral church of that city, and that of Ebora, indowing them with greatrevenues. The queen Donna Malfada his wife, carrying the like zeal, did also build the Monastery of Saint Dominike at Porto, the church of Saint Peter, the Monastery of Leza, of the Order of S. john, a League from the same city, and Saint Mary d Aquas Santas, Saint salvator of Goandara, Saint Peter de Retes, Saint Mary de Gojos, and about Guymaranes the Monastery of Acosta, with many others, to the number (as they say) of an 150. if they fail not in their account. And for a testimony of great charity, they say, that these good Princes left a rent to the bark of Mexanfrio, upon the river of Duero, to the end they should pass every one without any fee.  
Whilst they busied themselves about these works of piety, Aben-Iacob great Miralmumin of the Arabians, (being advertised of the routs and ruin of his sectaries in Spain) past the straight in person with great forces of the Almohades Africans, where having joined with the Moors of Spain, he went to besiege Saint Iren, into the which Don Sancho the Infant of Portugal had put himself, beginning to make his Engines ready to batter it, where the besieged were likely to be in great danger: but the good old man Don Alphonso Henriques would not let the Infidel's glory, in that they had done him this affront in his old age, but having put his men in order, and being resolute, he led them to succour his son, who had intelligence of the Portugal army, the which (being favoured by a furious sally which the besieged made) charged the Moors army with such resolution, as they put them to flight, with great slaughter of their best men, and the loss of their king Aben jacob, who being mortally wounded in the charge by a Portugal, died at the passage of the river of Tayo. 
1184.  This battle was won in the year 1184. on S. john Baptists day, five days after the Moors had begun the siege. Aben joseph his brother succeeded this Moor, and was the third King of the Almohades.  
20 After this famous victory, 
Portugal.  these Princes, father and son came to Coimbra, which was at that time the chief town of the Realm of Portugal, and from thence to Porto, where the marriage of D. Theresa Infanta of Portugal, was concluded with Philip Earl of Flanders. Being returned to Coimbra, D. Alphonso Henriques fell sick, whereof he died, being 91. years old, having reigned with the title of a King about 46. years, and had succeeeded in his father's Estates, and held them 73. 
D. Sancho the 2. King of Por●tugal, first of that name.  year. His body was interred in the Monastery of S. Croix of Coimbra, D. Sancho his son was king after him in Portugal, surnamed the Builder of towns.  
21 D. Fernand King of Leon, 
Leon. Fernand King of Leon puts away his wife.  had a little before his death, put away D. Vrraca his daughter, by reason of proximity of blood, their marriage being made without a dispensation from the Pope, who being (as they writ) wonderfully priest by the King, to give them leave to remain together, would never yield unto it, notwithstanding that of her was borne D. Alphonso, who succeeded his father in the Realms of Leon and Gallicia: they were cousins in the third degree. D. Fernand married afterwards with the daughter of the Earl Don Nugno, who lived little with him: then he took to his third wife D. Vrraca Lopes, daughter to the Earl D. Lopes, and sister to Don Diego Lopes de Haro, with whom he continued not long, for he died in the town of Benavent in the year 1188. having had two sons by her called D. Sancho Fernandes, and D. Garcia. His body was interred at Compostella, in Saint james church, where as his mother D. Berenguela the Empress did lie.   

D. Alphonso the 9 of that name, the 27. King of Leon.  
22 AT the time of his death; it seemed there remained no cause of quarrel, betwixt Leon and Castille, which was not decided and ended. 
D. Alphonso King of Leon.  His son D. Alphonso being troubled with continual storms and quarrels by his mother-in-law D. Vrraca Lopes, was retired into Portugal: so as at the time of his father's death, he was absent, but being advertised thereof, he came presently to Leon, where he was received and crowned king, without any contradiction. The King of Castile's Councillors were of opinion, that by the death of D. Fernand, their Prince had a good opportunity offered, to be revenged of the wrongs which, were done him during his nonage. If he had then any desire of revenge the future events will show.  
D. Alphonso surnamed the Noble, reigning then in Castille, 
Castille.  was numbered for the 4. of that name, 
Ginealogie of Castille.  of those that reigned alone in Castille, whose posterity was very great; for he had eleven children by Queen Elinor, daughter of England; the eldest was Queen Blanch, mother to the king S. Lewis of France: the second D. Berenguela who was queen of Leon, daughter to D. Alphonso the ninth The 3. was a son named D. Sancho, who died in his Infancy: the 4. was D. Vrraca, Queen of Portugal, married to D. Alphonso the second of that name surnamed the Gross: the 5. child was Don Fernand, who died also young: the sixth was D. Malfada, dead in Salamanca and was not married: the 7. D. Constance Abbess of las Huelgas de Burgos, a Monastery built by her father. Then had D. Alphonsa, and D. Elenora two daughters, who died young: and successively the Queen was delivered of another daughter, called also Elinor like herself, who was wife to Don jayme, or james, first King of that Name, and the eighth King of Arragon.  
In the end they had the infant Don Henry, who succeeded his father in the realms of Castille and Toledo. These were the children which issued of that marriage.  
The other Don Alphonso being crowned King of Leon, 
Leon.  his mother-in-law retired into Nagera, where she lived long in her widowhood, and being dead, was buried in the Monastery of Saint Mary the royal, in the chapel of the true Cross, whereas afterwards others of her house were interred, and three of her brethren, Don Lopes Diaz, D. Martin Lopes, and Don Diego Lopes de Haro. The new king of Leon stayed not long after his Coronation before he came to the court of Castille, being at Carrion, where they say, that King Don Alphonso the Noble his cousin made him knight, as he did also Conrade the fourth son to the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa; to honour whom, the Spaniards writ, that he would have given him the Infanta Donna Berenguela his daughter, but she would not go into Germany: others say, that the marriage was made and accomplished: but Conrade being departed to return into german, (whither he was called to be Duke of Suabe) Donna Berenguela desired to be divorced, the which was done by the means of Don Gonçalo Archbishop of Toledo, and Cardinal, Gregory the Pope's Legate: and was afterwards married to D. Alphonso King of Leon, cousin germane to her father. Don Raymond called Flacade, Earl of Tholousa, was also made Knight in the company of these two Princes. In this ceremony the King of Leon kissed the king of Castilles hand, which was a foretelling of the pretensions and quarrels which should fall out betwixt these two Realms.  
The court being then at Carrion, 
Castille.  there was an assembly of Noblemen vassals, which did acknowledge the Sovereignty, to take the oath of fealty unto the King, as it was in ancient time observed almost every year, where they were accustomed to treat of matters of consequence concerning the State, and the houses of Princes. The Councillors of greatest note to D. Alphonso King of Castille in this assembly, 
Assembly of the Estates every year in Spain.  were Don Gonçalo Archbishop of Toledo, Primate of Spain, the Bishop's Don Rodrigo of Calaorra, Don Maurice of Burgos, Don Arderic of Palence, and Don Gonçalo of Segobia, Don john of Cuença, the Earl's Don Pedro de Lara, Don Nugno de Lara, Don Diego Lope de Haro, Lord of Biscay, chief Standard-bearer of the kingdom, Don Rodrigo Guttieres Lord Stuard, and Guttiere Rodrigues Chancellor.  
The discontents and secret hatred betwixt the Christian Princes, 
Hatred betwixt five christian kings reigning then in Spain.  which reigned then in Spain, was great, being five, carrying the titles of Kings, that is, three Alphonso's, of Castille, Arragon, and Leon, and two Sanchos, one of Navarre, and the other of Portugal. The King of Castille presumed to have superiority over the other four, as his vassals, notwithstanding any accords which had been made: wherefore he thought he might lawfully control them at his pleasure. Some years before he had taken from the king of Navarre, the lands lying upon the river of Oja, and Bureva, being the ancient patrimony of Navarre, which came not to them of Castille by any just title, but by mere usurpation and violence. As for him of Arragon, he complained, that the King of Castille had never kept any thing promised in the League, swhich had been made betwixt them, but had made his profit in all wars, of the Arragonois blood and means. The King of Leon began to find the error which he had committed, to have come to the court of Castille, being at Carrion, and to have kissed the King's hand. As for Portugal, there was never any good correspondency betwixt these Princes, and them of Castille, since the first Earl Don Henriques: so as these ulcers having infected the hearts of these Potentates, by jealousy, envy, and bad council: they moved the kings of Arragon and Navarre first of all, to make an offensive and defensive League; for the conclusion whereof the two Princes met at Boria, where, of mortal enemies, they became great friends. There it was accorded, that the friends & enemies of any one of these Princes, should be reputed for such by the other, and that they should be bound to assist one another, for the defence of their Estates. For the observation of which accord, either of them did pawn for his part, the towns and castles following: for the King of Navarre, the towns of Valtierra, Ablitas, Montagu, Saint Mary of Vxue, and Chastillon of Sanguesse with their forts: and for Arragon, the towns of Boria, Sos Malon, Ruesta and Petillas'.  
For the guard of these ten places, there was chosen, by a common consent of the two Kings, D. Fernand Ruis d' Aç●gra, a knight borne in Navarre, but remained in Arragon, and was Governor of Daroca and Calatajub. He took an oath to both these Kings well and faithfully to keep those places, to the liver all ten to him, in whose prejudice the treaty had been broken by the other the which was not only sworn by both kings but also by their eldest sons, Don Sancho of Navarre, and Don Pedro of Arragon. And moreover, it was agreed, that whensoever Don Fernand 〈◊〉 would discharge himself of the guard of those places and forts, that four knights of either party should be named, out of the which number, the two kings should either of them choose one, into whose hands the forts should be delivered with the hike oath: that is, the five towns of Navarre to the knight of Arragon, and the five of Arragon to the Navarrois. These things thus concluded, sworn, and signed, the Kings departed, D. Sancho into Navarre, and Don Alphonso Daroca: whereas the articles were again confirmed and sworn, in the presence of the chief knights of both kingdoms: whereof those of Navarre were D. Pedro Ladron de Gnevara, Inigo Ortis, Garcia Almoravid Pedro de Cascante, Michael de Leet, Lope de Valtierra, and Barthelemy de Rada, all of the most famous families in Navarre.  
This League being made in the year 1190. 
1190.  was followed by another made betwixt the kings of Arragon and Leon, 
A League against casti●● made by Arragon, Leon, and Portugal.  into the which Don Sancho king of Portugal was drawn. An assembly being made to that end at Huesca, thither came the ambassadors, of Leon & Portugal, with ample authority and instructions: whereas a League was made among those Princes like unto that of Boria, capitulating, that not any one of them should make war, truce, or peace, without the consent of the others. These alliances made and confirmed with all the oaths and solemnities required, did not cause so great a storm as they did threaten: for the kings of Leon and Portugal were long quiet, without going any annoyance to Castille: the kings of Arragon and Navarre made some attempts, but to small effect.   

D. Sancho the 2. King of Portugal, the first of that name.  
24 WHen as Don Sancho came to the Crown of Portugal, 
Portugal. Genealogy of Portugal.  he was 31. years old: four years before he had married Donna Aldoncia, or Douce, daughter to Don Raymond Berenger Earl of Barcelone, and Regent of Arragon, and of Queen Petronilla. D. Sancho had by this Lady Douce nine children, whereof there were four sons, the eldest was called Don Alphonso, and was king after his father, he was borne in his Grandfather's life time: the second was D. Fernand, who was Earl of Flanders, by marrying with the heir of that country, whose name was jane daughter to Count Baudwin Emperor of Constantinople: the kings third son was D. Pedro, who was great in Arragon, where he married the Earl of Vrgels' daughter: the fourth son died young, and was called D. Henriques. Besides these sons, he had five daughters, the eldest whereof was married to Don Alphonso king of Leon, the ninth of that name, and was called Donna Theresa, from whom he was divorced, by reason of consanguinity, notwithstanding two daughters and one son which they had bad: after which divorce she lived religiously in Portugal, in the Monastery of Lorban, which her father built, and endowed with great revenues for her sake. King D. Alphonso who had put her away, did afterwards marry Donna Berenguela daughter to the king of Castille, who was as near allied to him as the other.  
This was the practice of those kings, when they had a desire to change their wives, either for their pleasures, or for some other advancements, the Pope interposing himself, dispensing, binding or dissolving at his will and pleasure, by the authority of the Romish Sea. The second daughter of D. Sancho king of Portugal, and of D. Aldoncia, was Donna Malfada, Queen of Castille, a Lady of rare beauty, whom D. Henry of Castille married: but Pope Innocent the 3. dissolved this marriage within few days, by the solicitation of D. Berenguela sister to this king of Castille, who in disdain, that Don Alvaro de Lara had concluded it without her privity, informed the Pope of their near alliance that was betwixt them, and persuaded him to separate them: but this Princess being thus rejected, retired in great disdain into Portugal, where she lived the rest of her days in the Monastery of Ronca, built by her. The third daughter was Donna Sancha, a Nun in the Monastery of Saint Francis of Alanguer, built by her. The fourth, Donna Blanch, Lady of Guadalacaria in Castille: and the fifth and last was D. Berenguela, who was not married, but did accompany her eldest sister Donna Theresa, when as she retired to the Monastery of Lorban. This King D. Sancho had familiarity with two Gentlewomen after the death of his wife: the first was called Donna Maria Airs of Fornello, by whom he had one daughter called Donna Vrraca, and D. Martin Sanches of Portugal, who was Governor of the fronter of Portugal, and a great favourite to Don Alphonso, king of Leon his brother-in-law: he married Donna Olalla Peres, daughter to the Earl D. Pero Fernandes de Castro. Don Sancho did marry this Gentlewoman his friend, to knight called D. Gil Vasquez de Sonça, and took a second friend, whose name was Donna Maria Peres de Ribera, whom he loved much, and by her had Donna Theresa Sanches, who was wife to Don Alphonso Tellez, founder of the town of Albuquerque, and had also one son called D. Ruy Sancho of Portugal, and another daughter Donna Constance Sanches, who built the Monastery of Saint Francis at Coimbr●. D. Ruy Sancho was slain in a battle near unto Porto: so as the king D. Sancho had in all fifteen children; nine lawful, and six Banards, whereof there were seven sons and eight daughters. After the decease of his father, having reigned abour four years, when as they began to treat of a League against the King of Castille, whereof we have made mention, certain English and French ships being arrived at Lisbon, with many Knights and soldiers, which went to the holy Land, by the Straight of Gibraltar, being stayed there by soul weather, he made use of this occasion, and entreated these passengers to assist him at the siege of Silues, in the country of Algarbe: and about the same time there arrived eighteen other ships of war, which his brother-in-law Philip Earl of Flanders sent him, with which forces he took Sylues, and did great harm unto the Moors of that country. It was at that time when the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, king Philip Augustus of France, and Richard king of England, called Corde-Lyon, made their voyage into the East, that this town of Silues was taken from the Moors, by the help of these strangers. This King Don Sancho built more towns, and peopled more countries then any of the kings of Portugal, whereby he purchased the name of Poblador, which is as much to say, as Builder, or peopler of Towns: Valencia of Minio, Torres-novas, Monte-Maior the new, Batellas, Penamaçor, Sortella, Penella, Figueira, Covillana. Folgacino, and Montemor, were his works, with many other places; part of the which he gave to the Orders of Saint james and avis, which began in his time in Portguall: to Saint james he gave Alcacar de Sal, Pamela and Almada: and to that of avis, Valeillas, Alcanebe, Geromegna, Alcantade and Alpedrin, with the castle of Mafra. He recovered Yelbes from the Moors which they had taken from Portugal.  
25 D. Alphonso king of Castille, 
Castille.  against whom (as we have said) the other four Christian Kings of Spain had made a League, had not yet been much annoyed thereby in the year 1194. 
An. 1194.  wherefore he thought rather to undertake some war against the Moors, then to defend himself against his neighbours, of whom he made show to have so little fear, as he would not leave any thing which he had taken, or that were in controversy: nay, 
Fort of Navarre betwixt Logrogno and Negera.  he built a town betwixt Logrogno and Nagera, the which he called Navarret, to the which he gave many liberties and freedoms, as appears by his letters granted in an assembly at Carrion, in the year 1095. Notwithstanding all this, the Confederates did not stir: but Histories make mention, that D. Sancho surnamed the Strong, king of Navarre, who had newly succeeded his father Don Sancho the Wise, being deceased the year before 1194. and he of Leon, allied themselves with the King of Castille, for the war which he intended against the Moors of Andalusia: to begin the which he sent for Chief and General of his army, D. Martin Archbishop of Toledo, a Prelate much esteemed by the Historiographers of Spain, by reason of his great virtues, honoured among others by Don Roderigo his successor, who terms Don Martin, Stole, the Diadem of the Church; his wisdom & providence, the peace of many; his tongue the reformation of discipline, his hands, the relief of the poor, and his arms, the persecution of Blasphemy, with other such Spanish elegancies, saying in the end, that the Church was happy which had such a Pastor: these are his very words. This Archbishop finding arms the fittest means to propagate the faith of Christ, made so furious an entry into Andalusia, as he left horrible marks throughout the whole Province, where he filled all with murder, ruin, fire and desolation, and then returned triumphantly, being laden with great and rich spoils: but this expedition being suddenly made against the Moors, did afterwards bring more misery and dishonour to the King and his Estate, than it had done profit or honour unto the Bishop, who had showed more rage and fury, than valour, reason, or warlike discipline.  
26 The Archbishops exploit, did so incense Aben joseph King of the Arabians, 
Moors.  (being solicited by the Moors of Spain) as having with great speed levied a mighty army of African, Arabians, yea out of the regions nearest unto the Negroes, he passed the S●eight, and came into Andalusia, where he joined with the Moors of Spain, and marched beyond the mountain which they call Sierra Morena, against the Christians King Don Alphonso the Noble, being advertised of this great preparation, was come to lodge at Alarcos, a fort at that time (by reason of the situation) of great Importance, whether all his vassals and men of war of Toledo, Extremadura, and Castille came, where he also attended supplies from Navarre and Leon. The Moors marching with all speed, approached near unto Alarcos, the Christians camp being but weak, having not all their forces together: yet seeing the Moors colours flying in the air: the king Don Alphonso, and his Knights resolved not to keep themselves within their ramparts & trenches, but to charge the enemy valiantly, to the end they might have the honour of such a victory: but it fell out otherwise, for being come to handie-strokes, the lesser number, which were the Christians did valiantly, but the Moors being the greater, vanquished, and slew many brave men: 
Defeat of Christians near unto Alarcos.  among the which D. Martin Martin's the fourth master of the holy Knights of Calatrava died. The King D. Alphonso being sore wounded, saved himself by flight. 
1195.  The loss of this battle was the loss of Alarcos, and of many Christians that were within it, who fell into the Moors hands, as many other Towns and strong places did, the Infidels Seizing upon the whole country, even unto the Ports of Yebenes, which is within six Leagues of Toledo. There are to be seen at this day, marks of this battle, and of other encounters in those quarters, betwixt Ventas of Darasutan and Sacuela, in a plain called Matança, where there are infinite heaps of stones, and many crosses, showing, that in former times, there had been much blood spilled in those places. Some charge D. Diego Lopes de Haro, saying, that he retired out of the fight too soon: others say, that he did it expressly, and led many Knights of Castille with him, being discontented for that the King had compared the knights of Extremadura with them: saying, that they were as good horsemen, and did fight as well as the Castillans. Others accuse the king and his captains, that he made too great haste to fight, and had not attended the Navarrois and Leonois, who were upon the way, and made haste to join with him: so as the fault of the one and the other, both of King, Captains and Knights, was to seek their own glory, and not that of God, nor the profit of the commonweal; and the best excuse they had, was, that they showed themselves more valiant than wise. The kings of Navarre and Leon, being advertised of this defeat, were not much troubled: for he of Navarre (without passing any farther) led his men home into his country, and the king of Leon sent back his, the which did much discontent the king of Castille: for they abandoned him at his need, whereas if they had advanced, they might have stayed the Conquest, ruins and spoils, which the Moors made after the battle: yea he noted the little love, and bad alliance of the King of Navarre, who being entered into his country, would not vouchsafe to vist him, knowing that he was sick of the wound, which he had received in the battle. Don Alphonso king of Leon came to Toledo to see him, although he loved him not much better than the king of Navarre. All this he dissembled for the present, and reserved the revenge till a convenient time.   

D. Sancho the 21. King of Navarre, the eight of that name.  
27. THis King of Navarre. 
Navarre  which led succours to D. Alphonso of Castille, was Don Sancho the Strong, son to D. Sancho surnamed the Wise, who had succeeded his father, in the year 1194. as we have said, having reigned three and forty years, seven months and some days, he is interred at Pampelone, in the Cathedral Church. This D. Sancho the son, at his coming to the Crown, was advised to proceed politicly with the King of Castille, until he were well settled: and therefore King D. Alphonso, did build at his own pleasure, the town of Navarret, in the country of Rioje, the which was disputable betwixt them, and upon the frontier of Navarre: the surname of Strong, was given him for his valour, but they did also call him the Retired, for that in his latter days having a Canker in one of his feet, (which made it to swell, and put him to great pain) he shut himself up into the castle of Tudele, and would not suffer any to see him, nor speak to him but his ordinary servants. This was the 21. King of Navarre in number, and the eight of that name, descended by the masculine line from the first King D. Garcia Ximenes, the which had continued in successors males 518. years, failing in him by the death of the Infant D. Fernand his son, who died before his father.  
This Prince was much esteemed for his virtue, valour, justice, and government, so as the Navarrois held, 
Deeds of the king D. Sancho the Strong for the good of the Commonweal and Religion.  he was the best King that had reigned over them. Among other testimonies he left of him, he turned the course of the river of Ebro, the which did run by Mirepoix, and made it pass by Tudele, a town which he did love and frequent much: the which he did beautify with a collegiall Church, of a fair building: and richly endowed it: he fortified the places of his fronters towards Castille and Arragon, and built new forts; as the castle of Trevigno, in the Province of Alava: he enlarged the town of Victoria: and in Rioje, la guard, and Saint Vincent: and towards Guienne, (which the English then held) he fortified the town of Saint Sebastian, and Fonteraby in Guipuscoa, but it was for another. As for religious buildings, besides the Collegiall Church of Tudele, he made for his sepulchre, S. Marry the Royal at Roncevaux, a College of Chanoins, and moreover the Monasteries of Saint Mary de Hitero, and Saint Mary de Oliva, both of the Order of Cisteaux, whose abbots have a place and voice, in the Estates of Navarre, the which the Prior of Roncevaux hath in like manner, yet he was not very liberal, but in case of necessity and works of piety: wherefore he gathered together greater treasures than any King in Spain. By this his sparing, it may be, he lost the Provinces of Alava and Guipuscoa, which were joined to Castille. The jurisdiction of Navarre was never so much restrained, as during the reign of these two kings, Sanches the father and son.  
This king of whom we speak, gave himself occasion to Don Alphonso the Noble, to take arms against him: for seeing him much troubled to keep his country from invasion of the Moors, 
King of Navarre & Leon invade Castille  who were grown proud by their late victory, and that he kept his bed wounded: he thought it now a fit time to recover his lands of Rioje and Bureva, which his adversary kept from him: wherefore having laid a plot with the king of Leon his ally and confederate, he attempted war against D. Alphonso Noble, and entered into Castille in the year 1196. 
An. 1196.  putting all to fire and sword, especially in the country of Soria and Almaçan. D. Alphonso king of Leon, advancing also into the Province of Campo did worse, for he brought in the Moors of Extremadura, with whom he was in League.  
There is no doubt but Don Alphonso king of Arragon would have been a partaker in this Invasion of Castille, 
Arragon.  if death had not prevented him in the same year 1196. He died in Perpignan, having reigned three and thirty years, eight months, and some days, and was buried in the royal Monastery of Poublette, which he had founded: whose son and successor Don Pedro, thought it more safe to leave the alliance of the kings of Navarre and Leon, to join with Castille, in whose defence and preservation he employed himself faithfully against the two others: so as D. Alphonso the Noble, had by this support, means to stay the fury of his enemies, and to keep his country and fronter towns.  
During these quarrels amongst Princes, 
Castille.  the Clergy was not idle; for the same year D. Rederigo Bishop of Calaorra, desirous to see the church of Saint Dominike de la Calsada (which Temple he had caused to be built) made an Episcopalsea, 
Dissension among the Ciergie.  would needs place Chanoins there: which caused great troubles; for this seemed an attempt against father Lopes: Abbot of the Monastery of Saint Mary the royal of Nagera, who pretended to be Bishop of Nagera. On the other side D. Roderigo maintained, that there was no other Bishop, having jurisdiction at Nagera, but he of Calaorra. The contention was great and drew near unto a scandal: but the King did so embrace the cause, as information being made of the Abbot's life and manners, he was deprived by the King's sentence from all Ecclesiastical government, and banished the realm of Castille: this the King did by the advice of the Bishops which held against the Abbot who being dislodged, was soon after followed by all the Monks, whom the Bishop Roderigo chased away, not only aspiring to the Episcopal title of Nagera, which was in this Monastery, but also to that which did belong unto the Abbay: who in steed of Monks, placed Chanoins at Saint Mary the royal; but the King disliking the violent course of this Prelate, restored the Monks to their Monastery: and the Chanonis were removed to the church of Saint Dominike which was a sign of the future translation of the Episcopal sea of Nagera thither, which was the mark whereat the Bishop of Calaorra aimed; but it was not so soon effected, remaining only for the present a College of Chanoins: for the which the Abbot and Monks of Nagera, commenced suit against the Bishop of Calaorra, the which continued long.  
28 King D. Alphonso, being troubled by the Christians, armed and disarmed, both secular and Clergy; 
An. 1197.  was also assailed in the year 1197. by the Miralmunim Aben joseph, who came and laid siege to Toledo, causing his horsemen Moors, to run as far as Madrid, and Ahala de Henares, who over running the country, spoiled Ocagna Vcles and Cuenca, destroying all they found without the walls of towns and forts; but at that time the Arabians made other purchase, 
moors spoil Toledo and Castille.  for seeing the strength of the city, and being advertised of the great garrison and many Inhabitants which were within it, they returned into Andalusia by Alcaras, carrying with them an incredible number of Christians, of cat-tail, and other spoils: wherefore King D. Alphonso seeing himself freed from this danger, resolved to employ the Soldiers which he had gathered together, and the alliance which he had with D. Pedro King of Arragon, to be revenged of the Kings of Navarre and Leon, who had spoiled his country during the troubles and calamiries which he suffered by the Moors.  
He therefore led his army first into the territories of Leon, 
D. Alphonso King of Castille in ●a●es Leon and Navarre.  where he took Bolanos, Castroverde, Valence and Carpio, he put many Leonois to the sword, and repulsed the Moors their allies, who came to succour them: Having punished him, he turned against Navarre, but he was forced to leave that enterprise, to make head against the Miralmunim Aben joseph, who advanced again towards Toledo with greater forces than before, making show to besiege that city, yet he passed by Magueda, where he did the like, but finding those places very strong and well fortified, he turned to Saint Olalla, the which he took and razed: he attempted Talavera in vain, and past into the territory of La Vera, where he took Plaisance: then beyoud Tayo he took Saint Croix, Montanges, and Trugillo. Having made this spoil and committed horrible cruelties, he returned very rich with his army into Andalusia, 
An. 1198.  in the year 1198. which was the greatest persecution which the Christians of Toledo, and other places above mentioned, did ever suffer, since the entry of the Arabians into Spain, the which grew by the war which D. Martin Archbishop of Toledo, had made in Andalusia; wherein it may be, God would make it known, that he took no pleasure to have the Pastors of the church, play the captains and conductors of armies, for the which notwithstanding D. Martin and his Predecessor. jean, are much commended by the Spaniards which have written the History of that age.  
The Kings of Castille and Arragon, 
Leon.  having not yet forces sufficient to resist so mighty an army, as that of Aben joseph, kept themselves in the mountains of Palomera about Auila, from whence they returned against the King of Leon, hearing that the Moors were dislodged, from whom they took Alba de list, and all that was in the way unto Astroga, the which having ruined, they came & laid siege to Salamanca, but they took it not; only they spoilt and burned the country about it, and that of Alba de Tormes, carrying away the people, and leaving it desolate: in the end they took Montreal, and returned victors, finding not any one to make head against them. And such was the desire of King D. Alphonso, to be revenged of the Kings of Navarre and Leon, as the better to effect his will, he neglected the injuries and spoils he had received from the Miralmunim, and made a truce with him: whereby he gave means to this King of the Moors, to commit horrible cruelties in Portugal, in the year of our Lord 1199. 
An. 1199.   
This Realm of Portugal was at that time visited with many afflictions, 
Portugal.  for besides the spoils committed by the Moors, there was an extreme famine, with a great plague, whereof many died for hunger, and many left their country, especially in the country of Braga and Porto; besides the Pope did interdict the whole Realm of Portugal, for the marriage of D. Theresa with the King of Leon her kinsman, the which was concluded without his dispensation, 
The Moors spoil portugal.  and therefore he would dissolve it. Aben joseph having made a truce with the King of Castille, marched towards Portugal, where he recovered Sylues in Algarbe and Alcaçar de Sal; he ruined Cezimbra and Palmela, with other places, burning and spoiling all the champain country, and carrying away innumerable poor Christians prisoners. D. Sancho King of Portugal, could by no means resist this mighty Barbarian King, for beside the Moors forces, he was priest by the war of Leon: yet soon after he reovered Cezimbra and Pamela, and repaired them, but not in the same estate they had been. The quarrel he had with D. Alphonso King of Leon, was the breaking of the marriage of his sister D. Theresa; In this war he had better success, it may be, for that he did affect it with more vehemency, being most commonly seen, that the hatred betwixt kinsfolks and allies is more violent, then that against strangers. He took by force from the King of Leon (being otherwise weak) the towns of Tuy and Pontevedra in Gallicia, which he held for a time. After these things, the Miralmunim of the Arabians, being assured of the King of Castille, by the truce which he had made with him, retired to Maroc in Africa, thinking that the Moors of Spain were sufficient to resist all the enterprises which might be made by Portugal, Leon and Arragon.   

D. Pedro the second of that name the seventh King of Arragon, called the Catholic.  
29 D. Pedro the new King of Arragon, 
Arragon  took possession of his Realm, in the year 1196. by the death of his father. Alphonso; he was surnamed the Catholic, for that he was too obedient to the Catholic church of Rome, and gave much to Churches and Monasteries already built; he built the Monastery of Escarpe, upon the river of Cinca, of the Order of Cisteaux, not far from Lerida. He had three sisters, the which were married during his reign, as hath been said. As for his brother D. Alphonso who had gotten the Earldom of Provence, he had to wife D. Marry Niece to the Earl of Folguaguier, from whom issued D. Raymond Berenger, who was Earl of Provence after his father.  
There was an other Lady of the house of Folguaguier, 
Marriages of D. Pedro kings of Arragon.  who was married to the King D. Pedro, by whom having one son, called. Raymond Berenger, she died soon after, and her son also: after which the King D. Pedro married the daughter of William, Earl of Montpellier, borne of that Princess of Greece, which had been made sure to D. Alphonso his father. This second wife was called Marry; and for that she was not very fair, he was so one weary, and would have put her away: but Pope Innocent the third then reigning, would not yield unto it, for he was a strict observer and defender of the Ecclesiastical laws. For this cause D. Pedro went to Rome, where the Pope did him great honour, and crowned him in the church of Saint Pancras, with a crown of gold, garnished with pearls and precious stones of great valour: where they say he renounced unto the Pope, the right of Patronge to the churches of his Realm, the which his predecessors had enjoyed; and did so much forger himself, as to acknowledge his Kingdom to hold of the Pope, and to bind himself, and promise for himself and his successors Kings, 
Submission of D Pedro King of Portugal to the Pope.  to pay him a yearly tribute of two hundred and fifty pieces of gold, called the Mahozemutins, of the name of the Miralmunim Aben joseph Mahozemut, under whose coin they were stamped: these pieces were about six rials, than current, to which acknowledgement the Noblemen of Arragon did not consent. The King being returned into his country he began to lead a dissolute life, and contemning his wife, he sought for those that were fair and pleasing unto him, wherein he wanted not men to follow his licentious appetite: wherefore the Queen his wife, who was very holy, seeing that her husband offended God, and that, not accompanying with her, it was to be feared the Estates of Arragon and Montpellier would fall to a stranger, for want of issue borne of them, she found means to abuse him with a commendable deceit: for understanding by a groom of his chamber, called Pedro Flavian (who was sometimes a Minister of the King's love) that the next nigh he should bring him one of his Mistresses, 
A commendable deceit of Queen Mary of Hongary.  she wrought so with him, as he brought her into the King's chamber, in the concubines place, so as the King (in this opinion) spent the night with her, but perceiving it in the morning, he was much displeased: yet considering the holy zeal of his Queen, and of those which had served her in this action, he was pacified, and took it in good part.  
Soon after the Queen found herself with child, and at her time was brought in bed at Montpellier of a son, called D. jaime, which they call Diego in Castille, and jaques in French, who was heir of Arragon and Montpellier, notwithstanding that Queen Mary had one brother by the father's side, called William, who contended for the Earldom of Montpellier, and did often attempt to kill the Infant D. jaime. This matter was long in question in the court at Rome, whether this Princess went in person, as well to oppose herself against her brother, as to end the process which remained yet undecided betwixt her and the King her husband, who sought still to be separated from her by Hugo Tarrogia his Ambassador. There by the sentence of Pope Innocent, William was declared a bastard, and uncapable to succeed in the Earldom of Montpellier. After this sentence, 
Death of Queen Mary of Arragon.  the Queen thinking to return into Arragon, fell sick, and died at Rome, where she was buried, at the Vatican, in Saint Peter's church, near unto the to be of Saint Petronilla, daughter to Saint Peter as Authors writ, and was put in the Catalogue of Saints. This Princess had been first married to the Earl of Cominges, by whom she had two daughters Mathilde and Petronilla.  
In the beginning of the reign of this King D. Pedro, he had a great quarrel with the Queen D. Sanch● his mother, aunt to the Kings of Castille and Leon, for that the King's Officers and Courtiers did not regard her as was fit, whereupon she seized upon some towns belonging to her dowry. And for that it might breed great inconveniences,. Alphonso the Noble, King of Castille, laboured to reconcile them, for the which he and the King D. Pedro met in the town of Ariza, where an accord was made betwixt the mother and the son, so as ever after they lived in peace. By this accord the towns of Ariza, Epila and Ambite, with their castles, were given by the Queer Dovager, unto the King her son, and he gave unto the Queen the towns of Torrtose and Vzcon, with some other places in the principality of Cattelogne. There came to this assembly D. Pedro d' Asagro, Lord of Albarrasin, who had been much hated by the Kings of Castille & Arragon, but was then reconciled, of whom we have made mention, this was in the year of our Lord 1200, 
An. 1200.  at what time the marriage of D. Alphonso of Leon, and of D. Theresa of Portugal was dissolved by the decree of Pope Innocent the third, for that they were kin●● folks in a degree which was prohibited by the church of Rome.  
30 The house of Navarre approaching near its end, for want of heirs males, 
Navarre.  it is fit we should prepare the Readers to the access which the descendants from women which are issued from it, have had unto that crown, speaking some thing of the house of Champagne, into the which D. Blanch, daughter to D. Sancho the wife, and sister to this King D. Sancho the strong was married. 
Descendants of the house of Champagne.  The Earls of Champagne have been of great possessions in France, of an ancient and noble family, as well of the house, as by their alliances and marriages with the greatest houses of Europe. In the nine hundred and ninth year, mention is made of Odon first Earl of Champagne, Brie, Blois, Chartres and Tourame, who was a turbulent man, and had great quarrels with Richard Duke of Normandy, whose daughter notwithstanding he took in the end to his second wife: he made war against Rodolphe or Ralphe, the last King of Bourgogne, and was the cause why he resigned his Sceptre and crown, to Conrade the Emperor, whose daughter Odon had taken to his first wife, and had Stephen and others by her.  
This Stephen was Earl of Champagne, in the year of our Lord 1032. (after the decease of his father) and Lord of his other Estates by the succession of his brethren. He died in the holy war in Syria, having begotten of his wife Alis or Adela, daughter to William the conqueror, Duke of Normandy, and King of England, Thyba●d and other children.  
Thybaud surnamed the great, was Earl of Champagne, in the year of our Lord 1101. he did also enjoy the Earldoms of Brie, Blois and Chartres, and was called the father of the poor; he had to wife Mihault a Princess of Germany of a great house, by whom he had Henry who was Earl of Champagne and Bry after him, in the year of our Lord 1151. besides other children.  
This Henry surnamed the Big, the fourth Earl of Champagne, was in Asia with King Lewis the young, and afterwards with Philip Augustus, where he did great service to the cause; he married Mary of France, daughter to Lewis the seventh called the young, by his first wife Elinor, Duchess of Guienne and Contesse of Poitiers: of this marriage issued Henry and Thibaud, who were successively Earls of Champagne one after an other. Henry went to the war of Asia, and marrying with the daughter of Almerit King of jerusalem, widow to Conrade Marquis of Montferrat, was made King of jerusalem, but returning into France, he died without issue male. Wherefore his brother Thibaud the second of that name, seized upon the country of Champagne, in the year of our Lord 1196. to the prejudice of the two daughters of the deceased Cont Henry: and was the sixth Cont Palatin thereof. It was this Thibaud which married D. Blanch, daughter to D. Sancho the wise, King of Navarre, who had one son after the death of her husband, about the year of our Lord 1201. called Thibaud, as the father, who was Earl of Champagne and Brie, notwithstanding the pretensions of a sister, which was borne in their father's life time, who contended for this succession, but in vain. Moreover by the death of D. Sancho the strong (of whom we now entreat) without children, he came to the crown of Navarre, by his mother's succession: A Prince greatly allied to the houses of France and England, whereof we will treat more at large. But let us return to D. Sancho the strong, reigning at this time in Navarre.  
This Prince married with a French Lady, daughter to Raymond Earl of Tolouse the fourth of that name, who was called D. Clemence: they hold that he had not any children by her, wherefore, according unto some Authors, he left her, and married the daughter of the Emperor Frederic Barbarousse: notwithstanding this second marriage is doubtful: but as for the first, Garcia d' Eugui, bishop of Bayone, hath left in writing, that he had one son named D. Ferdinand Calabasa, who died in his father's life time, With a fall of a horse, running after a Bear, and was buried in the Collegial church of Tudele. He had no other lawful children, but mention is made of one bastard son, called William.  
31 The ancient league of Castille and Arragon being renewed, betwixt the Kings D. Alphonso the Noble and D. Pedro, they did arm to annoy the King of Navarre, aboat the year of our Lord 1200. the which he foreseeing, he sought to be supported by foreign Princes, and proceeded so far, as he did solicit Aben joseph Mazemut, to break the truce which he had made for ten years, 
A Mahometan Prince keeps his faith religiously.  with the King of Castille; some Authors affrming that D. Sancho went himself in person, into Africa, to treat of the business with this Mahometan Prince: who notwithstanding that he would not break his faith, yet he presented him with a great sum of money and many rich jewels. During his absence, the confederate Kings, entered by divers ways into Navarre (where he had left for his Lieutenant General, a knight called Alphonso Fernandes of Guendulain) and took Ayvar and the valley of Roncal, which fell to the King of Arragon, and on the other side Miranda, and Insura, or Inzula, which places the King of Castille kept for himself, these two confederate Kings having agreed to divide the conquest of Navarre betwixt them: this was all they did for that year. As for the King D. Sancho, he fell sick on the way of a pestilent fever, the which in the end fell to be a canker in one of his feet, which continued with him all his life.  
This indisposition being known in Spain, it gave courage to the King of Castille to pursue his good fortune, and to try all means possible to join that Estate to his, presuming that the King D. Sancho (who had no children) could not live long, and that he being dead, there should be no great opposition against him, for that D. Ramir, one of his brethren, was of the church, the other was young and absent, and the Earl of champaign his brother in law, was either dead, or gone to the holy Land, but howsoever, he was so far off, as before he should return into France, to debate his title to the Kingdom of Navarre, whereunto he had right, he did hope to be in possession.  
Upon this design he levied a new army, 
The King of Castille invades Navarre.  entered into Alava, and overrun all that Province, where in the end he besieged the Town of Victoria, the which was valiantly defended by D. Alphonso Fernandes of Guendulayn, who had put himself into it with many good soldiers of Alava and Navarre, and maintained the siege long, without any succours, or news from the King D. Sancho, until that their victuals began to fail them. During this siege the Deputies of the Province of Guipuscoa, came to D. Alphonso King of Castille, making offer that if he would go thither in person, they would yield unto him, having long desired to be united to the crown of Castille, for that they were overcharged by the Kings of Navarre, whose fortunes they had followed seventy seven years. This offer was very pleasing unto D. Alphonso, as a matter of great advantage; wherefore leaving D. Diego Lopes de Haro to continue the siege of Victoria, he went in person to Guipuscoa, which Province put itself under his protection, 
Guipuscoa yielded to the King of Castille.  and of the Kings of Castille upon certain conditions, and delivered into his hands the forts of Saint Sebastien and Fontaraby, with the castle of Veloaga, which is in the valley of Ojarçun, which frontierd upon France, a fit place to assure him a passage, if need were, into Guienne, which was then held by the English, for that he had married a Princess of England. Besides these places they gave him the castle of Athau, upon the frontiers of Navarre, which is now ruined, the castle of Achoros, Val du L'eniz, and the castle of Arrasate, called at this present Mondragon, upon the frontiers of Biscay, with the fort which was then built upon the mountain of Helosua, the ruins whereof are to be seen at this day, which mountain is in the jurisdiction of the town of Vergara, and is otherwise called Arizona. This D. Alphonso King of Castille, obtained this province of Guipuscoa, without force, and so returned wonderfully content to the siege of Victoria, which continued still, the besieged having spent all their victuals; who by daily messengers, did solicit D. Sancho their King, advertising him of their extremity, whereby they should be forced to fall into their enemy's hands, if he did not prevent it, but he being ignorant of all that had passed in his country, being absent, ill disposed, and without good council, advised them to yield unto the King of Castille, upon the best conditions they could.  
Having received this answer, the besieged held out senenteene days longer, attending if the King had not taken some better advice, but seeing there came nothing from him whereby they might hope of relief, 
Victoria taken by the King, of Castille.  being extremely priest with hunger and want of all things they yielded the town, the which for the situation and fortification was held impregnable. By the taking of Victoria, the King of Castille was master of that other Province of Alava; the country of Araya yielded unto him; he took Irrurita, Maragnon, Saint Croix and all the valley of Campeso. King D. Alphonso made this goodly conquest in the year 1200. part by force, and part by a voluntary yielding, and did greatly diminish the realm of Navarre, although that some places submitted themselves again under the obedience of the King D. Sancho, neither did the Province of Alava ever receive any law from Castille, except Victoria and Trevigno. To assure himself the better of the Guipuscoans, and to gralifie them also, the King of Castille caused to be re-edefied upon the sea coast of that Province, the towns of Guetario and Motrico, the which he did fortify, and endow with great previledges: after all these things, the King of Navarre arrived at Carthagena, and slipped through Arragon into his country, bringing great treasure with him out of afrique, at what time D. Alphonso had newly besieged Estella, the which was freed from siege upon the bruit of his coming, (so great power and reputation hath the name of a king that is present) but if he had stayed longer in Africa his country of Navarre had been wholly lost: 
Navarre sends Ambassadors to Castille.  having visibly seen the great harm which the King D. Alphonso had done him, he sent Ambassadors unto him, to desire him to restore him that which he had taken from him in his absence, against all law and justice, and against the accustomed manner of making war in that age full of loyalty: but the King of Castille entertained him with delays and doubtful answers.  
32. Whilst that D. 
Ca●●●●  Sancho considers of his losses, and of the best means to repair them, the King of Castille great, mighty, and redoubted, being allied to him of Arragon, and having a truce for many years with Aben joseph, he began to repair the ruins which the Arabians had made: he restored the city of Plaisance, Bejar and other places of the country ruined: he did the like to Mirabel, Segura de la Serra, Monfredo, Moya, and many other places of the realm of Toledo: he also built Aquilar del Camp in Castille: and moreover in Guipuscoa, he built the town of Castro d' Ordiales, Laredo, Saint Ander and Saint Vincent de la Barquera.  
About the year 1201. 
An. 1201.  there was a peace treated of betwixt john, successor to Richard King of England, and King Philip Augustus of France, at Boutavant in Normandy, by the which amongst other Articles, a marriage was concluded betwixt the Infanta D. Blanch the daughter of D. Alphonso King of Castille, 
Marriage betwixt Lewis of France and D. Blanch of Castille.  and Queen Elinor, sister to the King of England, with Lewis eldest son to Philip, and heir of the realm of France: for the which, Ambassadors were sent from both Kings into Castille, & they were made sure by a Deputy for Lewis, in the city of Burgos, with great feasting and state, and the Infanta was conducted by the King her father, and other Noblemen of Castille unto the frontiers of Guienne, where the Deputies for the French King did receive her, for whose dowry there was assigned by King john her uncle, all the places which were in question betwixt him and the French King, whereof the said French King was in possession, in the duchies of Normandy, Britain and Anjou.  
At the same time D. Alphonso King of Leon, separated by the authority of Pope Innocent, from D. Theresa of Portugal his wife, sent to demand D. Berenguela, the King of Castilles other daughter: whereof (by reason of the discords which were betwixt these two Kings) the father made some difficulty; yet vanquished by the persuasions and entreaty of Queen Elinor, who desired as much to see her daughter wear a crown, as a peace betwixt Castille and Leon, he yielded unto it, and these two Princes meeting to that effect in the town of Vailledo it, the marriage was celebrated, assigning her for her dowry, the lands taken the year before from the king of Leon, except Carpio and Monreal, which remained to Castille. Of this marriage was borne the Infant D. Fernand, who succeeded in the Realms of Castille and Leon. Think that the Pope's dispensation was not obtained for this marriage: for being cousin germans removed, children of the uncle and nephew, Pope Innocent the third, did separate them.  
In the year 1202. 
Casfille.  and 1203, the ancient previledges granted by the Kings of Navarre, unto Saint Sebastian and Fontarabie, towns of Guipuscoa, were confirmed and augmented by the Kings of Castille, and their jurisdictions limited, especially of Fontaraby, by the rivers of Oriaçun and Vidaso, which divides that Province from FrAnce, and by the mountain Pegnadaya, by Leçaca, by Belfa and the sea, and by Hirun urançu, which is at this present a great Bourg, at which time Queen Elinor was delivered to her last son, who was called D. Henry, by reason of his grandfather by the mother's side.  
To these contents was added a truce betwixt this King. Alphonso the Noble, 
Navarre.  and D. Sancho the strong, King of Navarre, for the concluding whereof, D. Sancho came in person, upon assurance, to Guadalajara in Castille, there it was agreed there should be a cessation of arms betwixt the two Kingdoms, for five years, with restitution of some of those places which the King of Castille had taken in Navarre, and for the keeping of the truce, there were delivered into the hands of certain knights, named by both parties, the castles of Abuseio, Clavijo and juvera, for Castille; and Irureta, Inzula and Saint Adrian for the King of Navarre: and for that the war betwixt Navarre and Arragon continued still, the King of Castille took upon him to reconcile them, and in the mean time caused all acts of hostility to cease.  
These four Princes being at peace, 
Leon.  he of Leon moved new troubles against D. Vrraca Lopes, his mother in law, with whom he could never agree, seeking to frustrate her of her dowry. And she for her part did never cease practising against D. Alphonso, seeking to depose him from the royal throne of Leon, and to advance the Infant D. Sancho her son; for the which she did continually importune her brother, D. Diego Lopes de Haro, Lord of Biscay, 
War betwixt the King of Leon and his mother in law.  entreating him to embrace this business, the which he had deferred until that time, when as he went to field to aid the Queen his sister: but he was not the strongest, for D. Alphonso King of Leon, being assisted by the King of Castille, his father in law, chased him into Navarre, from whence he made roads into the territories of Castille, which made the two united Kings to go and seek him in his own strength, where they defeated him in battle, near unto Estella, where he was forced to save himself, which town was invested and, as it were, besieged by the armies of Castille and Leon, yet they could not take it. Upon this occasion the four Kings of Castille, Leon, Navarre and Arragon met together in Alfaro, whether also came D. Sancha, Dovager of Arragon, mother to the King D. Pedro, by the which the reconciliations and accords of these Princes were confirmed. D. Lopes being destitute of all means, he retired in despite unto the Moors pay at Valencia, and from thence to Maroc, where he was accused to the council of the Miralmumin, that he had mounted D Pedro, King of Arragon, on horseback, being overthrown in an encounter, which he had against the Moors of Valencia, under whose pay D. Diego made war, yet he was absolved.  
The pitiful death of the Infant D. Fernand, 
Navarre.  brother to D. Sancho King of Navarre, a Prince well beloved of the Navarrois, 
An. 1207.  aught to be registered amongst the calamities which fell upon that realm in those days. The feast of Saint Nicholas being celebrated with superfluous bankers and sports, in the year 1207. in the town of Tudele, according to the custom of Christians, 
Death of D. Fernand of Navarre.  as this generous Prince did run on horseback armed, doing some exercises which he had invented, a hog passing through his horse legs, made him to fall, in such manner, as he bruised his head against a pillar of stone whereof he died, thirteen days after, being thirty years old. Of this Prince, whom the Authors commend for a brave and valiant Knight, there is no mention made in the war betwixt Castille and Navarre: wherefore it is to be presumed that the King his brother, doubting lest he should attempt some thing to his prejudice, during his absence, had led him with him into Africa, although he loved him dearly. Thus are the affairs of this world mingled with pleasure and grief, love and jealousy.  
Of the marriage which had been made the year before, 
Portugal.  betwixt D. Alphonso Infant of Portugal, son to the King D. Sancho, then reigning, and D. Vrraca daughter to D. Alphonso King of Castille, was this year 1207. a son borne called D. Sancho,, as his grandfather by the father's side, in whose life time this Lady was delivered of an other son, who was named D. Alphonso, the which were Kings of Portugal successively.  
Aben joseph Miralmumin of the Arabians Almohades, 
Moors.  being dead in Africa, whilst these things passed in Spain, there succeeded in his place his son called Aben Mahomad, surnamed the Green, the fourth King of that Fect, over the Moors of Africa and Spain: this surname was given him, for that he carried a Mitre, or some such Ornament on his head, of a green colour. In his reign the truce expired, made betwixt the King of Castille, and his predecessor Aben joseph, when as they fell more cruelly to arms them over.  
33 Betwixt both, 
Castille.  D. Martin Archbishop of Toledo died, to whom succeed Roderigo Ximenes, borne in Navarre, the Author of the History of Spain which we read at this day. A prelate of great authority, and much commended by the Spaniards: about the time of his death the river of Tayo did rise so high, as it was five foot above the port of Almofala in that city. This was about the end of December, and the year before there was so great an Eclipse of the Sun, as the day was darkened for the space of six hours. At that time King D. Alphonso did two remarkable works in the city of Burgos in Castille: which were the Monastery of Saint Mary the royal, of that city, called de las Huelgas, for the daughters of noble houses, according to the Order of the Cisteaux: and joining to this Monastery, he caused the Hospital royal to be built, indowing both the one and the other with great revenues: for the third, which is no less to be esteemed, he erected an university in the town of Palencia, which was the first in Castille, since the coming of the Moors, and drew many learned men in all faculties thither, 
〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉.  from France, England and other places, assigning large pensions to the professors: and as he was a warlike Prince, and could not live long in quiet, the quarrels reviving betwixt the French and English, about the year 1209. he made a voyage into Guienne, 
An. 1209.  for that he had an interest therein, yet he returned without doing any thing memorable. Returning by the Province of Guipuscoa, he gave previledges to the town of Guetaria, the which he restored, granting the like unto Saint Sebastian. This town hath a good haven, covered from all winds, by a little Island which is before it, rising in such manner, 
john Sebastizan dellano, the famous Pilot Boracat Guetaria.  as it defends the ships from all storms, and gives them free entry and passage with any wind: that famous pilot john Sebastian del Canon, was borne at Guetaria, who in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth did compass the whole world by sea, D. Alphonso did also give the like privileges to Motrico as to Guetaria.  
The same year a peace was fully concluded, 
Arragon.  betwixt D. Pedro King of Arragon, and D. Sancho the strong, king of Navarre, by the mediation of D. Alphonso of Castille, and the Prelates and Noblemen of all the Kingdoms of Spain, wherein the endeavours of D. Roderigo Ximenes Archbishop of Toledo, were very great this peace was made, the two kings being in field about Mallen: among other particularities which the Spaniards writ of this accord, the King of Navarre lent unto him of Arragon 20000. Maravidis of gold, for the which were given in pawn the castles of Gallur, Pitilla, Pina and Esco, the which were delivered for six months into the hands of D. Ximeno de Rada, a Knight, at the end whereof, if the King of Arragon did not pay the money, the places should be delivered unto the King of Navarre, to hold them until he were satisfied. The dissension and war which had continued betwixt Navarre and Arragon, for the space of sixty five years, was then ended, and there was a good and durable peace concluded betwixt those two Estates: after which it did behove the King D. Pedro to pass into Provence, by reason of the death of the Earl D. Alphonso his brother, whose daughters they of Beziers had married into France, without the consent of the King of Arragon, and had been too busy in the government of that Earldom, whereupon he came armed into Provence, took Beziers and ruined it, and having wasted the country about Marseilles, he returned into Spain, having settled his Nephew Raymond Berenger in his father's succession: The town of Tortose, was given by this King, to the Knights of the Temple, whereof Peter of Montague was Master in the year 1210.  
The year 1210. being come, 
Castille.  and the truce betwixt the Moors and Christians expired, 
An. 1210.  D. Alphonso the noble sent an army unto the frontiers of Toledo under the conduct of his son D. Fernand, knowing that King Aben Mahumad was passed out of Africa into Spain with great forces of moors Almohades, and other his subjects. This young Prince D. Fernand impatient of idleness, began to overrun the Moors country, about Baeça, Andujar and jaen: but for all this, the Moor did not leave to besiege and to take within the third month the town of Saluatierra, 
Saluatierra taken by the Moors.  with great slaughter of the inhabitants, carrying away them that remained for slaves. The King of Castille had drawn his forces together at Talavera, to divert him, but not able to come in time be retired, and so one after lost his son D. Fernand, in Madrid, by sickness, whereat he was wonderfully grieved, his body was carried to Burgos, to the new Monastery of Las Huelgas, D. Roderigo the Archbishop accompanying it, with many other Prelates and Knights, 
Death of the InFant D. Fernand.  yea D. Berenguela Queen of Leon, being separated from her husband by the Pope's authority, who would not allow of the marriage, although he had children by her. It is strange these Princes were no better advised in the marriage of their daughters, seeing they obaled the Pope's restraints.  
This war begun did much trouble the King of Castille, 
Parliament at Toledo for the Moors warve.  wherefore having called a Parliament of the Lords, Prelates and Deputies of the towns of his realm at Toledo, he resolved to invite all Christian Princes to his succour, and to demand of Pope Clement the Indulgences and pardons of a Croisado, for this holy war, to the end he might draw unto it more Knights and soldiers, for this cause he sent (by the election of the whole assembly) D. Roderigo to Rome; and for that necessity did force him to reform the excess and superfluities of his Realms, there were orders set down for feasts, apparel, and other things. There were also public processions enjoined, with fasting, praying, and giving of alms to pacify the wrath of God.  
In the end commandement was giving to all his vassals and men of war, to be ready with horse and arms, for the year following. The like provision was made by the Moors in Spain, every one preparing for the war: that is, those of Extremadura Andalusia, Algarbes, Granado, Murcia and Valencia, and other lands which they held yet in the territory of Toledo; sollyciting moreover their King and Miralmumin of Africa, to repass into Spain, with the forces of those great Provinces, which he did hold in that part of the world.  
Whilst these great preparations were making, the King of Castille came to Cuenca, where finding himself accompanied with good troops of soldiers, he made a road into the Moors country by the river of Xucar, to exercise his soldiers, and took from them the sort of Alcala, Las Cuevas of Algarande, and Tubas, and spoiled some Bourges in the territory of Valencia, and then he returned to Cuenca, when the King of Arragon came unto him, and offered to secure him with all the forces of his realm, in this war; the King of Navarre in like manner sent to make him the like offers.  
In Italy the Archbishop D. Roderigo, 
Croisadoe preached against the Moors.  used great diligence, and obtained from Pope Innocent the third a bountiful grant of his spiritual treasures, of indulgences and pardons, to all those that should cross themselves for this war, the which was proclaimed in all places, and the Croisadoe preached, especially by the Archbishop of Toledo, in all places as he returned, with such efficacy, as there came out of Italy, Germany France and England an infinite number of soldiers into Spain, who vowed their lives to defend the Christian religion, and to repulse the persecutors thereof: so as he assembled at Toledo an army (besides the forces of Castille, 
Great army against the Moors in Spain.  Arragon and Portugal) of above a hundred strangers, bearing arms, which number is by some augmented, and by others diminished: for there are some Authors which mention, one hundred thousand foot, and ten thousand horse, others restrain it to fifty thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse, some more, some less; but howsoever, there was a great and mighty army, the which was lodged near unto the city, in the most fertile places of the river of Tayo. The King of Arragon came thither, as the Authors of the Arragon History write with twenty thousand foot, and 3500. horse, the number of footmen of Castille, and other countries of the King D. Alphonso's dominions was uncertain, but they say there were 14000. horse, amongst the which were above fifteen hundred Knights nobly descended. Of them of Portugal the number is not set down. All these soldiers, were entertained, lodged and bountifully rewarded by the King D. Alphonso, according to every man's rank and dignity, giving pay to all in general: to every footman six pence a day, and to every horseman two shillings, which were worth a Maravidis and one third part of the money which was then currant, and the boys and women of these soldiers had pay accordingly, saith Garibay: the number of carts to carry their baggage is made excessive, by the Archbishop Roderigo, reporting them to be 60000. the which by others is reduced to the like number of beasts of burden, and not of carts. What soever it were, this army was one of the greatest which had been seen in many ages, wherein the union and concord was admirable, seeing it consisted of so many nations, of sundry languages and humours. 
An. 1212.  This army parted in june, in the year of our Lord 1212. the conduct of the ultramontany, or beyond the mountains (for so they called the strangers) was given to Diego Lopes de Haro Lord of Biscay, who was now reconciled to the King of Castille, general of the whole army; they came to lodge at Malagon, about fourteen leagues from Toledo, the third day; the place (being ill defended by the Arabians) was forced, 
Exploits of the Christians armies against the Moors.  and the garrison cut in pieces. From thence the Christian Kings advanced to Calatrava, which was come into the Moors power, and past the river of Guadiana.  
Many were of opinion, that they should not spend their time in the sieges of towns, where most commonly the best men are lost: notwithstanding the town of Calatrava was battered, and so priest, as the captain of the garrison, called Aben-Abir, or according unto others; Aben Calis, after that he had valiantly defended himself, yielded upon composition to have their lives saved, the which was duly observed by the Kings of Castille and Arragon, contrary to the strangers will, who would have had them all put to the sword. The Earl D. Diego Lopes de Hara, had the charge to conduct them to a place of safety, according to the composition. The town was spoiled by the strangers and Arragonois, and then delivered to the Knights of the Calatrava: at which place there grew some discontentment, by reason that their victuals for so great a multitude grew short, as it often happens, and therefore the greatest armies are not ever of greatest effect; for in an excessive multitude, there is ever confusion and disobedience, and it is impossible to provide for all necessities, 
Great multitudes in armies, are not ever of greatest effect.  so as often times many great preparations have gone to smoke by these defects, and have lost goodly occasions of gallant exploits: but God provided for it, for a great number of strangers, upon this cause, returned into their countries, whereby the Spaniards purchased the more honour. The Archbishop of Narbonne with some of the nobility of his country and of the county of Poictou stayed stil.  
The army parted from Calatrava, and came and camped at Alarcos, which place, being found abandoned, was manned with a good garrison; there D. Sancho King of Navarre came and joined with the Kings of Castille and Arragon, bringing with him great troops of soldiers, both of his own subjects, and of other nations, especially of French, levied by him, 
D. Sancho king of Navarre comes to aid the King of Castille.  and voluntaries, being desirous to see this war, hoping to win honour and wealth if they lived, or dying to be in the rank of Martyrs, and to win Paradise. The Histories make mention of D. Gomes Garces d' Agoncilo, standard-bearer of Navarre, D. Garcia Almoravid, D. Pedro Martin's de Leet, D. Pedro Garces d' Aronis, D. Sancho Fernandes of Montagudo, D. Pedro Martin's of Subica, D. Martin of Milagro, D. Garcia Ximines of Varriz, D. William Roldovyn, D. Garcia Garces of Aoyz, D. Pedro Ximenes of Oilletà, and D. Ximenes d' Aybuar, chief Knights of Navarre, which accompanied the King of Navarre to this war, many forts and places which were held by the Moors in that country, were taken by the Christian Princes, who marched against Saluatierra, where they took a view of their army, the which they lodged under the mountain called Sierra Morena, at Guadalfajar: Aben Mahomad, who had succeeded his father Aben joseph Mahozemut, in the Empire of the Almohades of Africa, being advertised of this great preparation which the Christians made against him, and his sect, was passed into Spain, with great troops both of horse and foot, being followed by other forces which came daily out of Africa into Andalusia; so as he had gathered together about jaen, one of the greatest armies that had been ever seen since the first entry of the Moors, whilst that the Christian army was employed to recover the country which lies betwixt Toledo, and the mountain which bounds Andalusia: the which the Moors seeing to be lost they resolved to attend the Christians army in a place of advantage, and to fly the plains, so as marching to Baeça, they seized upon the passage of Losa, in the fields of Tolousa.  
The Christians (as it was the will of God) whilst their enemies were doubtful what course to take, passed over the mountain called Sierra Muradel, by safe and unknown ways, being guided by a huntsman and shepherd (whose Image is to be seen in the great chapel of the Cathedral church of Toledo, cut in stone) and chased away some Moors which were in the castle of Ferral, near unto the rock of Loça, from whence after many difficulties and counsels, they made choice of a place fit to put themselves in battle, as the Moors did in like manner. King Aben Mahumad, who lodged upon a hill, where he might view his whole army, divided into many squadrons; in that where the King's person was were the most valiant Moors of the whole army, and they say he caused that battailion to be compassed about with stakes, tied together with chains, that taking from them all hope of flight, they might be forced to fight with more resolution, he himself was seated in a high throne under a rich pavilion, and in this equipage he proudly offered battle to the confederate Kings, the which (for that their men were weary with the rough and uneasy passage of the mountain) they would not accept that day; which the barbarous King took for his advantage, as if fear had kept the Christians from fight; writing to the chief towns of his dominions, that were near, that he held the victory in his hands, and that within three days he should have the three Kings his adversaries at his command, notwithstanding that many of his captains did assure him, that the Christians made show rather to fight then to fly. The day following the Moors presented themselves again in battle, but the Christians kept themselves, within their forts and trenches: 
Batta●●e memorable of Muradal, and deseat of the Moore●.  The 3. day which was the 16. of july, both armies joined in battle, where there was a furious fight, battailon against battailon, and squadron against squadron, with such obstinacy, as the victory was for many hours doubtful, every one, both captains and soldiers, striving to do well, being seen and observed by their Kings, and by the principal men of both parties; but in the end the Moors began to recoil, and to go to rout. Then did the Christians press them so furiously as they put them to a shameful & lamentable, flight & made an incredible slaughter. King Aben Mahumad (being persuaded by his brother Aben Zeit) retired with great grief, towards the town of jaen, there being no means to gather his troops again together. 
Number of the dead.  The Authors of the Spanish History write (wherein it may be they exceed) that there were 200000. moors slain upon the place, and many prisoners taken, among the which they number above 35000. horse. Great was the riches they found in their camp, of tapestry, silver plate, arms, horses, moils, camels, gold and silver coined, and other things of great price. Of the Christians, according to the Archbishop Roderigo, there died but 25. others say 115. but Beuter and other affirm, there were 25000. slain of the Christians side; the which is not unlikely, considering the resistance the Moors made, and the long time the fight continued. But it is a thing worthy observation, that notwithstanding the great multitude of dead bodies, which lying one upon an other, were like hills, after they had been spoiled by the horse-boyes and peasants, there was little blood seen upon the ground: the which is to be imputed to the dry constitution of the Arabians and Africans, Southern people, who (besides that they are dried up with the heat of the sun in that region) eat those things which are of small norrishment; and drink nothing but water, so as they engender little blood, the which is pale & discolloured. The Kings performed the parts, not only of wise and circomspect captains, but also of valiant soldiers. The constancy of King D. Alphonso was great, who was never seen to change colour, nor the countenance of an assured captain, notwithstanding the divers events which we may think were represented unto him in so dangerous a battle; great was his valour and resolution, to expose himself to a shower of arrows which fell upon his men, 
Valour of D. Alphonso the noble King of Castille.  and to thrust himself into the press, where he saw they gave back, to secure them: so as the Lords and Prelates which were in arms that day, had great labour to keep him back, D. Pedro King of Arragon had his cuirasse pierced to the quick, with a lance, but God preserved him. The King of Navarre did also carry himself worthily; but there was a Chanoine Chanter of the church of Toledo, called Domingo Pascal, who carried the cross before the Archbishop D. Roderigo (as it is the customs to carry before Primates) which did wonders: for he passed and repast, and ran through the squadrons of the Moors with his cross, and had no harm. The tomb of this Chanoine is to be seen at this day, in Saint Lucy's chapel, in the great church of Toledo. It is a pity the Authors of these histories, have not been more just unto those valiant men which employed themselves that day, to maintain the Christians estate in Spain, and have not written many particularities which happened during the fight, which should redound to the honour of families, and their posterities, and should serve as a spur to generous minds; wherein the Archbishop D. Roderigo, is chief to be blamed, having been present at that battle. The victorious army pursued them that fled until night, and then they went to lodge in the enemy's camp, where they found tents victuals, arms and other riches in great abundance, & there they passed the night, giving thanks unto God for such an important victory.  
Then the King D. Alphonso thought it fit to divide the spoils, 
Division of the spoils after the battle of Mura●al.  and to do public honour, after the manner of the ancients, to those great personages, which had carried them valiantly in the battle. He named for judge and distributer of these things, D. Diego Lopes de Haro, a Nobleman very expert in matters of war: by whom the tent of the Miralmumin of the Arabians was given to D. Pedro King of Arragon, the which was exceeding rich, yet others say it was allotted to the King of Navarre for his part; to whom (for that he with his men had first broken the fortification made with chains, about the squadron where the great Miralmumins person was in battle) was adjudged all the booty taken within the said circuit, 
Armouries of Navarre, as the Spaniards report.  in the which were many camels with their burdens; for which consideration some say, that the Kings of Navarre carry in their arms, chains of gold in a field gueules. Of the rest of the spoils which were found without this fortification, there was a good part thereof given to the King of Arragon. D. Diego Lopes did adjudge unto D. Alphonso for his part, the honour of the victory, and to the other captains, knights and soldiers, what they could get. This division was allowed by the Kings and all the rest. Many have thought that by reason of this victory King D. Alphonso took a castle Or, in a field gueules, which are the arms of Castille at this day, inferring thereby, that the realm of Castille was a fort and assured rampar against the Moors, and Infidels their enemies, in whose blood the Tower seems to be planted, but there are privileges found in the treasury of Saint Dominike of Calsada (the which Garibay reports that he hath seen) more ancient than this battle, granted by this king, having a seal of lead like unto the Popes, the which hath on the one side a castle, and on the other, the picture of a king on horseback, the which doth witness that before the battle of Muradal, or Tolouse, they used this devise, or blazon in their arms; it is like that this King D. Alphonso used it first in his arms, but upon what consideration, it is neither easy nor safe to judge. The Christian Princes making use of this happy victory, whilst the Moors were amazed and weak, took Bicles, Castro Feral, Bagnos and Tolouse: then they came to Baeça, which they found abandoned, the inhabitants having carried their wives, children, and all they had to Vbeda, except some which were fortified in the Megida, the which they burned.  
Then they matrched to Vbeda, and took it by force, putting many of the Inhabitants to the sword, and making slaves of the rest, by the instigations of some Prelates which sollowed the army, the spoil where-of was given to the soldiers; the honour of the taking of Vbeda, is given to D. Lope Ferencio de Luna, an Arragonois: as they went on still conquering upon this sect of Mahumetists, it pleased God to stay the Christians army: for it began to be full of diseases, the which in the end were contagious: wherefore these kings were forced to return with their camp, and repassing the mountain, or Sierra Morena, by the same mount of Muradal, they came to Calatrava, where they found the Duke of Austria, whose name was Thiband son to Leopold, who being desirous to be at this bartell, was come into Spain with two hundred Knights, but it was too late: wherefore he returned into Germany by Arragon: there the Kings parted with great shows of love. He of Arragon meaning to entertain the peace with Don Sancho of Navarre, with all sincerity, he restored unto him fourteen castles and places of Strength which he had taken from him. The King D. Alphonso being come to Toledo, where he was received with great triumph by the Archbishop Don Roderigo, it was ordained, that from that time the memory of that great victory obtained against the Moors, 
Feas of Triumphus crucis in Spain, a monument of the victory of Muradal.  in the plains of Tholousa, should be every year celebrated on the sixteenth day of july, under the title of Triumphus crucis, the which is observed at this day, especially at Toledo; whereas they hang up and display that day in the great Church, many Guidons, Ensigns and Standards of the Moors, which had been taken then, or others which do represent them. The chief men which did accompany the King in this battle, were Don Roderigo Ximenes Archbishop of Toledo, and Primate of Spain, Don Roderigo of Siguença, D. Tello of Palença, D. Mendoza of Osma, D. Pedro of Auila, D. Domingo of Plaisance, all Bishops, with other Prelates, all which did serve, either for counsel or for arms. D. Pedro Arias, or Avarice, Master of the Order of Saint james, D. Roderigo Diaz, master of the Galatrava, D. Gomes Ramires Prior of the Templars, D. Guttiere or john Gelmirido Prior of S. john, with many Commanders and Knights of their Orders. Of Secular men, D. Diego Lopes de Haro, and his eldest son D. Lope Diaz de Haro, of whom it is written, that having some feeling, for that his father had absented himself out of Castille, after that he had fought at Estella against the king D. Alphonso, and also for that the loss of the battle of Alarcos was imputed unto him, he came and cast himself at his feet, a little before the battle, beseeching him to carry himself so well, according to the hope which he had of him, that he might not be hereafter called the son of a traitor: where with the father being incensed, said unto him: It is more to be feared, thou wilt be called the son of a whore: for no man will call thee the fonne of a traitor: which answer the father made unto the son, as the Earl D. Pedro son to D. Denis king of Portugal writes in his book of the Genealogies of Spain, for that the mother of Don Lope Diaz, a woman of a weak brain, being fallen in love with a man of Burgos, which, they say, had been a blacke-smith, or Lock-smith, went out of Spain, and wandered through the world with this man, in a disguised habit. With D. Diego Lopes was also D. Pero Diaz his other son, D. Sancho Fernandes de Canamero, D. Martin Nugnes de Hinojoça, and Don Inigo de Mendosa, kinsmen or allied to the house of Haro: moreover, the Earls D. Fernand de Lara, D. Aluar Nugnes de Lara, Don Gonçalo Nugnes, D. Lope Diaz de los Cameros, Ruy Diaz de los Camer●s, and his brother Don Aluar Diaz, Don Pedro Aria of Toledo, Gonies Peres the Afturien, D. Garcia Ordognes', john Gonçalo of Vzero, D. Gonçalo Gomes, D. Gomes Manriques, D. Gil Manriques, D. Alphonso Tells de Meneses, and his brethren, Fernand and Ruy Garcia, D. Roderigo Peres d' Auila, William Ginez, D. William Pe●es and his brethren, Nugno Peres de Gusman, Gonçalo nuanes of Quintana, who was afterward master of the Calatrava, Don john Gonçales, and Don Gonçalo Ruis and his brethren, Don Ruy Peres of Villalobos, Suero Tellez, Don Fernand Garcia, and many others of the Realms of Castille and Toledo. Those which accorrpanied Don Pedro king of Arragon of greatest Nobility, were, Don Garcia Frontin Bishop of Tarassone, and Don Berenger elect of Barcelone, with other Clergy men: and of Knights, Don Garcia Romeu, Standard bearer royal or Arragon, Don Kimen Cornel, Aznar Pardo, Don William of Peralta, Don Michael of Luezca, D. Sancho Earl of Rossillon, uncle to the King, and Don Nugno Sanches his son, Don Lope Ferrench de Luna, Arnaud of Alascon, or Artal of Alagon, William Aguillon of Tarragona, Don William of Ceruera, Berenger of Petra Mola, Don William of Catdona, Raymond Poulcques Earl of Ampurias, Don Pedro Ahones, Don Roderige of Liçana, Don Pedro Maça, Don Artorella, and Don Artal de Foees. The Archbishop of Bourdeaux came out of France, and the Bishop of Nantes from Briitanie, D. Rerald Archbishop of Narbone, and Thibaud of Blazon, Bishop of Poicton, issued out of Castille. These were many Noblemen and valiant Knights out of Leon and Portugal. Don Alphonso of king of Castille did reward the Nobility of his country with honours and livings, according to every man's degree. As for Aben Mahomad, King of the Moors Almohades, aster this notable loss, he cared no more for the affairs of Spain, but passed suddenly into Africa, fearing that the brute of his defeat would breed some innovation in his kingdom of Maroc, being not yet so well assured, but there remained some feeling of the Almoravides government: wherefore knowing how much a rout or loss of a battle may prejudice the reputation of a King, with a nation that is desirous of change, as the Arabians, he posted speedily into Africa to prevent it.  
36 D. Sancho king of Portugal, 
Portugal, Death of Don Sancho king of Portugal.  whilst these things passed betwixt the Christian Princes and the Moors, died in his kingdom, the which he had held 27. years, being 58. years old, more broken with travel then with age: a wise and well advised Prince, but much crossed with adversities, notwithstanding he gathered together great treasures, and therefore is somewhat taxed of covetousness, which is the greatest cause of the ruin and dishonour of kings. They writ, that he had at the time of his death in the castle of Lisbon, and in the Monastery of Alcabaça, Saint Croix of Coimbra, and other places where his treasure lay, abovee 500000. Marks of gold (it may be they should say Maravidis of gold) and a thousand four hundred marks in silver coined, besides many other jewels: and yet his expense was great. Drawing near his end, he disposed thereof, giving by his testament unto his eldest son 200000. Maravidis of gold, and to either of his other three children 10000 Maravidis of gold, and 250. Marks of silver, to his Bastards 7000. Maravidis of gold, and certain Marks of silver. The rest he ordained should be employed to charitable uses, as to build and endow Monasteries and Hospitals, to redeem captives, and to make Chalices, Crosses, and such like ornaments. He also ordained to have the bridge of Coimbra, and the house of Saint Ladre built, neither did he forget the apostolic Roman Sea, for he did bequeath unto Pope Innocent the third, an hundred Marks of gold, and there was not any Church in his Kingdom, but tasted of his bounty. He was interred in the chapel of Saint Croix of Coimbra, near unto the Queen Donna Aldoncia his wife, from whence he was afterwards removed into the Arch of the great chapel. In the same Monastery are buried D. Henry, D. Sancha, Donna Blanca, D. Berenguela, and D. Constance his children.   

D. Alphonso the 2. of that name, the third King of Portugal.  
AFter him D. Alphonso his son held the sceptre of Portugal, who was then about 27. years old, 
1212. Gencalogic of Portugal.  and was crowned in the city of Coimbra. And for that he was big, fat, and unwieldy of his person, they surnamed him the Gross: he was already father of two children, D. Sancho, and D. Alphonso, whereof the second married Matilda, heir to the Earl of Bologne in France: besides these he had by his wife D. Vrraca of Castille, Don Fernand, who was Lord of Serpa, and married to the daughter of the Earl D. Frenand of Lara, of Castille, called D. Sancha Fernandes, from whom issued a daughter, which was Queen of Denmark; into which Realm D. Elinor daughter to this king D. Alphonso was first married. Besides these lawful children, the king had company with a Moor, of whom he begot D. Alphonso Martin's. D. Alphonso at his first entrance, had great lars with his sisters, for the he would have taken from them the lands which his father had given them for their portions: whose quarrel D. Alphonso king of Leon did embrace, and sent his son D. Fernand, accompanied by D. Martin Sanches (brother to these Ladies) for his guide, being very young, with an army, who took from the king of Portugal, Valencia of Minio, Melgaçon, Hulgoso, Frexo and other places: this war was afterwards ended by the commandment of Pope Innocent, who threatened to censure the kings of Portugal and Leon, if they made not a peace, to take arms against the Moors, who were enemies to the true Catholic Religion: from whom, about that time, and as the army of Castille was dissolved after the battle of Muradal, D. Pedro king of Arragon took Castelfabid and Ademus, which are in the Realm of Valencia.  
37 We have said before, 
Arragon.  that this king had a son by his wife, unthought of, who was called jaime, this Infant was much envied, and his life sought by his Uncles of either side, who wished there had issued no heir from Don Pedro and Donna Mary Countess of Montpellier, that they might have succeeded to their Estates: a murderous and covetous desire, which did chief possess Don Fernand Abbot of Montarragon. Wherefore they did breed up Don jayme carefully, and as much as they could out of danger: the king his father was advised to send him into France, to be kept by some Noble man his friend, where he might be more safe then in Spain: wherefore he gave him to Simon Earl of Montfort to bring up, in whom he had great confidence, but he abused him: for war being attempted against the Albigeois, in the which the Earls of Tholousa were engaged, Don Pedro king of Arragon, and the Earl of Montfort grew enemies, and were in arms one against another; the Earl being made General against them of Albi, and their adherents: and the king Don Pedro favouring the Earls of Tholousa, father and son, who had married his sisters. The event was, as the Histories of Spain report, that the Earl of Montfort (who had conceived a great hatred against the Earls of Tholousa) having then great forces from the French king, under colour of making war against the Albigeois, which were fallen from the Church of Rome, he entered in hostile manner into the Earl's country, whereof the king of Arragon being advertised by his brother-in-law, having until then taken part with the Earl of Monfort, in this quarrel of the Albigeois he turned against him, having first advised him, but in vain, and caused the Pope to admonish him, that under the pretext of war against the Albigeois, who were declared Heretics, he should not revenge his private quarrels. D. Pedro being passed into France, and meaning to besiege Simon of Montfort in the castle of Muret, which place he meant to abandon, there happened a furious skirmish among them, where as the king of Arragon was slain upon the place, and with him Don Aznar,, 
D. Pedro king of Arragon slain in France 1213.  and Pedro Pardo, father and son, Don Games de Luna, Don Michael Luesia, Michael Rada, and many other Noblemen of Arragon: the Earl of Montfort retired safe with his men. Such was the pitiful end of this King Don Pedro, in September 1213. having reigned happily, and in great reputation, eighteen years, three months, and 20. days: his body has carried to the Monastery of Sixena, founded by the Queen his mother. The Albigeois war continued, the end whereof you may see in the Histories of France. They were people which opposed themselves against the Pope's Supremacy, and hunane inventions, brought in to the Christian Religion, taught first by one called Amaulry in the town of Alby, and thereabouts; against whom the Pope incensed Christian Princes.  
In this action Dominicke a Chanoine of Osma did great service to the Romish Church, 
Dominicke of Osma author of the Order of lacobins.  being brought into France, by D. Diego his Bishop, whom the Pope did send his Legate for the effect. The University of Paris did also condemn the opinion of the Albigeois: but Dominick relying not much upon disputations and reasons, persuaded all Princes and their subjects to arms, as being the most expedient means, for the which he was canonised, and put in the catalogue of Saints. It was he which brought in the Order of preaching Friars. Our French Histories say, that Don Pedro favoured the Albigeois; and yet those of Spain give him the title of Catholic. In his time began the Impost for beeves and other cattle in Cattelogne, which was after his return from the battle of Muradal, as well by reason of the great expenses of the war, as for the great sums disbursed, for the marriages of Don Pedro's three sisters.   

Don james the first of that name, the eighth King of Arragon.  
38 Done james, or jaime his son was then in the power of the Earl of Montfort in the town of Carcassone, the which did much trouble the Arragonois and Castellans; who laboured all they could to have their Prince, but it availed little: wherefore Pope Innocent, the third was forced, at the suit and instance of the Estates of Arragon and Cattelogne, to send a Cardinal, called Peter of Beneuent, into Languedoc, to whom the young king was delivered, and led by him into his Country, where he was received and crowned at Monçon, and then took and received the oath at Lerida. It was ordained in these assemblies of Monçon and Lerida, that Don Sancho Earl of Rossillon should govern the realm during the king's minority, but they gave him limitation. The king's person was recommended to Friar William of Monredon, 
William of Monredon, and Raymond of Pegnafort or Roch●fort, Governors of the king's person.  Master of the Templars, to whom was given for an Assistant, Friar Raymond of Pegnafort, a Castellan, he that compiled the books of the Decretals, and did write arguments in cases of conscience, whereof there shall be more ample mention made. Don Sancho Earl of Rossillon of a Regent, became a tyrant, and did in time much trouble the king Don James. These things passed in this manner in Arragon, the year after the victory of Muradal, or Tholousa.  
In Navarre, 
Navarre▪ Pampelone in sedition.  the king D. Sancho the Strong, at his return from Castille, found great disorders and mutinies among his subjects, especially in the city of Pampelone, which grew by the young maidens of the town, who had injuried one another: and as oftentimes a small coal kindles a great fire, which burns a house, yea a whole city, so these petty brabbles made all the Inhabitants fall into factions, those of the Bourg of Saint Sernin, and Saint Michael, to defend the female kind, fell to blows and murders, the which could not be prevented in the King's absence, who by his presence pacified and reconciled them for a time: but being afterwards retired to his castle of Tudele, where he would not see any man, by reason that the incurable grief in his foot increased daily, the young men of Pampelone revived their insolences and quarrels, so as one day those of Saint Sernin and Saint Michael falling to arms, their fury and rage was such, as there were above 800. slain upon the place, both men, wives, and virgins, and many houses were burnt: such was their furious rage one against another, the which caused the King Don Sancho to leave his voluntary prison, to pacify it, as he did.  
39 Among other remedies which might serve hereafter, he found that peace could not continue long among a people, where there was a multitude of idle youth, and that of necessity there must grow daily quarrels among them, if there were not means found out to employ them Seeing then that his subjects were given to arms, more than to any other exercise, he resolved, seeing there was no war with his neighbours, to make a garrison upon the Moors frontiers, whether the young men of the country should be sent, to be trained up in martial discipline, and to practise arms honourably against the enemies of Christ: for this cause he entreated the king D. james, or those which did then govern his Realm of Arragon, to sell him the fruits and possession of the towns of Ademus, Castel●abib, Ferreta, Ferrelon, and Calamator, for his life, to make them a school for arms: the which he obtained, confirming also by the same mediators the peace which had been concluded betwixt the king's Don Sancho, and Don Pedro, some years before, the which began to be troubled betwixt these two estates.  
D. Alphonso king of Castille, 
Castille. Exploits against the Moors.  having suffered his soldiers to rest some time in their houses, drew his army again together, in the year 1213. and recovered the Castle of Duegnas, which herestored to the Order of Calatrava: he also took the Castle of Ezna Vexor, the which the gave to the Order of Saint james: from thence he came and planted his camp before the town of Alcarras, seated upon a very high and rough part of the mountain called Sierra Morena, the which he took without any great difficulty, the Moors being yet amazed at the defeat they had the year before, and then having seized upon many other places with the like ease, he returned to Toledo, where the Queens D. Elinor his wife, and D. Berenguela his daughter, with the Infant Don Henry attended him. There was a great famine that year in Spain, when as Don Roderigo Ximenes the Archbishop, did much good by his preaching, persuading the rich to relieve the poor: for which consideration the King did afterwards give many places to him and his successors Archbishops, the which did much augment the revenues of that Sea; honouring moreover the said Don Roderigo, and his successors Archbishops, with the title of High Chancellors of Castille.  
The Kings of Castille and Leon 
Leon.  had been no very good friends, upon divers occasions, but now lately by reason of the divorce betwixt the King of Leon and his wife D. Berenguela, daughter of Castille, the which was partly the cause why the king of Leon was not at the battle of Muradal: but this year (all hatred forgotten) the two kings had an interview in the town of Vailledolit, whereas it was agreed, that Carpio and Montreall should be restored to the King of Leon, upon condition, that he should raze them, and that he should make war against the Moors: 
Reconciliation of the Kings of Castille and Leon.  for the execution whereof D. Diego Lopes de Haro was sent to accompany Don Alphonso king of Leon, with a good number of soldiers. The places being ruined, the king of Leon went against the Moors of Alcantara upon the river of Tayo, on the confines of Portugal, the which he took: whereas since he did institute an Order of Knights, 
Order of the Knights of Alcantara.  like unto that of Calatrava. This king D. Alphonso of Leon, is numbered the tenth of that name by them that mingle the kings of Castille and Leon together. We have said before that he had two wives, the one was daughter to Don Sancho the first king of Portugal, called Donna Theresa; of which marriage issued Don Fernand, who died before his father, Donna Sancha, and D. Dulce: being afterwards separated by the Pope's authority, for that they were cousins in the third degree: he married to his second wife Donna Berenguela, daughter to Don Alphonso the Noble, king of Castille, of whom was borne Don Fernand, who was King of Castille and Leon, and Don Alphonso who came to be Lord of Molina, 
Gentalogie of Leon.  and had moreover two daughters by this Lady Donna Constance, a Nun in las Huelgas of Burgos, and Donna Berenguela, who married with the Earl john de Brenne, whom they termed king of jerusalem. This second marriage was also dissolved, for that Donna Berenguela was daughter to her husband's cousin●germaine, & therefore Don Alphonso had a friend, which brought him a bastard, called Don Roderigo Alphonso of Leon.  
After the taking of Alcantara, 
Castille.  Don Diego Lopes de Haro came unto the king of Castille, who being entered into Andalusia besieged Baeça, which the Moors had rampared: but by reason of the great dearth, he raised the siege, and returned to Calatrava, where having left Don Roderigo the Archbishop, to order all things upon the fronter, he came to Burgos. The Archbishop began to build the new town of Milagro, where the workmen were charged by the Moors, who made a great slaughter of them, and of many of the people which began to inhabit it: for the which the Archbishop provided as well as he could, and made a truce with the enemy in the King's name. Being returned to the king to Burgos he resolved to make a voyage into Guienne, where he had some pretensions, in the right of Queen Elinor his wife. Before his departure, he would confer with Don Alphonso king of Portugal, his son-in-law, sending to entreat him to meet him at Plaisance, on a certain day: but being upon the way he fell sick in Garci Mugnos a Bourg of Arevalo, where he was forced to stay: then did his grief increase, by the answer he received from the King of Portugal, 
Death of Don Alphonso the Noble King of Castille.  who sent him word, he would not pass the limits of his kingdom, by reason whereof he was so much moved with choler, as he died, in the year 1214. the five and fiftieth year of his reign, and the nine and fiftieth of his age: his body was carried to Burgos, whereas his funerals were made, and it interred in the Monastery of las Huelgas, with the tears and grief of all Spain.   

D. Henry the first of that name, the eighth King of Castille.  
41 IN his place reigned his son D. Henry the first of that name in Castille and Toledo, who was but eleven years old: whereupon the Prelates, Nobles and Commons assembled at Burgos, where having declared him king, and taken the oath, they made the Queen Donna Eleonora his mother, Governess of his person and Realms: but she survived her husband but 25. days, 
D Berenguela queen of Leon governess of Castille.  and was interred in the same Monastery. By her decree Donna Berenguela the king's sister governed both him and his Realms, who carried herself uprightly to the contentment of all the Estates, during her administration. She was Lady of Vailledolit, Mugnon, Curiel, Gormas, Saint Stephen, of the castle of Burgos, and other places and rends assigned by Don Alphonso her father. During her regency the Council of Latran was celebrated at Rome, under Pope Innocent the third with a great concourse of Prelates from all parts of Christendom. Whither there went D. Roderigo Ximenes Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain: the Archbishop of Braga, 
Council of S. john de Latran under Innocent the third.  the Bishop of Vic, and other Prelates of Spain. There were above 300. at this assembly, which did exercise chief dignities in the church, besides others innumerable of all estates, they did chiefly treat of the means how to uphold the Christians estate in Palestina, or the holy Land: then of the rights of Patronage and reception of fruits and revenues of Churches by lay men. The Archbishop Don Roderigo preached with the Pope's leave, in the assembly, very learnedly in Latin, according unto those times: and for that that language was not well understood by all that were there present, he expounded the substance of his Sermon in Italian, german, French, English, Castillan, and Biscain, 
Process for the Primacy of Spain.  or Navarrois which was his natural tongue, for the which he was much commended and esteemed, as Garybay saith, next to Doctor Blaz Ortiz, which done, and the Council freed of the affairs which touched the general of Christendom: the Archbishop D. Roderigo complained of the contumacy and disobedience of the Archbishops of Narbone, Tarragone, Braga, and Saint james, who would not acknowledge the Primacy of Toledo: to prove the which he produced many privileges of the holy apostolic sea, especially of these Popes, Vrbain, Gelasius, and Honorius the 2. Lucius the 3. Adrian the 4. and Innocent the 2. granted to the Church of Toledo, and the Prelates thereof, as Primates of Spain. He alleged many ancient Counsels celebrated in Spain, and justified the equity of his cause, by many ancient Histories and authentical Records. The Pope desired to hear the parties interressed: wherefore the Archbishop of Braga being present, answered for himself: for him of Tarragone who was absent, the Bishop of Vic, one of his Suffragans presented himself, both which denied the Primacy. They of Narbonne and Saint james were excused, being absent. And for that the Archbishop D. Roderigo Ximenes was priest to return into Spain, the process remained for that time undecided, yet he obtained from the Pope many great provisions, which were both profitable and honourable, as to be Legate of Spain for ten years, with power to make legitimate to the number of three hundred, with other ample faculties: right to choose and establish Bishops in all the towns which should come into the Christians power, and that the Church of Sevile in that case should acknowledge the Primacy of Toledo, without any suit: and that the Archbishop thereof should dispose of all other Ecclesiastical dignities, in places conquered, or to be conquered. This Archbishop D. Roderigo Ximenes, hath written the History of Spain in Latin unto his time, and in like manner that of the Moors or Arabians since Mahumet.  
The end of the tenth Book    

SEMPER EADEM THE ELEVENTH BOOK of the History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 TRoubles for the government of Castille, during the minority of the King D. Henry the first. Insolences of the Lord of Lara.  
2 Pretensions of the house of France to the Crown of Castille.  
3 D. Fernand the third of that name, ninth king of Castille, who was also the 30. of Leon.  
4 Moors in Spain fall from the Miralmumins, or kings of Africa, divers petty Potentates of that Sect erected in Spain.  
5 War betwixt the king of Leon, and him of Castille father and son.  
6 The Order of Monks of S. Dominicke: the first planting of them in Spain.  
7 Separation of the Knights of Alcantara, from them of Calatrava, and their habit.  
8 D. Raymond Berenger Earl of Provence, of the house of Cattelogne, his marriages and children.  
9 Order of Merced, instituted in Arragon.  
10 Order Seraphic of the Monks of S. Francis.  
11 Peopling of Monks of this Order in Portugal, S. Anthony of Padova a Portuguez.  
12 D. Sancho Capello, the fourth king of Portugal, second of that name.  
13 War of the Castillans against the Moors.  
14 Aben Mahumet king of Sevile.  
15 Conquest of the islands Baleares, by D. james king of Arragon, the first of that name.  
16 Reunion of Leon with Castille, by the death of D. Alphonso the ninth, under Don Fernand his son abovementioned.  
17 Title of the Kings of jerusalem, usurped by the Kings of Naples, and why.  
18 Impatience of Thibaud Earl of Champagne, by the which D. Sancho king of Navarre, his grandfather, is moved to make an unjust accord with the King of Arragon.  
19 Thibault the first of that name, 22. King of Navarre.  
20 Zeit Aben Zeit King of Valencia, becomes a Christian.  
21 Expedition of Don james King of Arragon, against Zael Tyrant of Valencia a Moor.  
22 Exemption of Cattelogne, from the Sovereignty of France, by accord.  
23 Exploits of the Castillans against the Moors of Andalusia, and the taking of Cordova.  
24 Beginning of the Realm of Granado, by Mahumet Aben Alamacar.  
25 Reign of Thibault King of Navarre, his marriages and manners, his voyages into Africa.  
26 Conquest of Valencia by D. james King of Arragon.  
27 University of Salamanca instituted by Don Fernand king of Castille  
28 Realm of Murcia gotten by the King Don Fernand the third, and his other exploits against the Moors.  
29 Reign of D. Sancho Capello, King of Portugal, and the receiving of his brother Don Alphonso Earl of Boullen.  
30 Learned men first admitted into the Council of Castille, the books of the law, called 'las siete partidas, Chanceries, and courts of Parliament established.  
31 Siege of Sevile, and taking thereof, death of the King D. Fernand.  
32 Death of D. Thibault king of Navarre.   
The Continuance and Descents of the Kings of Spain mentioned in the eleventh book.  

Castille and Leon.  
9 D. Fernand. 3-30.  
united the 2. Realms.  
Portugal.  
4. D. Sancho.  
Capello 2.  
Navarre.  
22 Thibauld 1.  
Granado and the beginning under  
1. Mahumet Abe● Alhamar.   
THE Archbishop D. Roderigo Ximenes being returned into Castille, found the affairs wonderfully troubled by the practices of D. Fernand Nugnes de Lara, D. Aluar Nugnes, and D. Gonçalo Nugnes, his brethren, sons the Earl D. Nugno de Lara, who (as their fathers and Uncles had done during the Nonnage of the king D. Alphonso the Noble) would have the person of the young king Henry in their custody, by which means they should have all authority and prerogative in the government of the state. These Noblemen, who were great and mighty, 
Troubles during the minority of D. Henry king of Castille.  wrought so, as they had what they pretended, by the means of Garcia Laurens, who had the government of the Prince, and in whom the Queen Regent did rely much. They corrupted him by gifts and promises, so as he counseled the Queen D. Berenguela, and caused the Prelates, and other Noblemen of the Realm to allow thereof, that the king should be put into the hands of these Noblemen of the house of Lara: whereunto Don Roderigo Ximenes the Archbishop did also consent, so as they did homage, and did swear faith and loyalty in the hands of the Q. Regent, not to attempt nor change any thing in matter of State, were it in peace or war, without her counsel and consent, whom they should honour and respect, as it was fit: they should defend her, her estates and goods in all occasions, upon pain to be held guilty of high treason. These promises being made by the Lords of Lara, the king D. Henry was delivered into the hands of the Earl D. Aluar Nugnes: 
The young king delivered into the ●ands of them of Lara.  but they did not perform what they had promised, for as soon as they saw themselves seized of the King's person, and therefore reverenced and seared, they began to pursue many great personages and rich men with all violence, so as some were forced to fly. Moreover, falling upon the liberties, goods, and revenues of the Clergy, they made their profit of them: whereupon they were excommunicated by Don Roderigo Deane of Toledo, Vicegerent or Substitute to the Archbishop, the which did reclaim them from these insolences, especially against the Clergy and Churches, whereof they promised to become Protectors.  
But for that it is a hard matter to restrain great men, when they are once given to tyranny, these Earls of Lara turned against laymen, which enjoyed spiritual livings, whom they did vex and spoil of their revenues, so as they grew odious to all sorts of men, and they began to be moved, and to repine much at their excess. D. Aluar who had been newly made Earl of Auila, 
Factions in Castille.  called an assembly of the Estates in the King's name at Vailledolit, whither came certain of his confederates, great men of Castille: but D. Lope Diaz de Haro, son to D. Diego Lord of Biscay, D. Gonçal Ruis Giron, and his brethren, D. Roderigo Ruis, D. Aluar D●az de los Cameros; and Don Alphonso Teles de los Meneses, with many other Noblemen of the Kingdom▪ detesting this tyranny, exhorted the Queen to complain of the extortions, miseries and calamities, which the people and whole Realm suffered by their means: according to which advice, she did write to the Earl Don Aluar Nugnes, 
D. Alur de Lara spoils D. Berenguela the Queen Regent of her authority and estate.  putting him in mind of the faith and homage which he had sworn to her, and admonishing him to govern better: wherewith D. Aluar being incensed, he did all the wrong he could unto the Queen, and in the end dispossessed her of all that the King her father had left for her portion, yea he grew so insolent, as he commanded her to departed the Court; the which this poor Princess was forced to do, retiring with her sister D. Elinor, who was yet a maid, to Oteilla, where they remained until the death of D. Henry their brother. This violent contempt was not concealed from the young King, who began to complain, demanding to be delivered again unto the Queen D. Berenguela his sister, but it was in vain: for he himself being forced and resisting all he could, was led from place to place, as it pleased the Earl Don Alvaro: and which was more, he was forced by him to marry D. Malfada Infanta of Portugal, daughter to the King D. Sancho, without imparting it to the Prince, nor to the Princesses of the blood; 
Marriage for●ced of the K. D. Henry.  not to any but to his own faction: which marriage he began to broach at Palencia, where they were made sure; and suddenly being come to Medina del campo, he caused them to lie together: whereat the Queen D. Berenguela was so moved (being not made acquainted with this treaty) as she wrote unto Pope Innocent the third, advertising him that the married couple were so near akin, as according to the ordonances of the Church, they could not be joined together without scandal, by whose means the Pope did separate them: whereupon D. Malfada (who was a very fair Princess) returned into Portugal very much discontented, as well for the breach of the marriage, as for that Don Alvaro would presume to marry her, the king D. Henry being an infant. They were cousins in the fourth degree by an unequal line, whereof the Infanta had the better. Some Author's report it after this manner, that Queen D. Berenguela having sent one to Maqueda, where the king was, to carry him news of his Estate, the Earls of Lara having intelligence thereof, caused him to be apprehended and put in prison, and having counterfeitted letters, to some private men of base condition, from the Queen, as if she would have procured them to poison the king, they caused this prisoner process to be made, who was for that cause hanged: yet not any one did believe, that ever the Queen D. Berenguela, would practise such a treachery; but held it to be a fraud, devised by the Earl D. Nugno, and D. Aluar his soon. Wherefore the Inhabitants of Maqueda began to mutiny, which made the King and his Governors to go to Hue●é: where being arrived, a Knight called Rederigo Gonçales of Valuerdé, who had charge from the Queen D. Berenguela, to steal away the king. Don Fernand de Lara laid hold of him, and carried him prisoner to Alarcon.  
This made the Earls of Lara to keep a more straight guard about the King, 
Civil war in Castille.  whom they conducted to Vailledolit, and there began the war against them, which held the Queen's party. Montalegre in the which Don Sure Teles Gir●n remained, was besieged and taken: and then over running and spoiling the country, Don Alvaro de Lara, chief of this war, came to Carrion, then to Villana of Alcor, who having suddenly surprised Don Alphonso Teles de Meneses, without the fort, being ill accompanied, his men unhorsed and disarmed some of Don Alphonso's troop, and thought to take him prisoner, but he fled into the fort being wounded, where he was besieged by the King in person, and the Earl Don Alvaro, but not able to take it, they retired to Palencia, where the king was lodged in the bishop's Palace.  
All things (say they) passed before the marriage, which was then concluded in Palence. It being accompanied, the king would go against D. Lope Diaz de Haro, and passing by Burgos, whereas his sister the Queen D. Berenguela was, he went on, and did not see her, and so came to Calaorra, which fort was taken by Garcia Zapata, from Ruis Diaz de los Cameros, and his brother Alvaro Diaz. The king being afterwards returned to Burgos, the Queen his sister began to write, and to solicit the Pope to dissolve this marriage, which was the cause why D. Alvaro dispossessed her of her lands & revenues, under the king's name and authority, which she could not resist. Moreover, the Historians say, that Don Alvaro did pursue a second marriage for the King D. Henry, with Donna Sancha Infanta of Leon, daughter to Don Alphonso by his first wife D. Theresa, by the which it was agreed that after the death of the king D. Alphonso, the king D. Henry should succeed him in the Realm of Leon, and in the mean time he should give unto his father-in-law, the use and possession of Saint john de la Mota, whereof a Knight called Sancho Fernandes should be Governor, and answerable for it: the Earl D. Alvaro thinking to fortify himself with the support and favour of the king Don Alphonso, by the granting of this place, although he repent him afterwards, giving him in exchange Tiedra in stead of S. john, and above 10000 Maravidis of gold, all to annoy the Queen D. Berenguela, and to disinherit the Infant D. Fernand of Leon his son and heir to the Realm, who was with her: for Tiedra did belong unto the Queen, who was constrained to give the place unto the king Don Henry her brother, who demanded it. And then she sent the Infant D. Fernand unto the king of Leon his father,: which done, she retired to Oteilla, and the king to Palence, from whence D. Gonçalo Nugnes de Lara, brother to the Earl D. Alvaro, was sent with good troops of horse and foot, against D. Lope Diaz de Haro, who was towards Miranda of Ebro well accompanied: but as they were ready to fight, certain religious men came betwixt them and parted them: so as the Earl D. Gonçalo returned to the king and D. Lope unto the Queen; who was soon after besieged by the king her brother, and the Earl of Lara in Oteilla, but not able to take it, they left it to go to Frechilla, where they razed the houses of D. Roderigo Gonçales Giron, and then they returned to Palence. The Queen had in the mean time sent to demand succours, from the king of Leon, sometimes her husband, the which he granted, but the siege being raised, there was no need to send any. These things are written by many Authors very doubtfully and diversly: how soever it were, the realms of Castille and Toledo did endure much misery by the wicked and tyrannous government of the Earls of Lara, the which had an end by the sudden and miserable death of the king D. Henry, whom they held in their power, and whose authority they did abuse impudently. This young Prince being at Palença, lodged in the bishop's palace, as they suffered him to play with certain young children of Noble houses, who served him and were about the same age, sporting with them freely, and more inconsiderately than was fit for one of his quality: one of them whom they hold to be of the house of Mendoça, cast a tile from the top of a tower, which falling upon the covering of an house, beat down another, the which fell upon the king's head, wherewith he was so grievously hurt, 
Death of D. H●nry king of Castille.  as he died the eleventh day after, in the year 1217. having reigned two years, nine months, and 15. days, in great trouble: his body carried to Burgos and laid in the Monastery of las Huelgas, near to his brother D. Fernand, where they do every year unto this day, make an anniversary for his soul. Such was the end of D. Henry, by the which D. Berenguela recovered her authority, and reigned with her son D. Fernand, the which she had by Don Alphonso king of Leon, by the diligence and foresight of the Noblemen of Castille, fearing lest the French should seize upon the Realm, by reason of the pretensions of the Infanta D. Blanch, 
Interest of the king of France to t●e crown of Casti●te.  the eldest daughter of Castille, married into France, to Lewis son to Philip Augustus, who was mother to the king Saint Lewis.  

D. Fernand called the Holy, the ninth king of Castille, and third of that name.  
3 THe death of the King Don Henry, was very grievous to the Earls of Lara, who sought to keep it secret for some days, but it was in vain: for the Queen D. Berenguela was presently advertised, who instantly dispatched D. Diego Lope de Haro, and D. Gonçalo Ruis, to Toro in the country of Leon, to bring the Infant Don Fernand, who was there with the King his father. And for that she feared lest the King Don Alphonso of Leon, being advertised of this death, should attempt something upon the Realm of Castille, the Ambassadors had charge to conceal it, and to feign that the Queen was still molested, and ready to be besieged by her enemies, upon which pretext they should demand the Infant her son with some succours of soldiers, the which the Ambassadors did wisely effect, bringing D. Fernand to Oteilla, where he was proclaimed king of Castille, Toledo, and Nagera in the open field, under an Elm, by the Noblemen which were there present: and presently marched towards Palencia, 
Fernand the third proclaimed king of Castille.  where as the King, the Queen his mother, with their whole train, were received with great honour by Don Tello the Bishop. From thence they came to Duegnas, which place they were constrained to force, so as the war began to grow hot: which the Prelates and Noblemen of the country laboured to prevent, but in vain: the Earl D. Aluar refusing to quit his authority, and to lay down arms, until he had the person of the new King Don Fernand in his power, as he had had that of D. Henry: but the memory of his bad government distasted every man: so as they were so far from satisfying his desire, as they were all ashamed to have been so ill advised, to give the authority and government of the Realm, to such violent persons as them of Lara: wherefore they sought how to have the king obeyed by Arms, to the great ruin of the country. The King and Queen-mother passed on with their troops to Vailledolit, and so to the river of Duero: from thence they went to Coca, where they shut the gates against them: wherefore they came to Saint Just, where they received two advertisements: the one was, that they should not go to Auila nor Segovia: the other, that the Infant Don Sancho Fernandes, brother to Don Alphonso king of Leon, borne of D. Vrraca Lopes was coming against them with a mighty army: whereupon they turned back towards Vailledolit, where they found some alterations against the Queen and her son, practised by them of Lara, whom by her wisdom she pacified▪ There having assembled the Noblemen which had charges and dignities within the Realm, she entreated them to advise what was fit for the peace and public quiet, offering to do any thing which they should council her. They who knew her to be a wise and discreet woman, were of opinion, that she should reign as lawful heir of Castille: but she desiring more the good and greatness of her son, than her own, renounced the royalty, in the presence of them all, & resigned it wholly unto her fon Don Fernand, the which was a worthy act, and commended of all men. Whereupon the King was conducted unto the Church of Saint Mary the great, and there with a general applause and consent was confirmed King, and the oath taken of either side, the King being scarce seventeen years, whose reign was happy and full of all good.  
4 The Moors of Spain, 
Moors.  subject to Aben Mahomad, Miralmumin of Africa, seeing themselves destitute of his aid and support, after the loss of the Battle of Muradal, (as it doth often happen after such inconveniences and losses) grew to have a bad conceit of their King Mahomad, and did believe, or made show to believe, that the battle was lost by his fault: wherefore all such a● 
The Arabians in Spain re●ect the Miralmumins of afric.  had any charges and governments revolted and erected many petty Kingdoms in Spain. Among them, the first and chief was the Miralmumims own brother called Zeit Aben-Zeit, who by others is called Zeita Buzeit, who seized upon the town of Valencia, & the jurisdictions thereof. A cousin of his called Aben Mahomad, when as the Christians army, infected with the plague, returned into Castille, seized upon Baeça, who had the city of Cordova also at his devotion, with many other places in Andalusia, and on the confines of Toledo; whom many Moors followed, for that he was descended by masculine line from Abdelmon, the first king of the Almohades, and came of Abdalla one of his sons: these two had yet some colour to hold that which their grandfather had conquered in Spain. But at Sevill there did rise a mighty Moor, called Aben Lalle, under whose power the towns of Eccia, Carmona, Xeres, 
governors Moors make themselves Lords of their governments.  and others of Andalusia did subject themselves. In Murcia and Granado, there was one named Aben●Hut, made himself King, being of the race of those Moors which had reigned in Sarragossa. In this sort the other Moors made themselves masters of towns and Provinces in Spain, where they had been set for Governors, all which did enter into league with the abovenamed as the mightiest, giving an end in Spain to the Empire of the Almohades, and Kings of Maroc, two and fifty years after the passage of king Abdelmon. This was the last division betwixt the Moors of Spain and Africa, the which were never more united under one Crown, notwithstanding that there have many times troops and armies past out of Africa into Spain against the Christians, to succour those petty Kings of the Moors which reigned there, whereas the Kings of Maroc might hold some sea-townes and forts given them by the Kings of Granado, to favour their descents: yet they never after had any great power not Empire there. From these new erected estates, which were not yet very well united, the King of Castille (as we have said) had taken the strong city of Alcaraz, and he of Leon, that of Alcantara, in the year 1213. Since a truce being made betwixt the Christians and Moors for some years, these Infidels had leisure to settle themselves, and to fortify their places.  
In the year 1217. 
1217.  Don Matthew Bishop of Lisbon, being leader of the army of Portugal, took from them Alcaçar de Sal, being assisted by strangers, which were going into Syria, and by the Prior of the Templars, and Prior of Saint john. These strangers were English, French, and Flemings, having a fleet of an hundred sail, being moved thereunto by the admonitions and decrees of the Council of Saint john de Latran, held by Pope Innocent the third, which was the fifth expedition made by public decree and Council, by the which Andrew king of Hungary was named General of the Christians army in the West, notwithstanding john Earl of Brenne went in his place.  
5 Returning to Castille, 
Castille.  the young king Don Fernand, his mother, and and all the Castillans, were much troubled after they had chosen him, for that the King D. Alphonso his father, being discontented that D. Berenguela had by policy gorten away his son, and seemed to distrust him, and withal being desirous to unite that realm to his of Leon and to be called Emperor of Spain, he came into Spain with a mighty army: whereupon they sent Don Maurice Bishop of Burgos, and Don Domingo bishop of Auila to beseech the King not to disquiet his sons Realm, 
The King of Leon enters with an army into Castille against his son D. Fernand.  of whose good he should be rather glad then sorry: but he was thereby incensed the more. King Don Alphonso marching on as far as Burgos, spoiling all where he passed, found the city well guarded by Don Lope Diaz de Haro and other Noblemen, who were well accompanied: wherefore seeing there was no means to enter, he returned, doing all the harm he could. About this time the Queen D. Berenguela, parting from Vailledolit came to Palencia, whereas the Noblemen about Segobia and Auila came to offer her their service. The Castillans being freed from the fear of King Don Alphonso, the new King's army was led to Mugnon, where the battery was begun: during the which the Queen returned to Burgos, to the funerals of her brother Don Henry, the which by her Order were very stately. Mugnon being taken, and the Queen come to the camp, with the soldiers which were at Burgos, they marched against Lerma and Lara, which places were taken by force. Being returned to Burgos, the army was led along the river of Oja, whereas the towns of Villorado, Nagera, 
D. Alvaro de Lara taken whereof followed a peace 〈◊〉 Castille.  and Navarret yielded unto the King, but not their castles. In the mean time the Lords of Lara, laboured to make a general rebellion against the king▪ so as the Princess being forced to return to Palencia, there was an encounter upon the way, where D. Alvaro was taken and led prisoner to Burgos, who was afterwards delivered upon condition that he should yield unto the King, all the places and garrisons which were held and maintained by his men at arms, belonging to the Crown, especially Amaya, Tariego, Cerezo, Villafranca of the Mountains of Oca, the tower of Vilhorado, with the castles of Navarret, Nagera and Pancoruo, the which was done: D. Fernand his brother did also yield Castroxeris, and Orcejon. By this means there was a peace betwixt the king and the Noblemen his subjects whom he received into favour, suffering them to hold their Offices and Governments: but it was a peace of six months only, for seeing themselves out of credit, they rebelled again, against whom the king sent some troops, which forced them to retire to Leon. By reason whereof the war revived betwixt Castille and Leon, but not too hotly: for there was presently a truce made, the Earl D. Alvaro falling sick, whereof he died at Toro, 
Death of D. Aluar and D. Fernand de Lara.  having first made a vow to take upon him the habit and order of Saint james; wherefore they buried him at V●les. Presently after D. Fernand de Lara his brother retired into Africa, where he was well entertained in the court of the King of Maroc; but he died soon after, having caused himself to be carried to a Bourge inhabited by Christians, called Elbora, near unto the city of Maroc. Drawing near his end, he took upon him the habit of the Order of Hospitaliers, thinking it would serve to mitigate his offence, in which habit his body was carried into Castille, and buried in the commandry of Pont de Hitero, in the Bishopric of Palencia, by the care of Donna Major his wife, D. Fernand and D. Aluar his sons.  
6 This age brought forth new Orders of religion, 
Order of preaching friars.  contrary to the precedent Orders of Monks; for whereas these could not be satisfied with temporal wealth, which was given them by Kings and Noblemen, as it were in emulation one of an other, those rejected all riches, making profession to be poor, and not to possess any thing. The first was that of the preaching friars, which are called jacobins in France, the Author whereof was that Chanoine of Osma, which came out of Spain into France, with his Bishop, to maintain the authority of the church of Rome, against the Albigeois and their adherents, being pronounced heretics by Pope Innocent the third, as we have said: the vow and profession of this Order was, to preach against those which should stray from the faith. The Order was allowed and confirmed by Pope H●norius the third. Dominike was borne at Calaruega, and not at Calaroga, nor Calahorra; it is a Bourg in the Diocese of Osma, betwixt Aranda of Duero, and Saint Domingo of Silos, and is at this day a Monastery of Nuns of that Order, the which was built by King D. Alphonso the eleventh, or last of that name, where they do show his father's house and the font where he was baptised.  
The confirmation of his Order was presented by him, 
An. 1218.  in the year 1218. unto the King D. Fernand, he himself having obtained it at Rome; and in truth the sea of Rome is much bound to these preaching friars, 
convents of the Order of Saint Dominike built by the King D. Fernand the 3.  who have been one of the chief suppotters thereof, the King D. Fernand as an obedient son to the Pope, received the Order and the Author with great reverence, and caused the Monasteries of Saint Croix of Segobia, and of Saint Domingo the royal at Madrid, to be built. Dominike dying some time after at Bolonia, Pope Gregory the ninth, did canonize him, in the year 1223. there were other friars of this Order Canonised by Popes, as one Manes, ●il, Anselme, Pelagius and Michael.  
7 At the same time the Knights of the Order of Alcantara were divided from that of Calatrava, being alike, and subject unto it, from which time they had their distinct masters. D. Alphonso King of Leon, who had instituted this order, was a means that Alcantara, with all that this order did hold in the realm of Leon, was given to Saint julian del Pereiro of Portugal, which was of the same order of Cisteaux, upon condition that the master and Order of Pereiro and his successors should remain under the obedience, and be subject to the● site of the Masters of Calatrava. So in the year of our Lord 1219. this order had its beginning and distinct masters. 
An. 1219.  Their habit was first a hood, and the Novices at this day carry a hood of white serge or stamine, and when as they receive the communion, 
Ha●●t of the Knights of Alcantara.  every one wears a white cloak. Since they have taken a green cross, in favour and at the instance of D. Fernand Infant of Castille, son to john the first, who was afterwards King of Arragon, in the year 1411. as shallbe said. Such was the devotion of that age, fertile of such things.  
D. Fernand King of Castille, being freed from D. Alvaro, and D. Fernand Nugnes de Lara, which did trouble his realm, he began to reign in peace; and being now of age fit to be married, the Queen D. Berenguela his mother, with the advice of such as she knew to be faithful, began to treat a marriage in Germany, with Beatrix, daughter to the Emperor Philip, and cousin to the Emperor Frederic the second King of Naples and Sicily. The Germans say, that she had been married to Otton Duke of Saxony, who was Emperor after Philip; so as she must of necessity have been a widow. To this effect D. Maurice Bishop of Burgos, and D. Pedro Abbot of the Monastery of Saint Peter of Arlança, 
D. Ferdinand King of Castille merry's the Emperor of Germanies' daughter.  with the Prior of the Order of Saint john were sent Ambassadors well attended, who concluded this marriage, notwithstanding that they held them four months without any resolution: this Princess was sent into Spain through France, whereas Philip Augustus, then reigning, did her much honour throughout his whole realm, causing her to be conducted unto Guipus●oa, from whence the Noblemen of Spain which were deputed to receive her, conducted her to Victoria, whereas the Queen D. Berengula met her, and did accompany her to Burgos: this Princess did please D. Fernand, for she was exceeding fair. Three days after her arrival, the King was made Knight, and did arm himself in the Monastery of Las Huelgas, and then he married D. Beatrix the last of December 1220. 
An. 1220.  Of this marriage issued many children, whereof the eldest was Alphonso, who succeeded in the two Realms of Castille and Leon: the second was D. Frederic, the third D. Fernand, the fourth D. Henry, the fifth D. Philip the sixth D. Sancho, the seventh and last D. Manuel. He had also two daughters, D. Elinor, who died and Infant, an D. Berenguela a Nun in the Monastery of Las Huelgas.  
The year following 1221. the marriage was concluded betwixt D. Elinor, the King of Castilles aunt, and D. james King of Arragon, 
Arragon.  who was then but thirteen years old, which argues falsehood in some which have written that this King before he married this Princess, had contracted a secret marriage with D. Theresa Gil of Bidaura, daughter of D. john of Bidaura, of whom he begot two sons, the one called D. Pedro, who was Lord of Aierbe, and the other D. jaime Lord of Xerica, the which hath no great ground in nature, considering the King was very young, and we must believe that the acquaintance he had with this Lady, either as a spouse or a friend, was ten years after, when he was divorced from D. Elenor. He was in a manner constrained to make this alliance with Castille, having need of D. Fernands' assistance, by reason of the troubles he had in his country, which grew through the bad and tyrannous government and ambition of his uncles: the which we must relate and fetch farther off. This Prince had been drawn, as we have said, out of the hands of Simon Earl of Montfort, and conducted into his realm of Arragon, where there was great contention betwixt the Estates, 
Contentions in Arragon.  and the Earls of Roussillon, the father, and son to D. Fernand, and the Abbot of Montarragon, the King's uncles, who in stead of governing the realm, would have wrested it from him: notwithstanding by the fidelity of the Estates and their authority, together with the diligence of the Cardinal of Beneuent the Legate, right prevailed, and the Infant D. james was ackowledged for lawful King at Lerida, as I have said, where the Princes contending did not appear. 
Raymond Berenger Earl of provence father to five Queens. 8  There were three Governors appointed, two in Arragon, which were D. Pedro d' Ahones, and D. Pedro Fernandes d' Açagra, whose Governments were distinct by the river of Ebro, and the third in Cattelog●e. Over all the which D. Sancho, Earl of Roussillon, was appointed superintendant. There it was also concluded, that D. Raymond Berenger, Earl of Provence, a young Prince of nine years of age, son to D. Alphonso, should be with the King, under the same tutors above mentioned, the which was put in execution: but the Earl soon after, about the year of our Lord 1216. escaped from them, and retired into Provence, where he married the daughter of Thomas Earl of Morienne, named Beatrix, who was mother of five Queens.  
To prevent the continual practices of the Earls of Roussillon, and of D. Fernand, uncles to the young King, it was resolved, about the year 1217. that he should be declared of full age, being then but ten years old, according unto some, the which the Earl of Rousillon did wonderfully contradict: yet after great contention, he quit the Regency, in the year 1218. by the authority of the Estates assembled to that end at Tarragone, whereas the Earl received certain places in fee of the King. At this time the authority of the Magistrate (called the justice of Arragon) was great, for the defence of the public liberty.  
The year following 1219. all the continent of Spain was afflicted with a great drought (whereunto it is very much subject) as well through want of rain, as for that the springs were dried up; so as there followed a great dearth, and pestilent diseases. These calamities were accompanied with troubles and civil seditions, by the rebellion of D. Roderigo Lizana, a man of great authority and power, who being incensed for some pretended wrongs against Lope d' Albero, he surprised him in his house, and shut him up in a fort of his, from whence the King delivered him by force; his commandments, nor the decrees of his council prevailing nothing. D. Roderigo despairing to find grace with the King, retired to Albarrazin, to D. Pedro Fernandes de Açagra, whether they sen●troupes of soldiers to besiege them, who could not force the place, being strong both by nature and art: notwithstanding D. Roderigo and D. Pedro Fernandes, acknowledging their fault, obtained pardon of the King. In these sieges they used an Engine of battery made at Huesca, which did cast great stones, making one hundred and fifty shot in a day and a night, with great ruin.  
These things happened in the year 1221. whilst they treated of the marriage of the said King D. james, with D. Elinor of Castille, the Mediators whereof were D. Simon Cornel, William Ceruera, and William Raymond of Moncade, he which married Garsinde, the heir of the country of Berne: for the accomplishing whereof, the parties met at Agreda, where they were made sure, and the contract of marriage drawn, greatly to the Queen's advantage, from whence they went to marry in the city of Tarrassone. Of this marriage D. Alphonso was borne, who died before the father: This marriage was not firm, for being made without a dispensation from the Pope, being cousins in a prohibited degree, it was dissolved by Pope Honorius the second after some years, and the Infanta sent home into Castille; yet some say that she professed herself in the Monastery of Saint Mary de la Vega.  
9 A little before this, King D. jaime, had instituted the Order which they call our Lady of the redemption of prisoners, otherwise de la Merced, 
Order of Merced.  by the council of his confessor friat Raymond of Pegnafort, or Rochefort, who set down the rules for the religious of this Order, under that of Saint Augustine. Their profession and chief vow was to go into the Moors country, to redeem Christians that were prisoners, and if any one for want of money could not redeem a Christian slave out of the hands of an Infidel, and did see him by ill usage in despair or otherwise in danger to renounce the Christian faith, they were bound to put themselves in the slaves place, and to serve for him until they had paid his Master the price agreed upon, which was a rare charity. The first brother of this Order, was Peter Nolasco of Barcelona, or Francis according unto some; who received the habit in the chief church of that town, with great solemnity, in the year 1218. by the hands of friar Raymond the master thereof, the King D. james being present. This habit was white, as they carry it at this day, with the arms of Arragon and Cattelog●e, which are, a cross argent, and four bends gueules in a field Or. The Order was since confirmed, in the year 1230. at the request of the King D. jame and pursuit of the master, D. Raymond of Rochfort, by Pope Gregory the ninth, he who confirmed the Order of the friars Mineurs, instituted after that of the preaching friars, by the Seraphical father Saint Francis under the Order of Saint Augustin, 
〈…〉.  but somewhat changed: the Author of this Order was wonderfully persecuted by the enemy of mankind, envious (say the Spanish Authors) of the great good which should come unto the Catholic church of Rome, by the erudition and piety of the religious of that Order. This father of Franciscan friars, came into Spain, during the reign of D. Fernand King of Castille, of whom we writ, who received him with great reverence, and did build many goodly convents of that Order, and by his example other Kings did the like.  
11 Five of the Brethren of this Order, 
Portugal.  not yet allowed nor confirmed by the Pope (the which notwithstanding flourished in Portugal, in the latter time of king D. Alphonso the gross) were desirous to pass to Maroc, there to preach the faith of Christ, but they prospered not; for the King of the Arabians, offended with the habit, countenances, and importunity of these friars, slew them all with his own hand, by reason whereof they were put in the rank of blessed Martyrs, according to their Legend. Of this cruel execution was an eye witness D. Pedro of Portugal, brother to the King, who caused their bodies to be brought to Coimbra, where they were buried in the Monastery of Saint Croix.  
They say that these Monks partting from Portugal, had prophesied to the Queen D. Vrraca, that she should die in the year of our Lord 1220. as it happened. In the time of the same King D. Alphonso flourished that religious man whom they call Saint Anthony of Padova, who notwithstanding was borne at Lisbon; and for his great knowledge, according to the time, was called the ark of the holy Scripture. He being a Chanoine of Saint Croix at Coimbra, had so great a fervency to serve God, as he became a friar of the Order of Saint Francis, changing his name, which was Fernand into that of Anthony; he was a Doctor and a professor in divinity, and did read in the universities of Tolousa, Bolonia and Padova, where he died; of whom Portugal and all Spain glory much. As for King D. Alphonso surnamed the gross, he hath not ministered much matter to write of his actions: for his reign was short, and himself in disposed of his person. He died in the year of our Lord 1223. being but eight and thirty years old, whereof he reigned eleven. His body lies in Alcovaça, near unto that of the Queen his wife.   

D. Sancho Capello the second of that name, the fourth King of Portugal.  
12 D. Sancho his son, 
Surname of Capello,  called Capello, reigned after him. He was sixteen years old when he began to reign, & was crowned in the city of Coimbra. His surname of Capello came by reason of the habits which he ware wide and long, like a Clergy man. It may be he ware some great cap or hat, as the Portugals do at this day, who will have all their apparel very wide and easy, even their buskins of Spanish leather, which are ruffled down to their heels, saying that it doth not become a gentleman to carry them strait and smooth.  
This Prince was more courteous, affable, and a lover of peace than was fit for a commander that will keep his subjects in awe. Wherefore he was contemned by his subjects, and held for a covard and base minded, so as they attempted many things insolently and audatiously, against all right or reason, without respect of Prince, or justice, the which was ill administered in his time, his baseness yielding to the malice of his subjects. He married with D. Mencia Lope de Haro daughter to the Earl D. Lope Diaz de Haro, 
Marriage of the King D. Sancho.  Lord of Biscay the fourth of that name: a Lady of great beauty and an excellent spirit, but not much pleasing to the Portugals, for the King took her, being a widow against their like, and besides she bore him no children: wherefore they used great means in the court of Rome to dissolve this marriage.  
Amongst all the Kings of Portugal, as well those which went before, as which followed, he only was childless, for he neither had lawful children, nor bastards. D. Mencia Lopes did govern him in such sort, as no respect of the public good of the Realm, nor the exhortations, entreaties, nor admonitions, made unto him by the Noblemen, and religious persons, who were then much respected, neither yet any other means whatsoever, could move him to be divorced from her, wherefore they spoke it publicly, that she had bewitched him, what happened you shall understand hereafter.  
Returning to the affairs of Castille, the King D. Fernand having solemnised his aunts marriage, after all the feasts and sports he found himself engaged in new troubles, procured by D. Fernand Ruiz Dias de los Cameros, 
Fernand Ruiz Diaz de l●s Cameros, a co●cus●ionar and a rebel.  who had newly crossed himself to pass into Syria, to the holy war; for the performing of which voyage, it may be his purse was not very well furnished, wherefore he began to tax and spoil the King's country, which was under his command, for these concussions he was cited to appear in court, at Vailledolit, where he did in some sort justify himself.  
Afterwards being pricked in conscience for these outrages, being also by nature in constant, fearful, and with all ill advised, he absented himself, wherefore the King seized upon all his goods. D. Fernand Ruiz seeing that they proceeded against him with all rigour, fortified himself in certain castles, from the which he did much trouble the King's affairs, so as in the end he was forced to compound with him and to give him money.  
By this accord, 
D. Gonsalo Peres Lord of Molina, and D Gons●l Nugnes de Lara rebel in Castille.  he yielded up the places which he held, and received fourteen thousand pieces of gold. After him Gençalo Peres, Lord of Molina did rebel, being moved thereunto by D. Gonçalo Nugnes de Lara, who began to overrun and spoil those parts which lay near his houses, like an enemy; not ceasing, for any admonitions or threats made unto him in the King's name, until that he was forced to go and besiege him in Molina; notwithstanding by the means of D. Berenguela the Queen mother, he was restored to the King's favour, and the soldiers were drawn from before Molina, But D. Gonçalo Nugnes de Lara, who for fear of punishment was retired into the Moors country, demanding pardon also could not obtain it: wherefore he lived the remainder of his days, which were but short, at Baeça in Andalusia, where he died miserably, as his brethren D. Alvaro and D. Fernand had done, worthy in truth of great punishments, for their rash and seditious enterprises, being greater and more eminent than all the other Noblemen of the realm. The King being freed from this care, and the realm in some quiet, D. Maurice Bishop of Burgos, an English man borne, began in the year of our Lord 1222. to set his hand to the building of the great church of that city, 
An. 1222  according to the fashion we see it at this day, the which was finished in his time. The Episcopal seat was before at Saint Laurence. The Archbiship D. Roderigo caused them also this year to work about the building of the chief Church of Talavera, the which was endowed with four dignities, and twelve Chanoi●s, and at the same time the Churches of Vailledolit and Osma were built by a Bishop of Osma, who had been Secretary to the King D. Fernand. The church of Padron, the Bishop's lodging, and the bridge which is upon Minio were also then built, by the care and charge of D. Laurence Bishop of that place.  
It was also about the beginning of this year 1222. that D. Ramir Infant of Navarre, 
Navarre.  brother the King D. Sancho the retired, was made Bishop of Pampelone, of whose charity Authors writ with admiration, that he gave all he had unto the poor, and the more his riches did abound, the more he gave.  
In all the time after the marriage of the King D. james, 
Arrago●●  and D. Elinor of Castille, unto the year 1228. when as the war of Majorca was attempted, the realm of Arragon was troubled with continual seditions, procured by the Infant D. Fernand, the King's uncle, being exceeding ambitious, who having entered into League, with D. Nugno of Arragon his cousin, son to D. Sancho Earl of Rosillon, D. William of Moncada (a little before enemies, but now grown friends, upon this occasion) Pedro d' Ahones and others, took upon him again the Regency of the realm, by force, in the year 1223. and distributed amongst his favourers and confederates the chief dignities of the realm, holding the King and Queen, in his power: but a while after the King esçaped from Tortosa, and retired to Huc●ra or Horta, where having conferted with the Nobility, he raised an army, with the which he entered the territories of the Moors of Valencia and Murcia being tired with civil tumults, so as he forced Azebut or Zeit King of Valencia to promise him tribute, and in like manner him of Murcia, which was the fi●th penny of their imposts. In this war many commanders of the League, intermeddled, contrary to the King's liking. Amongst others, D. Pedro d' Ahones discontented that the King had made a truce with the Moors, sought to break it, and did often lead troops of soldiers into the territory of Valencia, spoiling all he found: so as the King having often advised and entreated him to contain himself, but in vain he commanded they should take him prisoner, 
D. Pedro de Ahones 〈◊〉.  but D. Pedro seeking to defend himself, being pursued by the King and others, was slain by D. Sancho Martin's de Luna, with a lance: the which did put all the towns of Arragon (being already infected) into open rebellion against the King: who marched presently with his army into the countries of Sobrarbre, and Ribagorça, whereas the houses, lands and subjects of D. Pedro were, the which he wasted all he could.  
The towns of Saragossa, Huesca and all the rest, except Calatajub, followed the Infant D. Fernand, and the Noblemen of his faction, as defenders (said they) of the public liberty, the chief of the Saragossans, was their Bishop D. Sancho d' Ahones: brother to D. Pedro, that was slain. On the other side the King's army was led by D. Blasco Alagon, and Artal de Luna, who did much annoy them of Saragossa and others. In the end, the mildness, patience and dissimulation of the King D. james, surmounted all these alterations and mutinies, who could so win the Princes and Noblemen, being much troubled to maintain this war, as they all submitted themselves unto him; by whose example the towns were quiet, yet the cities of Saragossa, Huesca and jacca made a league amongst themselves, for the defence of their lands and jurisdictions against thieves and robbers, and remainders of civil dissensions, and erected a Magistrate, holding a form of justice, like unto that which they call Hermandades in Castille, yet without any prejudice to the King's royal preogative.  
13 In Castille whilst that the King D. Fernand was busy to suppress his own subjects, and to dispose of the affairs of old Castille, 
Moors.  the Inhabitants of Cuenca, Huete, Alarcon and Moja, being gathered together, made a road into the territories of Valencia, from whence they brought a great booty. This was an advice given by D. Berenguela the Queen mother, and the prelate's of Castille, to the end they might break the truce which was betwixt her son and the petty Kings of the Moors, thinking it high time the King should go to the war, and that it was the duty of a Catholic Prince to pursue these infidels, 
Fernand King of Castille e●●ers Andalusia.  with what right soever. Wherefore the King animated by this council, gathered his army together, and marched into Andalusia, where at his first entry, Aben Mahomad, King of Baeça, made himself his vassal, sending to meet the Christians army, when it was at the passage of the mountain called Puerto del Muradal. Afterwards they came to Quesada, whereas many Moors were slain, and many taken, the towns of Lacra, Teva and Palhes were abandoned by the Moors, the castles of Esnader, Escamel and Espulei were razed, whereof the two last were yielded by composition. From thence D. Lope Dias de Haro, was sent with D. Fernand Coci, Master of the Order of Saint james, and D. Gonçal Tuannes', master of Calatrava, to Bivoras, whereas there were certain bands of Arabians of Africa, whom they defeated, bringing away many prisoners. D. Roderigo Ximenes the Archbishop and Primate did accompany the King in this expedition, who after these happy exploits, returned to Toledo, whereas the Queens attended him.  
In the mean time D. james King of Arragon, 
Arragon.  being discontented that the Castillans had attempted to invade the Moors upon the marches of his conquest, according to the division which had been made by the Pope's order, entered into Castille by his fronter, where he did some spoil towards Soria, and therefore the peace was like to break betwixt these two Kingdoms: yet the King D. Fernand being come to Cuenca, the two Kings were reconciled, and had a friendly interview there, yet the King of Castille, to the prejudice of Arragon, had received Zeit Abenzit King of Valencia to fealty and homage, as his vassal, who being terrified with the great power of the Christians, and moved by the example of the King of Baeça was come to the King D. Fernand to Cuenca.  
In the year 1224. there was a new army raised, 
M●●res.  and led into Andalusia, 
An. 1224.  which committed great spoils, and took Andujar and Mortos, with many forts and castles of small fame, finding no resistance in field.  
And in the year 1225. the Christians army was lead again into the Marches of Andalusia, being drawn thither by their good success, the King affecting nothing more than this Moorish war, wherein he took exceeding delight. In which expedition Xadar was taken, and other inestimable harms done unto the Infidels. Of the fruits of this war the Knights of Calatrava, had Martos, for them and their successors: then was there in Spain, Legat for Pope Honorius the third, john Abbatis Villa, Bishop, Cardinal Sabina who persuaded the King of Castille, 
An. 1226.  not to suffer the Moors in quiet, but to press them whilst they were wavering: wherefore in the year 1226. the army of Castille assembled at Toledo, was lead into Andalusia, where they took from the Moors Saint Estevan, Exnatoraphe, and the Tower of Albep, or Albezo, and besieged jaen, which they could not take, 
Christians in pay with the Morres against the King of Castille.  for the town was great, and well fortified with men, and all things necessary for the war. In it was D. Aluar Perez de Castro, a banished man of Castille, with 160. horse Christians.  
Wherefore the king D. Fernand, raising his siege went to Priego, where there were many knights of the Almohades lodged, 
Exploits of the Christians against the Moors.  who were very rich; the town was taken by assault, & soon after the castle yielded by composition. After which, the Christians took Loxa, & having taken great spoils, and many prisoners in those places, they came and camped at Alhambra, which was a strong place, seated upon a steep rock: but the Moors were so amazed, as without any resistance they abandoned their goods and fled to Granado: whereby it seems, that that part of the fort of Granado, which is called Alhambra was built and peopled by these Moors; 
Granada and Alhambra.  for after that time the town of Granado, began to be wonderfully peopled with Moors, which were chased from such towns & places as the Christians did win in Andalusia. The fort of Alhambra being spoiled; the Christian army did overrun the champain country of Granado, burning and destroying all they found, with great slaughter of the Moors, amongst the which there died a famous captain, called Harippus, a great enemy to the Christians, & who had done them much harm the years before. The Christians approached so near unto the city of Granado, as the Moors ●earing to be besieged, or that they would spoil their goodly building there abouts, compounded and did homage to the King D. Fernand, delivering him 1300. Christian captives, which they held. This composition was treated by Alvaro Peres de Castro, above mentioned, whom the King D. Fernand received then into grace. And thinking he had done enough, he returned with this victorious army to Toledo. D. Roderigo Ximenes did not willingly lose any one of these voyages, yet he could not be present at this last, by reason of a sickness, which surprised him at Guadalfajar, so as he gave his troops to D. Dominike Bishop of Plaisance, with power to execute his Episcopal charge in the camp. So did the Prelates in those days labour in the Lord's vineyard, as many do also in this age. The Garrisons left by the King at Martos, Andujar, and other places of the fronter, among the which was D. Aluar Peres the commander, & the master of the Order of Calatrava began to spoil the territories of Sevile, whereas there reigned a mighty Moor, 
moors of Sevile de●cat●d.  called Abullalle or Aben Lalle, who having drawn a great number of soldiers out of Sevile, Xeres, Carmona and Eccia, came and charged these Christians, who were neither amazed nor weak; wherefore they did not only withstand the Moors valiantly, but did wholly defeat them, so as there were 20000. slain upon the place, yet the Moors having repaired their forces, besieged the castle of Garces, and notwithstanding that the Christians, which were near, did attempt to succour it, and that the King D. Fernand with D. Lope Dias de Haro, with many other knights, did advance to raise the siege, yet the place was taken: wherefore the King D. Fernand came to Exaldalulla, whether the King of Baeça came unto him, being accompanied with 3000. horse Almohades▪ and Alarabes, and a great number of foot▪ offering both himself and his men to do him service. 
14 Aben Mahomad King of Ba●sa●puts ●im self under the protection of the king of Castille.  He was welcome to the King, and entertained with all signs of friendship. These Princes being together, they made an accord, by the which the King of Baeça promised to deliver unto the King of Castille, the castile's of Saluatierra, Burgalhimar, & Capilla; upon condition the King of Castille should take him & his country into his protection, & defend him against all menifor assurance of the delivery of which places, it was agreed that the castle of Baeça should be presently given in pawn to the King of Castille, the which he should yield up again, when he should be in possession of the said three castles. Burgalhimar was presently delivered; and 15. days after Saluatierra (yet with some difficulty) received a garrison of Castille: but Capilla, a place in the archbishopric of Toledo, strong by nature, being built upon a rock, would not obey, wherefore three months being spent in treaties and parlays, and nothing concluded, the King returned to Toledo, leaving the fronter well manned; and winter being past, he came and laid siege to Capilla, being still seized of the castle of Baeça: this place was obstinately defended by the Moors which were rebels to Aben Mahomad, who furnished the camp with victuals from Cordova, whether he was retired, showing himself faithful in all things to the King D. Fernand. In the end Capilla was yielded, upon condition they should departed with their baggage, and then the King returned to Toledo, six weeks after his departure. Soon after he had news that the Moors, subjects to Aben Mahomad, incensed at the submission which he had made unto the King of Castille, and that he had sent victuals unto the camp before Capilla, were rebelled against him, and had forced him to fly to the castle of Almodavat del Rio, whereas thinking to enter, he was prevented and slain by two Moors, who had carried his head to Aben Lalle, 
Traitors justly punished.  King of Sevill. These murderers thinking to have done an act very pleasing to this Moorish King, and expecting some good recompense, were deceived, for the King of Sevile caused both their heads to be cut off, and cast unto the dogs.  
This happened in the year 1227. 
An. 1227.  at that time died Lewis the eight, the French King, father to Saint Lewis, and husband to the Queen D. Blanch of Castille. This Lady by the will of the King her husband, was left Regent of the realm of France, during the minority of the King her son, who was but twelve years old: wherewith many Noblemen of France being discontented, banded against her, to dispossess her of the government; thinking it unworthy the name of the French, and ominous for their Estate, to be governed by a woman, especially a stranger. The chief of the conspirators were Philip Earl of Bologne the King's uncle, Peter Duke of Briton, Hugh de la March, Robert d' Eureux, Raymond 
Troubles in France for the Government.  of Tolousa, and Thybauld of Champagne, who was King of Navarre: but the Queen, who it may be found they had more regard to their private interests, then to the public good, resisted them courageously, being supported by other Noblemen of France, so as from words they fell to arms. Upon this occasion the King D. Fernand was solicited to succour the Queen D. Blanch his aunt, against the Rebels, whereof he excused himself; although he seemed to be much grieved for her distress: But he was then so engaged in war against the Moor, as it was impossible for him to divide his forces: but you must observe that by the right of succession the realm of Castille did belong unto her, the which D. Fernand did hold, so as there was little love betwixt them. Afterwards all succeeded to the Queen's desire in France, who made frustrate her enemy's deseignes, as the French Histories report, governing the realm, and breeding up her son under the discipline of the religious of Saint Dominike and St. Francis, who were then in great credit. The King of Baeça being slain as we have said, new difficulties did arise for the King of Castille, for the Moors of Baeça being advertised thereof, 
Baesa Castle besieged by the Moors.  they presently put themselves in arms, and began to assault the castle, the which was guarded by the master of the Knights of the Calatrava: who whilst he defended himself valiantly, advertised the King of his distress, who posted thither, having in his company. D. Alvaro Peres de Castro, & other knights. The brute of his coming did strike such a terror into these mutinous Moors, as they dislodged before they saw him, and fled to Grenado, as they also of Martos did: they conjecture that these did people the Albaycin of Grenado: the King put D. Lope Dias de Haro, Lord of Biscay, 
Great church of Toledo built by the Archbishop D. Roderigo.  in garrison into Baeça, & into Martos D. Alvaro Peres de Castro, and D. Tell● Alphonso de Meneses and others in other places, and so returned to Toledo, whereas that year the Archbishop D. Roderigo Ximenes, began to build the great church, as it is at this present, different from that form it was of before, when it was a Mosque for the Moors.  
15 In Arragon the expedition of Majorca was decreed 1228. 
Arragon.  this Island was held by the Moors, 
An. 1228.  and their King Abohibe, whom others call, Retabo●mhe, who did incessantly spoil the sea, and the coast of Spain, without any pretext, and did impudently mock at the King of Arragon when he complained of the thefts and robberies committed by him or his men. 
Estates of Arragon make war and peace and all Leagues, Author. H. Surite  For this cause, at the Estates assembled at Barcelona, & they consenting and requiring it, according to the customs and previledges of the Arragonois & Cattelans, a war was resolved against this King of the Moors, and the Majorkins: for the which there were 155. vessels of all sorts prepared, the which transported the army to Palombara: the chief commanders were, D. Berengaire Palo●x, Bishop of Barcelona, D. Nugno of Arragon, Earl of Rossillon, William of Moncade; Lord of Berne, William Raymond of Moncade his cousin, Geoffry of Roccabertin, Oliver Thermes, William of Saint Martin, Gerard Ceruillon, Raymond Allemand, William of Clermont, Hugue Mataplane, William of Saint Vincent, Raymond Belloc, Bernard Centillas', William Palafogi●, Berengaire of Saint Eugene, and other great and valiant Noblemen of Arragon and Cattelogne: the first which leapt to land; was one named Bernard Argentone. At their first aboard the Arragonois were encountered, and sharply repulsed by the Moors, with the loss of the Lord of Beardy, of D. Raymond his cousin, Hug●es of Mataplane, and many other knights and good soldiers which were slain upon the place: but when as the whole army was landed, and had better means to discover both the enemies and the country, the Moors were beaten back into their town, and besieged: the which was with great diligence and fury battered & assaulted; notwithstanding the siege was long and difficult; for it continued fifteen months, till in the end after much toil and loss, the city of Majorca came into the power of the Arragonois, 
Maiorca taken from the Moors.  having been valiantly and obstinately defended by the Moors: the King Abohibe, & a son of his, and many Moors were slain in this war, and the city of Majorca forced: the spoil thereof was divided by the Bishops of Barcelona and Lerida, by the Earls D. Nugno of Rossillon, D. Ponce Hug●es of Empurias, D. Pedro Cornel, and Simon Vrrea: but whether they showed themselves partial in this division, or for some other occasion, the soldiers mutined, and spoiled the tents and baggage of these Bishops and Noblemen: all the Island being won, except some mountains and forests, whether the remainder of the Moors which had escaped were retired, 
Nomination of the Bishop of Maiorca.  Majorca was made subject for the spiritualty, to the Bishop of Barcelona, but in such sort as it should have a particular bishop, which was then named by the King: which bishop being dead, the nomination should belong to the bishop and Chapter of Barcelona, who said this right had been long due unto them. The first that was named to this dignity, was D. Raymond Torelta: an other son of the King of Majorcas, was a while after baptised, and was named james; he married a lady of the family of Alagon, daughter to D. Martin Roland Alagon: from him is descended the house of Gottorio, so called of the place which was given in fee to this Prince of the Moors, by the King D. james; his son was Blasco Gottorio, and of him was begotten Michael Peres Gottorio. They of Minorca being terrified, by the taking of Majorca, offered tribute to the King of Arragon; and not long after D. William Mongeri conquered the Island of Yuisa, sometimes called Ebusus and the Islands of Fromentaria and Cabrera, yielded also through fear. They hold that there were in arms in these Islands, during this war, about 40000. moors footmen, and 50000 horse. The Earldom of Vrgel having been long in suit, betwixt William of Moncade, Lord of Bearn, together with Ponce Cabrera, & Arembiaxis, daughter to Armingol the last Earl of Vrgel, in the end, sentence was given of her side, who was married to D. Pedro of Portugal, son to the King D. Sancho the first, to which married couple, the King D. james did afterwards give in exchange of the Earldom of Vrgel, the Islands of Majorca and Yuisa, to hold them during their lives, and many places in Cattelogne in propriety. Notwithstanding the county of Vrgel returned sometime after to D. Ponce de Cabrera, and the Islands Pytieuses, Yuisa and Fromentaria, were given in fee to the Archbishop of Tarragone.  
In the same year 1228. 
Moors.  D. Tello Alphonso de Meneses, and other captains Castillans, commanders of the garrisons upon the Moors frontiers, went to field, and overran the territory of Sevile about Baena, 
King of Sevile a Moor, tributary to the King of Castilele.  Lucena & Castro deal Rio: and Aben Lalle, King of Sevile, assailed the Christians, towards Bivoras, Baeça and Martos, seeking to divert them which foraged his country: the King D. Fernand arriving, the Moor fainted, and made himself his tributary, promising to pay him three hundred thousand Maravidis of gold.  
The death of Aben Mahomad King of Baeça, gave way to the reign of Aben Hut who was of the race of the Kings of Saragossa, and enemy of the faction of the Almohades: this King seized upon the fort of Ricot, in the realm of Murcia, and took occasion of their religion, publishing that that which the Almohades had brought in, was false, 
Aben Hut King of Murcia abolisheth the sect of Almohades in Spain.  and invented by wicked, turbulent and mutinous persons, whose rash impiety the sovereign God had showed was displeasing unto him, by their unfortunate events in the late wars of Spain: wherefore they must return to the simple belief of their ancestors, and reject that profane Almohade, with his King Abdelmon, and their followers. Upon this quarrel he entitled himself King of Murcia, and began to persecute the sect of the Almohades, so as all he could get into his hands, he put to a miserable death; he caused the Mesquites or Mesgides to be purified, and washed, with exorcisms and superstitious ceremonies, as having been polluted and violated, in serving the new sect of the Almohades.  
So under colour of restoring the ancient belief and knowledge of the law of Mahomet, he was wonderfully followed, and was respected, feared and honoured, as King in the realm of Murcia and part of Andalusia, the country of Granado, Almery, Cordova and Eccia: yet he found Zael who made head against him, a Moor who had newly usurped the realm of Valencia, and chased away Zeit Aben Zeit, for that they said he had laid a plot with the Pope, and the King of Arragon, to become a Christian, and that he had had conference to that end with the King D. james at Calatajub, whither he had also carried his son. This Zael was son to Modef and Nephew to King Lobo: Aben Lalle King of Sevile made the like resistance, yet Aben Hut troubled them all, and took from them a part of their countries, so as he became the most powerful of all the Kings of the Moors in Spain, being otherwise a bountiful Prince, and a good justicer. The new sect of the Almohades was thus rooted out by him, and the ancient interpretation of their Alphurcan restored in Spain, eighty and one years after that Almohad, had past.  
Yet the first attempt he made against the Christians, 
Leon.  succeeded but il; for D. Alphonso King of Leon, being in the country of Extremadura, where he had made war, whilst that D. Fernand his son did overrun Andalusia and their took the towns of badajos, Caceres and others, this King of the Moors presumed to dislodge him from Merida, before the which he was camped, to which end he came towards him with a mighty army: King D. Alphonso notwithstanding that he was very old, gave him battle, and defeated this King of the Moors, forcing him to save himself by flight: and returning to the siege, he took the town of Merida, in the year 1229. which was the last of his exploits: for being now very old, and much broken, he died soon after, in the year 1230. at Villanova of Sarrio, having reigned forty and four years in Leon Galicia and the Asturies: whose body was interred at Saint James.  
16 The King D. Fernand who was then in Andalusia, 
Castille and Leon united.  at the siege of Daralferza, being advertised of his father's death, took council of the Noblemen which were with him in the army; who were all of opinion, that he should go with all speed into the realm of Leon, which by hereditary right did belong unto him, before his sister's children did seize thereon, who pretended an equal right with him: for so had the King D. Alphonso ordained by his will, to prejudice his son D. Fernand, whom he had always hated and pursued to the death; yea a little before he died, he sought to marry his daughter Donna Sancha to D. james King of Arragon, who by the decree of Pope Honorius the third, had put away D. Elinor of Castille his wife. Don Alphonso offering to give in dowry with the Infanta the Realms of Leon, Galicia and the Asturies, after his decease, to deprive the King of Castille his son, but his death prevented the effect: 
D. Fernand King of Castille takes possession of the realm of Leon.  wherefore the king D. Fernand following this good council, came to Toledo, to pass from thence into Leon; upon the way, he met with the Queen D. Berenguela, his mother, at Orgaz, who came to hasten him, and returned with him to Toledo: from thence he went with speed into the territories of Leon, where he was received and acknowledged in all places where he passed for their lawful King, unto the city of Toro, which did him all the honour he could desire, having sent their Deputies to meet him upon the way, in the which he was proclaimed King of Leon.  
In the beginning the other towns and castles did not allow of this election of them of Toro, by reason of the Infants D. Sancha and D. Dulce Douce, who would in the confidence which they had in their cause, dispute their interest and put it to the trial of law: but all well considered D. Alphonso's will took no effect; for D. Fernand was son and right heir to these realms before the daughters, who were forced to agree with their brother, and had 30000. doublons every year during their lives. This accord betwixt the King Don Fernand and the Infants of Leon his Sisters; was wrought and concluded betwixt the Queens D. Berenguela the King's mother, and D. Theresa, mother to the Infants: after that the King had been crowned in Leon, the chief city of the Kingdom, in the presence of the Bishops D. john of Oueydo, D. Roderigo of Leon, D. Nugno of Astorga, D. Martin of Salamanca, D. Michael of Cite Roderigo and D. Sancho of Coria. By this accord the King D. Fernand did peaceably enjoy the Realms of Leon, Galicia, & the Asturiaes', having reigned thirteen years in Castille, the reunion of which Estates made this year, 1230. 73. years after their last division, hath remained firm ever since, without any further separation. From Leon, the King came to Beneuent, whereas the Infantaes his sisters met him, and there did ratify the accord made by the two Queens, renouncing all pretensions to the said Realms, and to the testament made by the King D. Alphonso their father. Then the King went to visit the Provinces, Towns and Forts of his Kingdoms, where without any contradiction he was received & entertained with great joy and acclamation of the people, as it was fit.  
This death of the King of Leon, fell out happily for D. Fernand, to cover his retreat from Daralferza, with some honourable pretext. In the mean time they made light skirmishes, with the taking and recovering of castles, upon the fronters of Toledo and Andalusia.  
In the year of our Lord 1231. 
An. 1231.  Quesada was recovered by the Christians, and for a reward of their valour, in recovering thereof, was given to the church of Toledo, but it was afterwards lost and recovered again divers times. The King of Castille continuing his war, 
Adelantamien. to of Casorla given to the Church of T●●ledo.  there was established upon that fronter, that which they call Adelantamiento of Casorla, by the taking of Pilos, Toya, Lacra, Agozino, Font julian, Tour de Lago, Higuera, Maulula, Arcola, Does Hermanas, Villa Montin, Niebla, Casorla, Concha and Chelis, all which places were by prodigality and inconsiderate zeal (altogether used in those religious times) given (in a religious acknowledgement to the apostolic Sea) by the King D. Fernand to the Archbishops of Toledo, the which the have enjoyed unto the assumption of the Cardinal D. john Tavera to the Archbishoprike, who gave this country to the Marquis of Camaraça, whose successor Don john M●rtine; Silesio Cardinal, had by reason thereof great and earnest suit against the Church of Toledo; but notwithstanding that the Church had divers sentences (by reason of the great sway the Church of Rome bore at that same time) in its favour, yet could they never get possession of any of those places, for certain special reasons which are not specified.  
17 At that time the realms of Naples and Sicily were held by the Emperor Frederic the second, who married Yoland, the only daughter of john de Brenne, who called himself king of jerusalem (which is the reason why the Kings of Naples and Sicily have ever since entitled themselves Kings of jerusalem) by which alliance they united the titles of Naples, Sicily and jerusalem, which the descendentes of this Noble Princess have carried.  
This john of Brenne being chosen chief General of the Western succours, which by the procurement of the council of Latran went into the Country of Syria, and obtained amongst them the first and sovereign degree, and was called King of Acre or Ptolemaide: yet he did never hold the city of jerusalem: but having need of greater forces to resist the Turks and enemies of our faith, he was forced to return again into Europe to solicit the Christian Princes to assist him. Being arrived into Italy, he married his daughter as we have said, and then passed into Sapine, in the year of our Lord 1232. to visit the sepulchre of Saint james, which was a pilgrimage of greatest merit after that of jerusalem. Passing through Castille, he was received with great honour by the King D. Fernand, who in confirmation of their friendship, gave him D. Berenguela, his sister by father and mother in marriage.  
The Realm of Navarre was at that time but ill governed by reason of the King's solitary life, 
Navarre.  who was retired and did not speak with any man, but his household servants, and would not hear of any affairs. This mischief was increased by the death of D. Ramir his brother, Bishop of Pampelone, who by his authority and respect might something have restrained them that would have troubled the state, were they homebred or strangers: wherefore about the year of our Lord 1231. D. Lope Diaz. Lord of Biscay, who had some lands in the sovereignty of Navarre, provoked and supported by D. Fernand King of Castille, he found an occasion to commit some spoils in the Kingdom.  
18 On the other side Thybauld Earl of Champagne, pretending right to the said realm by his mother D. Blanch, 
Impatiency of cont ●hybau●d of champaign to reign.  daughter to the King D. Sancho the wise, had secret practices and Intelligences in Navarre, to be admitted to the Regency of the realm, during the life of King D. Sancho the retired: whereof he being advertised, after great negligence, in the end he began to discover it, to his great prejudice, wherefore being much discontented at these attempts, both of the King of Castille, and of the Earl of champaign, he resolved to frustrate both of their pretensions, and to be revenged, especially of the King of Castille; he therefore gave D. james King of Arragon to understand, that he had some matters to impart unto him, which would redound greatly to his profit: and therefore he entreated him to come to Tudele, excusing himself that he had not come unto him, by reason of the indisposition of his person: The King of Arragon failed not to come to Tudele: and for that the King of Navarre could not stir out of his chamber, he entered into the castle, where they conferred together.  
The King D. Sancho complaining much of D. Fernand King of Castille, that not content to hold the Lands which his predecessors had wrested from him, had again invaded and spoiled his country, he demanded his advice and help to be revenged: and having in like manner discoursed of the disobedience and little respect of Thybauld Earl of Champagne, who had attempted to play the King in Navarre in his life time, he concluded, that if he would make a firm alliance with him, and betwixt Navarre and Arragon, to invade the realm of Castille, and not to cease until they had forced the King D. Fernand to restore the Lands of the river of Oja, Bureva, Alava, and Guipuscoa, or being conquered, to yield him the fruits and revenues thereof, and to pay the charges of the war, he should be content to hearken to a mutual donation of both realms, 
Unjust accord betwixt the Kings of Navarre and Arragon.  very profitable for the King of Arragon, and his son D. Alphonso: which was, that the suruivor should inherit both Kingdoms of Navarre and Arragon. The King D. jaime liked well hereof, for he was in the flower of his age, and his son also likely to live, whereas the King D. Sancho was above threescore and eight years old, and moreover he was so fat, and full of humours, and so tormented with a canker, as he expected hourly to leave this world. This Accord being made betwixt them, they concluded that the troops of both Realms should be ready against the next year, and should meet at the Rendezvous in May. The King D. Sancho desired nothing more than to recover the Province of Guipuscoa, imagining that since the separation thereof, 
The●●a a chief● commodity to a country.  the realm of Navarre had lost one of the chief commodities which a country may have that lies upon the sea.  
The Noblemen and chief of the King D. Sanchos council at this accord were D. Garcia Almora●id, D. Sancho Fernandes of Montague, D. William Baudovin, and D. William justice of Tudele, which is a principal dignity. These and other Noblemen, with the Deputies of the Towns of Navarre, signed the convention and accord betwixt these two kings: the which the Noblemen of Arragon, which held the chief charges, did in like manner: among the which are named D. Pedro Fernandes d' Açagra Lord of Albarazin, Athon de Foces L. Steward, William de Moncade, Roderigo Liz●nes, Artal de Lune, Simon Vrrea, Blasco Maza, Pedro Peres justice Mayor of Arragon, and Pedro Sanches Secretary of State in Arragon. For the defraying of this war, D. Sancho was forced to employ his treasure, which was very great: for having lived long in this solitary life, he might easily gather together, having no cause of expense. He therefore delivered to the king of Arragon, an hundred thousand solz of gold, that is to say, Crowns or Ducats, in loan, and advance, and had in pawn, Herreta, Pegnaretonda, Ferrelon, and Faxine: and as he was wise and very judicious in matters of war, he disposed what should be done in the beginning: but the love of his treasure spoiled all: besides at such time as the army was to march against Castille, news came unto the king of Arragon, that the Island of Maiorca had rebelled: wherefore being more careful to keep his own, then to take from another, he made use of those soldiers which he had levied for the war of Castille, and led them into Majorca, so as the king of Navarre found himself too weak to attempt any thing against Castille, whereas the Earl D. Lope d' Haro was in arms to fight with him at the passage. He was of opinion that the King D. james had mocked him, so as falling into a great rage, he would break the accord which they had made. King james was advertised of all that he said and did, by some Knights of Navarre, which were false unto their Prince, and discontented with this strange and disdainful manner of living, of the which D. Pedro Ximenes of Valtierra was one. The war of Majorca being soon ended, the king Don james returned to Tudele to excuse himself, and to offer satisfaction hereafter, yea to furnish 2000 horse, with other forces for the war of Castille, but the King Don Sancho would by no means enter into conference with him. Moreover, Don Garcia Almoravid and Don john Peres de Barzan, captains of the army, which was upon the frontiers of Castille, being in sight of the enemy, were reduced to th●t extremity by Don Lope Diaz de Haro, 
Spies in the King's Council  as they feared every day they should be forced to fight, he neglected both them and all they did: and they writ, that a Gentleman being sent from them to acquaint the king with the estate of their affairs, and to demand two hundred horse of Supply, with the which they should be able to give battle unto the Castillans, he attended four days, and could neither have entry nor audience. 
Strange behaviour of Don Sancho the Gross in his age.  This strange and disdainful behaniour caused the king Don james to return into Arragon much discontented, whereupon the Castillans spoiled Navarre, the which he might easily have prevented, whereupon he grew wayward, and insupportable even to his household servants, who could not please him. This waywardness and distemperature, together with the burden of a replete and ill-disposed body, his long incurable disease, 
1234.  together with his many years, brought him to his grave, in the year 1234. having reigned nine and thirty years, nine months, and ten days. He was buried in the royal Monastery of the Chanoins of Saint Mary of Roncevaux, the which he himself had caused to be built.   

D. Thibault first of that name, the 22. King of Navarre.  
1● THe Navarrois sent into France to Thibault Earl of Champagne, the son of D. Blanch, sister to the deceased king, to advertise him of this succession, and to advise him to make haste, before that Don james King of Arragon should seize thereon, in virtue of the pretended rights, by reason of the mutual donation passed betwixt the two kings at Tudele, and also by means of the intelligences which he had within the Country: wherein the Earl was nothing slothful, for having many partisans in Navarre, who had advertised him of all that had passed betwixt the two kings, and in the end of the death of his uncle. The Ambassadors found him already in order, and ready to march towards Navarre, where he arrived happily, for the well effecting of his desfeigne, by reason of some lets which restrained the King Don james, the which were more fitting for him to care for, then to pursue the donation made unto him in prejudice of the right heir of that Crown, without any reason or proportion, by a king troubled with violent passions both of body and mind. But it is very certain, that the king of Arragon did little respect it: yea some have written, that without any difficulty, he discharged the Navarrois (they requiring it) of the oath, fealty and homage, which they had sworn, when as the contract betwixt him and the deceased king D. Sancho, was passed at Tudele: others say, that afterwards he gave all his pretensions and right to D. Pedro his son, 
Thibault Earl of Champain obtains the Realm of Navarre.  to pursue it when opportunity did serve, as a matter whereof there was but small hope. Thus D. Thibault Earl of Champagne, was received, proclaimed, and crowned King of Navarre, to the great joy and content of all good Navarrois.  
The king of Arragon was then by the advice of all his faithful counsellors, 
Arragon.  entered into the conquest of the Realm of Valencia, having a fit opportunity offered, by reason of the divisions which were in the kingdom, betwixt the factions of Zeit Aben Zeit, and Zael or Zaen, which were both strong. This Zeit Aben Zeit seeing himself pursued, he made open declaration of that which he had long before desseigned, 
Zeit King of Valence baptised.  and making himself vassal to the king Don james, he became a Christian, and was called D. Vincent de Belluis. He afterwards married a Lady called Dominick Lopes of Sarragossa, of which marriage was borne a daughter called Alda Fernandes, who was married to Blaiçe Ximenes d' Arenos.  
21 The war of Valentia being resolved, the General of the army under the king was D. Blasco Alagon, by whose valour and diligence Morelia was taken; a place which was held impregnable: 
War in Valence against the Moors.  Buriane was also besieged, and with great difficulty taken: Peniscola, Chivert, Ceruera, Polpes, Alcalatena, Albufera, Almenata, Vxo, Noles, Castro, Alfandecho, Paterna, Bulla and other places, some by force, some by composition, and partly by the means and intelligences which king Zeit had, and by the favour of such as held his party, came into the power of the king D. james, so as by degrees he environed the city itself, cutting off their victuals and all other commodities. In these expugnations they did then use rams, moving towers with many stages, and other sorts of engines. The resistance of the Moors which held Zaens party was very great: neither were they abandoned of their friends, nor of the kings reigning in Africa, for twelve galleys, and six vessels called Zabres of Tunez, showed themselves often, as if they would land, or assail the places held by the Arragonois along the coast, but without any effect. The Estates of Arragon and Cattelogne were assembled at Monçon in the year 1236. 
An. 1236.  for the continuance of this war, 
Estates at Mon son for the war of Val●nce.  and the conquest of Valencia; without the which it was not lawful for the king to undertake any matter of importance. The Precedent at these estates was Pedro Perez justice mayor of Arragon, where there assisted D. William of Montgrin, coadjutor to the Archbishop of Tarragone, the Bishops of Barcelona, Saragossa, Vic, and Tortosa, the Master and Prior of the Templars and Hospitaliers, Friar Raymond of Pegnafort, a most famous jacobin, Roger Bernard Earl of Foix, and Don Fernand the king's uncle, D. Ponce Cabrera Earl tutelarie of Vrgel, D. Pedro Vgo Earl of Ampurias, D. Nugno Sanches Earl of Rossillon, D. Gerard Viscount of Cabrera, D. William of Cardona, D. William, and Pedro of Moncada, Berenger Puçuert, William and Berenger' Anglesol, Bernard Portella, Hugue Mataplan, son to Hugues, Galserand Pinos, William of Laquila, Raymond of Peralta, Peter Viscount of Villemuir, Raymond William Odeva, Berenger Erille, and William Ceruera, all Knights and Noblemen of Cattelogne. And of the realm of Arragon, D. Pedro Cornel Lord Steward, Bernard William, Garci Romeo, Simon Vrrea, Artorella, Artal de Lune, Blasco Alagon, Roderigo Lizana, Blasco Maza B●renger, Gombald Entenza, Simon de Foces, Assalit Gudalis, Fortune Verga, Simon Lueza and others. The means to defray this war, besides the Croisadoes, pardons and indulgences, were ordained to be levied upon the people, by the Imposition of a custom called Morabetine and the exaction of the Impost for cattle. In this assembly it was decreed, that all pieces of gold and silver coined, should be of one goodness and weight, in Arragon and Cattelogne: to the observation of which Edict for coins, all were bound to swear, that were above 14. years old. During the siege of Valenci● many Noblemen, and common soldiers strangers, French and Englsh came to D. james his camp.  
The Authors of the Arragon History write, that the King's army, at the hottest of the siege, might be 60000. foot, and a thousand horse, (meaning Knights and Masters) followed according unto the Order and Discipline of war in those days, by their vassals, besides the forces at sea, This war was long, and the siege troublesome: yet it was attempted, battered and assaulted, and the Moors within it brought to so great extremity, as Zaen the Usurper of that Principality, being not yet well settled nor assured of the people's wills, 
Val●ncia tak●n by the Arragonois.  abandoned it, and retired to Denia. The city was yielded the 28. of September, 1238.  
The King Don james had in the year 1232. been divorced from D. Elinor of Castille his wife, and yet had declared D. Alphonso their son, the lawful heir of the realms of Arragon and Maiorca, the lands of Cattelogne, Vrgeil, Montpellier, and others: appointing for Governors of his youth, the Bishop of Tarragone, the Masters or Priors of the Templars and Hospitaliers, and William Ceruera: ordaining, that he should be bred up at Monçon: and if he should chance to die, than did he substitute unto his Realms and Seigneuries, Don Fernand of Arragon his uncle, and Don Raymond Berenger Earl of Provence his cousin. Notwithstanding the king Don Pedro during this war of Valencia contracted a new marriage with the daughter of Andrew king of Hungary, named Violant, 
Genealogy of Arragon.  by whom he had a son called D. Pedro, who was king, after him, of Arragon and Valencia, and Prince of Cattelogne: he had moreover the Infant Don jaime, who was king of Maiorca and Minorca, and Earl of Rossillon and Montpellier, and a third called Don Sancho, who was Archbishop of Toledo, and Primate of Spain. He had also five daughters by her: D. Isabella married to Philip the third King of France, son to Saint Lewis: D. Violant who was Queen of Castille and Leon, wife to D. Alphonso the ninth: D. Constance married to Don Manuel brother to the said D. Alphonso, King of Castille, D. Mary and D. Elinor who died young. The dowry of Queen Yolant or Violant, as Surites writes, was ten thousand Marks of silver, and two hundred of gold, for her mother's rights, 
Dowry of Q. Yolant.  for the which the Duke of Austria became answerable. Moreover, a portion of the County of Namur in Flanders, and the lands and rights which her Predecessors had enjoyed in France, with certain places which she did then possess in Hongarie, and others that were fallen to her in Bourgogne, by her mother's right and succession. This Princess was conducted to Barcelona in the year 1235. by the Bishop of the five Churches, and a kinsman of his called Cont Denis, who remained in Arragon, and was the Author of the noble family of Denis, which is united to that of Vrrez, he had two sons Amour and Gabriel Denis. Don Pedro the eldest son of Queen Yolant, was married young to Constance, daughter to Manfroy, bastard to the Emperor Frederick the second, whom they called Prince of Tarentum, which was a degree to attain unto the succession of the Realms of Naples and Sicily, 
Cattelogne freed from the Sovereignty of France.  and by the marriage of his daughter Isabel with Philip the Hardy, son to Saint Lewis the French king, the Kings of Arragon obtained (as the histories of Spain report) a full freedom of the Principality of Cattelogne, and Earldom of Barcelona, to enjoy it from that time in full propriety and Sovereignty, without acknowledging themselves any more vassals to the Kings of France: the which was done at Clermont in Auvergne, whereas both Kings met in the year 1260. In recompense the King of Arragon did also quit for his part the rights of Sovereignty which he pretended to Carcassone, Rhodes, Beziers, Locate, Albi, Amillaire, Nismes, Saint Giles, and other lands in France, 
Dowry of Q. Isabell.  the which he assigned in dowry to his daughter D. Isabel, with the revenues of Carcassone and Beziers: and moreover, he quit all right which he could pretend to the Earldom of Provence, Folquaquier, Arles, avignon and Marseilles, in favour of Queen Marguerite of France.  
The death of D. Sancho king of Navarre, the beginning of the war of Valencia, and the second marriage of D. james King of Arragon, happened all in the year 1234. by reason whereof, 
Accord betwixt the kings of Castille and Arragon for the divorce of Q. Elenor.  and to give order for the affairs of the Infanta D. Elinor, whom he had put away, by reason of the strict alliance which was betwixt them, according to the Pope's decree, there was an interview of this King of Arragon, and of Don Fernand king of Castille, in the Monastery of Huerta, upon the confines of Castille; where it was accorded, that the Infant Don Alphonso, whom Don james had by Donna Elinor, named King of Arragon, if he had lived, should remain in the custody of the Queen his mother, to whom for an increase of her dowry, 
The King of Arragon ask●●● pard●n of the Pope.  the town of Hariza was given, to enjoy it during her life, but in case she should marry again, then should it return to Arragon. These and other things being friendly accorded betwixt the two kings, they parted with great love, to make war against the Moors, every one apart. Some have left in writing, that D. Theresa of Bidaure, with whom the King D. james had had familiar acquaintance, before he married the Queen D. Yolant, and had children by her, sued him upon a promise of marriage before the Pope, where she lost it for want of proofs, and D. Yolant was declared his lawful wife. There the Bishop of Girone then the king's Confessor (having understood by his confession of this matrimonial promise) had revealed it unto Pope Innocent the fourth, but to what end he did it, it is uncertain: but his testimony alone was not allowed. The king being wonderfully incensed against the Bishop, having sent for him into his chamber, caused his tongue to be cut out. For this outrage committed upon the Bishop, notwithstanding that he were faulty, having revealed the King's confession, the Pope made great complaints, being at the Council of Lions, and in the end did interdict all the Realm of Arragon, and excommunicate the king D. James. To free them from this interdiction, and to get absolution, the king sent the Bishop of Valencia unto the Pope to carry his excuse, and to make an humble petition, wherewith the Pope being somewhat pacified, he yielded to send two Legates into Arragon with full power. Having assembled a Synod of Bishops at Lerida, they caused the king to come thither, who confessed his fault upon his knees before these Fathers, with great submission and tears: who gave him absolution, upon condition, that he should cause the Monastery of Bienface, near unto Tortosa to be built, (the which hath been since a Convent of Chartrous Monks) and to endow it with and hundred and forty pounds of silver of annual rent. And moreover, that he should endow the hospital of Saint Vincent of Valencia, with four hundred pounds' weight of silver by the year for the nourishment of the poor: and that he should give a prebendary to the great Church of Girone, for the maintenance of a masspriest: Then fell he to the love of this lady again, and entertained her during the life of his Queen D. Violant.  
23 As for the king D. Fernand, 
Castille and Moors.  he was affronted with the power of king Aben-Hut, who was mighty: but seeing his forces increased by the succession of the Realms of Leon, which were fallen unto him, he was in hope to effect his designs. Wherefore he assailed him towards Baeça which he held, and went and laid siege to Vbeda, a near town, strong, and well fortified, yet he priest them in such sort, as the Garrison compounded to departed with their lives: into the which the king D. Fernand entered the same year 1234. in the which his fortunes were seasoned with some bitterness, according to the condition of human things: for he lost the Queen D. Beatrix his wife, who died in Toro in the kingdom of Leon: her body was carried to the Monastery of las Huelgas of Burgos, and buried near unto the king D. Henry. Upon this subject the king D. Fernand came into the territories of Leon: during his absence the garrisons upon the fronter took certain moors Almogaveres (for so they call their Mortepaiez) of the city of Cordova: 
Cordova surprised by the Christians.  and for that they were in quarrel with the Inhabitants thereof, they were easily corrupted, promising to give entry to the Christians into the city of Cordova. The plot be●ing laid, and all things disposed accordingly, there came a good troop of Christians in the night with ladders, the which they planted unto the wall near unto the tower and Bourg, called Axarquia, where by the help and favour of those Moors whom they had won, Alvaro, Colodro, and Benoist of Bagnos entered first, being well followed by their companions, without any discovery of them of the town, who slept without fear or apprehension until the morning, when as they saw the Christians had seized upon the tower, and there did fortify themselves, attending succours from Don Aluar Perez, whom they had sent unto being at Martos, upon their entry: and as men expecting some great resistance, they had also sent to advertise the King Don Fernand of their enterprise and happy success, to the end he should approach near to favour them. The Moors of Cordova seeing themselves surprised, went to arms, and besieged the Christians in this tower, where they defended themselves: the combat was furious, and often renewed, every one doing his best endeavour, wherein they spent some days, yet could they not chase the Christians out of the tower, which they had entrenched from the rest of the town. In the mean time, the king D. Fernand advanced with all speed, giving order for the rest of his forces to follow, and passing by Extremadura, near unto Bienguerencia, the Governor a Moor, furnished the king's army with victuals as it passed, yet being summoned to deliver the fort unto the king, he made answer, that when he had taken Cordova, it should be at his commandment, and in the mean time he would keep it: Wherefore the king of Castille passed on, and arriving at Cordova, he found that D. Alvaro Perez de Castro, and other Captains and soldiers in great numbers, were already come to secure his men. King Aben Hut being advertised of all these things, and of D. Fernands' arrival with small forces, although there came great troops afterwards, thought it fit to prevent him, if he could, or at the least to strike some terror into the Christians, and force them to retire from this siege. He had in his army which lay about Eccia, a Christian Knight, 
D. Laurence Suarez betrays king Aben Hut who had entertained him in his exile.  a banished man called D. Laurens Suares. Having imparted his design unto him, he resolved to send him one night unto the camp, under colour of seeking to recover the king's favour: but it was to espy, and to discover unto him the true estate of the Christians army. This Knight having obtained a passport, came unto the camp, and spoke unto the king, doing the contrary to that which he had in charge: for he discovered unto the King D. Fernand, all the Moors designs, and what forces he had: wherefore being assured from the king, of his grace and favour, he retired to Aben Hut, to whom he concealed what he had seen and understood, telling him that the Christians army was much stronger than it was indeed. Wherefore king Aben Hut durst not attempt that which he had resolved, and thinking that they of Cordova would hold good for a time, he resolved to employ his forces to secure king Zaen, who was priest by the king of Arragon towards Valencia, thinking after that he had repulsed the Arragonois, to return fortified with Zaens forces, and cause the Christians to retire from before Cordova. Being arrived at Almery, to embark his army, a vassal of his, whom he did much esteem, called Aben Arramin, invited him to supper, where he so feasted him, as being drunk, he cast him into a great vessel full of water, and there drowned him: whereupon the army disbanded, and D. Laurence Suarez whom king Aben Hut had led with him, retired to the king of Castille, who received him graciously, notwithstanding that he had betrayed him who had entertained him during his exile. This death of this Moorish king, 
Cordova yielded 1236.  being generally known, especially at Cordova, the besieged despaired of succours, so as they yielded the city unto the king of Castille, the sixth month of the siege, in the year 1236, which was 522. years after that it had been first taken by the Moors. The king Don Fernand caused a cross to be set upon the tower of the great Mesquide, in token of our redemption, and near unto it the standard of Castille, which Mesquide was purified (being one of the goodliest buildings in Spain) and made the Cathedral Church, 
D Lope de Hitero first Bishop of Cordova  of the which Don Lope de Hitero of Piçuerga was made bishop. The king did endow it with rents and revenues like the rest, and so did the Archbishop Don Roderigo in his return from Rome, where he had been during the siege, and was not at the taking thereof, of his great grief, but affairs of greater Importance had kept him absent: in the mean time Don john Bishop of Osma was his Vicegerent and Chancellor to the King. There the bells of Saint james were found, which the Alhagib Almançor had taken away in the year 975. and placed them in this great Mosqueé, making them to serve for lamps, which the king Don Fernand caused to be transported to their ancient mansion. The affairs of this great city, which had been the chief of the Moors estate, were ordered by the king, both for religion 〈◊〉 justice, and for the guard and safety thereof, with great care. Don Tello Alphonso de M●neses, was made Governor of the city, and Don Aluar Perez de Castro of the whole fronter.   

The kingdom of Granado.  
BY the loss of Cordova and the death of king Aben Hut, the Moors were wonderfully dismayed and void of Council: wherefore they returned to their old course every one respecting his private interest: so as the Infidel's estate was dismembered into many parts. Aben Hudiel among others, seized upon the Realm of Murcia, Zeit and Zaen being yet in war, and contending for the realm of Valencia. In the country of Algarbe, whereof Niebla was the chief city, Aben jafon reigned, who had for his successor Aben Amarin, and then another called Aben Mofad. Those of Sevile would have no king, but only a Governor: 
Beginning of Granado.  where one Axataf was in great authority, and it was he which lost it. But above all the power of Mahomad Alienalagmar or Aben Alamar was great; so called for that he had a red face: who from a shepherd having followed arms, had attained to the chief places of honour, and was in such credit by reason of his valour, force, and stature, as in these tumults, the Inhabitants of Arjona, where he was borne, chose him for their king, and then other people submitted themselves under him especially the towns of jaen, Bacça, which was ill guarded, and Guadix, and in the end the city of Granado, which he afterwards made his royal seat, and the chief of all his country and Seigneuries. This was the first king of Granado, whereas until that time there was no kingdom: it was erected at such time as Cordova the chief city of all the Moors Estate in Spain was made subject unto the Christians.  
25 Whilst that the king Don Fernand is busy at this honourable enterprise of Cordova, and D. jaime or james king of Arragon, at that of Valencia, which was nothing inferior, 
navarre.  Thibaud the new king of Navarre had means of settle his affairs without any difficulty, for he found all the Estates of the Kingdom willing to obey him. At his reception he did swear and confirm the liberties and privileges of the country, the which he did also augment. This was the beginning of the second masculine line of the Kings of Navarre, 
〈…〉.  the first ending in D. Sancho, the which since D. Garcia Ximenes had continued 518. years. Successions of States and Sovereignties falling to women against all law and precedents of well ordered kingdoms, in the first ages, is the cause that strange and unknown Princes, of divers humours, come to reign over Nations, which sometimes have succeeded well, but very often great troubles and inconveniences have followed. At this time the Navarrois were not unfortunate, to have a king of the French nation, who was a means to augment the power and dignity of that Crown, by many accessories from France: his mother D. Blanch daughter to the king D. Sancho the Wise, and sister to the last Sancho, was the first which brought the succession of women into Navarre, although she did not reign, being dead before the king Don Sancho the Strong her brother. D. Pedro Ramires of Pedrola, Bishop of Pampelone, among others did faithfully maintain the rights of this king Thibaud, who was called the Elder, to distinguish him from his son and successor, being also of the same name: of whose deeds we have no great instructions out of histories, only we have gathered out of some writings and records tending to other ends, 
〈…〉.  that which we shall relate of him. He was thrice married, as the Spaniards write. First, he had to wife a Lady of Lorraine, daughter to an Earl of Metz, from whom he was divorced by the Pope's authority having no children. His second wife was daughter to Guichard Lord of Beaujeu, who it may be was the 3. of that name: from which marriage issued Blanch, who 〈◊〉 married to john Duke of Britain, surnamed thered. Thirdly, he married Marguerite daughter to Archembaud one of the Earls of Foix (it may be there is some error in the name, for there is no mention made in the Histories of that time, of any Archembaud of Foix) of whom he begot Thibaud and Henry, who succeeded one after another in the Realm of Navarre, and one daughter called Donna Leonora, and Don Pedro Lord of the house of Muruçabal (which is now ruined) near unto Mendegerria, so called in the Biscaine tongue, which significs a red mountain.  
All these marriages, or at the least the two first, were before his coming to the crown of Navarre, which was in the 33. year of his age. The manners of this Prince are commended by the Spaniards, saying, That he was liberal, modest, a great builder, loving music, curious of matters belonging to tillage, 
Disp●sion of King 〈◊〉.  by reason whereof he planted his country of Navarre with many sorts of unknown fruits, the which he caused to be brought out of France: so as there is yet a kind of Pear of Navarre, which they call Thibuatinas, or Thibaudines: he was a great catholic, and zealous of the Romish Religion: the castle of Trevas was of his building.  
In his time there was a great suit ended betwixt the black Monks Benedictines, and those of Cisteaux, for that the deceased king D. Sancho, would have changed the ancient Monks of Saint Saweur of Leyre, and placed them of the Order of Cisteaux there, the which he could not effect, being violently oppugned by the Benedictins: who during the reign of king Thibaud lost their cause: but notwithstanding that they were condemned and dipossessed, yet they gave it not over, until they were restored to their ancient possession; the which was after the death of Thibaud the second, Henry his brother reigning, to whom they bound themselves to pay 600. charges of corn yearly, until they had delivered the sum of 8500. Maravidis of gold. Finally, to end the new instances which were daily made by the one or the other, D. Sancho Archb. of Toledo, Infant of Arragon, and he of Tarragone, having authority from the apostolic sea of Rome, commanded the Monks of S. Benet to perpetual silence, and restored them of Cisteaux to the possession: and after the death of the king D. Henry, the Governor of Navarre freed the Monks of this tribute, for the discharge of the King's conscience, as an excessive & unjust Impost. Thus the Cistercian Mònkes of S. Bernard, remained in quiet possession of the Monastery of S. Saweur of Leyre. By reason of the contentions of these Monks, there were many letters, remembrances, and records of this Monastery lost, the which did serve much in those times for the illustrating of matters of Navarre. The Christian affairs in Syria being ill managed, 
Th●baud the●. king 〈…〉 goes into 〈◊〉.  and their estate in those parts declining much, Pope Gregory the 9 cau●ed a Croysado to be preached throughout all Christendom, by the Monks of the Orders of S. Dominick and S. Francis: wherefore many Princes and great Personages of France and other countries enrolled themselves, of which expedition Thibaud king of Navarre was the chief. The Noblemen and Knights Christians, desiring to pass their troops by sea, could not be accommodated by the Commonweals of Genoa and Pisa, who were then very strong in shipping, by reason of the mutual war they had together, to the great prejudice of Christendom. The Venetians in like manner troubled with the affairs of the Empire of Greece, gave them no means to perform this voyage. Wherefore king Thibaud and his troop were forced to take their way by land into Syria, where being atrived at Antioch, after infinite toil, having to encounter with hunger, diseases, and want of all things, besides the enemy, who had seized upon the passages in the straits of Mou●t Taurus, he found that two parts of his soldiers which had come out of France, Navarre, and the fronters of Germany, were wanting, being either dead by the way, or slain by the Turks: the remainders of these poor Christians arrived at Acre, which is the ancient Ptolemaide, where they began to make war against the Turks with small success. A little before this expedition, 
Vanity of the 〈◊〉 Freder●●ke the 2.  the Emperor Frederick the 2. had been in Palestina: and as if he had had no other occasion to make this voyage, but ambitiously to seek to join the vain tide of king of jerusalem, to the rest which he carried of many kingdoms, he entered the city of jerusalem without any resistance, having purchased the favour of Corradin Sultan of Egypt: and having caused himself to be crowned there, he returned presently into Italy, having made a truce with the Infidels. 〈◊〉 left some german soldiers in those countries to supply the garrisons, who had no good correspondency with the king of Navarre nor his men, neither could they ever draw any succours from them, for that they held the French to be affected to the Pope, with whom their Emperor had had great quarrels: wherefore they were forced to make war alone. And the more to cross K. Thibauds' good fortune, it fell out that many Noblemen which came in his company disbanded, and returned home, among the which was the Duke of Britain: so as the king D. Thibaud, after many unfortunate Encounters, was forced to return by sea into the west.  
Being arrived in France, he made some abode there to visit his lands, and then he passed into Navarre. Don Thibaud king of Navarre made not this voyage in the company of Saint Lewis the French king, as some writ: but some years before, being in the year 1238. where as that of S. Lewis was ten years after, or twelve, as some affirm, as it appears by the histories of France.  
26 In the same year 1238. 
1238. Arragon.  the city of Valencia, having been long besieged by Don jaime King of Arragon, and reduced to great necessity, was yielded unto him by Zaen the Moor, who had usurped that Principality, who retiring to Denia, left it without men or goods, 
Valence taken Peopling of Va●ence.  leading with him above 50000. Moors, who carried with them (according to the composition) their gold silver, arms and all their movables: so as that city which was held one of the richest and most stately of all Spain, was to be peopled anew, if they would keep it: wherefore there were chief men appointed by the king D. james, to distribute the houses and buildings, lands, and possessions to the new Colony, which was sent out of the countries of Cattelogne and Arragon. These were D. Berenger Palatiol Bishop of Barcelone, D. Vidal Canelia Bishop of Huesca, Don Pedro Fernandes d' Açagra, and Don Simon d' Vrraca, knights: who disposed of the places unto those that should people this great city, according unto every man's rank, dignity, and merit.  
There were 380. heads of families, among other men of mark, or old soldiers, (having faithfully and valiantly carried arms, as well at this siege, as in former wars) then to this effect enrolled, to hold the first place and prerogative among the Inhabitants thereof, and there were pri●ate laws made for them of Valencia: yet the Gentlemen of Arragon, who were appointed for this new Colony, did insist, that they and their inheritors might enjoy the privileges of Arragon, the which did afterwards breed troubles and dissensions betwixt them and the rest of the people. The Episcopal sea was restored to this city, and D. Ferrier of S Martin was the first bishop, being made subject to the Arch bishop of Tarragone: notwithstanding that in the Goths time, that church did acknowledge the Metropolitan of Toledo. D. Roderigo Lizana was made●the first Viceroy of Valencia, by the king D. james: there were many Christian families found in it, who did exercise their religion in the church of S. Sepulchre, called at this day S Bartholomew. It was then of a round form, and but weakly walled, at this day it is enlarged and made square, and hath 12. gates, where as it had but 4. The chief city of this realm being now in the power of the king of Arragon, he soon recovered all the other places and forts, which was a goodly conquest, and a great increase to his other Estates. The other places continued peopled with the ancient inhabitants, who were contented to live under the king of Arragon, enjoying their religion.  
The affairs of Spain being in this estate, 
Castille.  D. Fernand king of Castille, after the death of D. Beatrix his wife, married a French Lady called jeanne, daughter to Simon Earl of Ponthieu, who was somewhat allied to the house of Castille, by the mother's side; for that her mother, wife to Cont Simon, called Mary, was daughter to Adella Countess of Ponth●eu, grandchild to king Lewis the 7. and D. Isabel of Castille, daughter to the Emperor D. Alphonso. 
〈…〉.  This Lady was very mild, and greatly beloved and honoured of the Spaniards. The king had by her the Infant D. Fernand, surnamed of Ponthieu, one daughter called D. Leonora, and another son, whose name was D. Lovis. The marriage being consummated, the king led his new spouse through the towns of Castille and Leon, whereas great honours were done unto her. In the mean time he disposed of all necessary provisions upon the Mores fronters, where they were continually annoyed by their incursions, to prevent the which, the Governor D. Alvaro Perez de Castro, a wise and politic Captain, omitted not any thing that might concern the duty 〈…〉 charge. The Moors were so insolent under their new king Mahomad Aben-Alhamar, as D. Alvaro Perez was forced to come in person to confer with the king at Aillon, and to acquaint him with the affairs of that fronter: where the Moors were the stronger, and had a little before his departure, besieged Marto●, the which (without the succours which D. Tello Alphonso de Meneses brought) had been taken, and in it his wife, whom he had left there. Whereupon the king commanded he should be supplied with all things that were needful: but as this knight returned into Andalusia, he died at Orgas, in the year 1239. whose loss was great: and at the same time there died also D. Lope Diaz de Haro, another valiant and wise knight, leaving one son, heir of the ●eigneurie of Biscay and other lands, called D. Diego Lopes the 3. of that name. The good success which the kings of Spain had in their conquests, made them and their subjects the more superstitio●s. They of Arragon showed great devotin at that time, to an image which was found during the war of Valence, to the which there was a Monastery built at Puig, and it recommended to the Monks, called de la Merced. Then was the Episcopal seat of Calaorra removed to S. Dominick de la Calçada, by the procurement of D. john Perez the bishop, who spared not his pains to go to Rome, where he obtained wh●t he pretended from Pope Gregory the 9 the holy Father providing, and giving power unto the Bishop to tax his Dioceses, for the defraying of his charges. If this touched the glory of God, or the edification of his church, let the wise judge: b●t this did not hold, for some years after the church of Calaorra was restored to her former dignity, and yet that of ●. Dominick remained a Cathedral, being in former time but a Collegial, yet one bishop holding both unto ourtime. At that time there lived a Doctor called Hugues Candido a lacobin, of whom Spain makes great account. After the death of D. Alvaro de Castro, the king of Castille, having led an army in person into Andalusia, and given order for the safe keeping of the city of Cordova, he took partly by force, partly by fear, 
Towns and castles taken from the Mores  and partly by accord, the city of Eccia, and the towns of Estepa, Almodoval del Rio, Siettefilla, Lucena, Luque, Porcuna, Coat, Moron, Castellar, Marchena, Coeros, Cabra, Osuna, Baena, Monraquilar, Tenexir, Ballar, Bute Morgu, Pardal, Cafra, Ornachuelos, Mirabel, Fuenteçumel, Moratilla, and S. Ella, most of which places the knights of Calatrava, they of S. james, and the Prelates obtained from the king, and was given to the Noblemen and knights. The king's affairs were much advanced by the taking of a Moor Almohade, who had passed out of Africa into Spain, to challenge that which the kings of his race had enjoyed there. Caid Arrax then reigned at Maroc, being grand child to Aben-Mahomad the Green, borne at Bufax, who died while his father lived.  
In the year 1240. a truce was made betwixt the king of Castille, and Mahomad Aben-Alamar of Arjona, who reigned in Granado. Until this time Don Roderigo the Archbishop and Primate hath written the history or Chronicle of Spain. The title which Don Fernand king of Castille gave himself at that time, was, king of Castille, Toledo, Leon, Galicia, Cordova, and Baeça, leaving that of Nagera, and other small places, for the which he took those of the great towns which he had conquered from the Moors. He gave the like titles to the Queens his mother and wife, as it appears by that which was written of him in Latin the same year, as the custom was then: where particular mention is made of the infants D. Alphonso and D. Frederick, 
University of ●alamanca.  D. Martin Gençales of Mijancas, being Merino Mayor of Castille. Besides the Art of war, wherein the king was very expert▪ he was also very careful to maintain justice in his kingdoms, with all other good government, by reason whereof, he transported unto Salamanca the University which D. Alphonso his grandfather had instituted at Palença, as a place more commodious for the good of all Spain, and in a country more fertile, and abounding with all things necessary, to which University this king, his son D. Alphonso, and others their successors, have given great revenues, privileges, and exemptions, so as it is thought there is no University in the world where as the professors have greater pensions.  
Whilst that he busied himself in these good and honourable actions, he had some troubles by the means of D. Diego Lope de Haro, who was retired into his country of Biscay, discontentdd with the King, yet after some little war attempted against him, by the Infant D. Alphonso, the king was advised not to estrange from his service a Nobleman of so good a race, from whom the kings of Castil● had received so good services in their wars against the Moors: wheresore D. Diego Lop● was received into more favour than before.  
The truce made with Mahomad Aben-Alamar, expired in the year 1241. 
An. 1241.  wherefore the Infant Don Alphonso was sent unto the fronters of Andalusia: being atrived at Toledo, he found the Ambassadors of Alboaquis, or according unto some, of Ahen Hud●●l King of Murcia, who went unto the King Don Fernand, to offer him the Realm of Murcia, whom he caused to return back, marching himself with them to receive this realm, which was voluntarily offered unto him, having in his company Don Pelayo Perez Correa, Master of the Knights of Saint James. The conditions were, that the king Alboaquis should remain vassal to the king of Castille, 
Murcia delivered to the king of Castille.  and that the revenues of the Realm of Murcia should be equally divided betwixt the two Kings, and that the fort of Murcia should be delivered into the hands of the Infant Don Alphonso, and they should compound with the Captains which held the other places, the which was put in execution, with them of Alicant, Elche, Orihuela, Ceruillan, Alhama, Aledo, Ros and Cieca: but they of Lorca, Carthagena, and Mula, would not hearken to this composition, whereunto they were afterwards forced. Thus this Realm was united to Castille without any pain or danger, whither the king came in person, and was received with great joy and honour.  
At that time Don Roderigo Archbishop of Toledo was excommunicated by Don Pedro of Albalate, 
Archbishops in quarrels or the primacy.  Archbishop of Tarragone, for that he had passed by the jurisdiction of his Archbishoppricke, carrying his cross, as Primate of Spain, for which dignity he of Tarragone did contend with him. The cause being pleaded at Rome before Pope Gregory the ninth, 
An. 1242.  he declared by a decree given at Saint john de Latran, in the year 1242. the sentence of the Excommunication against the Archbishop D. Roderigo to be void.  
By reason of some loss which Don Roderigo Alphonso of Leon the king's bastard brother had upon the marches of Andalusia, the king D. Fernand, and the Infant D. Alphonso marched towards the fronter, where dividing their forces, the king remained in Andalusia, and the Insant took the way to Murcia. The king began to overrun the country from Andujar towards Arjona and jaen: he took Arjona, Pegalier, Montijar, and Cartejar, he caused his brother Don Alphonso, Lord of Molina, to enter into the Realm of Granado, who spoiled the champion country: and approaching near unto the city, he made a show as if he would besiege it, entertaining his troops about it until the king came in person to join with him: where he had an encounter with King Mahomad Aben-Alhamar, who made a sally with above eight hundred horse, and great numbers of foot moors, who were defeated; But after that the King resolved to retire to Cordova, being not strong enough for such an enterprise. Towards Murcia the Infant Don Alphonso went to besiege Mula, which was his first exploit, for he had not yet besieged any place, the which he took, and did much annoy Carthagena and Lorca. King Fernand being advertised that the Moors came to put victuals into jaen, and to fortify it, he sent his brother Don Alphonso to meet them, who not only repelled them and hindered the victualling, but also spoiled the whole country round about. In the mean time the King was come to Pozuelo, betwixt Toledo and Cordova, to see the Queens D. Berenguela his mother, and D. jeanne his wife, which was the last sight betwixt the son and the mother. Having spent some days there in feasting and pleasure, the Queen-mother returned to Toledo, and the king came to Andujar with the Queen his wife, whom he led to Cordova, and there left her, whilst that he cared for the war, especially for the siege which he meant to lay to jaen, spoiling the country about it, as he also did about Alcala of Bensaide and Illora, running even unto the gates of Grando, from whence he returned a victor to Marros. There he found Don Pelayo Perez Correa, Master of the knights of Saint james, who counseled him to invest jaen without any further delay: the which he did, and priest it with such fury, as the king of Granado had no time to secure it: who to prevent greater dangers, which he feared to fall upon him by this war, resolved to let the king Don Fernand understand, that he desired to make some good accord with him, if he would grant a safeconduct to come unto him, the which was granted: 
jaen delivered to the king of Castille.  whereupon he came unto the camp to kiss the king of Castile's hand, who entertained him courteously, so as they were good friends, and make an accord, that the city of jaen should be delivered into the king D. Fernands' hands, whom the king of Granado should acknowledge for his superior, and come to all assemblies in Castille, and moreover should pay him 150000. Maravidis of gold for a tribute: others say 300000. being the moiety of the revenues of the Realm of Granado in those days, which was esteemed to be 600000. Maravidis of gold, accounting every Maravidis for 108. deniers, and every denier for a Maravadis at this day: so as the revenues of Granado did amount to 64800000 Maravidis, which make 172800. of gold, at 375. Maravidis apiece.  
King Fernand did promise him for his part aid and succour against a mighty family of the Moors, his capital enemies, called the Oysemels. These conditions were faithfully performed of either part, and by this means Mahomad Aben Alomar remained peaceable king of Granado. The king Don Fernand having thus compounded with him, he turned his forces against the king of Sevile. The city of jaen (as some searchers of Antiquities do believe) is the ancient Mentiça, an Episcopal seat in the Goths time. The same dignity was restored, and the Mesguide made a Cathedral church by the king D. Fernand, in the year 1243. who continued there eight months, for that it had been taken in Winter, and for that it did behove him to give order for many things, for the preservation of his new conquests in that country, as also for the distrust he might have of the King of Granado, his new ally, whom notwithstanding he had no cause to doubt, being very faithful. From jaen he came to Cordova, where he was advised to assail Carmona, whither king Mahomad came to serve him with five hundred Genets. Having spoiled the country, the two Kings came against Alcala of Guadajaira, which place by the king of Granados means, yielded: from thence certain forerunners were sent to a place called Axarafe of Sevile, being led by the Master of the Knights of Saint james: and others under the conduct of the King of Granado, and the Master of the Knights of Calatrava, were sent towards Xeres. The King being in the mean time at Guadajaira, he had news of the death of D. Berenguela his mother, whereat he was much grieved, so as the war of Sevile grew somewhat cold, yet he was so far embarked, as he durst not abandon the fronter to come into Castille. The king of Granado had leave to return into his country, the King Don Fernand remaining very well satisfied of him.  
Whilst matters passed thus in Castille, 
Portugal  all was in combustion in Portugal, by the negligence and baseness of the king Don Sancho Capello, who was wholly given to his wives humours, being hated of the Portugals, and he himself disliked for her sake: for many malefactors and insolent persons were supported by her, who grew daily more audacious in their excess, without any fear of justice, which was trodden under foot, for their respect. For these considerations (the Queen being also barren) all the Noblemen of the kingdom desired to have this woman separated, and sent out of Portugal: for the effecting whereof they made great instance at Rome: but neither exhortation, admonition, commandment nor censure could prevail: for the King did so dote of D. Mencia Lopes, as he would not leave her; which the Portugals perceiving, some of them presumed to seize on her in the city of Coimbra, 
Queen of portugal 〈…〉 his subjects for her insolences.  & conducted her into Gallicia, from whence she never returned more into Portugal. Not content herewith (as excess and insolences were familiar and ordinary among them) laying aside all respect and reverence which they ought unto their Prince, they sought to depose him from the royal dignity: whereby it appeared that the whole subject of the troubles did not consist in the Queen Donna Meu●ia, but in their ambition and private designs: for their chief desire was, to have Don Alphonso the King's brother, who was married to Matilda Countess of Bologne, and lived in Picardy, advanced to the royal throne in his place.  
The news of these tumults being published in Arragon, Don Pedro Intant of Portugal, who was Earl of Vrgel, and Lord of Segorue, entreated the King Don jaime to send Ambassadors into Portugal to persuade the Noblemen and States of the Country to receive him for Governor, as a Prince of Portugal, who being affected to the good and quiet of the Country, would order the affairs, to every man's liking and content: The which the king Don jaime did, but it was in vain, for most of the portugals were so affected to the Earl of Bologne, as the Ambassadors of Arragon were forced to return suddenly.  
It was therefore resolved that the Earl Don Alphonso should be called: and to the end that matters might pass with some colour of justice and lawful Order, 
D Alphonso called to be 〈…〉 Por●●gal.  they sent the Archbishop of Braga, the Bishop of Coimbra, with some Noblemen of the Country, to Pope Innocent the fourth, who had begun a Council at Lions, who did authorize this fact of the Estates by his Apostolic power, and named Don Alphonso Earl of Bologne, Regent of Portugal; leaving the title of King to his brother Don Sancho Capello.  
Some writ, that the Earl came to Lions, to kiss the Pope's foot, and accepted from his hands the charge of Governor of Portugal, 
D. Sancho king of Portugal abandons his realm in Iretires into ●astile.  and afterwards at Paris he swore the Articles and capitulations which were made in that behalf: from whence he went into Portugal with the Pope's Briefs, where he was received by the subjects but not by D. Sancho, who would not obey the Pope's commandment, but retired into Castille. The Authors do not agree well about the time of this retreat: some saying, that it was during the reign of Don Fernand: others attribute it to the time of D. Alphonso his son, which is the most likely: wherefore continuing to treat of the affairs of Castille in D. Fernands' time, we will afterwards return to the Estate of Portugal.  
The year 1245. was the last of the life of Don Roderigo Ximenes Archbishop of Toledo, 
Cast●le. 1245.  a Prelate of great esteem among the Spaniards. He died in his return of a voyage from Rome, upon the confines of Castille and Arragon, in the Monastery called Our Lady of Huerta or Horta, where he was interred: famous for his doctrine, good life, great experience, and rare eloquence, according to the time, and especially for his hatred against the name of the Mahumetists and Moors, to whom he made war with all his power, spirit, body, and wealth: he was a favourer of the rents and privileges of the Clergy, the which he did much augment in Spain, especially in his own Sea, and built and peopled many places which had been ruined. Don john the second succeeded him in the Archbishopricke of Toledo, Primacy of Spain, and Chancelorship of Castille. About the end of Don Roderigo Ximenes days, mention is made of a Book found by a jew in a stone, 
Book sound in Spain.  in the which it was contained, without any show of joining together: it was written in three languages, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, the which made mention of three worlds from Adam unto Antichrist, showing the nature and disposition of the men of either world: and in the beginning of the discourse of the third world, it contained, that the Son of God should be borne of Virgin, and suffer for the salvation of mankind: and (the which seemed more than wonderful) it was written in this book, that it should be found during the reign of Don Fernand. Whether this were a thing done of purpose, or accidental, by this strange invention, rather than for that which the Book contained, this jew was moved to become a Christian at Toledo: for he might have learned the coming of the Son of God in Isay, and other books of the old Testament, and in the Gospel, if he would have read them.  
In Segobia there was a stranger accident of a woman jew, who had a great devotion to the Virgin Mary in secret, who being wrongfully accused by her husband of adultery, as by the order of law she was ready to be cast down from a high rock near the town, she recommended herself to the blessed Virgin, who preserving her in the fall, laid her at the foot of the rock without any harm. This jew being ill instructed in her religion, and worse in that of the Christians, published this miracle unto the people, and was led with great admiration unto the church of S. Marry the great in Segobia, where being baptized, she was named Mary that leapt from the rock: these are the tales of Friar Alphonso d' Espina in his book called Fortalitium fidei.  
The King Don Fernand having a great desire to chase the Moors of Sevill, 
An. 1246.  about the year 1246. prepared an army at sea in Biscay and Guipuscoa, whether he sent a Captain of great experience, called Raymond Boniface, borne at Burgos, enjoining him to be at a prefixed time upon the coast of Andalusia, that he might at one instant besiege the city both by sea and land. In the mean time he so annoyed the town of Carmona, as he forced them to some submission: he took Constantine, the which he gave to the city of Cordova, and to the town of Reyna, wherewith he endowed the knights of the Order of Saint james, the which is at ●his day a goodly commandry. The town of Lora having yielded for fear of a siege, the king gave it to the Order of Saint john of Jerusalem: he afterwards took Cantillana by force, where there were above seven hundred Moors slain: Guillena yielded by composition, so as they sped well for that time, but rebelling afterwards, it was razed. Hereupon the king fell sick, which stayed the course of his victories, for that he could not be in person in the army, the which is of great importance: yet Alcala deal Rio was taken after a long siege, and a great resistance.  
The king having recovered his health, 
Arragon.  they treated a marriage betwixt the Infant Don Alphonso and D. Violant Infanta of Arragon, daughter to the King D. jaime, and the Queen D. Violant his second wife, 
Marriage of the Infant of Castil●e with ●. V●olant of Arragon.  the which was consummated in the town of Vailledolit, whether the Princess was brought this year 1246. By this marriage all quarrels betwixt these two Kings were reconciled: for the King D. james held himself wronged by him of Castille for many respects, but especially for that he had assisted and supported his son D. Alphonso, who had conspired against him some years before, with the Nobility of Arragon and Valencia, for that the King D. james, having in the year 1243. propounded unto the Estates, assembled at Daroca, to allot portions unto his children which he had by divers ventures, that he might leave them in peace after his death: he had assigned unto D. Alphonso the eldest, the crown of Arragon, and to D. Pedro, which he had by Queen Violant, the Principality of Cattelogne: which Province notwithstanding he would restrain by the river of Sigro, leaving by that means the town of Lerida, in Arragon, whereat the Cattelans seemed to be much discontented, and the Infant D. Alphonso more, who would not have this principality dismembered from the crown; this business being referred unto the Estates which were held sometime after at Barcelona, the limits and jurisdiction of Cattelogne were extended unto the river Signa, so as Ribagorçe and Pallars were contained in Cattelogne: notwithstanding the King persisting to leave D. Pedro his younger son heir of that Province, the Infant D. Alphonso conspired with D. Fernand his great uncle, D. Pedro of Portugal, D. Pedro Fernandes d' Aragra, D. john Gonçal of Heredia, and drawing unto him all the Nobility of Arragon and Valencia, he had taken arms, and being aided and favoured by D. Fernand King of Castille, he had caused great troubles in Arragon, the which the King having by good council somewhat pacified, he was this year reconciled to the King of Castille, by means of this marriage, many Noblemen of both Kingdoms having been mediators therein, yea and some learned men, whereof there were many in Castille, for this King D. Fernand was the first of the Kings of Castille, 
Learned men first admitted into the chancel of Castille.  which did honour his council of Estate with learned men, choosing twelve, which were well read in the law, who did always accompany him, the which was imitated by many Kings his successors.  
By these grave and learned men, 
Castille.  was then begun, by the King's commandment, the books of the laws of the realm, called Las Siete partidas, the which was finished in the time of D. Alphonso his son: a worthy work, 
Las Siet● par●●das cont●yning the laws of Castille.  copious and full of variety: this assembly of learned men was continued for a time, and then changed, mingling sometimes churchmen amongst them, and knights that were not learned, for the affairs of the Estate. In the end they did convert it into a Chancery, whereas suits were decided, the which was as a court of Parliament following the King, and afterwards it was divided into two Courts or Chanceries, one settled at Grenado, and the other at Vailledolit, as we see in our time. In like manner D. james King of Arragon, caused the laws and customs of Arragon, to be reduced into writing; as it were in one body, having till that time been observed by tradition, which volume was confirmed by the Estates held at Huesca, in the year. 1247.  
The King being at Alcala del Rio, he was advertised that his Admiral Raymond Boniface, was come into the mouth of the river of Guadalquivir, with thriteene ships of war, which had been set upon by twenty Moors ships of Sevile, Ce●ta and Tanger, whom the Christians had vanquished, taken three ships, broken and disarmed the second, and sunk one, the rest having recovered the sea. Of which danger the King having intelligence before, and that there was a fleet of Moors at sea, which attended his army, he had sent some troops of horse 〈◊〉 foot unto the sea coast to favour them, if they should be forced to run on shore: but they arrived after the victory: these thirteen vessels keeping the month of the river, the land army came and camped about the city of Sevile, 
Sevile besieged. An. 1247  in the mouth of August 1247. not without great and bloody skirmishes against the Moors, who sallied out upon them which made the approaches, especially towards the sea, using withal many politic stratagems to fire the ships which lay at anchor within the river, which attempts the Admiral Raymond Boniface did valiantly withstand, and repulsed the Moors, to their great loss and shame.  
The beginning of this siege was so prosperous for the Christians, as the garrison and Inhabitants of Carmona, being but six leagues from Sevile, resolved to yield themselves to King Fernand, supposing that if they did protract it any longer, they were undone. The city being environed, and all passages stopped, so as there could no victuals enter, they were daily in fight both by land, and sea, where the Moors were most annoyed, and therefore they had a great desire to burn the navy, but they found good resistance. He amongst the commanders which did most feats of arms, was D. Pelayo, Perez Correa, master of the Order of Saint james, and of the Knights Garcia Perez de Vargas, of Toledo.  
Whilst they were busy about this siege of Sevile, the Infant D. Alphonso of Castille was in the realm of Murcia, where he sought to take the town of Xativa, which is not far from Valencia, having already seized upon Enguerra; but the King D. jaime, his father in law, crossed his conquests, saying that the attempted upon his right, for that Xativa and other neighbour places belonged unto him, according to the last lymitation. And for that the Infant D. Alphonso did not retire his forces, the King of Arragon took Villena and Saix in the country of Castille, the which were held by the knights of Calatrava; and from the Moors he took Capdetes and Burgarra, places belonging to the conquest of Castille. These differences being like to cause greater troubles, some great personages interposed themselves, procuring the father in law and the son to meet at Almizra, where they reconciled them: yet the King of Arragon showed himself very strict against D. Alphonso, refusing to give him leave to conquer Xativa, the which he promised to hold in dowry to his wife Yoland. There they did assign the lands which should belong to either Realm, 
Confines of M●rcia and Valence.  appointing for the fronter to Murcia against Valencia, Almança, Sarazul, and the river Cabrivol: and to Valencia, Castralla, Biar, Saxona, Alarch, Finestrat, Torres, Polop, La Me●le lez d' Aquas, and Altea, with their confines. The mediators of this accord were the master of Saint james, the Prior of the Templars, and D. Diego Lopes de Haro, who returned with the Infant D. Alphonso of Castille, and all their troops, to the camp before Sevile, where the King of Granado arrived also, well, accompanied, and there were some succours sent from the King of Arragon; at this siege there were great and daily skirmishes, especially about a bridge of boats which was betwixt the city, and the Bourg of Triana, upon the river of Guada●quibir, the which in the end was broken by the Christians, having taken the opportunity of a great and violent wind, in the which they let slip two great boats, the which came with such violence as they broke the bonds wherewith the bridge was tied: the which did wonderfully amaze the Moors.  
This great city was so straightly besieged as they began to want victuals, and therefore doubting they should not be able to defend it long, they demanded a composition, the which was granted them upon these conditions. That the city should be delivered unto the King D. Fernand, and that all the Moors that would should departed, with their goods, to whom there was left for a retreat the towns of Saint Lucar, Aznalfarache and Niebla: 
Sevile yielded to King Fernand.  and for that they should have time to departed, the King nor his garrisons should not enter but a month after the making of this accord, and in the mean time the fort or castle of the city should be delivered unto the King. According to these Articles there went out of Sevile above a 100000. moors of all ages and sexes, which passed into Africa, besides such as remained in Andalusia and Granado. Thus the King D. Fernand got this goodly great city in the year 1248. having continued his siege sixteen months: 
An. 1248.  it was not commanded by any King, but only by a Governor called Axataf.  
The first thing the King did was to provide for matters of religion. He went in a solemn procession to the great Mesguide, the which was cleansed and hallowed, and a Mass song by D. Guttiere elect Archbishop of Toledo, successor to D. john deceased D. Raymond Lozana was chosen Archbishop of that church, the king resolving to enrich it with great revenues like unto the rest. The greatest personages which were at this siege with the king D. Fernand, were his children, D. Alphonso, D. Frederic, and D. Henry, D. Guttiere Archbishop of Toledo, he of Saint james, called D. john Arias, D. Garcia Bishop of Cordova, D. Sancho bishop of Coria, with other Prelates and Clergy men, as D. Pelayo Peres Correa the foureteenthmaister of the Knights of Saint james, D. Gonçalo Ybanes of Quintana, the fifteenth master of Calatrava, the master of the Alcantara, the Priors of the Templars and of Saint john, with a great number of their Knights. Of secular Noblemen, there were D. Diego Lopes de Haro, Lord of Biscay, D. Pedro Nugnes de Gusman, D. Gonçalo Gonçales of Galicia, D. Pedro Ponce of Leon, D. Ruy Gonçales Giron, Artas Gonçales Quixada, D. Alphonso Tells de Meneses, D. Gomes Ruis de Mançanedo, D. Roderigo Aluares of Toledo; D. Roderigo Froles,. Fernand Yanes, Ruy Gonçales, first Alcayde or captain of Carmona, Garcia Peres de Vargas, of Toledo, D. Laurence Suarez, and Diego Martin's Adalid: all these were in the Land army. In that at sea was Ray●ond Boniface Admiral, with many knights and Squires of Biscay and Cuipuscoa, with whom there joined many mariners and soldiers Basques, from about Bayonne in France: all that had done the King any service in this war, were rewarded according to their merits and callings, much land, and many houses were given to the Nobility, wherein the Clergy was not forgotten. And for that the city was unpeopled, the King invited people from all parts, with gifts, previledges, and great immunities; so as it was soon full of inhabitants.  
Soon after this prize, the King sent part of his victorious army against some places of strength thereabouts, the which were made subject unto him, some by force, and some by a voluntary composition, as Medina Sidonia, Alcala, Bejel, Alpechin, Aznalfarache, Arcos & Lebrixa and others towards the sea. By this conquest the King D. Fernand was free from all war behind the limits of his Province, for he meant to entertain peace and friendship with King Mahomad of Granado, who had always carried himself faithfully towards him: wherefore he began now to conceive in his imagination the conquest of all Afrique, and resolved to pass the straits in the spring, with a great army, against Caid Arrax, Miralmumin of Maroc, 
Death of D. Fernand King of Castille.  but death prevented him, in the city of Sevile, newly conquered, in the year 1252. having reigned in Castille about five and thirty years, and in Leon one and twenty. There were present at his death, his sons, D. Alphonso, D. Frederic and D. Henry, D. Alphonso Lord of Molina, the deceased King's brother, and the Archbishop. Raymond. He gave many admonitions to his sons, touching concord and the public peace, recommending the Queen Donna jeanne very straightly unto them.  
This King was reputed a Saint among the Spaniards, but he is not canonised by the Popes, yet he was a great favourer of the Sea of Rome, and of all the Clergy in General, whom he advanced to honour and riches, as much as any of his predecessors. He did wonderfully persecute the Albigeois, who descovered themselves in his countries, burning them alive, and he himself setting fire to them. In his reign and during the life of D. john Archbishop of Toledo, Saint Lewis King of France imparted unto the church of Toledo, some of the singularities which he and others had brought from the holy land from Egypt and other places; as, of the wood of the true cross, one of the thorns of our saviours crown; of the Virgin Maries milk: a piece of the purple robe wherewith Christ was covered, some of the towel wherewith he wiped the Apostles feet, of the sheet wherein he was buried, and of the toys wherewith he played when he was little, with other such relics, whereof the Princes, Arabians and Turks, yea and they of Constantinople, made rare presents unto the French, who (above all other Christians) did reverence these things, and did afterwards distribute them to other nations. These goodly jewels were received by the Spaniards with great devotion, and of this subject there is a letter found written by that King Saint Lewis, in Latin, to the Chapter of Toledo, with a seal of gold, given at Estampes in the year 1248. The death of the King D. Fernand was much lamented by the Christians, and by the Moors also of Granado, who did mourn with great tears and lamentations after their manner.  
32 Soon after the decease of D. Fernand, 
Navarre.  died Thybauld King of Navarre, the first of that name, in july, in the year 1253. in the town of Pampelone, leaving the realm to his son Thybaud the second. After his reture from Syria, he had great troubles and difficulties with the Nobility and commons of his Realm, or that held in fee of him, whom he desired (as it was needful, being new come and a stranger) to content, the which he did by his wisdom great patience and dexterity. Those which crossed him most were D. William Vicont of Sola, D. Raymond Arnaud Vicont of Tartax, and D. Gaston of Moncade, Lord of Bearn, who made great complaints of the King; but he gave them the best satisfaction he could. To the Vicont of Tartax, he gave Ville-newe, with all the land of Miexa, and Hostavares, and to the rest he gave other things, so as he pacified them all.  
The King had great controversy with D. Pedro de ●açolas Bishop of Pampelone, for the rights and immunities of his church, the which proceeded so far, as the Bishop presumed to excommunicate the King, and did not only interdict his own Diocese of Pampelone, but the whole realm of Navarre, where by reason of his pretensions and controversies, there was no Mass nor Matins said, but whereas the King did force them, from the which they did appeal: and in the mean time the Bishop kept at Navardun in Arragon: from whence going sometimes forth, the King caused him to be taken and put in prison as a traitor, but it was too hardy an attempt, the people could not endure it, so as he was forced to set him free. These storms continued three years, whereas the Spaniards lay all the blame upon the King. In the end by the mediation of Noblemen, Knights, Prelates and some good religious men, the King and the Bishop were reconciled. The King acknowledged his fault, and the interdiction was taken away, and some affirm that he went in person to Rome to demand absolution, the which he obtained of Pope Innocent the fourth. As we have said, this King died in the year 1253. and was buried in the great church at Pampelone. About the same year there died also D. Blanch of Castille, Queen mother to Saint Lewis King of France, leaving unto her son a good title to Castille (if he would have followed it) and to his descendants: she was buried at Saint Denis near Paris.  
The end of the eleventh Book.    

THE TWELFTH BOOK of the History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 D. Alphonso the tenth King of Castille and 31. of Leon, the 5. of that name in Castille and the tenth in Leon, or the 11.  
2 D. Thibaud the second of that name, 23. King of Navarre. Contentions betwixt him and the Kings of Castille and Arragon.  
3 Fealty and homage done by the King D. Thibaud to him of Castille, which the inhabitants of Pampelone refuse to subscribe.  
4 Marriage of D. Alphonso King of Castille, unlawfully sought and broken.  
5 Exploits of King D. Alphonso against the Moors.  
6 Factions in Germany for the Empire, and the choosing of D. Alphonso King of Castille to the Imperial dignity.  
7 D. Alphonso the third of that name, and fifth king of Portugal, his unlawful marriage in Castille, and leaving his lawful wife, the Pope's Censures and interdictions.  
8 Continuance of the reign of Thibaud, second King of Navarre, and his marriage's.  
9 Politic exercises, restoration of towns, private studies, and other Acts of D. Alphonso King of Castille, called the wise.  
10 Negligence and inconstancy of D. Alphonso in the pursuit of the Imperial dignity: indiscretion of Saint Lewis King of France, to quit his interest to the realm of Castille.  
11 Portugal exempt from all fealty and homage to Castille and Leon, the occasion of great tumults, and conspiracies againg King D. Alphonso the wise.  
12 D. Henry the Gross, first of that name, the 24. King of Navarre.  
13 D. Alphonso King of Castille cast from the Imperial dignity.  
14 Persecution of the A●bigeois in Arragon and Cattalogne.  
15 D. jeanne daughter to the King D. Henry, heir of the realm of Navarre, gives place to Philip the fair, King of France, and therefore is accounted the five and twentieth King of Navarre.  
16 Civil dissension in Navarre, for the government against the French, and their partisans: impiety, murders, cruelties, and the punishments of such excess.  
17 The fruitless and pernicious voyage of D. Alphonso king of Castille into France. A conference betwixt the Pope and him.  
18 Enterprises of the Moors upon the realm of Castille; a continuance of the Estate and Empire of the Arabians in Mauritania.  
19 Death of D. Fernand de la Cerde the elder of Castille, which was the cause of great troubles in that country.  
20 D. Pedro the third of that name and ninth King of Arragon: his marriage with Constance the daughter of Manfroy, bastard to the Emperor Frederic, by reason whereof the Arragonois pretend right to Sicily and Naples.  
21 The children of D. Fernand de la Cerde, rejected from the succession of the crown of Castille: disannulling of the right of representation: the Law of Toro, contrary unto it.  
22 Building of the great fort of Alhambra, of Granado and of the two forts of Malaga.  
23 D. Denis the first of that name, the sixth king of Portugal.  
24 Ahominable league, and other practices of the Infant D. Sancho of Castille, to dispossess his father.  
25 Enterprises of Castillans and Arrag●nois against Navarre.  
26 Homage forced by D. Pedro King of Arragon, from his brother D. james, for the Islands of Majorca and Minorca, and other lands of his portion.  
27 Massacre of the French in Sicily, called the Sicilian evensong, D. Pedro king of Arragon usurps the Island from the house of Anjou, and the war which ensued.  
28 Conspiracy in Arragon called the union against the king D. Pedro, for the defence of their previledges, and the authority of the Magistrate, called the justice Major of Arragon.  
29 Censures against the Infant D. Sancho of Castille, and his rebellion against the Pope. The father's curse upon him and his posterity, not vain, the death of D. Alphonso th● wise.   
Continuance of the royal houses of Spain mentioned in this twelfth Book.  

CASTILLE.  
11. D. Alphonso, 10. 30.   

LEON.  
   

NAVARRE.  
23. D. Thybaud. 2.  
24. D. Henry. 1.  
25. D. jeanne, and in respect of her Philip the fair.   

PORTUGAL.  
5. D. Alphonso. 3.  
6. D. Denis. 1.   

ARRAGON.  
9 D. Pedro. 3.   

D. Alphonso the eleventh of that name, the tenth King of Castille and thirty one of Leon.  
1 THe Moors of Spain were reduced to that extremity, 
Castille.  as they did all obey the Kings of Castille and Arragon, as their vassals, every one in their jurisdiction, the year that. Alphonso the eleventh came unto the crown: but they continued not long in this Estate, for as liberty is the most pleasing of all things, when as they found any subject of alteration they embraced it. Yet in the beginning they kept themselves quiet, seeking to confirm the alliances which they had made with the King D. Fernand deceased: and for that King Mahomad of Granado showed himself ready to do this homage, the King D. Alphonso, who was always bountiful, abated him 50000. Maravidis of gold of his yearly tribute, being in the city of Sevile, where he was proclaimed and crowned King of Castille, Leon etc.  
The first Ordnance he made, was to decry the money which was then currant, called Pipions, in place whereof he caused an other piece to be coined, which they named Burgalese, every one being ninety deniers, six deniers making a solz, and fifteen solz a maravidis of gold, so as the Burgalois and the maravidis in gold were all one in value. This change of money made all things dear in Spain, whereupon the King did much augment the Estates fees and ordinary pensions of his followers. The first alteration which happened in the Moors countries, was in Tareda, but they were easily suppressed, for the petty King of that place, called Amet, was so amazed, as he quit the place unto the Christians, and fled into Africa.  
We have said before that King D. Alphonso had married D. Violant daughter to D. jaime or james King of Arragon, by whom having no children in six years they had lived together, he intended to leave her: whereupon he sent into Denmark, to treat a marriage betwixt him and Christienne, the King's daughter, attending the return of his Ambassadors at Toledo, where he was again visited by King Mahomad of Granado. The King of Arragon having some intelligence of this divorce, which D. Alphonso pretended to make, was much discontented, and in a manner ready to proclaim war against Castille, if he had not been diverted by some noblemen and great personages of his realm, notwithstanding their subjects, upon the frontiers, did for a long time spoil one an other, & their was a league also made betwixt Arragon and Navarre, which did incense them more.   

Thibaud the second of that name, and three and twentieth King of Navarre.  
2 THis league was to defend the realm of the young Thybaud the second, 
Navarrel  who had succeeded his father in the year 1253. being not yet 15. years old, whose government, and the Regency of the realm was in the hands of Marguerite of Foix his mother, 
League betwixt the king of Arragon and the Queen widow of Navar.  The Histories of Navarre say, that the King of Arragon came in person to Tudele to visit the Queen widow, and King Thibaud her son, whereas they made an offensive and defencive league: the King D. jaime offering unto the widow and to this Pupil, whatsoever he could do, or they demand, always reserving the rights which he pretended in Navarre, the which he would end friendly, when as King Thibaud should be come to age, and in the mean time it was agreed that being of full years, he should marry D. Constance or D. Sancha, daughters to the King of Arragon, and if King Thibaud died, then should D. Henry his brother marry one of them: the King of Arragon promising moreover not to marry his daughters into the house of Castille, without the consent of Queen Margu●rite: she promised also for her part, to do her best endeavour that the King her son should not marry with any of the daughters of Castille, lawful, nor bastards, especially of King Fernands second marriage. In this league was comprehended the French King, and the Emperor, by Queen Marguerite: and the King of Arragon would insert a condition, that this present league should be allowed and confirmed by the Pope's authority, within a certain time, and great penalties and censures set down by him, for them that should break it. The Queen mother was assisted by D. Garcia Almora●id, D. Sancho Fernandes of Montagu, D. Garcia Gomes of Agoncillo, D. Gonçalo Yuanes of Batzan, D. Corbaran of Leet, D. Martin Garces of Eusa, D. Pero Gonçales of Morentiu, D. Martin Gonçales of Morentia, D. Guerero Siere, Simon Giros, D. Pedro Ximenes of Valtierra, and D. Lope Arcez, Deane of the Collegiall church of Tudele, who did all solemnly swear to observe the Articles of this league. The company being gone from Tudele, the King of Castille was presently advertised of the league which they had made; whereupon he sent many companies of horse and foot unto the frontiers of Navarre, pretending that the realm did belong to him, and that he would pursue his right by arms. On the other side Queen Marguerite the Regent, manned the towns & forts joining upon Castille with good garrisons, being also succoured by the King of Arragon; so as the Castillans passed no farther at that time. 
Thybaud crowned king of Navarre.  In the mean time King Thibaud grew to be full 25. years old, wherefore they thought it fit to declare him of age, & to crown him, 
An. 1254.  the which was done in the year 1254. in the great church of Pampelone, where he did swear to observe and augment the previledges of the country. Being in possession of the government, he would have the alliance and league which his mother had made with the King of Arragon newly confirmed, for the effecting whereof, the two Kings met in the church called our Lady of Montagu, 
League confirmed betwixt Navarre and Arragon.  where they did capitulate: and it was said that the King D. jaime should defend the realm of Navarre against all, and that not any one of the two Kings should make any peace or truce without the consent of the other, for assurance whereof, especially of the above mentioned marriages, there was delivered in pawn, for King Thibaud, the forts of Gallipienço, Arguedas & Monreal: and for Arragon, the castles of Rueda, Sos and Vncastillo: which places should remain in the hands of certain knights of Navarre, who notwithstanding should be discharged by the King of Navarre of the oath which they did owe him, and with his consent should take an oath to the King of Arragon, with a reservation and promise to yield the places to him against whom the other had made the offence: all this was promised and sworn by both Kings, and the chief of their subjects; for the King of Navarre, by D. Sancho Fernandes of Montagu, Seneshal of the realm, D. Garcia Almoravid, D. Gil of Rada, D. Gonçalo Yuanes of Batzan, D. Martin Ximenes of Ayvar, Fernand of Leet, Ramir Perez of Arronis, D. Corbaran of Leet, D. Artal of Luna, D. Pedro of Varillas, and other knights, with six Bourgeses of Tudele: and for the King of Arragon, D. Alphonso Infant of Arragon, D. Garcia Bishop of Tarrassone, D. Garcia Romeo, D. Pedro Cornel, D. Simon de Fosses, D. Frederic Lizana, D. Pedro Martin's de Luna, D. Sancho d' Antilla and others. In this league were comprehended and named by the King of Navarre, the King of France and his brethren, and by the King D. jaime, Charles Earl of Provence, brother to the French King. This being concluded betwixt these Kings, the war grew hot and furious upon the frontiers of Navarre and Castille; where the King of Arragon did more willingly assist, for that the same year the Moors of the country of Valencia being rebelled to the number of 60000. under one Alardrac their leader and captain, the King of Castille did support and aid them underhand, upon a secret hatred which he bore unto the King D. james: yet by the diligent endeavours of some great personages, there was a truce made for some months, during the which the King D. jaime being come into Navarre, D. Diego Lopes de Haro, Lord of Biscay came unto him, and made himself his vassal, being discontented with the King of Castille, which was no small advantage for the affairs of this league against Castille: for D. Diego was a brave & valiant captain. King D. Alphonso pretended the realm of Navarre by ancient right from his predecessors, or at the least that D. Thibaud should do him homage, as the king D. Garcia Ramires, and the kings D. Sanchos, his son and Grandchild had done to King D. Alphonso the eight, Emperor of Spain's, and to other Kings of Castille; the which King Thibaud refused, alleging that it was a forced acknowledgement, without any reason, and that he was so far from submitting himself to the Kings of Castille, as he pretended to recover the territories of Bureva, Rioja, Alava, Guipuscoa, and other lands in old Castille which the predecessors of D. Alphonso had usurped of the crown of Navarre: these were the causes which made these Kings enter into war, who (the truce being expired) went to field with their forces: the Navarrois and Arragonois assembling the body of their army about Tudele; and the Castillans towards Alfaro and Calaorra.  
The Kings of Castille and Arragon lead the contrary armies, 
Castillans' i● arms against the Navarrois and Arragonois.  and were so near one unto the other, as they expected the hour when they should join: but there were many good men which laboured to prevent this disorder, amongst Christian Princes, so near allied: The King D. Alphonso gave him of Arragon to understand, that it was an unworthy thing, and beyond all expectation, to see him that was his father in law, carry arms against him, having done him no wrong; wherefore he entreated him not to hinder him in his just pursuit of the right which he had to the realm of Navarre, which the Earl Thibaud detained from him. The King D. jaime answered, that he could not in conscience, nor duty, abandon the defence of a young Prince, which was recommended unto him, whose affairs he esteemed as his own. Many Prelates and men of great authority having employed themselves in vain to make a peace betwixt these Princes, a simple gentleman of Cattelogne, borne at Besalu, of the house of D. Violant Queen of Castille, prevailed more than all the rest. This gentleman came to the King of Arragon, and persuaded him with such lively reasons, as he yielded to a peace. Having done this good office with him, he did the like to the King of Castille, and was so happy in his negotiation, as they promised to confer personally together of their disputes and quarrels: 
Interview of the Kings of Castille. Arragon and Navarre.  wherefore certain Tents being pitched in a plain betwixt both armies, the three Kings met, and embraced one an other lovingly, where they feasted each other, and made a good accord before they parted. Yet notwithstanding the league made betwixt the Kings of Navarre and Arragon, 
King of Navarre confesseth himself vassal to him of Castille.  and the courage which the young King Thybaud did show, he yielded to do homage to the Kings of Castille, as his predecessors had done for the realm of Navarre, for the King of Castille thinking that he had won the King of Arragon, his father in law, by this interview, the which in truth did avail him much, for that the Queen Donna Violant his wife was there present, he demanded of King Thybaud the hardest conditions he could, desiring nothing less than to make an accord with him: but nothing being refused, they compounded, King Thybaud remaining vassal to the King D. Alphonso: and it was said that he should entertain a Lieutennt in the court of Castille, and that whensoever the King of Navarre should be called upon any occasion of war, he should be bound to come and serve himself in person, or by his said Lieutenant with two hundred horse. The young King yielded to all these conditions, either for that he was not able to resist his adversary, or else doubting that the King of Arragon was won, or it may be in consideration of the public quiet; besides he did no new thing, but what his predecessors had done before him: yet D. Sancho Fernandes of Cascante, 
Inhabitants of Pampelone resuse the homage which their King did to him of Castille.  and other knights of Navarre dissuaded him from it, the like did the Inhabitants of the Bourg of St. Sernin of Pampelone, who after that all the Prelates, knights and commonalties of the realm had approved this peace, they still disallowed it, and would not subscribe, whereupon the King did punish them by fines, as mutines, yet his choler being past, some few days after he considered that those of Pampelone were good and faithful subjects, loving his honour and greatness, and that they had resisted his will by a true zeal, and love, which they bore unto the crown of Navarre, so as he caused their money to be restored unto them again, whereupon there grew a custom which continued, that in matters concerning Castille, this Bourg did not set to their seal.  
4 The divorce which D. Alphonso King of Castille pretended to make, 
Castille.  as we have said, from the Queen D. Violant, could not take effect, for that the cause of sterility, which he objected against her, did cease, being the will of God she should be with child, in the year 1254. and yet the Ambassadors which were sent into Denmark, 
D. Alphonso's second marriage pretena●●, divinely broken.  had wrought so, as they brought the Princess Christienne to Toledo, wherewith the king D. Alphonso was wonderfully troubled, so as not knowing how to cover this fault, D. Philip his brother presented himself unto him (being Abbot of Vailledolit, and Cueva Rubia, and designed Archbishop of Sevile, for which cause he had been brought up in study, and had remained sometime in the University of Paris) and demanded this Princess in marriage. It grieved the King much to give D. Philippe a portion, yet finding no better means to salve this disorder, he caused him to marry her, and in favour of this marriage allotted him great rents and revenues, but it was short and unfortunate; for this Princess Christienne thinking herself contemned and scorned, was so oppressed with grief as she pined away and died. 
Genealogy of Castille.  Thus the marriage of D. Violant of Arragon with the King D. Alphonso remained firm; to whom afterwards she gave an ample off spring. Her first child was. D. Berenguela, then D. Beatrix, D. Fernand, surnamed the la Cerde, D. Sancho, who was King after the father, D. Pedro, D. john, D. jaime or james, of all which we will hereafter make ample mention, and in the end she had Donna Isahell, and Donna Leonora: Besides these lawful children; the King had D. Alphonso Fernandes, whose mother is unknown, and D. Bentriz, begotten of D. Major Guillen of Guzman, daughter to Don Perez of Guzman, in which family the Kings of Castille have often found Ladies for their service. This daughter D. Beatrix was Queen of Portugal. The same year of our Lord 1254. there came unto the Archipifcopal dignity of Toledo, and Primacy of Spain, one called D. Sancho, whom the Spaniards hold to be an Infant of Castille, son to the King D. Fernand deceased, and brother to this Alphonso, but it is not very certain. D. Pascal successor to D. Guttiere, had been Archbishop before him. The same year there arrived at the Court of Castille, Edward, son and heir to Henry the third, King of England, who according to the custom of those times, was armed and made knight, by the King D. Alphonso.  
As for the Moors, 
Moors.  they were, as we have said, divided into petty States, except Granado: all which had done homage to D. Alphonso King of Castille. In Algarbe there reigned in this quality Aben Mofad, who held Niebla and Xeres: a Lady a Moor ruled at Lebrixa, or Nebrissa, and Arcos: Murcia was held by Mahumet Aben Hudiel, and other places by other captains and Lords, which did all hold of the King of Castille, to whom notwithstanding, when occasion served, they showed no great loyalty: wherefore in the year 1256. 
An. 1256.  King D. Alphonso dispossessed all these petty Kings, & he received Xeres of the fronter, by a voluntary yielding, where D. Nugno de Lara was made Governor, and Garcia Gomes Carillo, 
Petty Kings of the Moors dispossesed and ch●sed ●at of Spain.  a hardy knight, his Lieutenant. Arcos and Lebrixa, following the example of Xeres, yielded also to D. Henry the King's brother, who was sent thither from Xeres. The year following 1257. 
An. 1257.  the King came into Algarbe, where he took the town of Niebla, and appointed lands about Sevile for King Aben Mofad, and many rents in that city, so as by this means he had all the rest of the country of Algarbe: that is, the towns of Gibraleon, Huelma, Serpa, Mora, Alcabin, Castro, Martin, Tavira, Faro and Laule, all held by Moors, who did not in any sort acknowledge the King of Granado, with whom D. Alphonso entertained firm friendship, so as having ordained an Aniversary in the city of Sevile, for the King D. Fernand deceased, the which was celebrated yearly in the Cathedral church, King Mahomet Aben Alhamar, sent many of his chief Moors thither, with a hundred footmen, carrying so many great torches of white wax, the which they set about the dead king's tomb.  
All matters betwixt Navarre and Castille, were in outward appearance quiet, but the effects showed this year 1257. that peace betwixt Princes, is most commonly entertained by no other bond, but their pleasures and commodities, without any respect of accords, oaths or promises: for the king of Castille having raised a mighty army, under colour of some doubt he had of the Moors, caused it to turn head towards the frontiers of Navarre, to make some notable breach there, before they suspected him. Wherefore the two Kings, D. james of Arragon and D. Thybaud of Navarre, went suddenly to arms, and son after D. Henry Infant of Castille, the King's brother, and D. Diego Lopes Dias de Haro, son to D. Diego Lopes Dias, who was dead a little before, at the baths of Bagnerets, came unto the King of Arragon, being at Estelle, with whom they made a league against Castille, the Infant making great complaints against the King D. Alphonso. With the young Lord of Haro, there came D. Diego Lopes de Mendoça, Michael Inigues de Suaçu, Inigo Ximenes of Nanclares, Sancho Gonçales of Heredia, Ruy Sanches of Landa, which were all principal Noblemen of the Province of Alava: Lopes of Velasco, Gonçalo Gomes of Aguero, Lopes Garcia of Salezar, Lopes Inigues of Orozco, Sancho Garcia of Salzedo, D. Gonçales of Cavallos, great Noblemen in the Mountains, who came all with D. Diego Lope Dias their Lord, & did there homage to the King D. jaime, promising to follow him against all Princes wheresoever he would lead them. The affairs standing upon these terms, likely to break out into an open combustion, those which loved peace laboured in such fort, as the Kings of Castille & Arragon had an interview at Soria, where a new accord was made.  
And for that the Estates which king Thibaud had in France, 
Navarre.  that is to say, Champagne & Brie, required his presence, or of some great parsonage, Queen D. Marguerite went thither, but she died in the town of Province, from whence she was carried to the Monastery of Cleruaux, and there buried: for this cause the king was forced to go himself, wherefore he recommended his country of Navarre to the king of Arragon, and left a French knight for Seneshal and Governor thereof, his name was jeoffry of Beaumond, of whom the Navarrois made no great account, and less of the king of Arragon, to whom they would yield no obedience, so as there began to be a breach of friendship betwixt the Navartois and Arragonois, in the year 1257. at which time D. Gil de Rada, a knight of Navarre, did homage to the King D. jaime for his castle of Rada, for him and D. Maria de Leet his wise. The Seneshal seeing the country, which was committed unto him, ready to fall into a combustion, came unto the king D. jaime, who was at Barcelona, and obtained of him an assurance of peace, for a certain time betwixt the two Estates.  
The King of Castille finding himself in peace with all his neighbours, 
Castille.  both Christians and Moors, he took care for the good government of his subjects, who at that time made great complaints, for that by reason of the altering of the value of coins, all things were grown exceeding dear, which thinking to prevent, by setting a certain price upon all wares that were sold, he wrought a contrary effect, so as the death increased, wherefore he disannulled that law, and gave them free liberty to sell their victuals & wares at their pleasures. 
Faction● in Germany for the Empire.  About that time there was great trouble in the Empire of Germany, betwixt Conrade son to Frederic the 2. King of Naples and Sicily, and William Earl of Holland, both which carried themselves as Emperors. The death of Conrade happened, who (as the Italians writ) was poisoned by Manfroy his Lieutenant and bastard brother, who usurped the realms of Naples and Sicily, which the Popes would draw unto them since Frederiks' time, and exclude the house of Soave: notwithstanding that Conrade left Conradin his son and heir, 
Impiety of Manfrey Frederiks' bastard,  in whose prejudice Manfroy made himself king, sugiesting that he had news of his death in Germany, having in the mean time corrupted some to poison him, as he had done the father, but they failed him their vowed service. William Earl of Holland had been chosen Emperor by the practices of Popes against Frederic who held that title unto his death, which was soon after that of Conr●●: for having war against the Frisons his rebels, he was defeated by them and drowned in a Marish. He being dead, the Electors of Germany were divided, some striving to have a Prince of Germany chosen, according to the laws of the Empire; and the others (it may be corrupted with money) sought to have some foreign Prince placed in the Imperial dignity, that he might pacify the troubles and tumults which did afflict Germany, and Italy. Two Princes were then upon the file: Richard son to john King of England, and brother to Henry the third, 
Richard of England chosen Emperor.  then reigning: and D. Alphonso King of Castille. Conrade Archbishop of Cologne and Lewis Cont Palatin of Rhin Electors, practised by the English man who was present, did chose him King of the Romans, where unto the Archbishop of Mentz consented: But Adolph duke of Saxony, the Archbishop of Treves, and the Marquis of Brandeburg, disallowing of this Election, they named the king of Castille, who was absent, who being advertised of this Election by a solemn embassage, yet would he not go into Germany, hearing that Richard would force obedience by arms, & that the war was hotter among the Germans then before, wherefore attending the event, he kept himself within the city of Toledo.  
7 The same year of our Lord 1257. 
Portugal.  D. Sancho Capello King of Portugal, whom they had deprived of the government of the realm, to give it to his brother D. Alphonso of Bologne, came into Castille, to King D. Alphonso the wise (according to the most certain Authors) entreating him to aid him in the recovery of his dignity, and to punish his rebellious subjects, who had made his brother their King in his life time: whereunto the King of Castille was well affected: but a private respect made him to abandon the cause of the afflicted, for the Earl of Bologne, Regent of Portugal, knowing that his brother made this pursuit, entreated King D. Alphonso by his letters, not to trouble him in the charge whereunto he had been called by the Estates of the realm, for lawful considerations, the which had also been allowed and confirmed by the authority of the Roman sea. That if he would forbear to annoy him, he promised to marry D. Beatrix his bastard daughter, which was then of age to be married, & would be divorced from the Countess M●hault his wife, 
D. Alphonso of Portugal leaves his lawful wise the, Countess of Balogne, to marry with Beatrix of Castille.  & moreover did revive the ancient homage which Portugal did to Leon. These offers made king D. Alphonso to open his ears, who entertaining the king D. Sancho with good words, concluded the marriage of D. Beatrix, with the Regent his brother, to whom he gave in dowry the country of Algarbe, newly taken from the Moors. this union of the realm of Algarbe to that of Portugal, was the cause that from that time the kings of Portugal carriedin their arms, a border gueules semee with castles or, without number, the which were since reduced to the number of seven. The King D. Sancho Capello being out of all hope to reign in Portugal, 
D. Sancho Capello spoiled of the realm of Portugal.  died soon after in Castille, where for that short time he was entertained in a royal Estate, by D. Alphonso King of Castille, whose case was like unto his some few years after; for he was dispossessed by his own son D. Sancho, where it was happy for him to have preserved the friendship of the Moors: for there was not any Christian Prince, that did either favour him or aid him. Whilst that the King D. Sancho of Portugal lived, the city of Coimbra resisted D. Alphonso his brother, and would never acknowledge him for Regent, and much less for King. And the writers of Portugal say, that the news of the King's death being published; he which commanded within the town, whom some call Fleet, demanded a passport to go unto Toledo, to inform himself, of the King's death, and that the tomb wherein he had been laid, being opened, he began to fight, and to lament the adventure of this Prince, and to protest of his loyalty unto him, and of the affection of the citizens of Combra, and laying the keys of the city upon his hands, he said, that seeing he had received them from him, with the charge and government thereof, he delivered it up unto him again: and then resolving to acknowledge King D. Alphonso for his lawful Prince, and to draw the citizens thereunto, he returned into Portugal.   

D. Alphonso the third of that name, the fifth King of Portugal.  
BY the death of King D. Sancho Capello, 
Navarre.  which was the fifth year of his age, having reigned four and thirty years, leaving no children, the realm of Portugal fell to D. Alphonso his brother, without any dispute, who was crowned King in the city of Lisbon, in the year 1257. and being married to two wives, having no lawful cause of divorce from the first, he was the cause of many troubles and miseries to the realm of Portugal, for the preventing whereof he had been called. He had children by the Countess Mahault: Fernand, who accompanied his mother into Portugal and there remained, and Robert who succeeded his mother in the county of Bologne. Fernand, whom some call Peter, lies in the Monastery of Saint Dominike of Lisbon which this King built.  
The Countess his mother led him with her, when as being advertised of this second marriage she came into Portugal, to know the cause why she was thus abandoned. She landed at Cascais, a sea town at the mouth of the river of Tayo, five leagues from Lisbon, and from thence sent to entreat, exhort, and to summon the King her husband of his duty: for want whereof she made the protestations ordained by the Canons in that cause: but she could have no other reason nor answer from the King, but if it were lawful to break the laws, it was for a kingdom; and that if he thought to augment his dominions by marrying again, he would every day take a new wife. These were the fruits of her voyage, and D. Alphonso showed himself so rigorous unto her, as he would not vouchsafe to see her, nor to hear any council that was given him by his servants, who had a regard to justice, & feared God more than him; wherefore this poor Countess returned, and left this son in Portugal: being in France, she made her complaints of the disloyalty of her husband to the King Saint Lewis, and sent some to do the like to Pope Alexander the fourth, that by his Ecclesiastical censures, D. Alphonso might be forced to leave D. Beatrix, and take the Countess his lawful wife again. The Pope did what he could, exhorting, commanding, yea and excommunicating the King, and interdicting his realm, but D. Alphonso was so obstinate as he suffered the realm of Portugal to remain interdict ten or twelve years, 
Contumacy of D. Alphonso King of Portugal.  as long as the Countess lived. During the which time the Portugals had leisure to forget that which they had learned in religion, when as the King finding himself free, he was absolved by Pope Clement the fourth, retaining D. Beatrix without any let, who in the mean time brought him four children, the Infant D. Denis, so called for that he was borne on Saint Denis day, in the year 1261. who was king of Portugal and Algarbe: the Infant D. Alphonso who was Lord of Portalegre, 
Genealogy of Portugal.  Ronches, Murban, Castille, de Vide, and other lands, and had to wife D. Violant daughter to D. Manuel of Castille, son to D. Fernand the third, and two daughters D. Blancho, who was a Nun in the Monastery of Lorban, and afterwards Abbess of Saint Mary de las Huelgas of Burgos, and D. Constance. Besides these lawful children, this king D. Alphonso had one bastard son called Fernand Alphonso of Portugal, and one daughter whose name was D. Leonora of Portugal, married to an Earl called D. Gonçalo. Whilst he stood excommunicated, he made war against the Moors which remained in Algarbe, in the year 1260. 
1260.  and chased them out of Faro, Laule, Algezir, and Albofera, and augmented his dominions therewith. He built the town of Castro of Portalegre and Extremos: 
Religious houses built by D. Alphonso during the Interdict.  he repaired Veja, and other places which had been ruined by the Moors. He did not leave to build Monasteries and religious houses during the Interdiction: for he finished that of the preaching Friars of Saint Dominicke at Lisbon, and did build that of Saint Clara, of Saint Iren, and others: he gave great alms, and did many charitable deeds, to expiate the sin which he intended, by the taking of a second wife, not being separated from the first. Moreover, to ease the people, and to have greater store of fruits in the country, he caused certain barren and waste ground to be tilled: neither did he forget to maintain justice, punishing thieves and malefactors, whom his brother's carelessness had made insolent. To conclude, although he were defective and blemished in his marriages, yet was he a profitable Prince for his country.  
Whilst these things passed in Portugal, 
Castille.  and that the war continued in Germany against the favourers of Richard elect king of the Romans, D. Alphonso king of Castille sent an embassage of certain Cleargimen to Pope Alexander the fourth, the which were D. Dominicke bishop of Auila, D. Garcia bishop of Sylues, and john Alphonso Archdeacon of the church of Saint james, learned men, and of great authority, who demanded assignation of the time of his Coronation, and also to contradict the election of Richard, who did not care to prosecute his right by justice, but by force and arms. Attending the event of these troubles, and the return of his Ambassadors, D. Alphonso king of Castille ordered some things touching the policy of his Realm, he decried those sorts of money which he had coined, called Bourgalois, and caused others to be made, which they called black pence, and in old Spanish, Prietoes, fifteen of which were worth a Maravidis of gold: and he made other laws which were profitable to the Commonweal. Whilst he was busy about these things, and irresolute of his voyage into Germany, he had another cross which stayed him more: for his brother D. Henry a turbulent Prince, and an enemy to all quiet, committed many insolences at Lebrixa, where he did remain, tending to open rebellion: wherefore he sent D. Nugno de Lara from Sevile to suppress him, by whom he was vanquished, and forced to fly to Valencia, from whence the king Don jaime caused him to dislodge, for that he would not discontent his son in law: whereupon he passed into Africa to the King of Tunes. This Prince four years after crossed into Italy, and was made Senator of Rome (which is the chief dignity of that city) and grew to have great authority and credit in the estate of Italy, in the time of Pope Clement the fourth, who was successor to Vrbain the fourth.  
8 The king of Navarre, 
Navarre.  who was come into France, finding his affairs in great disorder, sought to settle them, & to maintain his rights in the Counties of Brie and Champagne, being in controversy, the which he preserved by the favour and authority of the King Saint Lewis: and moreover a marriage was made betwixt him and Isabel of France, the king's daughter, at Melun, whom he led into Navarre. D. jame king of Arragon was the mediator of this marriage, who in a manner at the same time gave his daughter Izabel in marriage to Philip the Hardy, son to the king Saint Lewis, and heir to the crown of France, promised unto him long before. King Thibaud had not any children by this Princess, wherefore his brother Henry succeeded him in the Realm of Navarre. He had one bastard-daughter called D. Marquis, 
Children of king Thibaud the 2.  whose mother's name was D. Marquis Lope de Rada, who we may conjecture was allied to that Gil de Rada, who it may be for this injury left Navarre, and retired into Arragon, where he did homage to the King D. jaime for his castle of Rada. This daughter was afterwards married unto Don Pero Fernandes Lord of Ixar, son to the King D. jaime, and to D. Theresa Gil of Bedaura, whom he had secretly married, as we have said.  
9 It was at that time that by the commandment of D. Alphonso king of Castille, 
Castille.  many learned men laboured to reduce into one body, the book of the laws of Castille, commonly called 'las siete partidas, which the King D. Fernand had caused them to begin, and which since hath been augmented by the succeeding kings, with many ordonances, the which was reviewed again by Pero Lopes Alcocer, 
Compiler of the laws of Spain.  Doctor Escudero, Pero Lopes Arrieta, and in the end by Bartholomew of Ariença, Lawyers: these are the laws by the which the Realms of Castille and Arragon are governed, and the administration and practice of justice in those countries.  
This King Don. Alphonso given to study, it may be more than was fit for a Prince which had so great a kingdom to govern, 
Tables astronomical of Don Alphonso.  caused also those famous Astronomical tables to be made, which carry his name, having drawn into the city of Toledo a great number of men learned in the Mathematics and Physics, as well of his own countries, as out of Africa and other parts, both Christians and Arabians, where be comprehends a certain supputation of the heavenly motion of the stars, and planets, and of their aspects and encounters, setting down for a rule and fundamental point of all astronomical account, the situation of Toledo, where he consumed an infinite treasure. He did beautify these goodly Sciences of Physic and Philosophy, causing the writings of the Arabians, and other Ancients to be put into more familiar tongues: whereby he deserves, that thankful posterity should maintain a commendable memory of his virtue: yet he is to be blamed, for that these honest exercises did so ravish his spirits, and hindered the care he ought to have had of the affairs of State, that he showed himself so slack and negligent, as thinking to be Emperor, he found himself not only excluded from that dignity, but also dispossessed of his own Realm; having reaped no other fruits of his studies, but the vain surname of Wise and Learned. Which doth admonish Princes to prefer action before contemplation, yet joining the one to the other with moderation. He left some marks of him in the Province of Guipuscoa, in the town of Mondragon, the which was so called by him for certain causes, whereas the ancient name was Arraçate: and did endow it with great privileges, whereof the letters are to be seen at this day, Given in the town of Exnatorafe, called at this day, as the Spaniards say, Adelantamiento of Caçorla, which are the most ancient letters which are to be found in the Castillan tongue in all Spain: for until this King's reign, all records, instruments, and public writings were made in Latin: but he brought in the Castillan style, in all sorts of writings, causing many books, yea of the holy Scripture, to be translated into that tongue, whereby it was much beautified. In this privilege there are many assistants or witnesses named, as well of his own Realms, as strangers: which shows, that his Court was frequented (as if he had been peaceable Emperor) by Princes and Noblemen of the Empire, which are there named his Vassals: as Hugh Duke of Bourgongne, Guy Earl of Flanders, Henry Duke of Lorraine, Lewis Earl of Beaumond, and other Princes holding their Lands and revenues in fee of the Empire: Many Princes of the Moors are there also named as Vassals to this King. In the same quality are named in this privilege, Gaston Lord of Bearne, Guy Viscount of Lymoges, who (it may be) had some fees in Spain, or depending of the Empire. Many also are named in this privilege as Benefactors: Queen Violant, his children Don Fernand, and Don Sancho, according to the custom of the Kings of Spain: and of witnesses a great number.  
This king Don Alphonso did also cause a collection of the Histories of Spain to be made, the which is read at this day, called a general Chronicle. Being by reason of these things in great reputation, and esteemed among strangers, by the report (as it is likely) of learned men, whom he did cherish in all countries. The Sultan of Egypt, a Turk which reigned then, called Al●andexauer, sent him presents of cloth, and beasts of Egypt, Lybia, Aethiopia, and other neighbour Country's strange unto the Spaniards, the which were requited by him with other gifts.  
Being thus respected by Barbarians afar off, he was contemned by them which held their lands, dignities and lives of his bounty: for in the year 1261. 
An. 1261.  there being an assembly at Granado, 
Moors.  of all the Princes Moors, which held any lands in Spain, they made a league together, and conspired all against him, and without any long delay, being long before prepared, they went to field and forced the towns of Xeres, Arcos, Bejar, Lebrixa, Medina Sidonia, Rota and Saint Lucar, king Mahumet Aben-Alhamar of Grando being the chief, against whom Garcia Gomes Governor of Xeres defended himself valiantly, but it availed not. This revolt did much annoy the elect Emperor Don Alphonso, yet having sent some troops of horse and foot, the Moors which were dispersed in the Christians country, were soon suppressed.  
The Realm of Valencia had been subdued by the king of Arragon, 
Arragon.  so as that time D. Simon de Fosses being Viceroy, there was no alteration in those parts by the Moors: yet this Prince was never in good quiet with his subjects, by reason of the importunity and contumacy of his eldest son Don Alphonso, who did continually stir up new tumults, upon colour of portions betwixt him and his brethren: a question which had been handled, but not decided in many Assemblies of the Estates, and by judges appointed by them during D. Alphonso's lifetime. He died about the year 1260. soon after his marriage with Constance daughter to Gaston Lord of Bearne. 
Death of D. Alphonso Infant of Arragan  In the year 1261. the marriage of the Infant D. Pedro was consummated (who then took the degree of the eldest) with Constance daughter to Manfroy Prince of Tarentum, soon after the celebration of the marriage of his sister D. Izabel with Philip of France, at Clermont in Auvergne. After which solemnities the question for the Infant's portions was revived, with as bad success as it had been when Don Alphonso lived: for Don Pedro could not endure that any thing should be dismembered from the Crown, nor that any lands or titles should be assigned to his brethren, but would have them to depend wholly upon him, the which the King their father did not hold fit for the quiet and rranquility, of the Realm, knowing well the rough disposition of Don Pedro, who was cruel and inexorable: wherefore notwithstanding the protestations of Don Pedro, which were ordinary, refusing to allow of Order in that respect, but by constraint, and to obey the king his father. It was decreed, that after the decease of the King Don jaime, the Infant D. Pedro should succeed in the realm of Arragon and Valencia, and should have by the same right the Principality of Cattelogne, limited from the river of Singa unto Cap de Crux. That Don james the younger should have, with the title of a King, the islands of Majorca, Minorca, and the Pityuses, and moreover the Counties of Rossillon, Collibre, Conflans, Cerdagne and Vallespire, with the rights of Montpellier, with charge to acknowledge the Sovereignty of Arragon for these Segneuries upon the main land: but Don Pedro did complain wonderfully at this portion which was assigned to his brother D. James. There were other quarrels pretended by the Nobility of Arragon, complaining that the king D. jaime did break their privileges and liberties: by reason whereof they made many leagues and factions. The matter being debated in the Estate of Sarragossa, and then at Exea, in the year 1265. there were orders made for the pacifying of those troubles: As not to give any honours or military fees to any but to Gentlemen of race, and borne in the country. That no Gentleman should be subject to the tribute of cattle, nor to any other. That in all controversies which the Nobility might have against the king, or among themselves, the Magistrate, called the justice Maior of Arragon, should be judge, being assisted by the Council. That the King should not give the fees and military rewards, affected to them that do him service, as a recompense of their virtue and valour, to any of his lawful children, who by right have their portions in the realm. In this assembly of the Estates the King was solicited by the Pope to root the Moors out of his Dominions, the which was hard to effect, neither was it done.  
The war in Germany began to grow cold by the absence of Richard, 
Castille.  who for want of money was forced to dissolve his army, and to go into England, to make a supply, whereas he found his brother Henry engaged in civil wars, whereby he stayed there, and never returned into the territories of the Empire: so as Don Alphonso by his delays lost many good occasions to effect his designs. Approaching hear unto the moors fronters with a great army, he built a castle in the territory of Alarcos, which he named Villa Real, and since called city Real by the king D. john the second. The place where it was built, was before called Pozuello of Saint Gil. Leaving all care of the Empire for a time, he made violent war against the Moors of Granado, Murcia, and other confederates, so as Mahumet Aben-Alhamar was forced to fly to Aben joseph Miralmumin of Maroc for succours, who sent a thousand genets or light horse Arabians into Spain, in the year one thousand, two hundred, sixty three, 
An. 1263.  which was the first succours which passed into Spain since that the kings of Maroc had abandoned and lost it, one and fifty years after the rout in the fields of Tolousa, or Muradal in Andalusia. The town of Xeres was recovered by the Christians, and manned with a great garrison: Bejar, Medina, Sidonia, Rota, and S. Lucar were in like manner taken, as also Arcos and Lebrixa, from whence the king chased the Moors and planted Christians. Port S. Mary was built, and other small exploits of war done whilst the good time lasted. Winter coming on, the king dissolved his army, the which was exceeding great: for he had called all such as had in former times been at the war, and had horse and arms, exempting them of the village of Martiniega, from the Custom of cattle, and other Tributes and Impositions, besides their ordinary pay. The king with some Noblemen stayed at Sevile: during this war which was in the year 1264. 
1264.  his father-in-law D. jaime of Arragon met with him in Alcarras, with good troops of soldiers, to second him against the Moors of Murcia, the which with their king was reduced under the obedience of the king of Castille, 
An. 1265.  the year following 1265.  
The king of Granado was so joyful of these succours which were come unto him out of Africa, 
Moors.  and gave such great entertainment to these Arabians, at his subjects charge, as many began to murmur against him, in somuch as the Captains of Malaga and Guadix, of friends became his enemies, and many of his followers holding themselves less esteemed them these new come, conceived a great hatred against him, so as he began to fear a revolt of his subjects. And for that he would not be engaged in two wars at once, one civil, another foreign, he laboured to make his peace with king D. Alphonso, coming upon assurance unto him to Alcala of Bencaide, and there swore his fealty and homage anew, 
Accord betwixt Castille and Granado.  in the presence of Mahomet Alamir his son, promising to pay him 250000. Maravidis of gold for a yearly tribute, and renounced the alliance of Aben Hudiel king of Murcia. Wherefore king D. Alphonso did more easily subdue him, who yielded with all his towns, demanding pardon for his offence, the which he obtained by the intercession of the king of Granado newly reconciled: his life was saved, and some rents assigned him, but his royal dignity was taken from him, in the which the king of Castille placed another Moor, called also Mahomet, brother to Aben-Hut, who had been slain in Almerie, to whom he gave the third part of the revenues of that Realm. As for the Captains of Malaga and Guadix, D. Alphonso had promised unto the king of Granado by this last accord, not to favour them against him, the which he kept at that time, & did procure a truce betwixt them for a season. During the which Mahomet Aben Alhamar came unto D. Alphonso at Murcia, to entreat him again (the truce being expired) not to support these two Captains, which had rebelled against him: wherein the king of Castille dissembled, refusing to promise him directly, for he had an intent to bridle him by this means, and in the end to ruin him. Whereupon the king of Granado returned discontented: being in his country, he sought to corrupt the captains of the king of Castile's forts, which were near unto him: namely, Don Nugno Gonçales son to the Earl Don Nugno de Lara, who was discontented for the wrongs and grievances which his father Don Nugno de Lara, and his Uncle Don john Nugnes had received from the king, persuading him to rebel against his Prince, with assurance that he would favour him, and would give him succours upon all occasions.  
During these actions king D. Alphonso, 
Castille.  Emperor elect, had news of the death of Richard his competitor, who had been slain in England, at the siege of a town of small consequence, being greatly solicited by his partisans and favourers to go into Germany, assuring him that he should be received without any contradiction: but he excused himself, either for that he wanted courage or money, or else being stayed by the advertisements he had of the king of Granados practices: yet he called a Court in the city of Burgos, to confer of this voyage with the Estates of his countries, who did exhort him to march, yea offering him money, whereof he had then need, but there was no means at that time.  
He had sent Ambassadors into France, for the marriage of his son D. Fernand surnamed the la Cerde, with the eldest daughter of the king S. Lewis, called Blanch, as her grandmother, in the end of the year 1267. 
An. 1267.  this Princess being not full ten years old, according to some Spaniards, and the supputation of Garrybay himself, who makes profession to be a great observer of times. By this marriage was decided a great controversy betwixt the house of France, and that of Castille, for the succession of the Realms of Castille and Toledo; the which by right, 
Marriage of D. Fernand with Blanch daughter of France.  and the custom received of the succession of the elder, did belong unto the king S. Lewis: for that after the decease of the king D. Henry the first, who died without children, being slain with a tile which fell upon his head, the succession came to his eldest sister D. Blanch, mother to this S. Lewis, and not to D. Berenguela the younger mother to king Fernand the 3. whom she had by the king of Leon. But the Spaniards disdaining to be governed by a stranger, did easily frustrate this right, through the carelessness of the king S. Lewis, choosing D. Fernand his cousin germane for their King. In favour therefore of this marriage made betwixt D. Fernand de la Cerde, son to D. Alphonso the wise, K. of Castille, and D. Blanthe daughter to the king S. Lewis, he did quite renounce all the right and interest which he and his successors kings of France might pretend to the crown of Castille and Toledo, 
S. Lewis quits the right he pretended.  transferring it to Don. Fernand and to D. Blanch his spouse, and to their heirs. This accord was made in France betwixt the king S. Lewis his council, and confirmed by him, and the ambassador: of Spain, with whom the Princess was sent through the country of D. Thibaud, who had married Isabel her sister some ten years before.  
The Princess and her conductors were honourably entertained by the Navatrois, 
Navarre.  although that they and the Castillans were no great friends: yet for that she was their Queen's sister, they spared not any thing that belonged to duty and honesty. D. Thibaud was then in France, during his absence there were many things done in Navarre by excess, or through the error of Governors, or the policy of neighbour Princes. One of the principal knights of Navarre called Gonçalo Tuanes of Batzan, retired to the king of Arragon, and made a fort upon the fronters betwixt Arragon and Navarre, which he called Boeta, from whence he made great spoils in the country of Navarre. Notwithstanding the friendship which was betwixt the kings of Arragon and Navarre, yet there wanted no grievances and subject of quarrel betwixt them. One of the most apparent pretensions, which the king D. jaime had, was, that he said, that to succour the king D. Thibaud he had made great expenses, whereof he would be remboursed: making always use thereof when there happened any disorder. The sum which he demanded was so great, as neither K. Thibaud nor his brother Henry, who reigned after him could ever acquit it. About that time, or soon after was the passage of the Princess Blanch into Castille, whom the king D. Alphonso her father-in-law received at Logrogno: the king D. Thibaud arrived in Navarre, where he laboured to set some good order in his affairs, and to prepare all things necessary for his voyage beyond the sea, which he pretended to make with the king S. Lewis his father-in-law. He did somewhat repair the breach of friendship which had been betwixt the K. of Arragon and him, and renewed the accord with him of Castille: and having left his brother Henry earl of Ronay, for Governor in Navarre, he came into France, leading with him D. john Nugnes de Lara, eldest son to D. Nugno Gonçales de Lara, and many other knights of Navarre and Castille. He also led Q. Elizabeth or Isable with him, whom he left governess of his Counties of Champagne and Brie, and then he parted with the king S. Lewis his father-in-law, 
An. 1269.  who embarked at Marseilles, with his whole army in May, 1269. to go into Syria: but he was forced by foul weather to land in Sicily, from whence he passed into Africa, took Carthage, and besieged Tunes: but the issue of this expedition was unfortunate, as we may read in the Histories of France.  
Some months before D. jaime, 
Arragon.  or james K. of Arragon, moved with the like zeal to make war against the Infidels in the East, and to f●ee himself of a vow which he had made, had embarked himself, but he was driven back by a storm to Aiguesmortes. He had by reason of these enterprises, familiarity, and treaties with the great Cham or Emperor of Tartary, sending a Bourger of Perpignan, called Alain, Ambassador unto him. He consulted of the voyage at Toledo in an assembly of Princes. where he did protest to go in person, although he were very old. King D. Alphonso promised money, Michael Paleologue Emperor of Constantinople offered ships and victuals by his Ambassadors, but he could not put it in execution. Yet his children D. Pedro, and D. Fernand proceeded in their voyage, and arrived in Palestina, where they stayed not long. At their return they landed in the Island of Sicily, then enjoyed by king Charles the first brother to S. Lewis, from whom they received great honour and good usage: there the infant D. Fernand was made knight by the hands of king Charles, whereat D. Pedro his brother took occasion to hate him, and never after loved him. As soon as K. Thibaud was gone out of Navarre, whether he never more returned, the king D. jaime forgetting not the right he pretended to this realm, made donation and transport thereof to D. Pedro, resigning all his interest to him, by virtue of the mutual donation made betwixt him and the last king D. Sancho the Strong.  
In Castille there was nothing but feasting, 
Castille.  for the new marriage of the Infant D. Fernand, at the which (being as stately as any had been seen in Spain) there were present D. jaime of Arragon, Philip eldest son to S. Lewis king of France, Edward eldest son to the king of England, who had been armed knight by the king D. Alphonso: D. Pedro Infant and heir of Arragon, and Mahomet king of Granado, not yet proclaimed an enemy with other Princes Moors: the king D. Alphonso himself, Emperor elect, his brethren and children, with his uncle D. Alphonso de Molina, and a great number of Prelates and Noblemen of his countries, and of France, Ingland, Italy and other places: whither also came the Lords of Lara, D. Lope Diaz de Haro, and other mal-contents, who did then confer with the king of Granado, and concluded a dangerous league with him. Of this marriage were born the Infants D. Alphonso and D. Fernand de la Cerde, of whom we will make mention in the discourse of this History.  
The feast being ended, D. Alphonso Emperor Elect, began to think afresh of his passage into Germany, whither they called him by ordinary messages: but whether fear or necessity did hinder him, he could not begin it. It may be the quarrels of Germany seemed too dangerous unto him, being also loath to charge his subjects with the expenses, for the conducting of an army into Italy and Germany: for that his prodigality had exhausted his treasure, and emptied his coffers. For besides the great expenses which he had made in searching out the Mathematics and other commendable things which amounted to so great sums of money, as a Spaniard writes, that for the compiling of the work which they call Tabulas Regis Castillae, he spent more than the revenues of S. Peter's patrimony could amount unto in ten years. He gave at one time an hundred and fifty Kintals of silver to the Empress of Constantinople; who came unto him to Victoria, to beseech him to aid her, to redeem the Emperor Bauldwin her husband, prisoner among the Turks, from whom Michael Paleologue detained the Empire. And withal it is likely, that he spared not any money to practise the german Electors, by whom he had been chosen: together with the feasts, triumphs, gifts and presents of his son's marriage: and the provision for war which it behoved him to make, to defend himself against the treachery of the Moors, and of those that were united unto them. All which things kept him so low, as he had neither means nor courage to poursue that which he had ambitiously affected. The rebellion of D. Lope Diaz de Haro, Lord of Biscay, the fift of that name, who had been made king during the foresaid marriage, and of D. Nugno de Lara, and others, may in some sort excuse him. These with other their confederates were entered into a secret league with Mahomet Aben-Alhamar king of Granado, who for his part had openly broken the truce with the captains of Malaga and Guadix, vassals to the king of Castille, annoying them all he could by open force: wherefore king D. Alphonso came to Sevile to oppose himself against this king of the Moors, and to prevent the designs of these conspirators, calling an assembly there of all his knights and other his faithful subjects. Having a great army ready, and an occasion being offered, he did assail and suddenly take the town of Cadiz ill guarded, and the Island which was under the protection of the K. of Maroc, where the soldiers got great spoils: but for that there wanted people, he left it still in the Moors hands. This was in the year 1269.  
The King being at Sevile, 
Portugal.  D. Denis infant of Portugal came unto him, being well accompanied by the Noblemen and Knights of the country, who besought his grandfather to make him Knight, and moreover, that he would discharge the Realm of Portugal, of the homage and vassalage it ought to the king of Leon. King D. Alphonso was desirous to gratify this young Prince, son to his daughter D. Beatrix: but thinking it would be taken ill by the Noblemen his subjects, he advised the Infant to propound it in an open assembly, the which he called to that end. The demand being made in the name of Don Denis, who was yet a child of eight years old, by a Knight of Portugal, the opinion of D. Nugno de Lara (who had not yet declared himself) was, that by no means he should diminish the authority and greatness of his Crown, the which he should do, if he did quit this homage to the king of Portugal, and that in any other thing he was of opinion, the king should gratify his grandchild D. Denis: 
Wise advise of D. Nugno de Lara.  wherewith the king seemed discontented against the Earl D. Nugno: wherefore the rest seeing that he would have it so, they advised him to do it. Whereupon the Realm of Portugal was freed from all homage and obedience due to the kings of Leon and Castille, this year 1269. And D. Denis being made Knight by the king, he returned joyful to his father, who about the same time was absolved, and the general Interdict, in the which the Realm had been for twelve years space, taken away by Pope Clement the fourth.  
This prodigality with some other reasons, 
Castille.  did much discontent the Noblemen of Castille: and made the Earl D. Nugno to run into open rebellion, for that the king had taken it ill, for delivering his opinion freely in open Council. After these things audience was given to the Ambassadors of the Miralmumin Aben-Ioseph, who were come to complain in their Master's name, for the taking and sack of Cadiz, and to demand reparation: but they were sent home with good words. King D. Alphonso being parted from Sevile to come into Murcia, being at Villa Real, he was abandoned by his brother D. Philip, the Earl D. Nugno de Lara, D. Lope Diaz de Haro, and other Noblemen & Knights which came into Castille, to put the League in execution which they had made with the king of Granado against their king, and to seek to draw others unto them, making the ground thereof to be the dismembering of Portugal from the Crown of Leon: which league was renewed in Lerma. Many other Noblemen and knights joined with them, the chief whereof, besides the Infant D. Philip, the Earls D. Nugno de Lara, and Lope Diaz de Haro, were D. Estevan Fernandes, D. Fernand Ruis de Castro, D. Ximen Ruis de los Cameros, D. jean Nugnes, and D. Nugno Gonçales de Lara, children to the Earl D. Nugno, D. Aluar Diaz D. Diego Lope de Haro, brother to D. Lope Diaz, D. Lope de Mendoça, D. Gil Ruis de Roa, D. Aluar Diaz de las Asturias, and D. Roderigo Rodrigues de Saldagne, all discontented with K. D. Alphonso: some for one cause, some for another.  
The first thing they did, after they had sworn the League, 
Navarre.  was to send the Infant D. Philip into Navarre, to see if he could draw D. Henry the Regent of that Realm to join with them, for the interest he had to pull down D. Alphonso, who detained so many Provinces belonging to the Crown of Navarre, the Confederates promising him (yet without any such intent) to aid him in the recovery thereof. If he would favour them with the forces of the Realm which he had under his command, where they pretended to stay, and there assembled all forces, friends and means. The Regent Don Henry having duly considered of the consequence of this enterprise, being wise and well advised, excused himself, 
Wise answer of D. Henry of Navarre to the Conpirators of Castille.  that he was but Lieutenant to his brother, to whom he must yield an account of his government, and that he desired nothing more, then to restore him his Realm in the same estate that he had delivered it him, without attempting to trouble his Estate by any new enterprises, upon a vain hope of bettering it. Don Philip returned into Castille with this answer, being frustrate of his expectation. Soon after D. Henry had news of the death of his brother K. Thibaud, which happened in the town of Trapani in Sicily, in his return from the voyage of Tunes, whereas the king S. Lewis was also dead, and the army forced by pestilence, and other discommodities, to return, having done nothing of consequence.   

D. Henry the Gross, first of that name, 24. King of Navarre.  
Done Thibaud having held the Crown of Navarre 17. years and about four months, and dying without any lawful children, Don Henry his brother succeeded him in the year 1271. 
An. 1271.  he was surnamed the Gross, for that he was exceeding fat. And although the common opinion be, that fat men are most commonly of a soft and mild disposition, yet this was of a sour and froward conversation; the which he did especially show to Don Armingol Bishop of Pampelone, whom he did afflict much. D. Isabel the Queen Dowager who was in France, when as D. Thibaud her husband died, received his body (the which was carried with that of the King S. Lewis) and caused it to be buried in the Church of Provins: and whether it were for the grief of her husband's death, or some other infirmity, she lived not long after him. The Confederates of Castille, seeing Don Henry received king of Navarre, sent to Don Philip again, to solicit him to join with them in league. The new king Don Henry made answer, that seeing he was now absolute, and was not to make account of his actions to any one, 
Answer of the king of Navarre to the Confederates of Castille.  he was very willing to receive the Confederates into his Realm, and to assist them with all his power: but upon condition, that they should in like manner come with all their forces and friends, to put him in full possession of the lands of Bureva, Rioje, Alava, Guipuscoa, and others, the which king D. Alphonso had unjustly usurped and detained, belonging to the crown of Navarre.  
This demand seemed great and difficult to the Infant Don Philip; and as one which had not rejected all love of Brother or Country, he refused this alliance which would be so dear and burdensome, and therefore he made answer, that neither he nor his companions had any such power, as to accomplish that which he demanded, confessing freely that he would not do so great wrong unto the King his Lord, as to dispossess him of so great a country. The king Don Henry hearing this answer, would not enter into their League, being loath to break the accords which Navarre had with Castille, but upon great advantage: wherein he did wisely not to incense so mighty an enemy against him. Don Philip returning into Castille, met with his Confederates, to whom he related what he had done, the which they allowed.  
King D. Alphonso was wonderfully perplexed, 
Castille.  during these practices, employing all his friends to pacify and to divert these conspirators from their enterprise. First he sent Don Henry Perez of Arana with letters of credit unto them: the king went in person to Valencia with Queen D. Violant his wife, to entreat the king D. jaime her father to mediate an accord for him, or to keep him from joining with the Confederates: with whom Don Henry Perez laboured in vain, advertising the king of all that past, as many of the Council of Castille did in like manner: wherefore after many messages of either side, and many fruitless negotiations, which did rather kindle the fire than quench it, king D. Alphonso was forced to come to Burgos. The Confederates did not only solicit the king of Portugal to enter into their league, but also Aben joseph k. of Maroc, promising a safe access and all favour against this Prince: the which was discovered by a letter written by this Morish king in the Arabian tongue to the confederates: In the mean time the king of Granado began to make open war against Castille, overrunning the country of Andalusia with the horsemen which he had out of Africa: against whom he sent the Infant D. Fernand de la Cerde. D. Alphonso being come to Burgos some of the rebels came unto him upon passport, where there were divers conferences, the king showing himself tractable in many things, for the desire he had to go into Germany: but all prevailed not, notwithstanding that there was an assembly of the Estates at Burgos for this pacification, the which was held without the town, for the safety of the Conspirators, who rejecting all treaties of peace, retired to Granado, their troops committing infinite spoils where they passed without any respect, love, and charity of their country, yea in the country of Guadix, whereas the Captain a Moor was enemy to Mahomet Aben Alhamar: and they say, they entered into Granado with above 5000 cattle, and many carts laden with spoil which they had taken.   

Mohomad Mirabel, the second King of Granado.  
Whilst these fugitive Knights were at Granado, 
Moors.  the king there died, which was in the year 1273. having reigned 36. 
An. 1273.  years, and some months. By their support and assistance, his son obtained the Crown, being also called Mahomad as his father, but surnamed Mirabel Almus-Lemin, otherwise Abedialle & Aboabdicke, and Alamir Aben-Azar: for after the death of Aben-Alhamar there were great divisions upon the election of a new king: some demanding a younger brother to this Mahomad Mirabel, who was called joseph Aben Alhamar, others would have one of the Captains of Malaga or Guadix, desiring thereby to make them leave the alliance of the king of Castille, to the end they might unite all the Moors of Spain. For the favour which the Christians did herein to Mahomad Mirabel, he caused a palace to be built, which was called the palace of D. Nugno. Such as had held the party of joseph Aben-Alhamar escaped, and retired with him to Malaga, from whence he went & spoiled the country of Granado; But the knights which were with king Mahomad, having assembled some forces, went against them, and defeated them near unto Antequera.  
King D. Alphonso was come near unto Toledo, 
Castille.  always negotiating a peace, for the which they assembled the Estates again at Auila, whither came D. Fernand Ruis de Castro and Roderigo Roderigues de Saldaigne, who abandoned their companions. Nothing being concluded, the King resolved to make war with all violence: he came to Requegna, whereas D. jaime king of Arragon should meet him. During his abode there, he had intelligence from his Agents in Germany, that the Electors, tired with his delays, and desiring to settle a good peace in Germany, had proceeded to a new election in the person of Rodolphus earl of Habsburg and Holsacia, against the which his said Agents had objected many things, and protested in his name of nullity. These news did much trouble king D. Alphonso, who was engaged in these civil dissensions, the which he then resolved to compound, at what price soever, to the end he might go into Germany to recover his imperial authority by arms, the which he had let slip by negligence. Wherefore he sent the Queen D. Violant his wife to Cordova, with some of his Council, to treat a peace with the king of Granado, and with his own rebellious subjects, and likewise with the Miralmumin jacob Aben joseph, who threatened to pass into Spain. He entreated and conjured the king of Arragon to aid him to subdue them, if they would not yield to reason, the which he promised, and he sent Ambassadors presently into Italy to Pope Gregory the 10 to make new protestations against the Election of Rodolphus, and to lay open unto the Pope his pretensions and reasons. The Ambassadors were Friar Aymar a jacobin, & Fernand of Zamora, Chancellor to the king, and Chanoine of Auila, who delivered their charge in open Consistory: yet the negligence and little regard which the king their master seemed to have of the Empire, did make good the election of Rodolphus, so as they returned into Castille, without any effect.  
Pope Gregory having afterwards called a Council at Lions, 
Council at Lions under Pope Gregory the tenth.  whether he came in person for the reformation of Christendom, especially for the reconciling of the Greek Church with the Roman or Latin, and in like manner to relieve them in the East, who went to ruin. He advised king D. Alphonso, and admonished him by the Bishop of Astorga, to desist from his pretension of the Empire, where he should do nothing but spend, and thrust himself and his kingdoms into open danger, without any hope of benefit: which advice could not please the King, who being advertised that the Queen, who was at Cordova, had brought the king of Granado, and the Noblemen Confederates to some reasonable conditions, he came to Sevile, whither all the Noblemen came with the Queen, and the Infant D. Fernand, where as an accord was made. The Noblemen and Knights were restored to the king's favour, and to their goods and honours.  
The King of Granado promised to pay a yearly tribute of 300000. Maravidis of gold to him of Castille, 
Accord betwixt D. Alphonso and his rebellious subjects.  and did pay him a great sum of ready money: the which D. Alphonso demanded to make his voyage into Germany, whereof he still dreamt. There was great dispute touching the Captains of Malaga and Guadix, for king Mahomad would have D. Alphonso wholly to abandon them. but in the end the Queen D. Violant procured a truce for them for a year. Thus the conspiracy made against D. Alphonso was dissolved in the year, 
An. 1274.  1274. the which had continued almost five years. He that wrought best effects in this negotiation of peace, and that took most pains was Gonçal Ruis of Atiença, a gallant Knight, and a faithful servant to the king D. Alphonso. There is no doubt, but this Prince, by his inconsiderate bounty, his negligence in great affairs, and contempt of his subjects and Councillors, was the cause of great troubles and divisions, which were both prejudicial and dishonourable unto him, although that conspiracies can not be excused.  
Many Princes came to the Council of Lions, and many sent their Ambassadors: namely, Michael Paleologue Emperor of Constantinople sent  Patriarch of Constantinople, George Acropolite, and Theophanes Metropolitan of Nicaea in Bythinia, with charge to make a show to desire an Accord betwixt the Greek and the Latin Churches: but in effect it was to divert, by this goodly pretext, the Arms of Bauldwin his adversary, and of Charles King of Naples and Sicily, who pressed him, and to assure his Estate which he had gotten by unjust and violent means.  
Thither went Don james king of Arragon in person, 
Arragon.  who came to do his filial submission unto the Pope: yet the king being desirous to be crowned in this Council, by the hands of Pope Gregory, (a Ceremony whereof he made great account) he refused him, unless he would acknowledge himself Vassal to the Church of Rome, and pay the arrearages of the Rent which the deceased King Don Pedro his father had promised: the which the King Don james would not do, holding it an unworthy thing, so to debase the greatness of his Crown, and restrain the liberty of his Realm in any sort. Wherefore seeming to have some feeling thereof by his words, and making his merits known unto the Church, by so many victories gotten against the Moors, in regard whereof, they should do him honour, he returned very much discontented to Montpellier.  
Both this year 1274. and some others before, the Realm of Arragon and Cattelogne had been in continual tumults and rebellions, the Nobility opposing themselves against the king, upon colour of breach of their privileges and liberties, besides the continual practices of the Infant Don Pedro against his brother Don Fernand, who drew the Nobility and Towns of Arragon into pernicious factions: Don Pedro proceeding so maliciously, as the king Don james their father was forced to take the government of the Realm, and the managing of affairs from him: the which he did in an open assembly of the Estates called to that end at Exea, in the which were condemned for contumacy, Don Artal of Luna, Lopes Ortis Sentia, Simon of Ahones, Diego Gurrea, and Pedro Ortis, by the sentence of Roderigo Castelliol, holding then the Magistracy of justice Maior of Arragon: 
Troubles in Arragon.  by reason whereof, and of these seditions and quarrels, he was afterwards slain by Bertrand Canelia, and Don William Raymond Odena smothered in the water, by the commandment of the Infant Don Pedro, who accused his brother Don Fernand of treason, and practices against the life of their father: whereof diligent information was made, and Don Raymond Foulques, Viscount of Cardonne, Don Pedro Verga, Galserand de Pinos, and other Noblemen were poursued, both by reason thereof, and for that they refused to do their due services and obedience unto the king, in his wars, voyages, and expeditions, as feudataries are bound, whereupon they were deprived of their fees and military honours, according to the custom of Spain, by the which Places and States were given to be held in fee, under the Sovereignty of the Crown, upon condition to yield them up unto the king being demanded.  
It did avail them nothing to object the privileges of Cattelogne, which were: That the Nobility might quit the king's obedience in case of controversies and suits, especially if there were question of their liberties, and to protest it publicly. To compound which troubles the Estates were assembled again that year 1274. at Lerida, and judges appointed by them: but the disorder was so great, as the king incensed with a rash and inhuman fury against his son D. Fernand and his confederates, he gave him over in prey to his brother D. Pedro, who besieged him in the Castle of Pomar, took him, and caused him to be drowned in the river of Signa, 
Don Pedro of Arragon drowns his brother.  and obtained his goods and spoil, for the execution of this cruel act. D. Fernand had married Donna Aldoncia of Vrrea, by whom he lest a son called Don Philip Fernandes, which was the stem of the noble house of Castro in Arragon.  
14 These disorders were seconded by the proceed of the Inquisitors Monks, against them that were suspected to favour the opinion of the Albigeois, condemned by the Popes. This Commission was affected by Friar Raymond of Begnafort a jacobine abouementioned, and given to Friar Pedro Cadrieta, and William Colonico of the same Order, who enquiring of this crime with great vehemency, did many exploits in Cattelogne, namely, in the Diocese of Vrgel, where they took out of the grave the bones of Arnaud of Castelbon, and of Ermesinde, or Brunicende his daughter, Grandmother to Roger Bernard Earl of Foix, deceased a little before, and caused them to be publicly burnt, condemning their memory. Such was the estate of Arragon after the return of the king D. james from the Council of Lions.  
D. Henry king of Navarre newly come to the Crown, 
Navarre.  was to dispute with D. Pedro infant of Arragon, for the right which he pretended, to the Realm of Navarre, as Cessionarie to D. jaime his father: but it fell out happily for him, that there grew, so great division betwixt the father and the son: by reason whereof the Infant D. Pedro entered into familiarity with the king of Navarre, that he might be favoured by him 〈◊〉 enterprises: and the better to encourage him, he sent a knight unto him called D. William of Cruillas, to make an accord betwixt them for this pretended right, whereof the king D. Henry made no great account, yet he gave him good words, and entertained this young Prince, still keeping Don jaime in fear, that they would agree to his prejudice, which was a good means for the king of Navarre to be assured of him: for D. jaime fearing this league should take effect, prevented his son, and sought D. Henry's friendship, making a truce for many years with him, during the which they should not talk of right, pretensions, nor of any real nor personal actions. So King Henry the gross enjoyed his Realm quietly, by the discord of others.  
This king was married before he came to the Crown, being but Earl of Ronay, to jeanne daughter to Robert Earl of Arthois, Brother to Saint Lewis: so as she was allied to the Royal houses of France and Spain. The king had Don Thibaud by this marriage, 
Genealogy of Navarre.  whom the nurse let fall out of a Gallery, in the town of Estella, and slew him: some say, it was his Governor, who let him fall unadvisedly, and was so grieved, as he cast himself headlong after the child, and slew himself: He had no other son, Wherefore the masculine line of the Earls of Champagne in Navarre, ended in this king, having continued but forty years. He had besides one daughter by his wife called Donna jeanne by her mother's name, who came to inherit the Realm of Navarre with the Counties of Brie, Champagne, and other Estates of her Father. The Spanish Authors write, that the King and Queen, her father and mother, caused her to be received and declared Queen in the Estates of Navarre being but two years and seven months old, which was a means to unite Navarre to France for some years. This King Don Henry being Lieutenant in Navarre for Don Thibaud his brother, being yet unmarried, had the company of a Lady, the heir of the house of Lacarra, of whom he begat a son, whom he named Henry as himself. Being grown, he was much favoured by the kings which succeeded his father, and obtained the dignity of Marshal, or chief Commander of arms in Navarre: 
Family of Henriques of Navarre Lords of Ab●●tas.  They hold, that the noble family of Henriques in Nevarre, Lords of Ablitas, is descended from him. D. Henry the gross reigned only three years, 7. months, and 17. days. He died in the city of Pampelone in the Bishop's palace this year 1274. and was interred in the Cathedral church.  
There is no particular mention of his deeds, nor of his government in Navarre, but that he broke an union made in the time of the king D. Sancho, betwixt the Burghers and inhabitants of Pampelone, from that time divided in Navarriere, a Bourg, the reason that moved him thereunto, is not set down, but that it it was prejudicial to the Ci●●le.  
Donna jeanne the only daughter and heir to the king D. Henry, 
D. jeanne he●●●● Navarre.  remained in the power of the Estates of Navarre, being only three years old: presently there grew great troubles among the Navarrois, as well for the government of the Realm, as for the bringing up of the Infanta. The government of the Realm was in the hands of Pero Sanches de Montagu, 
D. Pero Sanches de Montagu Regent in Navarre.  Lord of Cascant: but for the bringing up of the Infanta D. jeanne, who was then in the custody of the Queen her mother, there was great dispute in an assembly called to that end in the city of Pampelone. Some would have her delivered to the king D. Alphonso and of this number was Don Garcia Almoravid: against these Don Pero Sanches of Montagu, Don Armingol Bishop of Pampelone, with many others, were of opinion, that she should be put into the hands of D. james king of Arragon: but the Queen her mother desired she might come into the hands of the French, demanding Philip king of France to be tutor to her daughter and Realm. In these debates which were neither governed by modesty nor reason, the Queen (fearing lest some inconvenience should fall upon her daughter and herself, being assisted by the Noblemen and Knights which were of her faction) stole away in the night, and carried the Infanta (who was the cause of all the quarrel) with her into France, 
The b●ire of Navarre transported into France by her mother.  where she was courteously entertained by King Philip the third then reigning, her cousin germane. The Navarrois hearing of her departure, disputed no more for the daughter, but applied themselves wholly to the●●●ns which were made betwixt the kings of Arragon and Castille, either of the● 〈◊〉 ●e received King of Navarre, upon favour of the rights which they pretended to have.  
Don jaime of Arragon was first advertised of the death of the King Don Henry: wherefore he sent Ambassadors presently unto the Estates, entreating them not to hinder him in the possession of the Realm which did of right belong unto him, not only by reason of the adoption and donation which the king D. Sancho the strong had made unto him, but by a more ancient title: for that (said they) the kings which had held the Realm since D. Alphonso the Warrior, 
Realm of Navarre effected by the kings of Castille and Arragon.  had usurped it by force, and were intruders without any lawful title, to the prejudice of the Kings of Arragon. Moreover, he let them understand, that there was due unto him by the deceased kings of Navarre, 60000. marks of silver, which did augment and better his pretension to the said Realm: for which considerations the Ambassadors required them to receive the king D. jaime, or D. Pedro for their king. which they should best like of, promising them all good usage. On the other side, king D. Alphonso desiring that his son D. Fernand de la Cerde should obtain this realm, renouncing the ancient rights which he pretended thereunto, and without any other request, he gave him an army to seize thereon. It fell out that these two pretendants demanded aid and support one of another, to recover that which they both desired.  
The Noblemen and Deputies of the Estates, seeing the great danger which did threaten the Realm by these divisions, resolved to send the Bishop of Pampelone, and the governor, to Sos, to accommodate their affairs in some sort with D. Pedro of Arragon, who came thither, where they agreed, that in regard of 60000. marks of silver, they should stand to that which should be set down by Don Sancho Archbishop of Toledo, and brother to Don Pedro, who was held to be a Prelate of a good conscience, and as for the rest, they should use no force of either side, but all peaceable means: whereupon they made truce for a certain time. The Ambassadors being returned, the place of the Navarrois assembly was changed to Puente la Reyna, whether came the chief Prelates, Noblemen, and knights of the Realm, and the Deputies of the Towns of Pampelone, Tudele, Estella, Olite, Sanguessa, Puente la Reyna and others of the same jurisdiction.  
There in the presence of this honourable Assembly Don Garcia Ortis of Açagra, one of the Agents for the Infant of Arragon, required to have the King D. jaime received for King of Navarre, making a large relation of his rights, with promises and asseverations that it should re●ound to the great good of the Realm: whilst they are thus busied, D. Fernand de la Cerde, Infant of Castille, entered the country in arms, where he had many knights of his party: Coming therefore by the country of Oja he past Ebro, and besieged the town of Viana, but finding it well guarded, he left it, and came to Mendavia, the which he took, and afterwards won the tower of Moreda, and committed great spoils finding no resistance in field. This force offered by the Castillan, made them incline more to Arragon, and to the end they might prevent the danger which did threaten them, they sent the Bishop D. Armingol again to the Infant D. Pedro, being at Tarrassone, who although he were a Castillan, yet was he not of D. Fernands' faction, and with him were the Governor D. Gonçalo Yuanes of Batzan, and his son D. john Gonçales of Batzan, D. Gil Balduin Governor of Tudele and D. Martin Garçes of Vnça. These Deputies gave him to understand from the Estates, that they should be very glad if he had any good interest to the realm of Navarre, and that they desired much to know from him, what good alliance they might now treat together. To whom D. Pedro made answer that he desired there should be a promise of a marriage betwixt the Infanta D. jeanne, and his eldest son D. Alphonso: and if that he should die before she came to full age, than she should marry with D. jaime his second son, and if the marriage could not be accomplished with the Infanta, that it should then be with some one of her cousin germans, issued from the daughters of King Thibaud the first, especially of the Duchess of Briton. He offered to give them his son D. Alphonso, to assist them in the government of the realm: he did withal lay open unto them the right which his father D. jaime had to the realm of Navarre, and the session which had been made unto him, concluding, if these things were not pleasing unto them, that they should advise to receive him for their King within a year, delivering the whole realm freely unto him.  
The Ambassadors being returned with this answer, 
Accord betwixt the 〈◊〉 of Navarre and D. Pedro of Arragon.  the assembly was put off to Olite, where having consulted of their affairs, they made an accord with the Infant of Arragon, according to the Articles which follow. That the marriage betwixt D. Alphonso of Arragon his eldest son, and the Infanta D. jeanne should take effect: and if she should die before the consummation, the Estates should seek to marry him to one of her cousin germans, daughter to john Duke of Britain; and in case D. Alphonso should die before the consummation of the marriage, the Infanta, or one of her cousins, should be given to him of D. Pedro's sons which should be next heir to the crown of Arragon. And whereas the Estates of Navarre, could not for some lawful let accomplish it, than they should pay unto D. Pedro, a hundred and forty thousand Marks of silver, for the expenses he had been at in the defence of the realm of Navarre, and that out of the revenues of the crown, besides the 60000. marks which were already due, making in all the sum of 200000. marks, as it was currant at that time, payable within one year after the said let, accounting from Easter day: which accords should not be any prejudice to the rights and pretensions which his father D. jaime and he had to the realm of Navarre, wherein the Estates promised to be favourable unto them, and to aid them all they could. These promises were made and sworn by most of the Noblemen and Deputies assembled in the year 1274. upon pain of high treason if they failed, except in regard of the marriages, for that the Princesses were not in their power.  
But D Garcia Almoravid and others, who were otherwise affected, did not allow of these accords, neither would they consent, not swear them, which caused great troubles and divisions within the realm, neither did any of these Articles take effect, for that Philip King of France, took the realm of Navarre into his protection, and made his son King, to whom he married the Infant D. jeanne, frustrating the King of Arragon; for the Queen D. jeanne widow to D. Henry, being retired into France, with the Infanta her daughter, heir to that crown, and being advertised of all that had passed in the assembly of the Estates at Olité, was so incensed, as she delivered her daughter into the hands of King Philip, who received both her and the realm of Navarre into his protection, and caused her to be brought up with his two daughters, 
Navarre under the protection of the French.  Marguerite and Blanch, whom he had had by his second wife, Marry of Brabant, being also very young. This Infanta D. jeanne was tall, beautiful, and of as good a grace as any Princess of her time, wherefore King Philip married her very young, by a future promise, to his son Philip, surnamed the fair, who succeeded in the realm of France.  
16 The Estate of Navarre standing upon these terms D. Garcia Almoravid, a great enemy to the Government of D. Pedro Sanches of Montagu, Lord of Cascante, and a favourer of the Castillan faction, took occasion to enter into quarrel and to trouble the realm, upon certain jars which were betwixt the Inhabitants of Pampelone, who had been long divided and in mutiny one against the other. Those of the quarter, called Navarriere would have made certain fortifications against the Bourg, but they were hindered by the Governor, who thought that such bars betwixt the Inhabitants of one town would be the very nurses of hatred and sedition: Wherefore D. Garcia taking upon him to support the Inhabitants of Navarriere, the realm grew into such factions, as there was nothing but Insolences, murder, thefts and such like disorders committed; to remedy the which the Estates were again assembled at Pampelone, whereas disagreeing who should govern the country, they resolved to send into France, to beseech King Philip to send them a Nobleman to supply the place of Viceroy, 
Eustache of B. B●llemarche Governor of Navarre.  for their Princess, who was under his Government. King Philip sent them a knight, who was wise and very virtuous, called Eustache Beaumar, or Bellemarche, who was received and respected, in whose hands the Estates did swear fealty unto their Queen, whose person he did represent.  
This knight by his wisdom and mild courses did soon reduce the realm to a quiet peace, D. jaime King of Arragon, being jealous that the French did thus set footing into Navarre, and being out of hope of the marriages which were concluded with his son D. Pedro at Olite, he began to demand the other point of the Capitulation, which was to deliver him the Realm, and that the Estates should assist him with their forces to recover his rights, the which being not accomplished, a war began betwixt Navarre and Arragon. The pacification made within the realm by the French viceroy, continued not long, for some knights, enemies of all rest, began under hand to accuse, and to speak seditious words against their Governor, saying, that it was an ignominious thing for the Navarrois to be governed by a stranger, seeking to draw the people of Pampelone into a mutiny. Moreover having practised some gentlemen of Castille, near unto the frontiers of Navarre, making them to enter the country in hostile manner, to the end they might draw the Governor into arms, and to have means in some encounter or charge, to dispatch him. The French Governor seeing the affairs troubled towards Castille, came to Estella, having given commandment to all knights and soldiers to come thither with their arms and horses, where he was advertised to the treason which was plotted against him: wherefore in the night time he returned to Pampelone, where having complained in open council of this treachery and rebellion, he did wonderfully amaze the confederates, but especially the chief actors, seeing their malice discovered: wherefore as it often happens that the wicked, being reproached of their wickedness, grow more impudent and mad, these conspirators were so rash, as they commanded him to retire into France, saying, there were men enough in Navarre, better able to govern than he: to whom the Governor answered, that he doubted not of the sufficiency of the Noblemen of Navarre, and that for his part he had not affected that charge, but it had been imposed upon him by King Philip his Lord; who was Tutor and Protector of their Queen and her realm; wherein they (who were private persons) should not hinder him, neither was he resolved to obey them: notwithstanding he would assemble the Estates, and if it were said by a common consent that he should retire into France, he would obey, so as they gave him a discharge, and testimony of his administration, otherwise he could not with his honour show himself before his King, the which he esteemed more than his life.  
The assembly being called at Pampelone, there was nothing concluded, for they found not any just cause why they should refuse the Government of this French knight: wherefore after many disputes, and seditious speeches used by the confederates of D. Garcia Almoravid, 
D. Garcia Almoravid chief of a faction.  the chief Author of this disorder, they departed, and presently went to arms: so as the Governor was constrained to fortify himself in the Bourg of Saint Sernin: the Inhabitants whereof promised to assist him, and to die at his feet, rather than to suffer him, who was Lieutenant to their Sovereign Princess, to take any wrong, whether also D. Corbaran of Bidaure retired. 
Pampel●ne divided into two factions.  Against this Bourg, they of Navarriere banded for the other faction, D. Garcia Almoravid being their head: committing all acts of hostility, one against the other, which choler and the fury of a barbarous multitude could invent; so as neither the authority, admonitions nor entreaties of Prelates, and other great personages, which seemed Neu●●rs and Mediators of peace, prevailed any thing, but did rather add oil to this fire.  
They did labour much to make a truce for forty days, which did but give them means to fortify themselves, to commit all the cruelties which ensued, for the mutines of Navarriere during the truce drew in, 
Bishop of Pampelone a favourer of the seditious.  by the means of the Bishop Pampelone, great supplies of strangers, with the which the truce being expired they attempted the Bourg: but seeing they could not force it, they went into the Vines of the adverse party, the which they cut and pulled up by the roots; and not satisfied therewith, they murdered all the little Infants which they of the Bourg had put forth to nurse in those villages, beating out their brains (with a most barbarous inhumanity) against the stones and walls, adding to these impieties, many injurious words against their adversaries, to the dishonour of their Queen.  
Moreover this brutish people having intelligence that D. Pedro Sanches of Montagu, who in this last tumult had been opposite to the Governor Eustache Bellemarche, would reconcile himself unto him, they came in the night into his lodging, and murdered him cruelly. Such insolences did the Inhabitants of Navarriere commit against the Majesty of God and their Queen: 
D. Pero Sanches de Montagu murdered.  wherefore they drew a heavy judgement upon them: for the French King being advertised of their rebellious actions, upon the descovery of their conspiracy, was wonderfully offended: wherefore he raised a great army, meaning to punish those which had carried so little respect unto his greatness, and had been the cause of the ensuing miseries, which army he himself would lead into Navarre, in the year 1276. but being arrived at Saluaterre in Bearn, and forced to stay there some time, 
An. 1276.  by reason of the abundance of snow which had fallen, and stopped the passages of the mountains, he was so solicited by them that were not well pleased with this voyage, as he resolved to return, giving the flower of his army to Charles (the Histories of France call him Robert the second) Earl of Artois, to conduct it into Navarre, who crossing the mountains by jacca, 
Earl of Artois sent into Nau●●e to punish the rebels of Pampelone.  came by Sanguessa to Pampelona, refusing to pass by the Valley of Roncal, for that the Inhabitants held the party of them of Navarriere: To whose succours there were certain bands of Castillans entered into the realm, who would have retired, when as they heard of the coming of the French, but being charged in the rearward, they lost some men, and as they retired slowly, the French and Navarrois of their party charged them again, whereupon they turned head, but they were defeated and put to flight, with great loss. And for that during the fight the Navarrois cried often unto the Castillans, Aqui tornaiss? that is to say, do you return? and that this demand was often heard; they say that the hospital which was built to bury them that were slain in this encounter, was for this caused named Aqui tornais, and so continues unto this day. The Earl of Artois besieged Navarriere, the which he priest in such sorrt, 
D. Garcia almoravid abandons the rebels.  as D. Garcia Almoravid, who was within it with many of his confederates, fearing they should not be able to defend it, got out in the night, abandoning those miserable wretches to the punishment which they had deserved. These commanders retired to the castle of Sar, from whence the French dislodged them, forcing them to fly into the Island of Sardaigne.  
The Inhabitants of Navarriere finding themselves in the morning without captains, were much troubled, and like men which were better thieves and mutines than soldiers, they began to cry out for mercy, and to crave pardon of the Earl of Artois, who seeming to pity them much, 
Navarriere of Pampclone taken.  whilst he entertained them with words on the one side, he caused the walls and forts which were vnmanned to be assailed on the other, so as the soldiers entered suddenly, and made a cruel butchery of this wretched people, never ceasing to kill whilst that day lasted, and when night came they fell to the spoil, committing such excess and violences, as victory, hatred and fury doth sugiest to insolent soldiers: and not content to have slain the men, and taken their goods, without respect of holy to profane, they extended their rage even unto the houses and buildings, which they did ruin and burn: wherewith the other quatres of the town were indomaged, the fire flying from one to the other, doing great harm to them that had not offended. The Chamber of accounts was fired, where there were many titles, letters and ancient Records of the realm of Navarre burned: the rest which could be saved, was carried to the castle of Tiebas, whereas the treasure and Chamber of accounts of Navarre hath continued long. 
Severe punished.  The fury being ended, those which had escaped the sword, were condemned, and publicly executed as traitors: not any one escaping the severity of that sentence, but such as the innocency of their age excused, and all their goods were confiscated.  
Thus Navarriere of Pampelone was ruined by a just judgement of God, in revenge of the brutish cruelties, which these mutines did use against innocent age, in the villages, against the city, and other their insolences and rebellions. For the murder committed upon the person of D. Pedro Sanches of Montagu, Lord of Cascante, and other their insolences, there were called in question and accused before the Estates of Navarre which were called to that end, D. Gonçal Inigo, john Inçalbiz and his son, Simon of Varriz, Michael Garces of Varriz, Garcia Perez of Liçoani, Pedro Ximenes of Sabalça, Simon Perez of Opaco, Ineg● Gil of Vrdaviz, Sancho Inigues of Vrdaniz, Gonçal●o of Arbiçu, and Ruy Gonçales his brother, Sancho Perez of Aguerre, & Ochoa Perez his brother, john of Armendariz, john and Sanches the Biscain, all which appearing not, their cause was more heinous, having for their adverse parties, Ruy Peres of Echales, Fernand Perez of Echales, Michael Perez of Subica, and Pedro of Aybar. By these proceed and excutions, and rest of mutines were terrified, and the realm remained in peace.  
17 During these actions in Navarre, D. Alphonso King of Castille. 
Castilie,  made preparation to march, with an intent to despossesse the Emperor Rodolphus, who had been chosen to his prejudice, notwithstanding that he had been persuaded by many of his friends not to make any more account of the Empire, seeing the occasions which might have favoured him were lost: yea Pope Gregory being come to the council of Lions, considering the miseries which might come to Christendom, if D. Alphonso should wilfully pursue his pretended right, he sent one unto him, called Fredul Abbot of Lunel, afterwards Bishop of Ouiedo, to persuade him to rest satisfied with his royal Estate, and not to trouble himself any more with the affairs of the Empire, seeing that by the consent of all the Electors, Rodolphus had been crowned in the town of Aix La Chappelle. And to make him believe that he gave him fatherly council, he dispensed with him to take the tenth of all the revenues of the Clergy, for six years to make war against the Moors. But D. Alphonso being obstinate, he thought that if he went to see the Pope, he might draw him to set down some order betwixt him and Rodolphus, so as both might entitle themselves Kings of the Romans: wherefore he told the Abbot of Lunel, that he desired to pass into France, and to confer personally with his Holiness, in some commodious town, either Montpellier, or where he pleased.  
The Pope hearing this answer, persuaded, himself that D. Alphonso had no great desire to be Emperor, whereupon without further deliberation, he ratified the Election of Rodolphus, 
Pope ratefies the elections of Rodolphus.  with the cons●●t of the whole consistory, in a convocation at Lions, calling him King of Romans, and commanding all the Princes and Provinces of the Empire, to obey him: advising Rodolphus to pass speedily into Italy, to receive the crown of the Empire. It may be he had regard to the diversity of humours betwixt the Germans and Spaniards.  
D. Alphonso having in the mean time settled his affairs, with his Nobility, and given order for the government thereof (not caring to seek any truce with Aben joseph King of Maroc, holding it would be dishonourable, which notwithstanding was the cause of great mischief, as we shall see) he went from Toledo, to go into France, to the Pope, yet was he advertised, that he had proceeded to the confirmation of Rodolphus. He was accompanied by D. Munuel his brother, the Queen D. Violant the Infants D. Sancho, D. john, D. Pedro and D. jaime his children, with many Noblemen and Knights of Mark, of Castille, Leon, and his other dominions. He left the government of the realm to his eldest son D. Fernand, and the Moors frontier, to the Earl D. Nugno of Lara. He had given order to have a fleet prepared of many ships, in the ports of Asturia, Gallicia, and Andalusia, the which coasting along Spain, Languedoc and Provence, should attend him at Marseilles, being furnished with many soldiers, and great store of victuals; sending with it the superfluous horses and baggage of his train. D. Alphonso marching through the country of his father in law D. jaime, he came to Tarragone where he was honourably entertained by him, than they arrived at Barcelona, about Christmas, in the year 1275. 
An. 1275. . Alphonso stayed there with his train six weeks, being often advised by the King of Arragon, not to proceed, giving him many great and considerable reasons: but there was no means to divert him from this voyage, being so far advanced.  
Being come to Perpignan, he stayed some time to conclude of the time and place of their interview; the town of Beaucaire was chosen, and the Archbishop of Narbonne had commandment to go and meet him, and to conduct him. He left the Queen his wife and his children at Perpignan, except D. Sancho whom he sent into Castille, by the advise of the King of Arragon; and crossing Languedoc having the Archbishop for his guide, he arrived at Beaucaire, 
Pope and D. Alphonso King of Cas●ille meet at Beaucaire.  whereas the Pope met him with some of the chief Cardinals, the council of Lions being ended. D. Alphonso treated of many matters with the Pope, but he could not obtain any thing that he propounded. He showed him the nullity of Rodolphus election by many reasons, complaining greatly of his confirmation, making a great instance upon that point in vain; 
Complaints & requests of D. Alphonso to the Pope; but in vain.  but the Pope wanted no excuses. Then he laid open to the Pope the reasons he had to the succession of the house of Suabe after the death of Conradin King of Naples and Sicily, and Duke of Suabe, who was inhumainly beheaded by the French at Naples, in the year 1269. who having left no lawful children, the succession of the house belonged to him, in the right of his mother D. Beatrix, who was the right heir of that Duchy, whereon Rodolphus had to his prejudice seized: besides he complained of the French King, who had intruded, and seized upon the realm of Navarre, which by ancient rights belonged to the house of Castille, whereof he produced some reasons to justify his saying, but all was in vain: finally he besought the Pope to be a mediator for the delivery of D. Henry his brother, who since the battle, and defeat of Conradin, was prisoner in the hands of Charles King of Naples and Sicily. D. Alphonso propounded many other things unto the Pope, but without any effect: So as he spent the whole spring and part of the Summer in this negotiation, until that the Pope seaving him much discontented, returned to Rome, yet he still used the title and arms of the Empire, until that he was forced by censures to leave them, the Archbishop of Sevile having charge to intimate them unto him.  
18. King D. Alphonso being busied in this vain pursuit, the Moors 
Moor●●.  his confederates and vassals of Spain, called in Aben joseph Miralmumin of Africa, thinking they might not only shake off the Christians yoke, but make some notable breach in the Estates of Leon and Castille, the King being absent, or at the least they should seize upon Andalusia; and for that we have often made mention of this King jacob Aben joseph, it is needful we should relate what he was, and treat some thing of the Moors Estate in Africa, for that those of Spain have had their support from them. The Miralmumin Aben Mahomad the old, of the race of the Almohades, being dead, after he had lost the battle of Muradal, we made mention that his Grandchild called Caid Arrax, reigned, who was the son of Buxaf, dead before his father Mahumet. This Caid Arrax was the fifth King of Africa, of the race of the Almohades, whose Empire extended from the West Ocean unto Egypt. There were many Admirals, or Governors under him, ruling the Provinces; among the which Gomorança Aben Zein, of the Lineage of Abdalues, held that of Tremessen, who behaving himself covetously and violently in his government, fell in disgrace with his King Caid Arrax, so as carrying himself rebelliously, the King came and besieged him in a castle called Tremezezir, whereas a Moor, cousin to Gomarança, going out of the fort slew the Miralmumin, seeming to yield unto him, and showing him a place whereby the castle might be taken. The army amazed at the death of their King, was instantly set upon by the garrison of Tremezezir, being led by G●mararça▪ and put to flight, 
Kingdom of Trem●ss●●.  by which victory the Moor did appropriate that Province unto himself, causing himself to be called King of Tremessen, and this was the beginning of that Kingdom.  
At the same time there was in the city of Fez, a family of Moors, called the Benaotazes and Merines, which descended from a famous Moor, called Merin, who had been a Christian and became a Mahometist. The chief of this house at that time, was called Bucar Aben Merin, and governed the city of Fez, under the Miralmumin Caid Arrax, after whose death, and the defeat of his army by Gomarança, before Tremezezir, this Bucar Aben Merin fell upon the Almohades, which had escaped, and gathered themselves together about Fez, 
Realm of Fez.  whom having put to rout, he carried himself for King of Fez, imitating that which his companion Gomarança Aben Zein had done in Tremessen, and giving a beginning to this new Kingdom. A brother of his called jacob Aben joseph, usurped (in the same troubles) the Principality in Ribat: so as the Estate of the Almohades reigning in Maroc, was then much decayed. These being advertised of the death of Caid Arrax, 
Almorcada the sixth Mira●mumi● of Maroc.  and of the tyrannies above named, did presently advance a kinsman of his, to the royal seat, his name was Almorcada, who was the sixth Miralmumin of the race of the Almohades. He was no sooner crowned King, but he went to field with an army, to punish these rebels which had entitled themselves Kings in their governments: First he came and assailed Bucar Aben Merin, the new King of Fez, but he was repulsed, and vanquished by him; so as the race of the Merins kept the possession of Fez, and of the territory, in the plain country, or Algarue, as the Moors call it. So as Bucar dying a peceable King, his son Hiaja reigned after him, under the tutelage of jacob Aben joseph, his uncle, for that he was then very young, but he lived not long; wherefore jaccb Aben joseph remained heir of the realm of Fez, and was much esteemed and feared amongst the Moors, being called (as an honour) the old or elder of the Merins. This Moors good fortune was not so bounded for Budebuz nephew to Almorcada king of Maroc, being rebelled against him, and retired to Fez, he gave him an occasion to get the realm of Maroc, and to join it unto Fez. Budebuz entreated jacob Aben joseph, to aid him against his uncle, promising to give him all that he held of the realm of Fez, unto the river Natab.  
jacob Aben joseph gave him such succours, as Almorcada being amazed, durst not attend him within Maroc, but fled, being pursued by certain horsemen which Budebuz sent after him, 
Budebuz the seuen● King of Maroc.  whom they overtook and slew, carrying his head to the King of Fez: wherefore Budebuz was peaceable King of Maroc, the seventh and last of the Almohades. Finding himself settled in his Kingdom, he would have mocked jacob Aben joseph, who had helped him to attain this dignity, not caring to perform any promise, but threatened to take Fez from him, by reason of which Ingratitude, there began a cruel war betwixt them, the which having continued three years, at the last it was ended, by the defeat and death of King Budebuz, 
jacob Aben joseph first King Merin at Maroc.  being slain in battle, of whose Estate jacob Aben joseph seized, giving an end to the reign of the Almohades, and a beginning to that of the family of Merin in Africa, about the year of our Lord 1270. It is this jacob Aben joseph, which we have said, had sent one thousand light horses Arabians into Spain to Mahumet Alhamar King of Granado, under the conduct of a captain with one eye, of great authority: with whom D. Alphonso the wise, King of Castille, having not vouchsafed to treat of a truce, when as he went in France to court the Pope, Mirabel Almuz who had succeeded in Granado, and he conspired together, to the prejudice of Castille, and all the Christians in Spain: for this King of Granado being discontented with the accords which he had made at his first entrance, in the which he could not procure King Alphonso to abandon the captains of Mal●ge and Guadix his enemies, he feared that these Moors which had been enemies to his father and him, would attempt some thing against his realm, and therefore he resolved, at what price soever, to ruin them. And for that it was a means to embark him in a war with the King of Castille, he did solicit jacob Aben joseph to undertake the enterprise of Spain, as his predecessors Kings of Arabia had done, offering him the towns and ports of Algezire and Tariffe, for his descent, whereof the Miralmumin did willingly accept, finding himself assured in his Estate, and mighty in men and arms: but it happened that they of Malaga and Guadix, seeing that the truth, which they had with the King of Granado, was near expired, and doubting they should have war, and not be relieved by the forces of Castille, by reason of the King's absence, they held it the best course to reconcile themselves to the King of Granado, as in like manner the captain of Comares did, who was of the same league.  
Notwithstanding the Miralmumin having levied great forces to pass into Spain, sent some troops of Moors to receive the towns of Algezire and Tariffe, according to the accord, 
The King of Maroc passeth into Spain.  the which were delivered unto them: so as he stayed not long to come himself in person to Algezire, whereas afterwards he passed his troops to the number of seventeen thousand horse: The two Kings met in the country of Malaga, whereas they concluded to make war against the Christians; the African King towards Eccia, and he of Granado but jaen. This passage was contrary to the expectation of the Christian Princes, for the Miralmumin, who could not make so great a levy of horse, without knowledge, made a show as if he would go against one of his subjects which was rebelled, and had by stealth taken the town of Ceuta; and the better to dissemble his design, he had sent to entreat the King of Arragon to assist him in this war with ten Galleys, and some ships of burden, and with five hundred horse, to whom he promised good entertainememt. Don Fernand de la Cerde Viceroy and Lieutenant general in Spain for his father, did not descover that these forces were prepared for Castille, until they had past the strait, being then a Burgos, he was advertised of the League betwixt these Moorish Kings, and of the reconciliation of them of Malaga and Guadix with the King of Granado, all which inconveniences grew by the King's absence, wherefore, both of himself, and at the instance of Don Nugno de Lara, who was at Cordova, he made the speediest preparation he could, to oppose himself against the violence of these Infidels.  
Don Nugno knowing that the Miralmumin took the way of Ecclia, drew near unto that quarter, with such forces as he could gather together: but finding the passage stopped, he was forced for to fight with the Moors, where after a long fight he was defeated and slain, yet most of his men which escaped entered but night into Eccia.  
The victorious Moors having found the body of Don Nugno, 
D. Nugno de Lara vanquished by the Moors and slain.  cut off his head and sent it to Mahumet King of Granado, who was glad of this victory, but very much discontented for the death of the Earl Don Nugno, who had been the cause that he reigned wherefore he sent his head to Cordova, to be buried with his body. The like misfortune happened to Don Sancho of Arragon Archbishop of Toledo, who having gathered together all the soldiers of Toledo, Guadalajara, Madrid and Talavera, presented himself upon the frontier, where he encountered the King of Granados army, invading the Diocese of jaen, where he was slain and his army put to rout. His body, head and hand, where he ware the Pontifical Ring, 
Rout and death of D. Sancho of Arragon Archbishop of Toledo by the Moors,  being separated, were recovered from the Moors, and brought to Toledo, where they were buried with great sorrow of all the people, taking it for a mournful presage for the affairs of Spain: D. Gonçalo, Bishop of Burgos succeeded him in this dignity, and was afterwards made Cardinal, the first amongst all the Bishops of the Church.  
They writ that the Archbishop Don Sancho did not die fight, in the charge, but that being taken, there grew debate betwixt some captains Moors, some striving to lead him to the Miralmumin jacob Aben joseph, and others to King Mahumet, and that the Governor of Malaga, called Aben Atar arriving; foreseeing that by the contention for this prisoner, there might happen some great slaughter amongst the captains Moors, he cast an Azagaye, or Moorish dart at the Archbishop, and peerced his belly through, saying, God forbidden so many brave men should kill one an other for a dog. The day of this defeat, there arrived D. Lope Dias de Haro, Lord of Biscay, with a great number of soldiers, horse and foot, which he had suddenly levied, and lead by great journeys towards the frontier, by favour whereof many which had remained at the battle, jointly with his troops, and without any delay went all jointly together to encounter the Moors, who received them courageously, so as neither party could vaunt of the victory, when as the night parted them. The greatest deeds of arms in these encounters, were done about the Archbishop D. Sanchos cross, the which he caused do be carried before him, as primate, and had fallen into the Moors hands: but the Christians recovered it again, which made them hope for better.  
19 These losses were augmented by the death of the Infant D. Fernand, the Viceroy, being in villa Real, since named city Royal, where he attended the rest of his forces which were levied in all the country's subject unto Castille, 
Castille.  to go himself in person to this war. 
Death of the Infant D. Fernand de ja Cerde.  This Prince finding himself near his end, he recommended his eldest son D. Alphonso, being but an Infant, to D. john Nugnes of Lara, eldest son to the Earl D. Nugno, conjuring him to take the charge and guard of him, and of his right unto the realm, wherein he should by right succeed his grandfather Don Alphonso the wise; the which Don john Nugnes promised him, and being dead, he caused his body to be carried to Burgos, where it was buried in the Monastery of Las Huelgas. The miseries which ensued brought the realm into great trouble, and if God had not stayed the enterprises of the Infidels, by some admirable and unknown means, they were likey to have given a great and mortal wound to the Christians Estate in Spain, but he spared them. The Infant D. Sancho who had been sent back by King Alphonso, from Perpignan being advertised of his brother's death, went with all speed to Villa Real, where he was received by the army, as Lieutenant to the King his father. The Myralmumin not able to take Eccia, 
Truce betwixt the Christians and Moors.  and finding the Christians forces to be much augmented, he retired to Algezire and Tariffe: and seeming to himself that he had done enough, and likewise the King of Granado, they resolved to make a truce for two years with the Christians a the which being concluded and sworn, jacob Aben joseph retired into Africa, holding still the towns of Tariffe and Algezire, where he left good garrisons: this was the success of the Arabians war, King D. Alphonso being absent.  
Being returned into Spain about the end of the year 1276. 
An. 1276.  he found the state in great disorder, whereof he had been always advertised during his abode in France. That which most grieved him, was the death of his eldest son D. Fernand, & not without cause, for his other son D. Sancho made show that he had some disordered enterprise in his conceit, the which he put in execution, to the dishonour and prejudice of his father, and elder brothers children, wherein D. Lope Dias de Haro, Lord of Biscay, did animate, council and conduct him: for as soon as the Infant D. Sancho arrived at Villa Real, where his brother died, D. Lope Dias came unto him: whereas D. Sancho knowing that he was ill affected to the King D. Alphonso, and the deceased D. Fernand, and his familiar friend, he did freely acquaint him with the desire he had to reign, saying, it was fit that he who was a knight, 
D Sanchos re●●tion to possess his galewes of 〈◊〉 Kingdom.  and had learned to govern a realm, were it in war or peace, should reign after his father, rather than his Nephews, the sons of his brother D. Fernand, who were yet very young, having need to Regent's & governors, charges which were effected but great personages, who by reason thereof, grew into quarrel one with the other, to the oppression of the people, and hazard of the Estate, the which was chief to be feared in these revolts & tumults of the Moors; who could embrace such an occasion, to augment their Estate with the prejudice of the Christians: entreating him to assist him to effect his design, adding therewithal great promises: whereunto D. Lope Diaz answered, according to the Infant's desire, incorraging him to proceed in his enterprise, with assurance to aid him: with this resolution they passed with the army by Cordova, and repulsed the Moors in such sort, as the Miralmumins retreat, & the abovementioned truce followed. Hereupon the King D. Alphonso, did somewhat stay his sons enterprise, but not quite overthrow it: for not long after D. Sancho not only assured himself to succeed his father in the Kingdom, but would also reign in his life time.  
D. jaime King of Arragon, 
Arragon.  being entreated by the Castillans, had invaded the Moors by Marica during this war, but with as bad success, as the rest, for his men were put to rout near to Xativa, 
Death of D. lame of Arragon.  whereas D. Garcia Ortis of Açagra with many others were slain. The King resolving to go in person in his army, being old and broken, he fell sick, and died at Valencia, whether he caused himself to be carried, having reigned threescore years and ten months. A Prince whom Spain, and especially his realm of Arragon, ought much to commend, 
His virtues.  for his great, politic, and military virtues, and his great zeal to the religion of his age. They writ of three notable precepts which he gave unto D. Alphonso King of Castille, being with him at Toledo. That he should make the towns and common people his friends, against the Insolences of great men. That he should never punish offenders secretly; 
His buildings and valour.  and that he should never seem fearful in doing well. The Authors of Arragon writ, that in his time he built above two thousand Churches and chapels, and that he fought thirty times in battle against the Moors; He left his son Don Pedro successor in his realm of Arragon, Valencia and Cattelogne. To D. james his second son, he left the Islands of Majorca and Minorca, with the title of a Kingdom, and the right of Sovereignty, but it continued not long. He gave by testament to the children of D. Theresa Gil of Bedaure, that is, to D. james, Xirica, Toro, Eslida, Beho and Ahin: and to D. Pedro, Ayerbio, Lusia, Ahuero, Liso, Artasson, Castillon, Sustico, Borota, Azuere, Gabatraios and Beninuena. It is credible that he did marry this Lady secretly, yet after the death of Queen jolant, which was about the year 1251. having accompanied with her before, it may be betwixt these two marriages, and not as some have written, before his first marriage with D. Leonor of Castille. These two sons D. james and D. Pedro, borne of D. Theresa, were the Authors of the families of Xerica and Ayerbio. He also gave by testament to D. Pedro Fernandes, whom he had by D. Berenguela Fernandes, Ixar: and did substitute unto his lawful sons, the children of his daughters D. Isabel, Constance and jolant: he was interred in the habit of a Monk of Cisteaux, in the royal Monastery of Pobler.   

D. Pedro the third of that name, and the ninth King of Arragon.  
20 Done Pedro his eldest son, was King in the year 1276. being surnamed the great, by reason of his great exploits, some good, some bad. His Son. D. Alphonso had the year before, by the care of D. james his Grandfather, been sworn King of Arragon and Valencia, after D. Pedro his father, by the Estates assembled to that end at Lerida. He had him by D. Constance, daughter to Manfroy, 
Genealogy of Arragon.  bastard to the Emperor Frederic the second King of Sicily and Naples, of whom he also begat D. james, who was King of Sicily; whose elder brother dying without children, he came to succeed in the Realm of Arragon. Besides these, he had D. Fadrique, or Frederic, to whom was given the realm of Sicily, and D. Pedro, who alone of all the brethren was no King, and two daughters. D. Isabel, who was married to Don Denis King of Portugal, and Constance or Violant, wife to Robert King Naples. In the right of his wife Constance, daughter to Manfroy the usurping King of Naples and Sicily, he challenged these realms for him and his successors, who in the end enjoyed them, and thus the History records it.  
William the second of that name King of Naples and Sicily, 
Sicily and Naples held by the Normans.  being dead, being of the Normans race, about the year 1189. Pope Clement the 3. then reigning, pretended that these realms were fallen to the church of Rome. But the noblemen and barons of the realm, for divers considerations, did make Tanered bastard son to Roger the 3. their King, who first entitled himself King of Naples and Sicily, whereat Pope Celestine the 3. successor to Clement, being discontented, he would have dispossessed Tanered, to invest the Emperor Henry the sixth son to Frederic Barbarossa Duke of Suabe, in the realms of Naples and Sicily. And the better to assure him the royal title, he caused him to marry Constance Niece or lawful daughter of Roger, who was a professed Nun in the Monastery of Saint Mary, or as some writ at Saint Peter of Palermo, dispensing with her vow and profession, by his papal authority, by whom the Emperor Henry had Frederic, who was afterwards Emperor, the second of that name. Henry sought long to dispossess Tancred, but it was in vain. He being dead, his son Roger reigned little, after whose decease, Queen Sibille caused an other son called William, to be presently crowned, being very young, whom the Emperor Henry found means to cirumvent, upon colour of making some good accord with him: and having by policy drawn him to Palermo, without entering into any conference, he caused him to be gelt, and sent him into Germany, with his three sisters. By this means the Normands command in Naples and Sicily, fell into the hands of the house of Suabe. 
Sicily and Naples in the house of Suabe.  After the death of Henry, Frederic his son being Emperor, and duke of Suabe, succeeded in these realms, the which he enjoyed, notwithstanding many crosses which the Popes gave him, against whom Gautier of Brene, husband to Queen Sybille, who had escaped out of prison, led an army, but he was taken and slew himself in prison. Frederic had by many wives many children: by Constance of Arragon, Henry the elder, duke of Suabe, and King of Romans: by jolant of Brenne, daughter to the King of jerusalem, Conrade, also duke of Suabe, and King of Romans, after the decease of his brother, and moreover by testament King of Naples. By Mahaut, or Isabel, according unto some, daughter to john King of England, he had Henry the younger, who was King of Sicily by Testament, and by a concubine Manfroy, Conrade and Henry succeeded after their father Frederic, respectively, in the realms of Naples and Sicily. And for that they were young and absent, Manfroy was appointed to be Governor of these Estates by the Emperor, in his brother's names. Against whom Pope Innocent did chose the King of England's brother to be King of Naples and Sicily, but he never passed into Italy. By the practices of Popes, these realms were in great combustion, so as Manfroy was obeyed but by the lesser part. Wherefore Conrade King of Romans was forced to pass into Italy, with a great army, by means whereof the reduced these realms under his obedience, 
Parricids' committed by Conrade.  who was afterwards so transported with a desire of reign, as he caused his brother, Henry the younger, to be slain as Saint Felix, in Basilicata, and Frederic his Nephew, son to the elder Henry, to be poisoned, having invited him to supper: for which parricide God suffered that he himself should die of poison, which Manfroy his bastard brother gave him.  
By these deaths the realms of Naples and Sicily came by lawful succession to Conradin, brother to Frederic that was poisoned, 
Manfroys' parricide.  son to Henry the elder. But Manfroy who had governed in an others name, and tasted the sweet of command, resolved then to keep these realms for himself, sending men into Germany to dispatch Conradin, if it were possible, were it by poison or otherwise: in the mean time he held his authority of Lieutenant or Viceroy, against the Pope's attempts: and after a while feigning that Conradin was dead, he clad himself in mourning, and making a great speech in an assembly of the Noblemen and States of the Realm, seeming to be very sorrowful for the death of his Nephew, he persuaded them to choose him King of Naples and Sicily by a general consent, where he reigned thirteen years: and the better to maintain himself, he made a league with the Venetians and other Potentates of Italy: Against whom Pope Vrbain the fourth, called out of France Charles brother to Saint Lewis, Duke of Anjou, 
Charles of Anjou made king of Naples and Sicily.  and Earl of Provence, who had married D. Beatrix of Arragon, Proprietary of that Earldom, according to the Arragonois, who was invested by him in the realms of Naples and Sicily, in the year 1262. with charge that he should expel Manfroy, and pay a rent unto the Church as feudatory. Charles, by the persuasion of D. Beatrix his wife, who was jealous to see her two sister Queens, the one of France, the other of England, undertook the voyage of Italy, where his investiture was confirmed, and he crowned with his wife, at Rome, at Saint john of Latran, by Pope Clement the fourth. Then passing on against Manfroy, who came to encounter him, both armies met about at Bencuent, 
Manfroy vanquished and slain by the French.  in the year 1266. whereas Manfroy was slain in battle, and his men vanquished; so as Charles remained peaceable King of Naples and Sicily. The body of Manfroy was not buried in holy ground, for that he stood excommunicate, but in a field near unto benevent, from whence he was afterwards transported unto the confines of Campania, his wife and children, being taken by the French, died in prison. Some years after Conradin (the right heir of these realms) passed into Italy, being persuaded by many Italians of the Gibeline faction, who having encountered the French army near unto Arezzo, vanquished it: wherefore marching boldly on, he had a second encounter with King Charles his army, near unto Alba, the which was unfortunate for him; for his army was not only defeated, but himself taken prisoner (thinking to save himself, in a disguised habit) and carried to Naples, whereas King Charles by a detestable inhumanity (thrust on by Pope Clement) in the year 1269. cut off his head, with that of his cousin Frederic Duke of Austria, and of many Noblemen of Naples and Sicily, which had followed Conradins party. By these means the Popes gave these realms unto the French, and called them the two Sicilles, the one on this side, the other beyond the Far. Henry brother to D. Alphonso King of Castille, Lieutenant of Rome, was partisan to Conradin in this war, and was taken, as hath been said.  
If the Sultan of Egypt, a barbarous Prince, having the King Saint Lewis, and his brother Charles prisoners, had entreated them in like manner, the French would have held it very strange. But God powered forth his vengeance upon the French some years after, in the Island of Sicily, whether they called D. Pedro King of Arragon, who had succeeded D. jaime his father, in the year 1276. who without delay caused himself to be crowned in Saragossa, by. Bernard Olivelia Archbishop of Tarragone: but before he received the crown, he made protestation, that he would not be bound to any submission, nor promise, which. Pedro his Grandfather had made unto the Pope, or the church of Rome, to the prejudice of the liberty of his realm, to the end they should not pretend that he was their Leegeman, or vassal.  
In the same assembly of Estates of Sarragossa, he caused the oath to be confirmed to his son D. Alphonso, to reign after him, as heir presumptive, and for that at his coming to the crown, he had not assembled the Estates of Cattelogne at Barcelona, according to the ancient customs, there to promise and swear the observation of the rights, laws and previledges of the country, the Noblemen of Cattelogne, being long enured to tumults, they made a league and conspired with the towns, for the preservation of their liberties: the chief of which conspiracy, were D. Roger Bernard Earl of Foix holding many fees, and much land in Cattelog●e, Arnold Roger Earl of Pallars, Ermengaud Earl of Vrgel, and Aznar his brother, Raymond Foulques Vicont of Cardone, Bernard Roger Eril, Raymond Anglesol, and William Raymond josse, whereof we will hereafter make mention: But we must return into Castille, where we have left King D. Alphonso the wise much troubled, for the disorders which had happened during his absence.  
21 Being arrived at Toledo, every man repaired thither, 
Castille.  and especially the Infant D. Sancho, who had made truce for two years with the Moors. Thither came also D. Lope Diaz of Haro, 
An audacious speech of D. Lope Diaz d● Haro.  who was so hardy, as to deliver a message for them all, that it would please him to declare his son D. Sancho his successor in the realms of Castille, Toledo, Leon and other places, seeing he had already given some proofs of his virtue and valour against the Moors, and that he was the eldest of his sons living: to whom the King made but a cold answer in the beginning, but having afterwards assembled the Estates in the town of Segobia, 
D Alphonso rejects the children of D. Fernand his eldest son from the succession, and gives it to D. Sancho.  by the council of the Infant D. Manuel his brother, he resolved to gratify D. Sancho, whom he made heir of the crown after his decease, and in this quality he was received by them all. Thus D. Alphonso and D. Fernand, the children of Don Fernand de la Cerde, were put from the royal succession, which did belong unto them by right, although that some excuse this fact of D. Alphonso, saying that there was no law at that time which did bind him to leave the realm more to one then to an other; as since there was made and received in the time of D. Fernand the fifth, in the city of Toro, where it was decreed upon this difficulty that the children of the elder brother deceased, should in that respect be preferred before the uncle, representing their father's person.  
The Queen D. Violant, and D. Blanch widow to D. Fernand, were so discontented with this resolution of the Estates of Segobia, as taking his young children with them, they went out of the country of Castille, to D. Pedro King of Arragon, brother to the Queen D. Violant. Many Noblemen and towns of the Realm did also hold it to be very unjust, foreseeing many great miseries which would ensue, if the children did live. King D. Alphonso finding this discontentment, came to Burgos, where transported with choler, he caused his brother D. Fadrique, or Frederic, to be smothered, without any form of justice, and commanded that D. Simon Ruis of Haro, Lord of Los Cameros, should he burned in the town of Trevigno, 
Cruelty of King D Alphonso.  for that they had assisted the Ladies in their retreat into Arragon, the which terrified every man. He sent also to D. Pedro King of Arragon, to complain that he had received these Princesses, and the children, whereof he excused himself with good words.  
Going from Burgos, 
An. 1278.  he passed through the country of Leon, and then took the way to Sevile, being resolved to make war against the Moors, so as in the yeeere 1278. he laid siege to Algezire, where there was a small garrison of the Miralmumins of Africa; D. Pedro his son was chief at this siege; but notwithstanding they priest it both by sea and land, yet the Christians lost their labour.  
During this enterprise the Infant D. 
The Queen D V●●l●nt vachast.  Sancho caused the Queen his mother to return into Castille, to whom it was tedious to live out of that Realm, where she had some Mignons, as Histories report, who tax her of adultery: and he procured D. Pedro King of Arragon, to detain the children of D. Fernand de la Cerde, his Nephews, prisoners in the castle of Xativa, to the end they should not carry them into France, to King Philip the 3. their mother's brother: who after she had done her uttermost endeavour for the delivery of her children, in the end she came to the King her brother, to implore his aid and protection. The siege of Algezire was unfortunate, for the army at sea was in a manner all lost, by the ambushes of the Miralmumin, who victualled the place; and as for that at land, there died so great a number of men as they were forced to rise, for the King of Moroc was upon the passage, and came to Algezire, where the truce was renewed, not comprehending the King of Granado, who fortified the city of Granado that year, and there made that famous fort, 
Alhambra of Granado.  which is called Alhambra, as stately a building as any is in Spain. The captain of Malaga being again revolted, and come under the protection of the King of Castille, began two forts which defend that city, called Alcaça●a and Gebralfaro.  
In the year 1279. the Infant D. Sancho and the King D. Pedro had an interview betwixt Requena and Bunol, 
An. 1279.  whereas they made a league, from whence the Infant returned to his father being at Badajos, whether also the rest of his children came, and there they resolved to make war against the King of Granado: and therefore he sent away D. Sancho to assemble his forces in Castille, having in the mean time a desire to see D. Denis son to his bastard daughter, to whom he sent to entreat him to come to Badajos.  
He was a very gallant Prince, whose Estate King D. Alphonso his father had begun to 
Portugal.  set up the year before, giving him 40000. pounds of currant money yearly: but this year 1279. he has the whole realm, by the decease of King D. Alphonso his father, who was buried in the Monastery of Saint Dominike of Lisbon, which he himself had built. This King Alphonso had reigned two and twenty years, and died seventy years old. Ten year after his body was transported to the Monastery of Alcovaça.   

D. Denis the first of that name, and the sixth King of Portugal.  
23 THe King D. Denis his son was seventeen years old when he began to reign, and was surnamed the builder, for that he made many goodly buildings in his Realm, as well holy, as profane, Churches, Monasteries, Towers, Ports of the sea, and whole towns, whereof mention is made, that he did build and re-edify, to the number of four and forty. At his coming to the Crown, and before, there had been some discontentment betwixt him and his mother D. Beatrix, daughter to D. Alphonso king of Castille, the which (it may be) did stay him from going to him to Badajos: for being come to Yelbes upon the confines of Portugal, three small leagues from Badajos, he fell into a sudden distrust, and turned head, wherewith the King his Grandfather was much discontented.  
King Don Alphonso thereupon parted from Badajos, 
Castille.  and came to Sevile, where he had news that the Infant D. Sancho came towards the city of jaen, with great troops of soldiers from Castille, Leon and Toledo. Wherefore he sent him those men he had, where there were certain skirmishes rather to the Christians loss then the Moors. Being at Sevile, there came certain messengers unto him from Philip of France, to be a means for the delivery of the children of D. Fernand de la Cerde, who were detained at Xativa, and for other affairs. There it was concluded, that the two kings should meet at Bayone in December, in the year 1280. 
An. 1280.  The king of Castille came thither with his children, and Philip the French king came to Salueteree in Bearne, where by Mediators it was concluded, that the realm of jaen should be given to the children of la Cerde, the which they should hold in ●ee, and do homage to the king of Castille, and the Infant D. Sancho: but he being advertised of that which his father had concluded, would not consent thereunto, so as by his means they returned without any effect, even touching the war against the Moors, for the which there had an union been propounded betwixt the kings of France and Castille, to invade and conquer Africa with their united forces, but it was left unresolved. Being returned, D. Sancho made an enterprise upon the king of Granado, but his men were charged by the Moors near unto Moclin, who slew above 2800. whereas Gonçalo Ruis Giron master of S. james, was sore hurt, and died within few days after, to the great grief of D. Sancho, and many others: whereupon he entered into the territories of Granado, where he made a wonderful spoil, even to the city gates.  
The year following 1281. 
An. 1281.  there was an interview betwixt the king D. Alphonso, the infant D. Sancho, 
League betwixt the king of Castille and Arragon.  and D. Pedro king of Arragon, at a place called Campillo, about Agreda, where there was a League sworn betwixt them against all Princes, and there were towns and castles delivered for assurance of either side: yea they concluded to make war against Navarre, and to divide the conquest betwixt Castille and Arragon: it was at such time as the king D. Pedro plotted the war of Sicily, whereof we shall make mention. King D. Alphonso being afterwards come to Burgos, he married his two sons, D. Pedro to the daughter of the Earl of Narbone, and D. john to the daughter of his son-in-law, Will●am of Montferrat, to whom he gave two millions of Maravidis of the money of those times. The Infant D. Sancho did afterwards meet with D. Pedro at Tarrassone, where they renewed their contract, but it took no great effect. The Realm of Castille being in great want, there was a decree to make copper money, and some pieces of silver.  
24 About the end of the year 1281. the king being importuned to release the children of his son D. Fernand, did somewhat relent, sending D. Fredulo Bishop of Ouiedo to the French king, under colour to send him unto the Pope to procure a Croysado against the Moors: but the Infant D. Sancho was advertised of all, 
D. Sancho of Castille makes a league with the Moors to dispossess his father.  and being discontented, that his father had disguised this business, he came to Cordova, and made a league against his father with Mahomad Murky. of Granado, who promised to pay him the third of the revenues of his Realm for a tribute. Then did D. Sancho begin a miserable pursuit, the which he never ceased, until he had driven his aged father, with grief and heaviness, into the grave: who indeed had worthily deserved all the miseries which fell upon him: for he showed himself wilful in his conceptions, and many times without judgement in his prodigality without reason, and tractable to his own loss: sharp and very severe unto those which did not applaud his actions, but sought to persuade him to the contrary. And he was so unjust in his judgements (as appeared by his grandchildren, the sons of D. Fernand de la Cerde) as it was an admirable thing, so many imperfections should be found in a king so studious: yet it did not befit a son to be the scourge of his ●athers vices.  
The new King of Portugal, who would not trust king D. Alphonso his Grandfather, was now in quarrel with his brother, 
Portugal.  called also D. Alphonso, whom he poursued with Arms, but aswell this controversy, as that he had with his mother, were pacified by the means of Don Sancho of Castille, and of Don Pedro King of Arragon, to whose daughter called Don Isabel, borne of the Queen Don Constance, daughter to Manfroy King of Naples this Prince was married, which marriage was celebrated at Troncoso, in the year 1282. with royal pomp, about the time Don Sancho burst forth into open rebellion against his father. This King Don Denis did afterwards enter into league with Don Sancho, who drew unto his service D. john his brother, besides. D. Lope Diaz de Haro, Diego Lopes his brother, Ramir Diaz, D. Nugno de Lara, Don Pedro Aluares of the Asturies, Fernand Roderigo of Cabrera, and many others, which were out of the country since the death of the Infant Don Frederick, and of Simon Ruis de los Cameros.  
The Infant Don Sancho was so well beloved, 
Castille.  as in a short time all men followed him, leaving the king D. Alphonso poor and miserable. The conspirators being assembled at Vailledolit, they were all of opinion, that D. Sancho should entitle himself king of Castille, and of the other dominions which his father had enjoyed: but he showed himself somewhat modest, saying, 
D. Sancho takes upon him the regency, and refuseth the title of king.  saying, that he would not do his father that wrong, to entitle himself King during his life time: but would rest satisfied to be termed Infant of Castille, the eldest and heir of those Realms. So. Sancho carried great respect unto the king his father, in words and vain titles, but he made himself king in effect, ordaining laws both for peace and war, disposing of Captains and Governors, and of the treasure at his own will: the king D. Alphonso being driven to that extremity as he was forced to send his royal Crown, with jewels of inestimable value, in pawn for 70000. doublons to jacob Aben joseph Miralmumin of Maroc, complaining unto this Infidel king, of the wrongs he had received from his son and subjects who were Christians. They say, that king jacob being a Barbarian, did hear of D. Alphonso's afflictions with tears in his eyes, and showing this royal Crown unto his Knights, he said, That he did willingly embrace this occasion, to secure a King of an ancient race, with his person and goods against the impiety of a wicked son: giving so good an answer unto the King D. Alphonso, as he was much esteemed and commended of all men. Necessity and indignity did so transport D. Alphonso, as he accepted the Moors offer, entreating him to pass the straits with his forces, the which he did: In the mean time D. Sancho married D. Marry daughter to D. Alphonso, Lord of Molina, his great uncle, brother to the king D. Fernand the third, who seeing himself supported by the kings of Arragon and Portugal, came to Cordova, where by the advice of the Noblemen and Knights of Castille that were present, and by a decree pronounced by the mouth of D. Manuel, in the name of the whole Nobility, the king D. Alphonso was deprived of all his Realms: the causes they pretended, were the death of D. Frederick and of Simon Ruis, observing no form of justice, nor any orderly proceeding: the breach of the rights and privileges of the Nobility, and the wasting of the treasure. D. john Nugnes de Lara, nor D. john Nugnes, and Nugno Gonçales his children, D. Alvaro Nugnes, D. Fernand Perez Ponce, with many others, would not assist at this assembly, nor consent unto this act of so pernicious a consequence.  
The Miralmumin jacob Aben joseph passed at Algezire, with great troops of horse, and the two kings had an interview at Zahara in Granado, whereas he of Maroc arrived first. The manner of this interview is worthy observation, for the humanity and courtesy which this mighty Moorish King used to a Prince of a contrary Religion, sometimes his enemy, and dejected from his dignity. He caused a great and rich Pavilion to be set up in the open field, in the which were two seats made like thrones, the one being higher and more eminent than the other: and having placed the chief Noblemen of the family of the Merins (from whence he was descended) at the entry, he commanded them all to kiss k. D. Alphonso's feet, and that they should not suffer him to light from his horse before he were near unto the Pavilion, where being arrived, King Aben joseph and he embraced one another like brethren, and so entered into the Pavilion holding hands. The royal and magnificent ceremonies which they used in their sitting down, were great and long, either striving to give the more honourable place unto the other: but in the end the king of Castille was forced to sit in the highest, the king of Maroc saying: It was reasonable that D. Alphonso, 
Humanity and modesty of the Moorish king.  a king descended of kings, and borne of a king, should be set above rather than himself, whom God by his mercy had advanced to that dignity of late time.  
These monarch being set, they conferred of their affairs, and having resolved, king D. Alphonso returned to Sevile, to gather together those small forces which were faithful unto him. The Moor marched with his army towards Osuna and Estepa, and then came to Eccia, where the two kings joined, and having taken Castro, they presented themselves before Cordova: but the Infant Don Sancho had entered into it the night before with great troops of horse, where as they spent twenty days in vain, without any memorable act done by either side. Rising from thence, the king of Maroc, with the consent of D. Alphonso, did overrun the champain country, and going through the pace of Muradal, he entered into the fields of Montiel, destroying all he encountered, and finding no resistance. Returning towards Eccia, D. Alphonso parted from Sevile to go and meet him, 
D. Alphonso distrusts the King of Maroc  according to the king of Marocs' desire. Being come unto the camp, king Don Alphonso grew into so great a distrust, upon reports, or some other vain imagination, that the king of the Moors would stay him, as he parted by night in great haste, and returned to Sevile. The Miralmumin being much discontented at this jealousy, sent unto him to excuse himself, and to assure him that he never had any such thought, entreating him to send him his troops, the which he would entertain, and so enter into the country of Granado against king Mahomad his enemy, having conspired with Don Sancho his son: whereunto D. Alphonso yielded, and sent him a thousand horse, who presently received pay: but growing suddenly into a jealousy that they would lead them into Africa, they abandoned the Miralmumin, and sent him the remainder of his money. The King of Maroc seeing these proceed, grew discontented, and returned into Africa, yet nothing estranged in his affection to pleasure D. Alphonso. D. Fernand Perez Ponce of Leon, Commander of these thousand horse, durst not return to king D. Alphonso, having no lawful excuse to have abandoned king jacob Aben joseph: but whilst he entertained himself about Cordova, there was an opportunity offered which did deface this blemish.  
It was strange, that these thousand horse did charge ten thousand which sallied out of the city, the which were assembled from all the parts of Spain for Don Sancho, and defeated them. Wherefore returning to Sevile they were well received: D. Sancho (who was then absent from Cordova) was much discontented at this rout, and did so sharply rebuke his men for their rashness, daring to present themselves against his father's Standard royal, 
Hypocrisy of the Infant D. Sancho.  the which he did ever greatly reverence. Thus Don Sancho did honour the Images and royal ensigns, but not the king his father: who being much incensed with the continual vexation of his sons rebellion, who had usurped his Realms, he pronounced in the presence of many men of mark, both Clergy and Secular, in the City of Sevile, about the end of that year 1282. 
An. 1282.  the curse of God and his upon D. Sancho, a son, said he, disobedient, rebellious, and a parricide, declaring him incapable and unworthy to reign; 
Curse of the father upon D. Sancho.  depriving him of his succession and inheritance, and discharging the subjects, as much as in him lay, from all oath and homage which they had done unto him. This act was done with great solemnity and majesty, but they were but words, which D. Sancho did not much esteem; who at the same time returned to Cordova, and conferred with the king of Granado at Priego, to whom he restored Arenas, and renewed their League.  
In the year 1283. 
1283.  D. Sancho being come to Carcetes, to Pont d'Alcantara, and to Ledesma, he forced the Infant D. Pedro his brother to hold his party, who notwithstanding had a great desire to follow his fathers, who intended to give him the country of Murcia, with the title of a king. He did the like to the Infant D. john, who aspired to have the kingdom of Leon for himself, all which was forced. Many knights which followed these Princes, and which were well affected to king D. Alphonso, escaped and passing through Portugal came to Sevile. The town of Agreda revolted and followed the king's party, and Infant D. Sancho being come against it, he had news that Martin d'Aybar, Governor of Trevigno, was also revolted, and had received Don john Nugnes de Lara, with a great booty which he had taken in the territories of Burgos, into Trevigno, from whence he made roads, and did annoy his people. D. Sancho sent D. Lope Diaz de Haro against them, who made them to keep within their fort. Thus was the war managed betwixt the father and the son in Castille and other places depending.  
25 During the which D. Pedro king of Arragon, 
Navarre.  had given liberty to his soldiers upon the fronter, who were daily in skirmish against the Navarrois, especially they of Sos and Filera, against the Inhabitants of Sanguessa; and they were so incensed one against another, as they could not be pacified: yet the diligence of Eustache Bellemarche Governor of Navarre, made them to lay aside arms, and to conclude a truce for a time Bellemarche returned into France, and in his place a Knight called Guerin of Amplepuis, governed the Realm of Navarre. Philip the third King of France, being Protector of this Realm for his Niece Queen jane, had also occasion to think of the affairs of Spain, for that the children of D. Fernand de la Cerde, borne of his sister D. Blanch, had not only been dejected by the King D. Alphonso from the right of succession to the Crown of Castille, which did belong unto them, as children to the eldest son, but also these two young Princes, D. Alphonso and D. Fernand de la Cerde, were kept prisoners in the castle of Xativa by the king of Arragon: and moreover being advertised, that besides the Arragonois attempts in former times, their king had made a new accord at Campillo with D. Sancho of Castille, 
Practices of the Castillans and Arragonois against Navar.  where among other things it was concluded, that they should invade the Realm of Navarre at their common charges, and divide the conquest equally. Moreover that at another interview betwixt D. Sancho of Castille, and D. Pedro of Arragon, the Infant had resigned unto D. Pedro all the right he pretended to Navarre, promising never to make war there without his liking to the end he might be the more freely assisted with the forces of Arragon, to dispossess his father. King Philip was wise, and of power to prevent all these practices, all which he made frustrate in regard of Navarre. Yet he did in vain solicit the kings of Castille and Arragon for the deliverance of his Nephews, who were at Xativa. He sent good troops of horsemen into Navarre, for the guard of the country, and to be ready upon all occasions.  
The factions betwixt the Nobility of Castille (some holding the party of King Don Alphonso, others that of Don Sancho his son) fell out happily for the French and Navarrois in many things: for Navarre served for a retreat to all those that were in disgrace with Don Sancho. Many of the chief of Castille, and other places depending, came and joined with the troops of France and Navarre, and making roads into Castille, did always keep the Realm of Navarre in reputation, and made the forces to be redoubted, the which changed many Governors in a short time: for after Eustache Bellemarche and Guerin of Amplepuis, William of Broede was sent thither, and then john of Conflans L. of Dompierre, Martial of Champagne, in the year 1283. when as among other Noblemen of Castille, there fled into Navarre Don Nugno de Lara, Don Pero Aluarez of the Asturies, Don Ramir Diaz, Don Fernand Ruis de Cabrera, and Don Fernand Ruis de Saldaigne, who joined with others which made themselves strong in the Country, which were the Infant Don jaime of Castille, Don john Nugnes, Don Aluar Nugnes and others, all being assisted by the troops of France and Navarre, they made roads as far as Toledo, with great ruin of the country and people, for the French King hated Don Sancho, as an usurper of his nephews right, neither was he less enemy to Don Pedro King of Arragon, as well for the detention of his nephews, and his practices with Castille, as for that which had happened in the Realm of Naples, betwixt the Arragonois and the French, as you shall hear.  
These spoilers being a competent army of four thousand horse, and great numbers of foot, returning towards Toledo, had a design to enter into Arragon, and to assail Tarrassone, whereof Don Pedro being advertised, who kept a garrison of three hundred horse at Logrogno, for the defence of Castille, he sent to entreat the Infant Don Sancho to march thither, and to secure him against the French and Navarrois, who came to destroy his Realm of Arragon, the which he did presently: so as being joined with the king Don Pedro they saved Tarrassone: yet the Arragonois lost the castle of VI, the which was well defended by Ximeno of Artieda: they also lost Lerida and Filera, the which were given in guard to them to Sanguessa: Baylo and Arbuis were ruined, and the French and Navarrois passed unto Verdun. Upon their return, the army of D. Pedro and D. Sancho attended them, where as they could not avoid the battle, which the French presented them: but the Knights of Castille which did accompany them, told them that they had willingly overrun the country, and done their endeavours in all assaults, but to charge their lances against Don Sancho, it was not their intention: that is to say, to spoil towns, & to ruin poor innocents, who had no interest in great men's quarrels, they did it willingly, yet would they not attempt any thing against the heads, who might give them impunity for all their insolences, and could take revenge of them, if they showed themselves too eager enemies. So the troops of France and Navarre returned towards Pampelone, from whence some of the Noblemen of Castille went to D. Sancho, having made their peace.  
26 The King D. Pedro finding himself in this danger, 
Arragon.  it made him to seek a peace with Navarre for some months: for he had many questions to decide with his Noblemen and Knights of Arragon and Cattelogne, who complained much of his sour disposition, and his tyrannous manner of government, insulting over the greatest, yea against his own blood, contrary to all law and nature. For we read, that there were scarce two years expired, after the decease of his father, when as he forced his brother Don james, to whom the islands of Maiorca and Minorca, with other places adjacent, had been given by testament, 
Injustice of D. Pedro against his bro.  with the title of a king, to hold them of him, as fees depending of the Crown of Arragon, and therefore he caused him to take an oath and do homage, as also for the Counties of Rossillon, Cerdagne, Conflans, Vallespierre, Colibre, Omelades, Carlades, and for the rights of Montpellier: with promise for himself and his descendants Kings of Maiorca, to come to the Estates of Barcelona being called, and do deliver the city of Maiorca, the town of Perpignan, and the castle of Cerdagne, unto the Kings of Arragon, whensoever they should demand them, in regard of which submissions and promises, the king Don Pedro did confirm these lands and portions to the king Don james his brother: for the which he would have the Earls of Foix and Empurias, D. Dalmas of Rocabertin Viscount of Castelnau, Raymond of Vrgio, William Canet, Bernard Hugo Serralongue, Dalmais of Castelnau, Ponce Zagardia, Arnaud Corsaccio, William Sous, with the Deputies of the islands of Maiorca and Minorca to become cautions. Sometime after picking a quarrel against the Nobility of Cattelogne, and their privileges, this king Don Pedro did so furiously assail the Earls of Foix, Vrgel, and Palliars, with the Viscount of Cardona, who were the most apparent, as having besieged and taken them in Balaguer, he detained them long in a miserable prison, especially the Earl of Foix, whom he entreated unworthily in the castle of Siurana. Moreover, a little before this last war of Navarre, he had attempted and executed great matters against the French, reigning in Italy, having employed the men and means of Arragon and Cattelogne, to the great discontentment and oppression of all his subjects, and he was newly returned out of France, whether the war of Naples and Sicily had drawn him, upon the occasion which followeth.  
27 The French having conquered Naples and Sicily, 
Insolences of the French in Sicily.  under Charles the first brother to Saint Lovis, they committed many unaccustomed insolences among these nations, against the honour of women, with other exactions and spoils under colour of justice: by reason whereof (as also by the just judgement of God, to whom without doubt the cruel deaths of Conradin, and of the Duke of Austria, whose heads King Charles had caused to be cut off, by the pernicious counsel of Pope Clement) the Sicilians did solicit D. Pedro King of Arragon to pursue the right which he had unto these Realms, as husband to Q. Constance heir thereof, being daughter to king Manfroy, promising to aid and assist him with their persons and goods: he which did most labour in this poursute was called john de Procula or Prochida, borne at Salerne, Physician to the deceased King Manfroy, who by his persuasions induced the king Don Pedro to affect this conquest: for the effecting whereof, he first made a secret league with Pope Nicholas the third, and with Michael Paleologue Emperor of Constantinople, obtaining from the Pope a promise of investiture of the Realms of Naples and Sicily. Martin the 4. being Pope after the decease of Nicholas, the king sent Hugh Mataplana a Catelan to Rome, to sound his disposition, touching the confirmation or renewing of this Leaque, and to entertain him (for Martin was friend to Charles King of Naples) and to disguise the cause of his Ambassadors voyage, he had charge to move the Pope and the Consistory, to canonize Don Friar Raymond of Pegnafort according to the advice of a Provincial Council held a little before at Barcelona, by the Prelates of Arragon and Cattelogne. In the mean time D. Pedro did arm forty galleys with many ships, the which he caused to pass along the coast of Africa under a colour of restoring Bouqueron king of Constatine in Africa, who was expelled by his brother: and the better to cover his enterprise, the Ambassador besought the Pope to take the Realm of Arragon into the protection of the Church, whilst that the king D. Pedro should be absent in the war of Africa, and to demand leave to exact a tenth of his Clergy. The king was demanded by the Ambassadors of France, the reason of this great preparation, with offers, that if it were against the Infidels, King Philip their master would aid him with all his forces, and withal protesting, that if it were to prejudice Charles king of Naples, he would take it ill: to whom he made no other answer, but that he had means sufficient to end the war which he had undertaken, without employing any others. To Arnaud Roger Earl of Palliars, who demanded of him, in the name of the whole Nobility, whether he meant to lead them, he made a sharp answer, that if his left hand presumed to inquire too curiously of that which the right intended to do, he would cut it off. So the army parted from Tortosa, being solicited by Nicholas Copula and Raymond Portella.  
In the mean time the French were slain through out all the towns of Sicily, 
Sicilian evensoag.  with such rage and hatred against the nation, as whereas they knew any women to be gotten with child by the French, they opened their wombs, and slew both mothers and children, for that they would not leave any of their seed in the country. Only one Frenchman called William Porcelot Governor of Galataphimia was let go untouched, for the good opinion they had of his modesty and temperance. And then D. Pedro arriving at Palermo, he caused himself to be crowned King, in the year 1281. King Charles being desirous to be revenged of this injury, he led an army against Messina, but he was repulsed into Calabria, without any effect. The king of Arragon left Queen Constance his wife in Sicily with three children: D. james who was king of Sicily, D. Frederick and D. Tolant, establishing a Council of Estate, whereof the chief were William Galseran a Cattelan, Alain Leontine, holding the place of chief justice of Sicily, and chief author of their rebellion against the French, john Prochida, and Roger de Loria his Admiral, to whom he appointed an army of 25. galleys: but he would have in either of their two Captains, one a Cattelan, the other an Italian, the mariners should be part Cattelans, and part Italians, but the rowers should be all Italians. Having thus settled the affairs of this Realm, he returned into Spain, where he had many matters to attend: for besides open force, there past many scandalous books betwixt Charles King of Naples, and D. Pedro king of Arragon, so as not able to decide their quarrels neither by law nor arms, they challenged one another with a certain number of Knights of either part: and this combat was allowed by the Pope; an unworthy thing for a Christian Prelate. The place being appointed at Bourdeux, in the king of England's country, a neuter-Prince in this cause. King Charles came at the day appointed, but he found not his adversary. Wherefore having attended most part of the day in the place appointed for the combat, and seeing no man appear, he returned. The King of Arragon who had only an intent to cirumvent his enemy by the expectation of a combat, and in the mean time divert him from the war of Sicily, had stayed in a safe place, from whence he came unknown to Bourdeaux with great speed, where attending until king Charles were parted, when he thought he was far enough off, he showed himself in the place of battle, as if he had had a great desire to fight, complaining that he had failed, where after he had made the protestations requisite in the like case, he took an act of his presence from john Graille Seneschal of Guien (to whom he left his helmet, his target, his lance, and his sword in witness of his appearance, and that he had kept his faith and promise) he returned with the like speed into Spain: and a little before the French and Navarrois foraged Castille, he arrived at Logrogno, where he entertained a garrison in favour of D. Sancho, as we have said. For these subtleties, Pope Martin (who had succeeded Nicholas the 3.) being a Frenchman borne, did excommunicate the king D. Pedro, giving his Realm of Arragon to Charles of Valois second son to Philip King of France, who with the Pope's dispensation married Constance daughter to Charles Prince of Salerne, the only son to this Charles King of Naples, causing a Croysado to be preached against this king D. Pedro. Whilst that Charles King of Naples was in Gascony, the king of Arragon's Admiral called Roger de Loria a Calabrois a very expert man in sea-fights, came running along the coast of Italy, with 45. galleys, and many other vessels, doing much harm: so as this army being discovered at Naples, approaching so near the city, as the soldiers might be heard, provoking the garrison by injuries and casting of darts into the town, Charles Prince of Salerne issued forth with 36. galleys, and some other vessels against his enemies, where there was a furious fight, but the Admiral of Arragon was victor, who took and carried away nine galleys, with a great number of prisoners of note: and amongst the rest Charles who would needs go forth against the will of the Pope's Legate, 
Charles Prince of Salerne defeat and taken by the Arragonois.  and contrary to the commandment which his father had given him at his going into France, not to departed out of Naples, nor to hazard a battle, either by sea or land in any sort whatsoever. The desire of glory provoked it, and brought him to this misery, which cost many Noblemen their lives, for the prisoners being brought to Messina, he beheld with his eyes the heads of 200. Gentlemen cut off, to revenge the death of Conradin. His father being returned to Naples, found the affairs in a pitiful estate, 
Revenge of the death of Conradin of Suabe.  and lived not long after. At his death there were two Legates in Sicily to treat of an accord with Queen Constance, who was a wise and religious Lady, but not able to draw her to any reason, they did aggravate the Excommunication against the King D. Pedro, and interdicted the Sicilians, the which did so incense them, as running in a rage to the prisons where the remainder of the French were that had been taken by Roger de Loria, they sought to enter to murder them: but the French made resistance, so as these mutineers seeing there was no means to effect what they intended, they set fire of the prisons and burned them all. After which there was an assembly of all the chief Magistrates of the towns of Sicily, to resolve what was to be done with Charles Prince of Salerne, and nine other Noblemen which were prisoners with him, where they concluded, that after the example of Conradin, and the other Noblemen, they must all die.  
Whereupon we may not let pass an act of Queen Constance, full of piety and courage: for this Princess having sent on a Friday morning, to advertise Charles to think of the salvation of his soul, and that he was condemned to die after the same manner that Conradin had done: he answered, that he took his death the more patiently, for that he should receive it the same day that our Saviour jesus Christ had suffered. This answer delivered to the Queen, she said, If it be so that the Prince takes his death so patiently by reason of that day, for my part I am resolved to show him mercy for his sake, who the same day suffered death and passion for us all. Whereupon she commanded he should be preserved without any harm, letting the people understand (who did press her to put him to death) that she ought not in a matter of so great importance, and which might be the cause of great inconveniences, resolve nor excecute any thing, without the privity of the king her husband: and therefore she commanded that Prince Charles should be carried into Cattelogne to the king Don Pedro, to dispose of him as he should think fit by good advice. This generous and Christian like act, is worthy of eternal praise, as the excess which king Charles, through bad council, and an il-governed passion, had committed against Conradin and other Noblemen his prisoners, is to be blamed and detested. This Charles Prince of Salerne was afterwards king of Naples the second of that name.  
28 After the king D. Pedro's return out of France, expecting daily (by reason of the Poves' censures, and his enterprises against Navarre) to be set upon by Philip k. of France, and Charles of Valois his son: and the Noblemen and Knights of Arragon & Cattelogne, being tired by him in the former wars, & ill entreated, as they thought, in their freedoms, (whereof the towns and commonalties of his Countries did also complain) they did also stirrre up troubles and seditions, and made an union together. The heads of the Nobility were, Simon of Vrrea the elder, D. Pedro Fernandes Lord of Ixar, and D. Pedro of Ayerbio, 
Union in Arragon against the king for their liberties.  both base brothers unto the King. Pedro Cornel, Artal Alagon, Lope Ferneçe de Luna, Athon des Possess, Sancho of Antillas', Gombald of Beneuent, and Simon of Vrrea the younger, all of Noble families, and moreover Lope William of Oteicia, Pedro jourdain Pegna, Gombald Tramasset, Giles of Bidaure, Pero Garces Nuez, who were Knights, whose predecessors had been advanced by Kings. These having made a league with the people did promise and swear to let the king and his son D. Alphonso, (who was his Lieutenant general) understand, that if they did not contain themselves within the limits of the laws of the country, they would withdraw themselves from their obedience, and declare themselves enemies, and poursue them by arms that should seek to break them. The king had called the Estates to Tarassone, and afterwards to Saragossa. There he entreated, promised, and did all he could to break this union: but he was forced to yield, and therefore he granted unto the Arragonois, the privilege which they call general, whereby the liberty which had been somewhat restrained, was again restored, the ancient manners of the Country, and customs of their Ancestors, fit for the country, put again in practice. And moreover, there were laws made for their Kings, which they should be bound to obey. And for that they were in a mutiny in some places, by reason of certain Impositions laid upon salt, the traffic thereof was made free by the Estates. Notwithstanding all these things, the king refused the judgement of the justice Maior of Arragon, the which was then exercised by Pedro Martin's Artassone, whom he deposed from his office: but soon after this dignity was fortified with stronger laws. The like assembly was made at Barcelona, and to the same end; where they obtained confirmation of their old statutes and customs, which they call Vsatiques. They of Valencia being called to the Estates of Arragon, would not appear, pretending liberty to assemble apart. In this Realm of Valencia there was a Magistrate established, who was Precedent of the justice, who should be an Arragonois, and should do right unto the towns and Noblemen of that Realm, who enjoy the privileges of Arragon: the first in this dignity was Alphonso Martin's. In Ribagorça there was also a peculiar judge created at Grados, from whence the first appeals should go to Barbastro, or to the justice of Arragon, and the second to the king, or to judges deputed by him: but these last ordonances were made and executed in the year 1285. at the Estates held at Huesca, where as the king did preside. They being transferred to Zufaria, the king being absent, john Giles Tarin justice Mayor of Arragon was Precedent, where it was said, that he was a lawful judge, yea in causes commenced against the King: who being cited and not appearing, there were decrees made against him in many instances. In the end the king confirmed the decrees of the justice Maior, and whatsoever should be concluded by the Estates, the Deputies, and Councillors having given their suffrages. At that time the king Don Pedro spoiled his brother D. james king of Majorca, 
King of Majorca despoiled by his brother.  of the County of Rossillon, for that he had retired himself into France, and had made a League against him with king Philip, who had promised him the Realm of Valencia, after the conquest which he did hope to make thereof, and of the rest of D. Pedro's country. In these combustions was the estate of Arragon about the return of the king D. Pedro from the war of Navarre attempted with the Castillans.  
29 As for D. Sancho Infant of Castille, 
Castille.  he with all his followers had been also excommunicately by Pope Martin the 4. The Archbishop of Sevile, the Dean of Tudele in Navarre, and the archdeacon of S. james in Gallicia were the denouncers thereof: wherefore it was concluded in D. Sanchos Council, to kill all those that should intimate or bring these censures: yet the Commissioners deputed by the Pope went on in their Commission, and did interdict all parts of Spain, holding the Infant's party. On the other side the fury of arms ruining the country, Queen Beatrix the widow of Portugal, D. Marry wife to the Infant, laboured to procure a peace, and to remedy those great miseries, at which time there was some hope that the king and his son should have an interview: for the king was come to Constatine, & the Infant to Guadascanall, but the Infant's minions and bad counsellors did hinder it. The Ladies pursuing this holy enterprise, Don Sancho fell sick at Salamanca, and in such extremity, as the Physicians had abandoned him: the king in like manner fell sick unto death, whereby it seems that God was highly offended against these miserable Princes, whose reconciliation was thus prevented. The king seeing his end drawing nigh, 
Alphonso king of Castille gives portions to his sons.  he gave by his will, Sevile and Badajos, with the title of a Realm, to his son john, with charge, that he should hold them of the Crown of Castille and Leon. To D. james his other son he gave the Realm of Murcia with the same condition. He pardoned all such as had carried arms against him, except his son D. Sancho. In the beginning of a will of his made in November 1283. he makes great complaints of his adversities, and doth much blame the kings of Portugal, Arragon, England, the Pope, and others, 
Curse of the father upon D. Sancho and his posterity.  who had favoured D. Sancho, cursing him and all his posterity, and leaving heirs of his Sovereign Realms, D. Alphonso and D. Fernand de la Cerde, one in default of the other, and if they died without issue, he gave them to Philip king of France, and to his descendants: He gave many other Legacies to his other children, to Churches▪ and to his Officers and domestic servants. By another testament apart, made in the year 1284. he ordained, that his heart should be carried and interred on mount Caluarie in the city of jerusalem, and his body in his city of Sevile or Murcia, in the which his Executors should please. He died in the year 1284. and was buried at Sevile, 
An. 1284.  having reigned 31. years, 10. months, and 23. days.  
This Prince was a precedent of the weakness and inconstancy of human things, not only in the goods which they call of Fortune, but also of those of the mind, whereof he was as well furnished as any Prince that hath been before or since him, all which did him more harm then good: for neither virtue, knowledge, honour nor riches avail not, if the blessing of God do not accompany them, but they rather ruin a man. And in truth this Prince may be termed miserable in all these things. He was a great and mighty king, but nothing did suffice him, by reason of his prodigality, and ill-measured bounty: he was never sincerely beloved of his subjects, by reason of his sour disposition and wilfulness, proceeding from too great a presumption of his knowledge: so as he did never believe any good counsel: It was the fruit of his Philosophy, the which had made him so overweening, as he presumed to control the Author of Nature, saying, That if he had been present at the Creation of the world, he should in many things have been of another opinion, with other such speeches, full of impiety. By judiciary Astronomy, whereunto he was given beyond all reason,, he had foreseen (as he thought) his adventures, the which made him affect the Imperial dignity, where he purchased more dishonour than ever any Prince. This vanity made him cruel to his brother D. Frederick, and other Noblemen, to prevent the conspiracies which threatened him, but could not avoid them: the which he had done, if leaving these divinations, he had relied wholly upon the providence of God, without any further search. But it is the will of God, the curious should have this torment, always to fear their misfortune, which they would know by damnable means, giving effect to vanity, and to the spirit of error, against those that follow it. The Queen D. Beatrix his mother (who it may be was superstitious, and given to these impieties) had never any contentment after his birth, having understood when he was in his cradle, from a Grecian, who was a great Sorceress, that he should be deprived of his Realms.  
The end of the twelfth Book.    

SEMPER EADEM THE THIRTEENTH BOOK of the History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 Don Sancho the Brave, the fourth of that name, the eleventh king of Castille, and the 32. of Leon.  
2 War betwixt the French and the Arragonois in the Counties of Rossillon and Cattelogne, where as the king D. Pedro died.  
3 D. Alphonso the third of that name, tenth king of Arragon, who continued the war against the French.  
4 Philip the Fair, king of France, husband to joane of Navarre, began to reign in Navar.  
5 Advancement of D. Lopes Diaz de Haro, prejudicial both to the Realm of Castille, and to himself.  
6 Acts and proceed betwixt the Estates of Arragon, and the King Don Alphonso the third.  
7 Treaties betwixt D. Alphonso king of Arragon, and Charles the Halting, king of Naples, prisoner, and what succeeded.  
8 Quarrels in the Court of Castille, and the death of D. Lopes Diaz de Haro.  
9 Delivery of the children of D. Fernand de la Cerde from prison in Arragon. Don Alphonso de la Cerde declared king of Castille.  
10 Tumults at Badajos suppressed.  
11 Family of Guzman's, who are Dukes of Medina Sidonia.  
12 D. james the 2. of that name, 11. King of Arragon.  
13 Peace betwixt the French and the Arragonois, and the retention of the Island of Sicily by D. Frederick of Arragon, brother to the king D. james, contrary to the Capitulations.  
14 Donation of the I'll of Corsica and Sardinia, to the king D. james of Arragon the second, by Pope Boniface the eighth.  
15 D. Fernand the fourth of that name, the twelfth king of Castille, and the three and thirtieth of Leon.  
16 jewish superstitions. Conversion of some jews to the Christian faith.  
17 Foundation of Bilboa in Biscay.  
18 Compromise betwixt the children of D. Fernand de la Cerde, contending for the Realm of Castille, and D. Fernand then reigning: and betwixt the king of Arragon and him of Castille: and the sentence given by the arbitrators.  
19 Lewis Hutin the 1. of that name, 26. king of Navarre.  
20 Translation of the Pope's Court from Italy into France.  
21 Persecution of the Templars.  
22 Order of Christ in Portugal.  
23. Order of Monteça in Arragon.  
24 War in Granado.  
25 Deeds of the Cattelans in Greece and Thrace, after the wars of Sicily and Naples.  
26 Troubles at Lions, and in the Court of France.  
27 Discourse of the crosses which did accompany Philip the Fair, as well in his reign, as in private affairs.  
28 D. Alphonso the 12. of that name, 13. King of Castille, 34. of Leon, and the troubles which happened at his entry.  
29 Papacy affected with murders.  
30 Philip the long King of France, 2. of that name, 27. king of Navarre.  
31 Exploits of the Castillans against the Moors: the sudden and strange death of D. Pedro, and D john Princes of Castille, and troubles in that Realm.  
32 Perpetual union of Arragon, Cattelogne, and Valencia.  
33 D. james the eldest son of Arragon, quits the successsion of the Realm, and becomes a rebellious man.  
34 Confirmation of the gift of Sardinia and Corsica to the house of Arragon by the Pope. Conquest of Sardinia by the Infant D. Alphonso.  
35 Deeds of Denis King of Portugal. Piety of Queen Isabella his wife: their buildings in Portugal.  
36 Troubles in Castille by the death of D. Marry the Queen mother.  
37 majority of king D. Alphonso the twelfth of Castille.  
38 Estate of the Moors of Granado at that time.   
Order of the Kings reigning in Spain, whereof mention is made in this 13. Book.  

CASTILLE.  
11 D. Sancho  
12 D. Fernand  
13 D. Alphonso   

LEON  
4-23.  
4-33.  
11-34. Some number him for the 12.   

ARRAGON.  
10 D. Alphonso 3.  
11 D. james 2.   

NAVARRE.  
25 Philip the fair 1.  
26 Lewis Hutin 1.  
27 Philip the Long 2.   

D. Sancho the Brave, the fourth and last of that name, the 11. of Castille, and 32. of Leon.  
1. IN the year 1284. D. Sancho carried himself as king, having performed his father's obsequies in the city of Auila, where he was at the time of his decease, where he mourned in show, for that which he had long desired, as we may judge by his actions. He commanded that D. Maria his wife should be called Queen, and their daughter called Isabella, being but two years old, to be declared and received heir of those Realms, if he had no issue male: the titles which he gave himself were, King of Castille, Leon, Toledo, Galicia, Sevile, Cordova, jaen, Murcia, Badajos, and Algarbe. He came to Toledo with D. Maria, 
Don Sancho of Castils titles  and there they were crowned. By a complot made with D. Pedro king of Arragon, D. john Nugnes of Lara was dispossessed of the fort of Albarrazin, a free place holding of no man, the which was very prejudicial to Castille: this place was afterwards given by the king D. Pedro, to a bastard son of his called D. Fernand, whom he had by D. Agnes Zapate. The Infant D. john brother to the new king, with the help of some knights, which were fled ou● of Castille, thought to surprise Sevile▪ but the king posted thither with speed, & disappointed their designs. Being in that city, Ambassadors came to him from Aben joseph king of Maroc, to settle some order betwixt Africa and Spain, but the king D. Sancho being incensed, that the king of Maroc had come to make war against him in his father's favour, answered his Ambassadors very sourly, saying, that he held his bread in one hand, and a staff in the other, and that if any one would seek to take away his bread, he would strike him with his staff. The Ambassador, whose name was Abdalla, returned to Algezire, from whence they began to make roads into the territories of Medina Sidonia and Xeres, which caused the king D. Sancho to look to his affairs: who for this cause began to make provision of galleys and other vessels, in the sea towns of his jurisdiction, and did entertain a Captain of Genoa, called Benet Zacharie with 12. galleys, to whom he gave the port of S. Mary in propriety, upon condition, that he should for ever entertain one galley armed. This king having called a Court at Sevile, he disannulled many privileges which were extorted in time of necessity. Being returned into Castille he disposed of matters of justice, and punished many which had been rebels unto him, causing some heads to be cut off.  
These things passed in the year 1284. about the end of which he had news of the preparation which the king of France made to invade Cattelogne, by reason whereof, he and his uncle D. Pedro of Arragon had an interview in Ciria, where they were moreover advertised that there was intelligence betwixt king Philip and him of Maroc, to make war at one instant, the one in Cattelogne the other in Andalusia: wherefore being parted D. Sancho came to Burgos, to hold an assembly of the Estates.  
D. john Nugnes of Lara being dispossessed of Albarrazin, 
Arragon.  as we have said, by Don Lopes Diaz de Haro, being the Commander, he put himself into Tudele, the which he defended for Philip the fair king of Navarre, against the king D. Pedro, and not only repulsed him, but also took great store of victuals and cattle which was brought to the enemy's camp: for he had within it above 300. horse, and a great number of foot: so as D. Pedro seeing that he should do no good before Tudele, he spoilt the country, and returned unto his Realm, to defend the passage against the king of France, who came to assail him: from whom the Earl of Artois, 
Castille.  whom the Spaniards call Charles, and the French Robert, was sent to the king Don Sancho being at Toledo, to persuade him to set at liberty without exception the sons of his deceased Brother Don Fernand de la Cerde, who were prisoners in the hands of D. Pedro King of Arragon; and then he entreated him not to succour the King of Arragon in the war which the French King pretended to make against him, to whom the King D. Sancho made no other answer, but that he would send his Ambassadors to King Philip, to treat of those affairs: whereupon he sent unto him D. Martin Bishop of Calaorra, and D. Gomes Garcia of Toledo Abbot of Vailledolit, who found King Philip at the entry of the country of Cattelogne, with a great army, besieging Girone, who were but slightly entertained, and returned without any effect. They writ that the Earl of Arthois being dispatched from the court of Castille, taking his leave, the King D. Sancho received a packet out of France: having opened it and read the letters, he said unto the Earl that he had good friends in the court of France, who adduertised him of all that passed, entreating him to join with them, and to become his friend: yet the Histories of France say, that this Earl of Arthois had been before in Castille, after the suppression of the rebels of Navarre, in the life time of King D. Alphonso, at which time this packet was brought, and not now: the which the Earl of Arthois having reported to the King it caused a great tumult and search in court. In the mean time the King D. Sancho made preparation to succour Xeres, the which was already invested by the army of the Miralmumin of Maroc, where there were eighteen thousand horse Moors, or Arabian Africans; and came from Toledo by Talavera and Merida to Sevill, whether the Moors made daily roads even unto the gates, the King D. Sancho having not yet sufficient forces to suppress them: but within few days after there came unto him about four thousand horse, as well of the military orders of Spain, as of Noblemen, with the which he made a sufficient army to go to field. Having mustered his troops, he marched towards his enemies, to whom he presented battle, but the King of Maroc would not accept thereof: for besides the great forces at land which came daily to the King D. Sancho, he had a mighty army at sea, which lay in the Port of Saint Mary, where there were above a hundred sail of great vessels. The King of Maroc raised his siege from Xeres, 
Accord betwixt the Kings of Maroc and castille.  and afterwards they were made friends, having an interview at Pegna Ferrada, or according unto some in Albuhera, where the King of Castille received a present of jacob Aben joseph, of two millions of Maravidis of gold, than currant. This peace was not pleasing to the Infant D. john the King's brother, nor to Don Lopes Diaz of Haro, who demanded nothing but war. About the end of the year 1285. the Queen D. Maria was brought to bed in Sevile of a son, 
An. 1285.  called D. Fernand, who succeeded the father in those realms.  
2 Philip the 3. King of France, and his son Philip the fair King of Navarre, being entered into Cattelogne, had taken Perpignan, ruined seven and twenty towns and castles, 
Arragon, Perpignan taken by the French.  & laid siege to Girone. The victuals for the camp were brought from Narbone to the nearest havens and ports of Empurias, Roses and others, and from thence was carried a little space by land with a guard of horsemen. Which the King desiring to prevent and withal to take the treasure which he knew was brought to pay the soldiers, 
The siege of Girone.  he came and laid an ambush of five hundred horse, and about two thousand foot betwixt the sea and the French camp: whereof the King of France, being advertised by his spies, sent before, by the advice of the Constable of France, three hundred choice men at arms, under his charge, who being come to the ambush, and discovered to be few in number, were presently environed and charged with great cries, by the Arragonois, who thought to defeat them, but the French who were come thither to fight, did encounter them in such sort, as although they were much inferior in number, yet they seemed more than equal in valour and courage.  
The Arragonols animated by their King, who was present and fight, behaved themselves valiantly, so as the one yielding nothing unto the other, the fight continued long without advantage, until that the King D. Pedro being grievously hurt in the face with a Lance, retired himself out of the fight, whereupon his men began to faint. Many of his horsemen escaped with him, but as for the footmen they were all cut in pieces, there were some horsemen slain upon the field, on either side, but most Arragonois.  
The King D. Pedro having caused himself to be carried to Villa-franca, died soon after of his wound. He had reigned nine years, three months and four days; A generous Prince, but ambitious beyond all measure, being grown an irreconcilable enemy to the French, since the success of the Island of Sicily, the which he left to D. jaime or james his younger son.   

D. Alphonso the third of that name, and the tenth King of Arragon.  
3 Done Alphonso his eldest succeeded to the realm of Arragon, this year 1285. Don Pedro being advertised by his Physicians, the chief whereof was Arnaud of Villeneufue (whose works we have but much curtalled by the Inquisitors) that he drew near his end, he did solicit his son D. Alphonso to hasten the conquest of Majorca, which he had undertaken, 
D. james King o● Maiorca dispossessed by his Nephew.  and did much desire; wherefore D. Alphonso presently after his father's death, led the army to Majorca, and took the Island, joining that of Majorca to the other titles of the Kings of Arragon. In this action the chief Commanders were D. Blasco of Alagon, Sancho of Antillas', Pedro Garces Nuez, Pedro Seses, Blasco Ximenes of Aierbio, Simon Perez Andosilla of Arragon: and of Cattelogne, D. Pedro de Moncade, Raymond of Vrgi and Maimon Plaigaman. Even upon the death of the King D. Pedro, there arrived in Cattelogne, Charles Prince of Salerne, called the halting, a prisoner, being conducted by Raymond Alleman, Simon of Estorio and William Ponce Cattelans, who had bound themselves to the Infant D. james, who was appointed King of Sicily, to carry him into Cattelogne, or to lose their lives, swearing that if any came to rescue him, and that they found themselves too weak, they would kill him and cast him into the sea. You must understand that one of the chief conspirators in Sicily against the French, called Alain Leontain, a councillor of Estate, and chief justice of the realm, which is one of the greatest dignities, stayed not long before he received from the Arragonois, a worthy reward for his notable treachery, 
Alain Leontin Author of the Sicilian Evensong a double traitor and his end.  and immoderate appetit of revenge: for being discovered that he sought to reconcile himself unto the French, for some discontentment, he was sent prisoner to the castle of Siurane, from whence he never parted, being known to be a double traitor: and God brought him to this end, to show that he detests those, that for their private passions seek the ruin of Estates.  
The Constable of France returning to the camp before Girone, he was received with all possible signs of joy: whereas soon after they had news of the death of D. Pedro King of Arragon, 
Girone taken by the French.  whereof having advertised the besieged that they should not continue obstinate; Raymond of Cardona, who commanded within the town, demanded leave to send one thither to understand the truth, who brought him word that he had seen the King his master dead: whereupon he yielded up the town to the French King, the soldiers and Inhabitants departing and carrying away what they could, except gold and silver which they were to leave, for the which they were searched. At this siege the plague fell into the camp, and the King himself grew sick, so as this war ceased, and they began to think of their return into France. The King had entertained certain galleys of Pisa and Genoa, which he now sent back, having no more use for them.  
Sailing towards Italy, they were met by Roger of Loria Admiral of Sicily, who came to Cattelogne with five and forty galleys, to secure the King of Arragon his Master, of whose death he was then advertised. This man who was politic, and loath to lose any opportunity, having understood from these captains the Estate of the affairs in Cattelogne, and especially of the enemy's army, he entertained all their fleet, and lead them back towards Ampurias, where they found the remainder of the French fleet in the haven, whom they did suddenly set upon and burn, all the soldiers and mariners having escaped, and joined with the rest of the Land-army. King Philip, who caused himself to be carried in a litter, was much grieved at this loss, and his sickness did so increase, 
Death of Philip the third King of France.  as he gave up the ghost in the town of Perpignan, whether the annie came with great difficulty, the Arragonois having stopped the passages of the mountains, so as they were forced to make their way by the sword.   

Philip the first of that name, the five and twentieth King of Navarre.  
4 PHilip his son, called the fair, 
Navarre.  who succeeded him, was both King of France and Navarre, having a little before married D. lean the heir of Navarre. Of which marriage were borne three sons, Lewis Hutin, Philip the long and Charles the fair, all which three were Kings of France and Navarre one after an other, having no children. They had also two daughters, joane who died young (who is not in the French Genealogies) and Isabel Queen of England, mother to Edward the third, who contended for the succession of the Realm of France against Philip of Valois.  
At the time 1286. 
An. 1286. Clement of Launay Viceroy of Navar.  the Realm of Navarre was governed by a Gentleman called Clement of Launay in quality of Viceroy, who defended it against the daily invasions of the Arragonois. A captain of Navarre, whose name was D. john Corbaran, having the charge of the frontier towards Arragon, was defeated and taken by D. Pedro Cornel, an Arragonois. The Navarrois also entering into the country of Arragon, besieged Tiermas, but could not take it, yet they did great spoils. About the end of the year there was a truce made betwixt these two Kingdoms, and a defence made not to molest one an other upon pain of death. There was also a truce concluded betwixt Philip King of France and Navarre, and Don Alphonso King of Arragon, during the which they sought means to make a peace betwixt them, for the controversies of Sicily and other places.  
The death of Philip the third King of France being known in Castille, the King D. 
Castille.  Sancho sent back the Archbishop of Calaorra, and the Abbot of Vailedolit, his Ambassadors, to Philip the fair his son, to seek some means of an accord, for many considerations: one and the most important was, that the Kings of France, father and son had been the means at Rome to stop the dispensations of the marriage which D. Sancho had made with D. Maria his cousin. These Ambassadors carried back into Spain an interview of both Kings granted in the town of Bayonne; yet they met not, for the King of France would not pass the mount of Marçan, and he of Castille stayed at Saint Sebastian's, sending their deputies to treat and end their quarrels. For King Philip there came Robert Duke of Bourgongne and others, for the King of Castille came D. Guttieres Archbishop of Toledo, 
Conference of Deputies for the Kings of France and Castille.  successor to the Cardinal D. Gonçalo, with the Bishop of Calaorra, Burgos and others. The first demand which the French made, and whereon they did insist, was, that the King D. Sancho should leave his wife D. Maria, to marry one of king Philip's sisters, which should be either Marguerite or Blanch: which the Ambassadors of Spain found to be out of reason: and having given advice thereof unto their King, who was near, he was so much offended, as he recalled them, and would not have the conference to proceed any further. The Abbot of Vailledolit, who was superintendant of the King's revenues, by this voyage fell into disgrace with his master, and was accused to have put this savage demand into the Frenchmens heads: wherefore he was straightly looked into, and dismissed from all affairs. The King went from Saint Sebastian's to Victoria, where the Queen attended him, from whence they passed to Burgos, from thence he went to Saint james in pilgrimage. Passing by Sahagun, he caused the bodies of the King D. Alphonso the sixth, and the Queens which were there interred, to be removed.  
5 His voyage being ended, he honoured D. Lope Diaz de Haro, 
Haro Lord of Biseay exceedingly honoured by the King D. Sancho.  Lord of Biscay, with the dignity of high Steward, and Standard-bearer of the realm of Castille, giving the suruivance unto D. Diego Lope de Haro his son, with promise never to dispossess them of their offices, so as they did serve him and his son D. Fernand faithfully, without affecting any other parties, appointments or alliances, the which they promised solemnly, upon pain of losing Biscay, and all they had in Castille and Leon: and the King gave into the hands of D. Lope, for assurance of that which he had promised, most of the forts in Castille.  
By means of these things D. Lope Diaz was made Earl the first day of the year 1287. 
An. 1287.  with command over all the country, from Burgos unto the sea. To D. Diego Lopes de Haro the Earl's brother, was given the Government of the Moors frontier: about which time the marriage was made betwixt D. john the King's brother, and D. Maria Diaz de Haro, daughter to the Earl D. Lope: who had a great desire to see the King D. Sancho divorced from the Queen his wife, to have him marry the daughter of Gaston Lord of Berne his cousin, hoping that the children which should come of that marriage, should inherit those realms, and those which he had had by Queen Mary should be excluded, for that the marriage was made without the Pope's dispensation: but God did otherwise dispose. This Princess was brought in bed this year of her second son, called Alphonso, and then the King retired D. Isabel, heir of the Estate of Molina, whom her mother D. Blanch, sister to Queen Mary, would have married to D. Alphonso King of Arragon. This great power and authority which the King had given to the Earl D. Lope, discontented many Noblemen of Gallicia, but especially of Leon, so as he was priest to abate this power, too great for a subject, the which he abused: but the King had no will to diminish any thing, wherefore he tried to content them with good words: and in the mean time he ordained, that the Earl D. Lope should go into the Marches of Galicia, with good numbers of soldiers, to suppress such as would attempt any thing against his will. The Earl D. Lopes held a garrison at Astorga, and the King went an other way to see his Nephew D. Denis King of Portugal, to reconcile him with D. Alphonso of Portugal, who held some places upon the frontiers of Leon, where by reason of his quarrels he kept some soldiers, whether also some banished men of Castille retired themselves, who made roads into the territories of Leon. The two Kings of Castille and Portugal met at the siege of Ronches, and took it by composition: by the which D. Alvaro de Lana, who had retired himself to D. Alphonso of Portugal, was restored to D. Sanchos favour. At this siege the King of Portugal did council the King of Castille to humble D. Lope Diaz de Haro, who did abuse the authority which he had given him tyranously, else it was to be feared there would grow great troubles in Castille.  
This advice was well taken by the King D. Sancho, and from that time he began to study by what means he might take away or diminish that extraordinary power, but it was too late: It is not the custom for such as are once mounted, to stoop. The Earl D. Lope finding the King's intent, retired to Gaston of Berne his cousin, there to make some faction: where he had news of the death of D. Alvaro de Lara his competitor and enemy, whereof he was exceeding glad, and returned into Castille, but he found that the King had given his offices, and all that D. Alvaro had enjoyed to his brother D. john Nugnes de Lara, of as D. Lope found himself prevented; whereupon he debauched the Infant D. john his son in law, leaving the court much discontented. D. john made some roads about Salamanca; wherefore the King being in the town of Carrion, the week before Easter, whether the Earl D. Lope Diaz came well accompanied, he complained unto him of the excess which his son in law D. john had done, to whom the Earl answered proudly, 
Speech audacious of the Earl D. Lope Diaz de Haro.  that he had not done any thing but what he had advised him; and that if he would hear the Infant's reasons, he should go to Vailledolit, and he would bring him to Cigales. This proud manner of speech of the Earls, seemed strange unto the King, and increased his desire to punish them both: Notwithstanding he went to Vailledolit, and the Earl with his son in law came to Cigales, not daring to come in the King's presence in any great town. There the Deputies of either part did confer daily, at a place called Loveruela, whereas these jars were somewhat reconciled: whereupon the King came towards the frontiers of Arragon, to treat with the King D. Alphonso touching the delivery of his Nephews, the sons of La Cerde, whereof he was much solicited, even by the Earl D. Lope Diaz.  
Notwithstanding before the King D. Sancho could approach near to Tarassone, where the King of Arragon was, the Earl had prevented him, who having spoken with the King of Arragon, he reported unto his master, that he found by the way, that the King of Arragon would not be pleased with this kind of interview, and therefore he had no need to pass any farther. The Earl finding himself somewhat crossed by the interview of the King D. Sancho and him of Portugal, did also think that this would be nothing favourable unto him.  
6 As for D. 
Arragon.  Alphonso of Arragon, whom we have left careful to execute the charge which the King his father had given him, to dispossess the King D. james his uncle of the Islands of Majorca and Minorca: after the conquest thereof he had brought back his victorious army to Valencia, and there was received and acknowledged for King by the Valentians. Yet he was admonished by D. Bernard, William Entenza and Simon of Vrrea, Ambassadors for the Estates of Vrrea, to come speedily to the assembly at Saragossa, where having sworn and promised the observation of the customs, rights and previledges of the country, and received the oath of fealty from the deputies, he might lawfully take upon him the title of King of Arragon, the which (said they) he might not use before this act and ceremony, according to the ancient customs of Arragon. The King having given them audience at Moruiedro, he answered them courteously, that he would repair thither with speed: and as for the royal title, he had held it reasonable to take it, seeing he had been so saluted by the Archbishop of Tarragone, and by the Cattelans and Valentians. Being come to Saragossa, he took and received the oath, and was crowned by the Bishop of Huesco, in the absence of the Archbishop of Tarragone, to whom (by the Pope's decree) this office doth appertain, where he protested that he held the realm as hereditary from his father, and was not bound to any. At this assembly of the Estates, which was in the year 1286. there grew great contention touching the reformation of the manners of courtiers, and the ordering of the King's house, the noblemen and deputies of the Estates of Arragon maintaining that the knowledge thereof was incident to their charge; the King and his household servants on the other side denied that there was either law or custom which tied the King or his followers to any such subjection.  
In the end it was concluded that the reformation of the court should be made by 
Reformati●●▪ of the King of Arragon house be●or●ged to the general Estates.  twelve of the principal families (which they call in that country Mesnadas) the like number of Knights, four Deputies of Saragossa, and one of either of the other cities the which should give their voices in that case. This union of Arragon obtained a decree, that the King should have certain councillors chosen, that is, four of the chief Noblemen, which were D. Pedro d' Aierbe the king's uncle, Pedro Cornel, Artal Alagon and Pedro Martin's de Luna; four knights of noble and ancient races, which were D. Fortune Sanches Vera, Simon Perez Salanova, Simon Perez Vera, and Arnaud de Castro, and four of his household servants: that is D. Gyles de Bedaure, Roderigo Sanches Pomar, Alphonso de castle novo and Fernand Perez Pigna: Moreover two knights for the realm of Valencia, two citizens of Sarragossa, and one of either of the other cities of Huesca, of Tarassone, jacca, Barbastro, Calatajub, Turol and Daroca: with a condition that whilst the King should remain in Arragon, Ribagorça or Valencia, two of the noblemen, two of his household servants, two Knights of Arragon, one of Valencia, and the four Deputies of the realm of Arragon, should follow and reside in court, as councillors appointed by the union, the which by the mouth of D. Fortune, Sancho de Vera, Sancho Martin's Laeunella, and the Deputies of Saragossa, Huesca and Turol (who were sent to that end) protested that if he did not receive, observe and maintain these orders, they would seize upon his revenues, and of all the fees, offices and dignitles of such noblemen as should contradict them: thus were the Kings of Arragon entreated in those times.  
This year the King restored D. Philip de Gastro, son to his uncle D. Fernand Sanches (who as we have said was cast into the river of Singa) as well to the possession of the 
moors expelled out of Min●re●.  castle of Pomar, as to the rest of his father's patrimony: and for that there were some remainders of Moors which stood out in the Island of Minorca, the King soon after went thither with an army in person, and cleansed the whose country, having forced them to fly into the castle of Agaic, and to compound, from whence according to the treaty, they were transported into Africa, by D. Raymond Marquet and Berenger Majol. In the mean time King D. Alphonso did solicit the Pope by his Ambassadors to receive him into favour, which the French did hinder: for besides the rights, pretended by Charles of Valois, and granted to him by the Pope, to the realm of Arragon, and lands annexed, which were interdict, there was moreover, that not only the two young Princes D. Alphonso and D. Fernand de la Cerde were detained prisoners by the King of Arragon, but also Charles, called the Limping, son and heir to Charles of Anjou, King of Naples and Sicily: for whose release Philip the father and son, Kings of France, had been earnest solicitors, and taken arms, and even at that instant Philip the fair did press the Kings of Castille and Arragon, and in regard of Charles the Limping, E●ward King of England did labour to make a peace betwixt him and the Kings of Arragon and Sicily brethren. In the mean time there was continual war in Italy, whether Robert Earl of Arthois had been sent, who with the advise of a Cardinal the Pope's Legate, and Mary Princess of Salerne, wife unto Charles, who was prisoner, governed the realm of Naples. They were then upon terms of a good accord, when as these Governors having sent a great army into Sicily, under the command of Renaud del Balso, Earl of Auellin, took the town of Cattanea; whereof king D. Alphonso being advertised, he sent back Roger de Loria Admiral of Sicily, to succour and defend his brother's country. The Earl of Auellin having made this prize, he sent the galleys, which had transported his army, back to Naples, to bring the rest of his troops which were yet on land: and at the same instant, Guy of Montfort, Earl of Languillare, with the Earls of Boullen and Flanders, having levied men in Tuscany, were ready to embark upon the banks of Sienna, when as Roger de Loria the Admiral arrived in the Italian seas, who having descovered the fleet which went to transport the soldiers at Naples, he pursued them, and took them easily, having none to make any defence, and soon after he espied about sixty galleys sailing towards Sicily, which was the army of those French Noblemen above named, which had embarked in Tuscany, whose Admiral was called Arrighin, a Genevois. Roger charged them courageously, and put them to rout, without any great difficulty, for the soldiers in the French fleet could fight better at land then at sea: the Commanders were taken, all which paid their ransoms, except the Earl of Montfort▪ who was detained prisoner, and there died.  
These two victories were the recovery of Cattanea the which was yielded to the Arragonois, by the Earl of Auellin, who with his companion, returned with their bag and baggage to Naples. By this means the treaty of peace which Edward made was broken, but he desisted not, until he had drawn them to those conditions: That Charles should be set at liberty, paying twenty thousand, or (as some say) thirty thousand marks of silver for his ransom. That he should procure the Pope to invest King james in the realm of Naples, 
Conditions of peace betwixt the King of Arragon and Naples prisoner.  that he should take away the Interdict, and absolve the two brethren of Arragon, and that he should be a means to make Charles Earl of Valois quit the interest he pretended in Catalogne, by virtue of a donation made unto him by Pope Martin: for the execution whereof he should have three years time, and in case he could not perform them, he should return again to prison: for assurance whereof, he should give his three sons, Lewis, Robert and john in hostage, with forty gentlemen of the county of Provence. The which Charles having promised, and the hostages delivered, he was released four years after his taking. He came into France, and laboured in vain with Charles of Valois, 
Charles of Valois will not yield up his right to Cattelogne.  who would never relinguish the title he had to Cattelogne. Pope Nicholas also would not yield unto that which Charles had promised touching the realm of Sicily, the which he said was a fee belonging to the church, wherefore he passed speedily into Italy with good troops of men, led by Emery of Narbone. Being in Tuscany, he spent some time to favour the Guelphs party, against the Gibilins, the which were two frantic factions, afflicting Italy since the dissension betwixt the Popes and Emperor Frederic, continued among the Italians without subject or sense, with horrible examples of Impiety and inhumanity. The French which dealt in these quarrels, held the Guelphs faction.  
Charles being come to Rome, Pope Nicholas the fourth crowned him in the year of our Lord 1289. King of both Siciles, from the which he could not be dissuaded: 
An. 1289.  wherewith they Arragonois held themselves much wronged, and fell to arms more violently than before. Suritez affirms that this year King Charles the Limping came and presented himself armed betwixt the valley of jonquera and the hill of Panizaçe, making a show as if he came to yield himself to the King of Arragon, according to the treaty, and that he returned suddenly to Perpignan. The Calabrois, neighbours to Sicily, were daily solicited to revolt; the which the Inhabitants of the Cathenzan did, who gave themselves to King james: whereupon king Charles being accompanied by the Earl of Artois, led an army thither, to succour which place, king james being come with his Admiral, and having landed his men, he was encountered and defeated by the French, and forced to save himself in his galleys, yet without any great loss; wherefore the Arragonois desiring to divert this siege, they sailed towards Gayete, where having seized upon a hill near unto it, they gave many assaults, but without any effect. King Charles, and the Earl of Arthois, leaving sufficient troops to entertain the siege of Cathenzan, marched towards Gayetes, being resolved to give battle to the Arragonois: but they kept themselves from fight, being lodged in a place of advantage and near unto their galleys.  
There was a mediation for a true betwixt the two kings and the realms of Sicily 
Truce for five years betwixt the French and Arragonoiz.  and Naples, the which king Charles yielded unto for five years, against the advice of the Earl of Arthois, who held the victory in his hand, assuring himself to force the enemy to fight: whereupon he grew much discontented, and leaving Italy, returned into France with his troops; upon this truce Cathenzan was yielded. This first conquest which the kings of Arragon made out of Spain, was the cause of great broils, war and ruins in Christendom, for which they chiefly smarted, whereof the Popes were the subject, as they stood well or ill affected to those Princes, of whose miseries, and of their ruins they were secure spectators, being defended from all danger through the opinion of their holiness and authority.  
At the death of Pope Martin, his successor Honorius the fourth, had settled and confirmed D. james of Arragon, and absolved the King D. Pedro, but Pope Nicholas the fourth, maliciously and without any fear of the shedding of Christians blood, did kindle a new war betwixt the French and Arragonois, whereas he would not crown Charles King of Naples alone, but of Naples and Sicily together. D. james of Arragon holding Sicily at that time, at his coronation he took the arms which the realm hath since carried, which are in Eagle sable in a field argent, the which Manfroy was wont to bear, and the bends geules in a field Or of Barcelona.  
8 The King of Castille being solicited, 
Castille.  and much troubled to resolve upon the delivery of his Nephews of Cerde, detained in Arragon, and to recompense them in such sort as his sovereignty might remain entire and peceable to him and his successors, he sent to that end Ambassadors to Philip the fair, King of France, being at Lions: but what they could not then effect by treaties and negotiations, occasion did afterward bring to pass, for there happened a great excess in the court of Castille, whereupon ensued the delivery of the Infants of Cerde: the which notwithstanding was as much displeasing to the King of France, who had pursued it, as to him to Castille, who feared it, and avoided it all he could. A most dangerous freedom for them that were delivered, but of the restraint of their persons, as shall appear.  
The King Don Sancho being at Alfaro, with the Queen his wife, Don Gonçalo Archbishop of Toledo, with many other Prelates and Noblemen of his realms, having always a desire to retraine and punish the pride of the Earl Don Lope Diaz de Haro, and of the Infant D. john his son in law, who were there present, he said unto them, that if they would not remain both prisoners, 
Quarrels in court where D. Lope Diaz de Haro is slain.  they should deliver up the forts which they held within the realm, whereat the Earl and D. john grew into such choler and rage, as beside words of contempt which they used, they laid their hands upon their swords before the King their Lord, threatening to kill them that should offer to lay hands upon them, and called to their friends for aid: but instantly all the Noblemen and Knights there present, drew their swords and slew the Earl upon the place, whose right hand was cut off at the first blow (this was the reward for the service he had done in raising D. Sancho to the crown) the Infant D. john did hurt D. Sancho Martin's de Leyva, and Gonçalo Gomes de Mancanedo, and made great resistance, by reason he was somewhat spared, for that he was the King's brother: but when he saw his father in law slain, he began to fly for safety towards Queen Mary, who stayed the King (that pursued him with the rest) from killing him with his own hand. Being taken he was put into a strait prison and fettered in the town of Logrogno, from whence the King went with some troops, to Trevigno and took it, and after that the castle of Haro. Queen Mary remaining at Saint Dominicke de la Calçada, she was visited by the widow of the Earl that was slain, whom the King D. Sancho let understand, that her husband's rashness had brought him to that desaster, advising her to persuade D. Diego Lopes de Haro her son to lay down arms, and not to minister any further occasion of trouble: that if he did contain himself within the duty of a subject, the King would forget what was past, 
The mother persuades her son to revenge his father's death.  and both cherish and honour him, as his predecessors had been honoured. This Lady promised to do her best endeavour for a peace, but she did the contrary: for she ceased not to incense her son, who was full of rage and desire of revenge: so as he retired into Navarre, with his sister Donna Maria Diaz, wife to the Infant D. john, who was prisoner, where having left her, he passed into Arragon to the King Don Alphonso, whether also came Gaston, Lord of Bearn, who was no less desirous to revenge the death of the Earl his cousin. These Noblemen wrought in such sort, as the King Don Alphonso, 
King of Arragon sets the Infants of cerde at liberty.  set Don Alphonso and Don Fernand, Infants of Cerde, at liberty, who had been detained ten years in the castle of Xativa: and the King sending for them to jacca, he caused D. Alphonso the elder to take upon him the titlle of Castille and Leon, to whom D. Diego Lopes de Haro did instantly do homage, and acknowledged him for his sovereign King. 
D. Alphonso de la Cerde saluted for King of Castille.   
The King D. Sancho being advertised of these things, was much discontented, and sought to dispossess D. Diego Lopes of all his lands. Parting from Victoria, whereas the Queen was brought in bed of a son, who was called D. Henry, he came to Vrdugna, the which he took, and then he forced lafoy Bastida and Ocio in Rioje, where they had proclaimed D. Alphonso de la Cerde. The King D. Sancho being in this perplexity, Ambassadors came unto him from Philip King of France and of Navarre, who concluded an interview of the two Kings at Bayone. Thither also came Ambassadors from jacob Aben joseph King of Maroc, to renew the alliances past. D. Diego Lopes Governor general of the Moors frontiers, brother to the Earl D. Lope Diaz, being advertised of his death, began to grow fearful, and to fortify himself within Carmone, and notwithstanding all the promises and assurances, which the King D. Sancho could give him, he could not be satisfied: so as he was forced to pass into Arragon, where his Nephew was, who died there son after his uncles arrival: whereupon the Estates of Biscay, being without a Lord, fell into great combustions.  
The King of Castille sent Don Diego Lopes de Salcedo thither, who took all the castles and forts of the country, except the tower of Vnçuera, the which was so well defended by the Lord thereof, as all the batteries and assaults which Salcedo could give, could not force it. The King D. Sancho being much perplexed at these broils, came to Burgos, whether he caused the Infant D. john to be brought and put into the castle, & being confident that he should have war with Arragon, he sought to fortify himself by Portugal, wherefore having sent to entreat D. Denis his Nephew for an interview, they met at Sabugal.  
There D. 
Portugal.  Sancho demanded aid against the King of Arragon, and made a relation unto the King of Portugal of all that had passed betwixt him and his subjects in Castille. About that time the king D. Denis had by his wife D. Isabel of Arragon one daughter, named D. Constance, who was afterwards married to the Infant D. 
Genealogy of Portugal.  Fernand of Castille. Afterwards the king D. Denis had by her the Infant D. Alphonso, who was king of Portugal. Others add a daughter named Isabel.  
The war which the Navarrois had against them of Arragon, 
Navarre.  gave some respite to that betwixt Arragon and Castille, for King Philip entertaining strong garrisons of French in Navarre during the pretensions of Charles of Valois in Cattelogne, there was no truce could hold, but they were still at blows, the French and Navarrois taking from the Arragonois the town of Sauveterre, 
An. 1290.  in the year 1289. The year following 1290. Queen jane of France and of Navarre was brought was brought in bed of a son, named Lewis, who was heir of both realms, and surnamed Hutin.  
This year was the interview betwixt Philip King of France and D. 
Castille.  Sancho of Castille at Bayone, little favourable to the Infants of Cerde, for the King of France being jealous that they were aided and supported in their quarrels by the King of Arragon, whom he loved not, abandoned them, and made a strict league with him of Castille, yea in such sort, according to the Spanish Histories, 
Renenciation reiterated of the right which the Kings of France coming from Saint Lewis have to castillle.  as to take away all occasions of quarrel betwixt them he did again renounce in favour of D. Sancho, all the right he had to the Realm of Castille. The King of Arragon desirous to come to some accord with the French, employed Edward King of England, who used great diligence to reconcile them, as we will show. After the conference of Bayone, the King D. Sancho returning by Guipuscoa he granted privileges for the foundation of Tolouse, Segure and Villefranche, towns in that country.  
10 During these broils, the inhabitants of Badajos, by means of a quarrel betwixt two factions, revolted against the King D. Sancho, and embraced the party of D. Alphonso de la Cerde, who entitled himself King of Castille. The Bejarans and Portugalois, factions among the inhabitants of Badajos, fell to great contention among themselves, for that the Portugalois against all right had usurped many possessions belonging to the Bejarans, through the favour of the King D. Sancho: whereof many complaints being made by them that were dispossessed, the King commanded justice should be done them, and that they should be restored to their goods: 
Tumult at Bada●os.  the which being decreed, they that were in possession would not obey: wherefore the Bajarans having taken arms, and slain many of their adversaries, and chased the rest out of the town, they recovered their own in this manner: but the excess and violence which they used was such, as fearing to be severely punished, as they deserved, they seized upon the high town, and being fortified there, they proclaimed D. Alphonso King of Castille and Leon.  
In the beginning the King D. Sancho sent the Masters of the Knights of Saint james, Calatrava and Alcantara, with the prior's of Templars and Saint john, who wrought in such sort as they retired the Bejarans from their folly, with assurance of their lives, but afterwards the King neglecting his faith promised by his Lieutenants, caused this people to be cruelly murdered, to the number of four thousand, sparing neither women nor children, for the which he was justly blamed.  
There was also an other massacre at Talavera, 
Cruelty of the King D. Sancho.  for the like faction; proclaiming Don Alphonso de la Cerde for King of Castille, whereas one of the ports of the towns is called at this day Quartos, for that there were above four hundred of the chief inhabitants slain there. The continual grief wherein he was by reasons of these difficulties, both at home and abroad, made him to commit these outrages, contrary to all reason, the which was no sign of magnanimity, besides, that the furies (if we may so say) by r●●son of his impiety and disobedience towards his father did pursue him.  
In the year of our Lord 1291. 
An. 1291.  Queen Mary was brought in bed of her fourth son, who was named D. Pedro, and the war being now begun with Arragon, the King D. Sancho came to Cuenca, and sent good troops against D. john Nugnes de Lara, who spoilt the countries of Cuenca and Alarcon, who were defeated, and many Ensigns and Guidons carried to Valencia, whereas the king of Arragon and D. Diego Lopes de Haro were: these with other discontents made the King of fall into a double Quartane, which brought him in danger of his life. In the mean time the King of Arragon D. Diego Lopes and D. john Nugnes being returned to Albarrazin, they did overrun the territories of Molina, Siguença, Atien●a, Berlanga and Almacan, where they committed great spoils, and carried away a great booty finding no resistance. D. john Nugnes was fed with hope to recover Albarrazin. The Queen who was come to Cuenca, to see the King her husband sick, wrought means to win Don john Nugnes de Lara, whom they had often attempted to draw unto the King's service, but he trusted him not, but now he was persuaded, upon a promise to give in marriage to his son, called also D. john Nugnes, D. Isabel, the heir of Molina, and the Queen's Niece, the which was performed: but having his head ever fraught with jealousy and distrust, he was so easily induced to believe any advertisement, as he was still ready to dislodge: so as the King being at Palença, and discontented with D. Nugnes carriage, began also to distrust him. And for that he had need of captains, he drew the Infant Don john his brother out of prison, in the year of our Lord 1291. to employ him against his rebels, having caused him to take a new oath, to be faithful unto him, and to his son D. Fernand, whose hands he caused them all to kiss, as to the heir of the crown. From Palença he went in pilgrimage to Saint james, and by the way reduced under his obedience D. john Alphonso d' Albuquerque, a knight of great authority in Gallicia, who had been won by D. john Nugnes. At his return to Vailledolit, he found that his second son D. Alphonso was dead.  
The same year a peace was concluded betwixt the Kings of France, 
Arragon.  Naples and Arragon, the Ambassadors of these Princes being assembled with the Pope's Noncio at Tarascon, at the instance of Edward King of England. For the King of Arragon came D. Nugnes Mataplane Bishop of Sarragossa, Raymond Anglesol, Berenger Puchuert, William Lunfort, and Bernard william Pinelio all Lawyers, who treated and agreed upon these conditions. 
Peace betwixt France and Arragon.  That the donation, made by Pope Martin to Charles of Valois, of the realm of Arragon and the appurtenances, should be void and of no force, paying a tribute of thirty ounces of gold yearly to the Church of Rome. That the Island of Majorca should be restored to the lawful Lord, upon condition that he should acknowledge the King of Arragon for his sovereign. That the Arragonois should departed out of the Island of Sicily, and leave the free possession unto Charles King of Naples. That D. Alphonso King of Arragon should be at Rome on Whitsonday that present year, & lead an army against the Infidels. That he should persuade his brother D. james, and his mother D. Constance, to quit the realm of Sicily, or else to make war against them.  
These were the principal Articles of this peace the which the Arragonois held infamous, accusing their King of impiety towards his mother, and treason to his brother: yet it was concluded and signed. And for the confirmation thereof, the bishop of Sarragossa and Berenger Puchuert went to Rome. Some doubt whether the full conclusion thereof were made during the life of King D. Alphonso, or at the entrance of the King D. james: for D. Alphonso died about this treaty, as he made preparation to marry the daughter of Edward King of England, called Leonora: yet it is likely this peace was made in the life time of King D. Alphonso, yea some Authors affirm, that King Charles the Limping and he met in the valley of junquera, either of them being accompanied with twelve gentlemen only, who carried no other arms then their swords, and that there they ratified and signed this accord: as for the effects and execution thereof, it is credible they followed in the time of his successor. King D. Alphonso died in the seven & twentieth year of his age, having reigned five years and seven months. Being near his end he would be attired in the habit of Saint Francis, for an opinion which reigned then, that there consisted some great virtue in that weed, and so he was carried to the convent of Franciscans at Barcelona.  
About that time the King of Granado, 
Moors.  had conference with the governor of the frontier of Castille, for the King D. Sancho being called D. Fernand Perez Ponce de Leon, and renewed the treaty ad league with Castille, for the cofirmation whereof there was a Moorish knight sent to the King to Burgos. Isoeph Aben jacob had succeeded his father jacob Aben joseph, in the realm of Maroc, since the year of our Lord 1285. he having reigned five and twenty years, with the reputation of a generous Prince, and a good justicer. This year he passed into Spain, and came to besiege Bejar, but he could not take it, wherefore he returned into Africa with little honour. Meaning to return some time after into Spain with greater forces, he could not pass, being stayed by the fleet of Castille, which was great and mighty, for fear whereof he stayed upon the banks of Tanger, for Benoist Zachary, Admiral of Castille, had taken thirteen galleys from him: by favour of which victory the King D. Sancho marched into Andalousia, to make an enterprise upon Tarriffe.  
By the way he conferred with D. Denis King of Portugal, made a new league with 
Castille.  him, and a future marriage was concluded betwixt D. Fernand of Castille and D. Constance of Portugal, who were both very young. And for the fulfilling of all promises in due time, there were towns and castles delivered in pawn of either side, yet the King D. Sancho had no aid from him of Portugal, in this expedition. Being come to Sevile, and having their ordained what was needful for the siege, Tariffe was battered, and furiously assaulted, 
Tariffe taken by the Casillans.  and in the end taken, the guard whereof was given to D. Roderigo, master of the Calatrava. A little before a marriage had been treated of by Ambassadors, betwixt Don james the new King of Arragon, and the Infant D. Isabel of Castille, daughter to D. Sancho, being only nine years old. For confirmation whereof, pacification of the troubles, and other alliances, the two Kings of Castille and Arragon, met together in Calatajub, in the year of our Lord 1292. 
An. 1292.  but the marriage took no effect.  
For as much as D. john Nugnes de Lara the elder, continued still to trouble the realm, the King D. Sancho having taken Canette and Moya from him, he forced him to retire into France, whether Ambassadors were sent soon after, to renew the league with King Philip, Don Sancho fearing that by some sinister reports he might be diverted from his friendship, Don john Nugnes being absent, Don Isabel of Molina his daughter in law, died without any children, whose inheritance fell to the Queen Donna Maria her aunt. The Infant D. john carrying still a hatred in heart against the King his brother, rebelled again, joining with Don john Nugnes de Lara the younger; and drawing unto his party many Knights, but the King pursued them in such sort, as D. john de Lara was forced to yield unto his mercy, and the Infant to fly into Portugal.  
11 About that time D. Alphonso Perez de Guzman lived in great reputation in Spain, being a wise and valiant Knight, who had long served the Miralmumin Aben jacob of Maroc and his father, leading their armies in quality of Lieutenant general in the wars which they had against the other Moors of Africa, where he had won honour and great riches, with the which being returned into Spain he purchased much land and great Seigneuries. This knight and Donna Marra Alonço Cornel gave beginning to the family of the Dukes of Medina Sidonia, famous in our time in Spain, the Lords whereof in the beg●inning entitled themselves Earls of Niebla. 
Beginning of 〈◊〉 of Guzman and Dukes of Medina Sidonia.  To this D. Alphonso Perez de Guzman the King D. Sancho gave the government of Tariffe, the which he promised to keep safely with less charge by two third parts then the Master of the Calatrava had done. The Earl Don john Nugnes de Lara having continued some time in France, had means to make his peace with the King and so returned into Castille, where they did presently employ him against the Infant Don john of Castille, and Don john Alphonso of Albuquerque, who with many other of their confederates spoiled the whole country of Leon: but in an encounter he was defeated and taken: afterwards being but slightly guarded, he found means to escape, and came to the court at Toro, whereas Queen Mary was delivered of D. Beatrix her daughter, in the year of our Lord 1293. 
An. 1293.  The King Don Sancho being advertised that Mahumet M●r Almus Lemi King of Granado was like to make some attempt, he sent the Earl Don john Nugnes de Lara, with Don john Nugnes his sone, and Don Nugno Gonçales unto the fronter. The Earl of Lara the father being come to Cordova died.  
This motion of the Granadin Moor was but an idle brute, wherefore the troops returned. And for that Don Denis King of Portugal died receive the Infant Don john of Castille and the other rebels, the King D. Sancho sent him word, that according to their capitulations, he could not give any retreat unto his enemies, and therefore he entreated him to cause them to departed his Country with all speed, the which he did.  
The Infant D. john going to sea, meaning to pass into France, was driven by a storm to Tanger, from whence he went to kiss the hands of the Miralmumin Aben jacob, who entertained him courteously, and having conferred with him of the affairs of Spain, 
D. john of Castille brings the Moors into Spain against the King his brother.  knowing that he was desirous to annoy the King of Castille his brother, he offered him five thousand horse to make the enterprise of Tariffe, the which D. john did willingly accept, returned into Spain, and besieged Tariffe, thinking to find it unfurnished, but D. Alphonso Perez de Guzman had wisely provided, and defended it valiantly. It is not known by what accident a son of D. Alphonso Perez was fallen into the Moors hands: but some Authors writ that D. john seeing there was no means to take this place by force, having demanded a parley, he led this child unto the ditch, and told the father, who was upon the walls, that if he did not deliver the fort, he would cut his sons throat: whereunto D. Alphonso answered, 
Act of great constancy of D. Alphonso Perez de Guzman.  that the town was the Kings, who had given it him to keep, and that it was his duty to defend it: as for his son, he might do what he pleased, adding moreover, that to let him understand that he meant not to prefer the love of his house, before that of his Prince, and the crown of Castille, he would rather give a knife, if he needed one, and at the same instant threw him his sword from the walls, and so retired to his lodging.  
The Infant Don john incensed at this disdainful answer, presently caused this poor Innocents head to be cut off: 
Cruelty of D. 〈…〉  at which spectacle the soldiers which were upon the walls gave a great shout, the which was heard by Don Alphonso Perez, being at the table with his wire: whereat being moved, he took his arms, and commanded them to follow him.  
Being come to the place where they had made this noise, he began to incourrage the soldiers, saying that he was there to secure them, if they were priest, thinking it was some assault which the enemy gave unto the town: but the soldiers told him that no man priest them, and reported unto him the cruelty which they had seen executed upon his only son: If it be no other thing, said Don Alphonso, be careful of your guard, and so returned without any outward show of alteration, and without speaking any thing to his wife, he sat down at the table with her. This is honoured amongst the Spaniards for one of the most generous acts in this house of Guzman that hath been seen in Spain. The Moors and their captain Don john, seeing that they had to deal with resolute men, raised their siege, and returned into Africa. Hereupon the Miralmumin delivered up Algezire to the King of Granado, for that the entertaining of so great a garrison was both chargeable and prejudicial unto him. Thus the Kings of Maroc were dispossessed of all they held on this side the sea.  
Soon after there arrived in Spain the Infant Don Henry, son to the King Don Fernand the third, and uncle to this King D. Sancho, being freed from a long imprisonment with the French at Naples. He was well received, and did accompany the King into Biscay, whereas D. Diego leaps Diaz, being come out of Arragon, had caused some doubles, the which were pacified by the King's presence. The country did then belong unto D. Maria Lope de Haro, wife unto the Infant D. john, who was banished out of Castille. The King being returned to Vailledolit, and from thence to Alcala de Henares, he fell sick, which made him to dispose of the affairs of his realm: he left Don Fernand his son and successor, under the government of the Queen Donna Maria, to whom he would have all the Noblemen which held the chief dignities, and others which had charges within the realm, 
Death of the King D. Sancho.  swear: whereunto having obeyed in his presence, he caused himself to be carried to Madrid, and from thence to Toledo, where he died in the year of our Lord 1295. 
An. 1295.  having reigned eleven years, and was buried in the great church of that city.  
Whilst these things passed in Castille, 
Navarre.  the realm of Navarre was governed in the name of King Philip and of the widow D. jane, by a French Knight called Hugh of Con●●ans, after the accustomed manner, notwithstanding the great Estates of the Realm, governments and other charges, were for the most part given to the Navarrois, all which were entertained with the King's money, and then they made their accounts by livres, Solz, and Deniers, after the manner of France. Above all things the fronters towards Arragon were carefully guarded, in which country in the latter wars they had made a great breach, and taken many places which they held by the treaty of Tarascon, or at the least in making a peace there was no mention made of yielding them up. Diego Sanches de Garriz being Merino or Provost of Pampelone, the town was set on fire in the night by Simon of Ardaiz, Michael of Alçanegui, and Garci-Sanches, men of base condition, desirous to do ill, wherewith many houses were burnt: these men being taken, were hanged. the Governor did fortify many places and houses within the realm, especially upon the fronters, and caused the English to dislodge out of the country, about the year 1295. by reason of the civil wars betwixt the kings of France and England: unto that time continued the League betwixt France, Navarra, and Castille, which was unto the decease of the king D. Sancho: but then by reason of the factions which were revived betwixt his children and them of Cerdes, all leagues were broken.   

D. james the 2. of that name, 11. king of Arragon.  
12 IN Arragon presently after the death of King D. Alphonso, 
Arragon.  D. Pero his brother assembled the Noblemen and Deputies of the Towns at Sarragossa, to consult least the Realm should receive some prejudice, during the absence of the King Don james his elder brother: thither came Don Simon of Vrrea, Bernard William Entenza, Pedro Corns, philip's Fernandes de Castro, Athon de Fosses, john Ximenes of Vrrea, Sancho Antillas', Artal and Blasco of Alagon brethren, Lope Ference, Pedro Martin's, Roderigo Ximenes de Luna, Gombadd Entenza and others. The king being arrived at Sarragossa, he was there received and crowned, having sworn and promised the observation of the rights and privileges of the Country: protesting that he took possession of his father's kingdom, belonging unto him by right, as the elder, and not as an increase by reason of his brother's death, the which he declared, to the end he might keep his interest to the Realm of Sicily, against his brother Don Frederick, who murmured, that the intention of the deceased king was to leave him this Island for his portion, being discontented at the peace concluded with Charles king of Naples and the French: the which D. 
Peace confirmed betwixt the French & Arragonois.  james desired might take place, confirming it as soon as he came to the crown, seeking by all means to have peace with the French, but especially with the Sea of Rome, held at that time by Boniface the 8. who then did much favour he French king.  
13 By the means of Pope Boniface the eight a final accord was made, about the coming of Don james to the Crown of Arragon, with Charles king of Naples, the King Don james promising to deliver his children, who were detained in Cattelogne for Hostages: and moreover to marry one of his daughters called Blanch, and to quit him the Realm of Sicily, which was but a charge or loss to Arragon. The Pope and king Charles for their parts, promised to procure Charles of Vallois to relinquish the right which he might pretend in Cattelogne, by the investiture made unto him by Pope Martin the 4. for the accomplishing of which accord King Charles stayed some time in France, and also by Commission from the same Pope to mediate a peace betwixt France and England: 
Frederick of Arragon seizeth upon S●cile.  but returning into Italy, and thinking to have free possession of Italy, he found that Don Frederick, brother to the king Don james of Arragon, had seized thereon, by reason whereof there began a more violent war then before. The Pope having cited the two brethren of Arragon, Don james came to Rome, and purged himself by oath, that he was ignorant of his brother's enterprise, offering to king Charles (who was present) aid to recover the Island: whereupon they continued friends. Thither also came queen Constance, widow to Don Pedro, and Roger de Loria the Admiral, who were much honoured by king Charles, entertaining Roger into his service.  
14 The king D. james was made Standard-bearer of the Church by the Pope, 
Robert son to K. Charles put to rout by the Sicilians.  who moreover did invest him in the islands of Corsica and Sardinia, which were held by the Pisans and Genevois: upon condition, that he should conquer them by arms at his own charge, and a certain rent, which (some say) was two thousand marks of silver to the Church of Rome, with other burdensome conditions. According to the offer which the king of Arragon had made unto king Charles, he gave him thirty galleys, with the which having joined his fleet of forty galleys, whereof Roger de Loria was Admiral, they sailed all towards Sicily, and having encountered D. Frederick with 60. galleys, commanded by Frederick d' Oria a Genevois, 
D. Ferd crick put to rout by the French.  they gave them battle, put them to rout, took 22. galleys, and about 6000. prisoners, and if the Cattelans, who took part with Charles, had not made way, to give D. Frederick means to escape, he had been also taken. Roger de Loria was deprived of his goods in the Island of Sicily, and condemned as guilty of high treason. Don Frederick saved himself in Cattelogne, where he did somewhat repair his forces, and then returned to Messina. There he found that the Sicilians had had their revenge upon the French, for they had fought with them, and taken john de Loria, nephew to Roger, with sixteen galleys, and had cut off his head as a rebel, which caused Roger to show himself cruel unto his prisoners. Afterwards king Charles having sent Robert his third son with commission into the Island, and having taken Cattanea, as he resolved to go and meet with a fleet of 60. 
Robert son to King Charles put to rout by the Sicilans.  Galleys, which Philip Prince of Tarentum, his brother did lead the Sicilians, understanding that Robert's galleys were in the port of Cattanea; vnmanned, went and assailed them, took some, and dispersed the rest in the view of Philip, against whom having directed their prows, they also gave battle to his 60. galleys, whom they put to rout, took him prisonser, and carried him to Palermo: wherefore Robert their king after these two routs, thinking that he should not be safe in Sicily, abandoned Cattanea, and returned to Naples. Whilst these contended for Sicily, the King D. james did quietly enjoy his Estates of Arragon, having in the year 1295. made a new league with the Kings of France, Portugal, and Granado, against the new King of Castille in favour of D. Alphonso de la Cerde, the titulary king of that Realm.   

D. Fernand, or Ferdinand the 4. of that name, 12. king of Castille, 33. of Leon.  
15 IT is a scourge greatly to be feared, 
Castille.  with the which God (being displeased) doth punish nations, when he gives them children for Princes, and women for Governors: for the young age and weak sex being always little respected, and these instruments easy to govern by flatterers, and to be terrified by the violent, we have always seen in such reigns, Majesty in contempt, justice trodden under foot, the people oppressed, the good recoiled, Truth banished, and the Country in prey to their neighbours. D. Fernand of Castille being a child, the year 1295. when his father D. Sancho died, the government of him, and of his Realm by the will of the deceased King, should remain in the hands of the Queen D. Marry his mother. A little before D. Henry his great uncle was come into Spain, who having been chased out of the country for his turbulent spirit, during the reign of Don Fernand the third had run through many countries, both Christians and Infidels, and tried divers conditions: so as after many years he brought back into Spain the same qualities which had expelled him, yea far worse: by whose advice the Queen was forced to govern herself, so as in effect he was Regent himself which the Earl D. john Nugnes de Lara, and his brother D. Nugno Gonçales did envy. Besides the Noblemen who during the life of the deceased king were out of the Realm, hoping in this new reign to be restored, through the favour of their partisans and friends, were now returned, 
D. Alphonso de la 〈◊〉 and D john of Castille cont●nd for the realm.  which did not a little trouble the Queen mother, who for these considerations was forced to give D. Henry great authority against her will. D. Diego Lope Diaz de Haro had usurped the authority in the ancient patrimony of his house of Biscay, and there were news that the Infant D. john came out of Africa, to contend for the kingdom: Besides, that on the other side D. Alphonso de la Cerde, favoured by the forces of Arragon, France, and Navarre, carried himself openly or king of Castille.  
Notwithstanding all these crosses and dangers, this Princess who was of a great courage, caused Don Fernand her son to be proclaimed and crowned King of Castille, Leon, and other lands depending in the city of Toledo, writing unto the Nobleman and Provinces to acknowledge and receive him: and to the end they should do it the more willingly, she did release them of a tribute called Sica, which the deceased king, being priest with great necessittie, had imposed. In the beginning no man refused it, but the Noblemen mentioned bread such a confusion, as she had almost sunk under the burden. D. Henry to settle his authority of Regent, 
Troubles ●aised D. Henry  which he said did belong unto him, stirred up the towns of Casile to open rebellion, so as the Queen mother and her son being come toVailledolit, where she had called an assembly of the Estates, they shut the gates against them, and caused them to stay without until night: neither would they then suffer such as had accompanied them to enter, but only she, her son, their Officers and household servants. Don Henry came thither, who having scarce saluted the Queen, he began to persuade her to end this dangerous war, and to disperse the conspiracy of so many Princes against her and her son by her marriage with Don Pedro of Arragon, to whom this Princess gave a courageous and sharp answer, rejecting this marriage as unfit and pernicious.  
The Infant Don john the King's uncle, being arrived in Granado, came to Extremadura, and seized upon the town of Pont, or Alcantara, and then entered into Portugal, where by the favour of the King Don Denis, he took upon him the title of King of Castille, both of them writing to the Inhabitants of the frontier, that they should hold him for their Prince and Sovereign Lord: and Don Denis not content herewith, sent to proclaim war against the Queen D. Maria, and Don Henry. The wise Queen mother withstood all these dangers, and prevented them as well as she could, yielding to the malice of the time, resisting some, and giving contentment to others, with the least prejudice she could.  
The king of Portugal came to Cite Roderigo, whereas the afflicted Queen mother with her son and pupil were, and there they did in some sort renew their old allyan●es: they imposed silence to the Infant Don john, who seemed to relinquish: and they did again conclude a future marriage betwixt the king Don Fernand, and D. Constance Infanta of Portugal. To these intestine troubles, were added the enterprises of the Navarrois and Arragonois, 
D. Alphonso de 〈…〉 into 〈◊〉  who led by Alphonso de la Cerde, calling himself King of Castille, entered the country by S. Estevan de Gormas, and passing unto Leon, he was there received without any difficulty. There Don john, who was rebelled again, caused himself to be crowned king of Leon, dividing betwixt them the Realms of Spain: so as Don Alphonso should be king of Castille, Toledo, Cordova, Murcia, and jaen: and the Infant Don john of Leon, Gallicia, Extremadura and Sevile. Into this confederacy entered the Kings of Arragon, 
Confederacy against 〈…〉  Portugal, Granado, and the Queen D. Violant, widow to the king Don Alphonso, with whom there also joined Philip of France and Navarre, with many Noblemen and Knights of the Country: in all whose names Don james, king of Arragon, had spent to proclaim war against the Queen D. Maria and her son Don Fernand, in the year 1269. so as there was a pitiful revolt in all parts of Spain: these afflicted Princes, mother and son, 
An. 1296.  having no entrance into any town without great difficulty. Afer this invasion of Leon, the Navarrois and Arragonois led by D. Alphonso entered into Sahagun, where they crowned him king of Castille, and took Villagarcia, Tordesillas, Medina del Riosecco, la Mota, Villa Fafila, with many other places and forts. Notwithstanding being at the siege of Maiorga, a place distant five leagues from Sahagun, he continued there three months, and finding no man to make resistance, God showed his power, for the plague falling in the Navarrois and the Arragonois Camp, they were forced to raise their siege, and make a truce with the Queen widow to return home, who being oppressed with infinite miseries, without counsel, aid, or support, n●t only made a truce, but also sent them linen, carpets, and such like things, to the end they might carry away the bodies of many Noblemen and Knights which were dead of this contagion, 
Plague in Don 〈◊〉 de la 〈◊〉 camp.  the more honourably, among the which were the Infant D. Pedro of Arragon, Don Simon, of V●rea, and Raymond Anglesol Arragonois, giving commandment that they should suffer them to carry them away without any let or hindrance. Thus some retired into Navarre, and others into Arragon. The king D. james on the other side, being entered by the fronters of Murcia, had conquered the greatest part of that kingdom. He of Portugal, notwithstanding the conference and league made at Cite Roderigo, showed himself in arms upon the fronter, and had spoiled the country unto Simanca, and near to Vailledolit; where being advertised of the Navarrois retreat, he returned also, 
Inn●sion of Castille by the king of Granado.  having taken most of the places of Alfajates and Sabugal, with some oaths about those quarters: but the king of Granado thinking to effect some great matter in Andalusia, was repulsed by D. Alphonso Perez de Guzman Governor of that Province.  
16 During these wars, many jews, moved with fear more than with devotion, turned to the Christian Religion in Spain, whree they had dwellings & Synagogues almost in all good towns. The occasion was, that in the city of Auila, there rose up a certain man of the jewish nation, who termed himself a Prophet; with whom another of the town of Aillon, thrust on with the like spirit, did join: who telling of many secret revelations, prophesied unto the jews that the time of their deliverance did approach. The authority of these two personages, well know, was not little among them, and therefore they were easily credited; and the rather, for that they did accompany their preachings and discourses, with modestic, gravity, and holiness in their outward behaviour: so as these news running throughout all Spain, the people gave themselves to prayers, fasting, alms, and all other commendable good works, attending the day of their redemption, the which was foretold them by these Prophets, and appointed the last day of the fourth month: on the which (said they) should appear many signs in heaven, with a loud sound of a trumpet. Thus having past the time in great repentance, fear and terror, unto that day, they were throughout all the towns, early in the morning, all attired in white before their Synagogues, as they are accustomed to do the day of their expiation, to pray unto God to see those celestial signs, and to receive their Messiah: but seeing nothing, they returned to their houses, whither being comes, as they say, there appeared many crosses on the walls and upon their garments; whereof some made good use, thinking it came from our Saviour jesus Christ, who reproved their hardness of heart: and therefore acknowledging the error wherein they had lived, received the holy baptism; among the which was a great Physician called Alphonso, who did afterwards write against the jews obstinacy. Others persisting in their impiety, did believe that these crosses were illusions of the devil to deceive them.  
The storm wherewith Castille had been beaten from Navarre, Arragon, Portugal, Granado, and her own rebels, being somewhat pacified, the Queen-mother led an army into the country of Leon, whereas the Infant D. john reigned, and besieged Paredez: and on the other side D. Henry went to the fronters of Granado, where he was defeated and put to flight, and without the speedy assistance of Alphonso Perez de Guzman, he had been taken. This loss which did much prejudice the Realm of Castille was accompanied with combustions and practices, which Don Henry made, to the hurt of the king Don Fernand, in the city of Toledo, and the Diocese of Auila and Segobia, where having gathered some troops together, he marched to the camp before Paredez, and wrought so, as he made them raise the siege, under colour of holding a Parliament which was called at Vailledolit: and in the mean time he sought underhand to corrupt the Deputies of towns and commonalties, and of the other orders of the country, to the prejudice of Don Fernand. The Queen D. Maria prevented all these disorders, which were not hidden from her, but with great pain, seeking to content Don Henry. During these garboils, they had news, that the Navarrois breaking the truce, had seized upon the juifuerie of the city of Nagera, a place strong by nature, the which they fortified, saying, that they held it in the name of the Infant Don Alphonso de la Cerde, whom they called king of Castille, 
Alphonso de Ronay Governor of Naver.  and as they would have gone on along the river of Oja, they were repulsed by Don john Alphonso de Haro, who besieged them in the juifuerie, and priest them in such sort, 
An. 1297.  as they were forced to leave it, and to yield: this was in the year 1297. when as the kindgome of Navarre as governed in the name of the King and Queen of France by Alphonso de Ronay.  
At which time Don james king of Arragon was in Italy, 
Arragon.  where the peace made in the year 1295. betwixt him, the king of Naples, and the French king, was renewed and confirmed in the town of Anania, in the presence of Pope Boniface, and the better to confirm the friendship betwixt these Princes, the king of Navarre yielded up the towns of Lerda, Vlfirera and Saweterre unto the king Don james, being taken from the Crown of Arragon: so as for this cause, the peace and amity betwixt Navarre and Arragon was firm and united against Castille. By these treaties the fort of Albarazin was yielded up to D. john de Lara, to entertain him, and was taken from D. Fernand bastard brother to the king Don james, as if it had been unjustly taken from the father of Don john, who did homage to the king of Arragon.  
The widow Queen of Castille seeking by all means to preserve her sons Realm 
Castille,  from so many imminent dangers, renewed again the treaty of marriage betwixt him and the Infanta D. Constance of Portugal, in the town of Alcaniz, whether the Infanta was brought by the king her father, and accorded for a future spouse unto the young king D. Fernand, and to make a more strict League of friendship, 
Accord betwixt Castille and Portugal by marriages.  the King D. Denis concluded a marriage betwixt D. Beatrix Infanta of Castille, and his eldest son D. Alphonso, who was then but eight years old. These marriages were made with great disadvantage for the king of Castille, for the conventions made in consideration thereof, were these. That the king of Portugal should hold in pawn Olivencia, Conguela, Campo Moya, and S. Felix de los Gallegos, places belonging to the Crown of Castille. Then did the king D. Denis renounce the league which he had with the Infant Don john, who reigned in Leon, and gave unto the widow-Queene three hundred horse to go against him, but they returned soon after, having not done any thing. The Infant Don Alphonso de la Cerde on the other side seized on the town of Almaçan, and the troops of Don john Nugnes, and of the Infant Don john had almost surprised Siguença; who finding themselves in great want of silver, coined great store of false money, under the stamp of the king Don Fernand, and did many other acts which were not commendable, the which necessity, and ambitious obstinacy do force men unto: so as D. Denis king of Portugal, at the instance of the widow and the young King, entered into Castille by Cite Roderigo, in show to make war against the Rebels, but it was all counterfeit: for the effects did show he came more to favour them then otherwise: whatsoever it were, he did no act of an enemy against them, but propounded some conditions of peace, favourable for them; being of opinion, that to retire the Infant Don john from his pursuit, and to draw him to the king Don Fernands' service, they should grant the Realm of Gallicia to him and his for ever, and that of Leon for his life time; the which being disliked by the Council of Castille, the king of Portugal grew thereat discontent, and so returned into his country: after which the Rebels took heart, and it was the cause of a new revolt of many knights and towns, and protestations of others to do the like, if they did not what they demanded: wherefore the Queen D. Maria and her Council, were forced to yield to many unworthy things, and was rather governed with her son and her Council, by her subjects, than she did govern them.  
To this was added a new care which came from Navarre, 
Navarre.  where as Alphonso de Roleed was Governor in the year 1300. 
An. 1300.  who sent an Ambassador into Castille, in the name of king Philip the Fair, and D. jeanne his wife, Queen proprietary of Navarre, to demand the lands and ancient patrimony of the Crown of Navarre, usurped by the precedent kings of Castille, extending from the limits which were then betwixt he two kingdoms, unto Atapuerca, and places near unto the city of Burgos; which Ambassador being a knight of Navarre, was sent back to the Queen D Maria and her Council, with the best words they could give him. The French king was then much troubled with the Flemings of Bruges and others, by whom he had received a notable rout, with the death of many Noblemen among the which were Robert Earl of Artois, Renald of Nesle Constable of France, and above two hundred men of esteem. The Ambassador being returned, the Governor held a Council with the Infant. D. Alphonso de la Cerde, D. john Nugnes de Lara, and other enemies to the king of Castille, at a place called Duegnas, where they resolved to send D. john Nugnes unto King Philip, with other Ambassadors, to the end he should authorize the promises made in this assembly, to aid one another to conquer the lands of the river of Oja for the Crown of Navarre, and the Realm of Castille, for the Infant D. Alphonso de la Cerde. These Ambassadors were well received in the Court of France, and present dispatches were made, with approbation of all that had been done, the king writing unto the governor, that he should give all aid and assistance to them that were fled out of Castille against the King D. Fernand.  
17 At that time we find, 
Castille.  that the town of Bilbao was built by Don Diego Lapes de Haro, who had made his peace with the young King Don Fernand, and did enjoy Biscay. This place is built upon a river called in the country language Ybay Çabal, 
Foundation of Bilbao.  which signifieth Great-river: for it is the greatest in all those quarters, and some affirm, that it is the river which was anciently called Neruium, very navigable, the which falls into the sea at Portugalette, two leagues from Bilbao. This town retained the name of a little hamlet near unto it so called as that time, but they now call it Bilbao the old, to make a difference betwixt it and the town, where there is at this day as good traffic for the Northern parts, as at any upon that coast. It was first peopled by men borne thereabouts. Beyond that town the Bascangado language is no more in use, which they will have to be the ancient Cantabria.  
In the assembly of Vailledolit, the Queen D. Maria had obtained great sums of money from some of the towns and Commonalties, to make war against the rebels, and D. Henry had been made Governor of the Moors fronter, who notwithstanding sought to entertain the troubles and divisions, where he took great delight, neither did he care if that Tariffe had fallen into the king of Granados hands. Don john Nugnes de Lara being returned out of France, he began to overrun the Bishopric of Calaorra, with the Navarrois and French, against whom D. Alphonso de Haro advanced with some troops levied in haste, and finding him in a convenient place, he fought with him, defeated him, 
D. john Nugnes de Lara defeated and taken prisoner.  and took him prisoner, delivering him into the hands of the Queen D. Maria, who having recovered from him all the places he held of the Crown of Castille, and made him swear that he should from thenceforth faithfully serve her son D. Fernand, she gave him his liberty. 
An. 1301.  In the year 1301. the King of Portugal came to Plaisance to meet with the Queen D. Maria, where they did treat to sue unto the Pope for a dispensation of the marriagse which they had contracted betwixt the Infants of Castille and of Portugal, conferring of the charges they must be at, not only to obtain these dispensations from Pope Boniface, but also the legitimation of the King D. Fernand, for that the marriage betwixt the deceased King D. Sancho, and D. Maria of Molina, had never been dispensed withal. For the effecting whereof they must have good store of doublons: for Pope Boniface although he were of a Spanish race, yet would he not do any thing for them without a good fee. After the taking and composition of D. john Nugnes de Lara, the Infant D. john seeing himself abandoned of his best friend, reconciled himself unto the widow Queen, and to the King Don Fernand her son, quitting the title of king of Leon, and all that he held in that country: and for that D. Diego Lope de Haro held the country of Biscay, which did belong unto his wife D. Maria Diaz de Haro, he had in recompense thereof the towns of Mansilla, Paredes, Medina de Riosecco, Castro-novo and Cabreros: for the Council were not of opinion, that they should discontent Don Diego Lopes in dispossessing him.  
These things thus repaired, it seemed that all troubles had been pacified within the Realm, but those which were entertained by the Infant Don Alphonso de la Cerde: wherefore it was resolved to repel him courageously, beginning by the siege of Almaçan, which held for him: but D. Henry who desired no peace in Spain, disappointed this enterprise, and afterwards the King of Arragon and he having met at Ariza; they made leagues and confederacies, without acquainting the Queen or her Council therewith. The King of Arragon took Lorca, both town and castle, by the sufferance of Don Henry and Don john also. Thus was this courageous Queen oppressed with a thousand insupportable difficulties in her Government and Regency, which were procured by her own subjects, besides the fear she had of foreign enemies.  
There was a new assembly of estates called at Burgos, and afterwards continued at Zamora, where there were granted a subvention of great sums of money for the war, and also for the dispensations which they demanded from the Pope, who by that means granted them, and they were published. The Infants D. Henry, and D. john being still discontented, did soon begin to make new practices, to divide the king and his mother, whose wisdom and judgement did displease them. The Queen being at Burgos, there came other Ambassadors to her from the French king, to advise her to do him reason for the lands of Nagera, the river of Oja, and others that were held by the precedent kings of Castille, otherwise they did protest in their Master's name, that he would have recourse to arms: whereat the Queen was much perplexed, apprehending greatly the forces of such a king as Philip the Fair was. Having conferred with D. Henry, D. john of Castille, and D. john Nugnes de Lara, it was concluded with the Ambassadors, that the Queen of Castille, and the Governor of Navarre should meet at Victoria, where they should treat of all differences. Whilst that this poor Princess did labour to maintain her son's estate, the Noblemen abovenamed carried away the king to Leon, and did separate him from her: neither was there any thing concluded at the interview of Victoria, for the great differences of either part.  
The king D. james sent a knight unto D. Maria Queen of Castille being at Victoria, 
Arragon.  to tell her, that if she would be a means, that he might hold the town of Alicante without any controversy, he would restore all that he had taken in the Realm of Murcia: whereunto she would not consent: for having (like a Lady of judgement) intelligence what was done by her neighbours, she did not now so much fear the king of Arragon as she had done, seeing him in trouble with his Nobility, by reason of a tribute which he had imposed as well upon the Nobility as the rest of his Realm, 
Selga a tribute Divisions in Arragon.  called Selga: wherefore she sought to have intelligence with the malcontents of Arragon, to entertain and augment these divisions. About this time died the Queen D. Constance, mother to the king D. james and D. Frederick at Barcelona.  
The Queen-mother of Castille hearing the wrong they had done her, 
Castille.  in carrying away her son, she came with all speed to Vailledolit, and to disappoint her adversaries desseigns, she sent unto the king of Portugal, to effect the marriage betwixt the king her son, and the Infanta D. Constance, that by this means she might get from him the places which he held in pawn of the Crown of Castille, whereunto the Portugois yielded But they which held the young king D. Fernand, desirous to entertain the king of Portugals favour, to the end they might be supported by him in their tyrannies, advised him not to yield up any thing, promising that the marriage should be accomplished when he pleased: whereat he was very glad, and stayed not long to put the married couple together, but did not give up the towns. Hereupon the king D. Fernand called an assembly of the Estates at Medina del campo, whither the Deputies would not come, without the express commandment of the Queen-mother, but she appointed them to go, promising to be there herself. The Deputies made great complaints, that the king's person was detained by the Infant D. john, and D. john de Lara. They for their part objected many things against the Queen: In the mean time the king being practised by his mother, stole from the knights which had debauched him, and followed her, holding the way to Burgos, but as he was young and inconstant, before they came unto the city, he abandoned her, and D. Henry, who was newly made great Master, and returned with the others; by reason whereof there was much dispute. The Queen bearing and dissembling all, being wise, and excusing her son's youth, who went to winter at Leon.  
Whilst these things were in question, 
moors of Granado.  Mahumet Myr king of Granado, having always entertained the friendship of the seditious Prince D. Henry of Castille by rare & continual presents, after that he had tried all means to recover Tariffa, in the which D. Henry had always favoured him, propounding it in the open Estates, and advising them to yield it unto him: but seeing he could not prevail by these means, he used open force, assailing Andalusia, which was near unto him, an laying siege to Alcaudete, the which he took thinking to do the like at Baena: Alphonso Peres of Saavedra was Captain of the castle, and D. Fernand Alphonso of Cordova, Payo, Arias, john Martin's of Argote, and others, being in garrison in the town, he was repulsed, and forced to return into Granado: But soon after hearing that the town of jaen was not well manned, and that a piece of the wall was fallen, he came with greater forces, and gave a furious assault, so as many good soldiers died in the defence thereof: and among them Henry Perez of Arana, a Knight of a noble house, yet it was preserved from the fury of the Moors: and king Mahumet seeing he could not take it, went to Quesada, the which he forced. This king of the Moors was strictly allied, and a great friend to D. james king of Arragon, to whom he had promised to aid Don Alphonso de la Cerde with all his means to recover the Realm of Castille, demanding for his part of the conquest of Tariffe, Medina Sidonia, Alala and Bejar, which were wont to belong to the Crown of Granado, the which was granted, 
An. 1302.  but he did not see it effected, for he died in the year 1302. the thirtieth year of his reign, and of the Arabians 685. In whose place reigned his son Mahumet the third called Aben Alhamar, or Alamir Aben-Azar. About that time died Raymond that great Philosopher, (yet had he no great learning, but in opinion) he was borne in the Island of Maiorca, and in his younger years was a merchant. Being weary of the world, he retired into the deserts, and there composed that brief Art, or abridgement of divine and human sciences, whereby they have believed that men in an instant might become very learned: the which (he said) he had by revelation. He was religious, and thinking to draw the Mahumetists to the knowledge of jesus Christ, he passed into Africa, where preaching the faith with an inconsiderate zeal, he was stoned by the Moors. Notwithstanding his writings being examined and censured some years after his death, by the judgement of Aimeric a jacobin, and other inquisitors Spaniards, they were condemned by Pope Gregory, sitting at avignon, as dangerous and full of ill doctrine, contrary to our faith.  
The king of Castille, 
Castille.  being (as he thought) at liberty, for that he was from his mother desired to confer with D. Denis king of Portugal his father-in-law, the which the Queen D. Maria, 
Interview of the kings of Castille and Portugal.  D. Henry, and D. Diego Lopes de Haro fought by all means to hinder, but they could not: for these two kings met at Badajos. The apparent colour of this interview was, that the king D. Fernand had of his father-in-law a present of a million of Maravidis of money currant in those times; but what was treated in secret was suspect to D. Henry, to Diego Lopes de Haro, and even to D. john Manuel, son to the Infant Manuel with others, who fearing lest they should plot something against them, made a league with the king of Arragon, and D. Alphonso de la Cerde, and would have comprehended the Queen-mother in their league, but she refused it, and gave good reasons for her excuse: wherefore they received the Infant D. Alphonso de la Cerde for king of Castille, the which the Queen seeking to hinder, she laboured in vain, and retired to Medina del campo, the Inhabitants of which town were faithful to her son. Thereupon, being in the year 1304. Don Henry, 
An. 1304.  who was very old, died, whose inconstant and turbulent spirit had troubled both himself and others, and so this league vanished: he was buried in the church of Saint Francis at Vailledolit. This death did much content the king, who was then at Cordova, and having there settled his affairs with the new king of Granado, who made a league with him upon the same conditions, and paying the same tribute which his father had done, he departed, leaving D. john Nugnes de Lara for Governor general of the fronter, dividing all the goods and possessions which D. Henry had held among his Knights, whereof a good part fell to D. john Nugnes, although the king loved him little, but he feared him. The Queen-mother was then forced to follow his humours, yet she did all things for his profit and good. By her means D. Diego Lopes de Haro reconciled himself unto him. But there fell out another contention betwixt D. Diego and the Infant D. john, who notwithstanding any accord that had been made, would have the Country of Biscay, which did belong unto him in the right of his wife. The Queen and the Noblemen of the Council sought to pacify them, but not able to do it, they stayed the decision of this controversy, to end matters more important to the realm, with the king of Arragon, and the Infant D. Alphonso de la Cerde: for the one held in a manner all the Realm of Murcia, and the other entitled himself still king of Castille: for the which Don john of Castille was sent to the king of Arragon, to take some good course with him, to end their pretensions and quarrels, who prevailed so, as the king of Arragon put that which concerned himself to compromise, 
Compromise betwixt the Christian Princes of Spain.  choosing for Abitrators the King of Portugal, who had married his sister Donna. Izabel, the same Don john, and the Bishop of Sarragossa. The Infant Don Alphonso content in like manner that his right should be friendly decided, did choose and elect for Arbitrators, the kings of Arragon and Portugal, and the same Don. john: the which, the King Don Fernand did willingly allow of, but not the Queen his Mother, who did foresee, that the end of this compromise would fall out to her sons prejudice.  
This election of Arbitratours signified to the King of Portugal, and accepted by him, he went to Tarrassone in Arragon, passing by Medina deal Campo, from whence the King Don Fernand did accompany him unto Soria. To Tarassone there also came the King of Arragon, Don john, and the Bishop of Sarragossa, who employed themselves to examine the rights and pretensions of the parties, whilst that the King Don Fernand, and the Queen his Mother, attended their sentence in Agreda. In regard of the Realm of Murcia, the King of Portugal, Don john, and the Bishop did pronounce: That the river of Segura should make the separation betwixt the Lands of Murcia and Valencia, so as that which is to the South of Murcia, should be of the jurisdiction of Don Fernand: and from the said river towards Valencia, should belong to the King of Arragon: so as Don james did not only get the town of Alicante, which he had demanded, but also many other places.  
As for the differences betwixt the king Don Fernand, and Don Alphonso de la Cerde, which were greater, for the Don Alphonso pretended the whole Relame of Castille to belong lawfully unto him, it was judged and arbitrated by the kings of Arragon and Portugal: That for the right and interest which the said Don Alphonso pretended, by an arbitrary sentence pronounced upon the pretension of Don Alphonso de la Cerde, the king Don Fernand should give and surrender unto him the places which follow: Alba de Tormes, Bejar, Val de Corneja, Gibraleon, Gargantalaolla, Torremenga, Passaron, el Real de Mancanares, Algava, Mont de la Grede de Magan, the Town of Sarria, with the appurtenances thereunto adjacent, Monçon, Lemos, Robayna Aliadra, Almonia, canal, and lafoy Barka Estercolina, Torre Blanca, Rodo Eledia, Hornacuelos, 'las Hazennas of Corduba, the Royal right and inheritance of Bonilla, with the appurtenances thereunto belonging, Colmenar of Sepulueda, and Aldea mayor, with Sal de Campos, Vencos, Gaton, Ferran, Moliellas', the Salt-pits of Rubio, Belbimbre, Castro Caluon, the Port of Vizagra of the City of Toledo, and the Martinengas of Madrid, and of Medina del campo.  
All these forementioned places were adjudged and given by the Arbitrators, to the Infant Don Alphonso, into the possession whereof, he should (without any opposed contradiction) be actually put and invested by the king Don Fernand, by our Lady day (otherwise called the Nativity of the blessed Virgin Mary) in September following: and in consideration thereof, the Infant Don Alphonso should no more entitle himself king of Castille and Leon, nor carry the arms quartered of Castille and Leon, as he had done before, and continued it to that present day: and he should deliver up, and surrender unto the king Don Fernand, the Town of Almaçan with the appurtenances adjacent, and some other places which he had taken during the war.  
This arbitrary sentence was given and pronounced by the Arbitrators in the year one thousand, three hundred and four, whereunto were added and annexed great penalties and forfeitures to the party that should infringe or violate the same: at the which were present Don Raymond Bishops of Valencia, Don Martin Bishop of Lisbon, the Bishop of Huesca, and the Bishop of Cordova: Don john Osorio Master of the knights of Saint james, john Ximen, Diego Gonçales Secretary of Tarassone, Gonçalo Gonçales, Raymond Altar of Aguilar, Pero Lopes of Padilla, Fernand Guttieres of Quixada, Gonçalo Diaz de Cavallos, Lope Garcia of Hermosilla, Martin Fernandes, Porto Carrero, Alphonso Perez of Saavedra, Sancho Ruis of Escalante: moreover, there were also present at that time Velasco Peres of Leyva, Stephen Peres of Auila, Lope Peres of Burgos, with many other Noblemen and Knights; and it was written and signed by Andrew Perez of Corbera, public Notary of Tarrassone. In this last sentence D. john was no judge, but Agent and Attorney for the king D. Fernand, in whose name he yielded. As for the Infant D. Alphonso, what show soever he made, he was nothing pleased, as it will appear by the event. The kings having been some days together as well at Tarassone, as at Agreda, parted good friends.  
These matters being ended they resolved to determine the controversy betwixt the Infant D. john, and Don Diego Lopes de Haro: to which end D. Diego was cited to come to Court, which was then at Medina del Campo, to answer to the demands of Don john and of his wife D. Maria Diaz de Haro, heir proprietary of Biscay: D. Diego would not plead in the Court of Leon, but he appeared in that of Castille, which gave ninety days respite to the defender, notwithstanding if he let the thirtieth day pass and did not present himself, or give a lawful excuse, they might seize upon their sheep, oxen, cows, and swine, and eat them, tying the feet against the walls and trees, in sign of the demanders possession.  
Don Diego appeared, and pleaded for his defence, that considering the accords and transactions made heretofore, betwixt him, Don john, and Donna Maria his wife, by the which they had yielded unto him the possession of the Segneurie of Biscay, in regard of the recompenses which they had received, wherewith they were contented, and had sworn and confirmed it by oath: they were now fallen from all the right they could pretend to the said Segneurie, and the dependences. The cause being pleaded of either side, with allegations of main reason, they were referred to council: and in the mean time, the Queen D. Maria foreseeing some new trouble, laboured by all means to accord them, or to undergo an arbitrary and friendly sentence: but Don Diego Lopes would not yield thereunto, but departed without the King or Queen's privity, and returned into Biscay, the which was very ill taken. The assembly being ended, the king came to Vailedolit, 
Sentence given by the king against D. Diego Lopes de Haro.  where he was so importuned by the Infant Don john, as he pronounced sentence, by the advice of his Council, containing, That D. john and his wife Donna Maria Diaz should be put in possession of Biscay: yet he did suspend the execution of the sentence, thinking that Don Diego would grow thereby more tractable: but he was resolved to hold his Segneurie: so the king seeing his obstinacy, would have dismembered the country of Guipuscoa from his Crown, to give it to his uncle in recompense: whereunto he yielded, to end all quarrels: but D. Maria Diaz de Haro being obstinate, said resolutely, that she demanded nothing of another man's, and that she would never quit her father's inheritance, no not if they would give her ten times as much as the Segneury of Biscay was worth.  
These poursuites did so trouble and disturb every man, and even Don john himself, as they all thought it fit and convenient (the King so commanding) to surcease the process for two years; during the which the parties should have truce, and not attempt any thing one against another. And for that the great love and friendship betwixt Don Diego Lopes de Haro, and Don john Nugnes de Lara, was suspect unto the king, he sought in the mean time to breed and stir up some jealousy and division betwixt them, gratifying Don Diego in many things, making his Son Don Lopes Diaz de Haro Lord Steward of his house, but it was not possible to divide them: neither could Don Diego by any means bring Don john Nugnes in favour with the king, who was resolved to make war against him, against the opinion of the Queen his mother, and all his Council: so as he was forced and constrained to dislodge hastily in the night from Aranda of Duero, and came to Don Diego Lopes and his son, who altogether made a league and confederacy against the king: Whereupon there were many enterprises and encounters, without any great effect: so as being returned to Aranda, and the king not able to draw Diego from that party, there was a day appointed to meet at Cerezo, and in the mean time a truce was made.  
There Don Alphonso Perez de Guzman who did negotiate for the king, prevailed so with them of the league, and the Queen-mother with the king D. Fernand her son, who atattended the resolution of this assembly in the town of Pancoruo, that all these, that is to say, the Lords of Haro father and son, and D. john Nugnes, should remain his servants, and he received them into grace, yielding unto them all they were wont to enjoy, and they for a gage of their faith delivered some places in pawn. Don john of Castille, who pursued the Seigneurie of Biscay, was not pleased with this accord, wherefore he did press the king to have the sentence given by him in favour of D. Maria Diaz his wife, put in execution, wherewith the king was much troubled; and both he, the Queen and others of the Council, sought by all means to agree these parties contending, who were resolved to go to arms: to prevent the which, the king made many great offers unto Don Diego Lopes, the which he refused: but afterwards he repent it often. There was so great labouring for a peace, and especially by the Queen-mother, as in the end they yielded to this composition. That Don Diego Lopes should, during his life, enjoy the Segneurie of Biscay, and lands belonging thereunto, and that after his decease the possession should be given to Don john, and to D. Maria his wife, or to their heirs, except Vrdugna, Val de Balmeseda, and S. Olalla, which three places should remain to Don Lope Diaz de Haro son to D. Diego: to whom moreover the king should give for the entertaining of this peace, Miranda of Ebro, and Vilalua of Losa. D. Diego Lopes yielded to these conditions, to please the king though unwillingly.  
The troubles and seditions wherewith the Realm of Castille was afflicted at that time, 
Miserable Estate of Castille.  was a plague which human policy could not prevent: for when as one fire was quenched, another was suddenly kindled: so as these miseries continuing, men perished, the treasures were wasted, and Christians ruined one another in these evil wars, giving means and leisure to the Moors of Granado to assure their Estates, who furnished themselves with such store of munition, and built so many forts, towers, and castles, upon the sea coast, as they maintained themselves for many years, against all the attempts of their enemies. D. john Nugnes de Lara was not pleased to see an accord made betwixt D. Diego Lopes, and the Infant D. john of Castille: wherefore he retired from Court, and fortified himself in Tordehumos, where he was besieged by the king: but in the end the King was forced to give him Moja and Cagnette, and to receive him again into favour, seeing his uncle D. john, to hinder the siege underhand, caused the Knights to disband: yet for all this they lived not long in peace, for all these seditious men, although they had many quarrels among themselves, yet they agreed in this point, to keep the Realm in perpetual combustion. The Infant D. john, and D. john Nugnes did afterwards make a league against the king, upon a false advertisement, that the king meant to kill them: whereupon they troubled the State again, so as they had great difficulty to retire the Infant D. john from this enterprise: but as for D. john Nugnes, he continued in his rebellion, and would not come to the Estates held at Burgos, where there was question to treat of the king's patrimony, and the revenues of the Crown; which were greatly impaired.   

Mahumet Aben Alhamar, the third king of Granado.  
THe Moors (as I have said) during these garboils, 
Granado.  did fortify themselves in Granado, over whom reigned Mahumet Aben Alhamar the third king, and third of that name, by the decease of his father Mahumet Myr, who at his death had left two sons, the which reigned one after another, and one daughter. The younger was called Mahumet Aben-Nacar Aben-Lemin Abeadille. King Mahumet during his reign was blind by an accident, his sister was married to a great knight, a Moor, called Ferrachen, Arraez, or Captain of Malaga, who was always much esteemed by the king, and honoured for his virtue. This Ferrachen usurped the town of Ceuta in Africa and did great exploits both by sea and land. He had many children by his wife, who was Infant of Granado, among the which were Ishmael and Mahumet, who reigned in Granado, as we will hereafter show. This king Mahumet Aben Alhamar being blind, had from his entrance continued the war by his captains against the Christians; the which had been begun in his father's life time, and took Bethmar and other places, during the broils in Castille.  
Wherefore for a time he exempted himself of the tribute, which his predecessors had paid to the kings of Castille: but the king Don Fernand in the year 1304. having (as hath been said) renewed their League, and sent Fernand Gomez of Toledo his Chancellor, with a jew called Samuel, to Granado, to demand the tribute, where they treated a truce with Mahumet, whereat Mahumet was well pleased, and they did agree that either should enjoy the places which they had taken one from another: that is, the king of Castille Tariffe, and the king of Granado Alcandete, Quesada, Bedmar and others, and that the yearly tribute should be paid to the king of Castille. Which Articles were signed by king Mahumet and the Ambassadors, and afterwards confirmed by the king D. Fernand in the city of Cordova, whether was sent to that end from the king of Granado, an Alfagui called Mahumet. This truce continued about four years, during the which the Moors were careful to furnish their country with all things necessary, to repel the invasions of their foreign enemies: yet had they troubles among themselves: for Mahumet being grown contemptible among his subjects, by reason of his blindness, Aborrabe an audacious Moor, who was Governor of Almery, began to tyrannize, and to usurp the title of King: and although he were chased away, and forced (the town being taken) to fly into Africa, yet he left not to call himself King, and would have surprised Ceuta.  
During these things, 
Navarre.  Arnaud of Puyane, Bishop of Pampelona, a Basque by nation, held their Synods for reformation of his Clergy, 
Priests allowed to keep Concubines.  which was very needful. Two years before their had been a Synod held of many Bishops at Pegnafiel, where it was decreed that Priests might keep Concubines secretly, but not openly.  
In Arragon a marriage was treated betwixt the Infant D. Maria, 
Arragon.  daughter to the king Don james and Lewis Hutin the eldest Son, and then with the Earl of Poitiers second son to King Philip the Fair, and of the Queen Don jeanne his wife, but it took no effect. We have said before, that the King Don james, the better to entertain the peace which he had made with the French reigning in Naples, had promised to marry Blanch the daughter of Charles the Limping, 
Genealogy of Arragon.  the which he did. By this Lady he had the issue which follows: Don james his eldest, who was married to D. Leonora Infant of Castille: but having not touched her, he sent her home, and made himself a knight of the order of Saint john of Jerusalem, and was afterwards Master of the order of Monteça. D. Alphonso his second son was king after him. Don Pedro the third, Earl of Ampurias, D. Raymond Berenger Earl of Prages and Ribagorça, Don john who was Archbishop of Toledo, and afterwards Patriarch of Alexandria, and Archbishop of Tarragone. Moreover D. Constance married to Don john Manuel of Castille, son to the Infant D. Manuel: D. Maria who was wife to Don Pedro Infant of Castille, son to Don Sancho the 4. D. Blanch a religious woman, and a Prioress of Sixena: D. Violant married to the prince of Tarentum: and D. Isabel wife to Don Frederick Archduke of Austria: these were his lawful children: and by his stolen loves he had a daughter, which died young, and Don james of Arragon, who having married the daughter and heir of Don Lope de Luna, was Earl of Luna.  
The marriage treated betwixt D. Maria of Arragon, 
Navarre.  and the second son of France, by the means of Pope Boniface, took no effect, for that the conditions propounded seemed very prejudicial to Lewis Hutin, to whom the succession of Navarre by right belonged as the eldest, the which the Pope and the king of Arragon would have transferred to the Earl of Poitiers, with the Earldoms of champaign and Brie, and other lands belonging to Queen jeanne their mother, This Donna jeanne Queen of Navarre, a little before her death, caused that famous College of Navarre to be built in Paris, endowing it with good rents in champaign, as well for the entertaining of Regent's and Professors in Divinity and Humanity, as of the chapel and Ministers thereof. The same Princess built the town called Pont de la Roine in Navarre, otherwise called Cares, and having lived in France one and thirty years, and never returned into Navarre, she died in the year 1305. leaving Lewis, 
An. 1305.  Philip, and Charles, who reigned in France and Navarre successively one after another, and Isabel who was Queen of England, married to Edward the second, her children. She was buried at the Franciscans in Paris. A year alter the decease of this Lady King Philip desired to make an alliance with Castille, demanding by his Ambassadors D. Isabel, sister to the King D. Fernand, but this marriage took no effect, for some reasons not written, some say it was three years after the death of Queen jane.   

Lewis Hutin the first of that name, six and twentieth King of Navarre.  
19 LEwis, son to King Philip and Donna jane, surnamed Hutin, first of that name amongst the Kings of Navarre, succeeded his mother in the said realm: he did not entitle himself King, until he had been crowned at Pampelone, but only the eldest son and heir of the Realm: his surname of Hutin signifies mutin or riotous, which he purchased after his coming to the crown of France, or as some say, before, whether it were that he had been the cause of contentions, or that he had pacified them. The Queen's death being known in Navarre, the Estates assembled at Pampelone, where they resolved to send Ambassadors into France, to beseech King Philip, to send them Lewis his son, their natural Prince, and having written letters to that effect in the name of the Estates, they dispatched D. Arnaud of Puyana, Bishop of Pampelone, and Don Fortune Almoravid, 
Navarrois send Ambassadors to the King of France and to Lewis Hutin their King.  who were well and honourably accompanied: who being come to the court of France, they gave the Kings to understand the great grief the people of Navarre had for the death of their Queen, and Sovereign Lady; for whose consolation, they besought them that their new King Lewis might go thither as soon as might be, accompanying this extreme desire of the Navarrois, with necessary reasons, for that they had great complaints to make of the government of their Viceroys, who had governed the affairs of the realm, to the great prejudice thereof. Whereof the continual absence of their sovereign Magistrate was the cause, who could not visibly see the Estate of his country and people, but was served by the eyes and ears of others, whose reports are commonly false, and the truth either concealed or dissembled. This request seemed just unto the Kings, both father and son: yet King Lewis came not into Navarre but two years after, and in the mean time he married Marguerite daughter to Robert Duke of Bourgongne, with whom he had in marriage fifty thousand Livers in silver, and the lands of Gyen upon Seine: of which marriage issued jeanne, who was Queen of Navarre, married to Philip Earl of Eureux, son to Lewis of France, by whom the Kings of Navarre have pretended right to the Duchy of Bourgongne against the Kings of France: 
Genealogy of Navarre.  for Robert Duke of Bourgongne, father to this Marguerite, having had many children, most of them left not any heirs, and their posterity which had children, failed soon, there remaining no issue of the house of Bourgongne, but that of this Lady, married to Lewis Hutin.  
20 Whilst that the King of Navarre delayed the time to come into his Realm, there were Governors, or Viceroys, after the accustomed manner. The great quarrels which had happened in France some years before, betwixt King Philp the fair and Pope Bontface the eight, had caused many disorders, by reason whereof there was a great famine throughout all the realm. Pope Boniface had excommunicated King Philip, and given his realm in prey to him that could take it; but he was a prey to the French, who being led by Nogaret of Saint Felix, and by the intelligence of Sarra Colonne, surprised the Pope at Anania, and entreated him so ill, as soon after for rage and spite he died at Rome: whose successor Benedict the eleventh, absolved the King, his house and his realm, who held the sea but eight months. After whose decease there grew great factions for the election of a new Pope, so as the sea was void above ten months, for that the French and Italian Cardinals, being assembled at Perugia, could not agree, who in the end concluded, that three French Cardinals should be named by the Italians, or else three Italians by the French, one of the which should be chosen Pope by the other faction.  
The Italians would needs name three French prelates, whom they knew to be discontented and enemies to King Philip, among the which was the Archbishop of Bourdeaux, called Bertrand Gor, son to Bernard, a Basque by nation, who was chosen Pope by the French, and that at the instance of King Philip, who during the delay of forty days, which had been reserved for the two parties, after the nomination, to advise which of the three they should choose, was advertised of all: and they say that he advertised the Archbishop that he was one of the three named, and that if he would promise and swear unto him to do many things which he propounded, and among others to change the Pope's sea from Italy into France, it was in his power to make him Pope. The good Archbishop desirous to attain to that dignity, promised it, and did effect it being chosen, causing all the Cardinals and Officers of the court of Rome to come to Lions, where he was crowned in the Church of Saint Just, that year 1305. There were present the French King, with many other Princes and Noblemen, and an infinite multitude of people of all sorts.  
During the pomp of this coronation, 
Duke of Britain slain at the ●opes coronation.  john Duke of Britain was slain with the ruin of an old wall, on the which there was a world of people to see this spectacle, and the King and Pope himself were in great danger. He was called Clement the fifth, who sent three Cardinals to Rome, to govern the city, and other places of the territories of the Church. He made his residence in France, for the most part in avignon where other his successors remained for the space of seventy years, which were Clement the fifth, john the two and twentieth, Benedict the twelfth, Clement the sixth, who bought avignon of Queen jane, Innocent the sixth, Vrbaine the fifth, and Gregory the eleventh, who returned the sea to Rome: It is called by the Italians the new transmigration, and captivity of Babylon. This Pope granted to the French King the tithes of the Clergy, for reparation of the spoils which the war had caused, and the right of patronage of many Churches which were vacant, to provide Ministers and Pastors worthy of their charges. King Lewis Hutin did accompany his father during all the alterations, so as he could not so soon go into his realm of Navarre, as he desired, besides he was very young: notwithstanding all dispatches were made in his name. After that the Kings of France had united the crown of Navarre to theirs, 
pretension of Sovereignty in Navarre by the Kings of Castille.  all quarrels for precedence, which the King of Castille pretended, ceased, the which having in former times gotten over France by their great power, they now lost by the same right of a greater power, which was that of France. Philip Earl of Poitiers, brother to King Lewis Hutin, to whom the King of Arragon had sought to marry his daughter Mary, upon condition that they should make him King of Navarre, 
An. 1306.  was married in the year 1306. to Lane daughter to Othelin Earl of Bourgongne, 
Lewis King of Navarre comes into his realm.  the marriage was celebrated at Corbeil, after the which Lewis King of Navarre went unto his realm, well accompanied with French Noblility; being at Pampelone, he was crowned, to the joy of his subjects, in the year of our Lord 1307. and then he began to style himself King, 
An. 1307.  being about sixteen year of age. He swore to observe the laws and rights of the realm, and then he went tovisit the towns and places thereof, with a great concourse of his vassals and subjects, who had not of long time seen their Kings and Sovereign Princes, to whom the King showed himself mild and affable: Notwithstanding being in the town of Estella, he caused D. Fortune Almoravid and Martin Ximenes of Ayvar to be put in prison, who had mutined for the previledges of the Nobility of Navarre, against the French Governors, and had meddled in the government, for the preservation of the country: whereat the Navarrois were somewhat discontented, but he paid them with reasons, and parting out of Navarre, to return into France, he carried these two prisoners with him: D. Fortune died in prison, but Martin got his liberty through the favour of the Earl of Vallois, who notwithstanding lived not long after. He was followed by above two hundred gentlemen Navarrois, whom he advanced in France, both to make them more affectionate by his bounty, 
Pope Clement the fifth transports the Papal se● into France.  and to accustom them to the manners of the French, and also to have so many hostages, of those whom he disinherited.  
21 Pope Clement the fifth, having (as we have said) done a memorable act, which did much import the Italians and other nations, to have transported the Papal sea into France undertook an other business worthy of no less fame, the Knight's Templets being grown very rich, were by consequence insolent; they were envied by great men, and generally hated; so as the people either moved in conscience, and desire to reform and root out vice, 
An. 1308. Pursutt for the abolition of the Templars.  or seeking to have partof the spoil, in the year of our Lord 1308. 
An. 1308.  made informations against them through all Christendom: sending word to the Bishops to make inquiry in their Bishopriks', of their lives, manners and religion, citing them generally to appear at a council which he had called to that end at Vienne in Dauphin, in the year of our Lord 1310. Before and after this council, many of them (after informations made) being attainted and convicted of grievous crimes of heresy, Apostasy, & other impieties, against God, nature and all good manners, great executions followed, many being convicted were put to death by fire, and other punishments: many (whose accusations were not well verified) being cruelly tortured, confessed grievous crimes, whereof they would discharge themselves, being at their executions; and of this number was the great Master of the Order, called james Mole of Bourgongne, many also without any confession, were put to death: wherefore the Pope having made a strict search, resolved to abolish this Order, and pronounced this sentence against them, in the presence of the Kings of France and Navarre, 
Sentence given by the Pope against the Templars.  of Charles Earl of Vallois, Philip and Charles brethren to Lewis Hutin and others. The execution of this sentence was suspended, in regard of the Knight's Templars of Castille, Arragon, Majorca and Portugal, the suppression of whom the Pope reserved to the disposition of the apostolic sea, to provide according unto reason.  
Thus ended the Order of the Templars, which had continued about two hundred years: a precedent which should be followed in other things, which having been instituted to a good end, and whose beginnings were not wholly to be blamed, are since so degenerate, as the professions of Christians is made odious and abominable to other nations. In time the knights Templars of Castille, Portugal and Arragon were suppressed with the rest, being grown the more odious to all men, for that they had been condemned by a council. The Knights of Saint john of jerusalem were enriched with the spoils of these Templars, who had in the year of our Lord 1308. taken the Island of Rhodes, 
Hospitaliers enriched with the spoils of the Templars.  or at the least having been conquered by other Christians, were put in possession by Pope Clement the fifth. These Rhodiens (as they were afterwards called) made profession of the order of Saint Augustine, and obtained great previledges from the Popes, enjoying this Island above two hundred years. They had helped to ruin the Templars, and therefore had part of the spoil. Pope Clement and King Philip the fair divided their movable goods betwixt them.  
22 Other Orders of holy knighthood had their beginnings by the ruins of this, 
Portugal.  as those called of Christus in Portugal, by the devotion and diligence of the King D. Denis: who assigned them rents and revenues of Templars Comanderies and benefices: 
Order of Christus in Portugal.  and it was ordained that they should carry for a mark or badge, a white cross with a red. This King of Portugal wrought so, as the knights of Saint james were separated and exempted from the subjection of the Mastery of Castille, wherein he was assisted by the apostolic Authority, who made Alcacar de Sal the chief place of the order of Saint james, the which was afterwards translated to Pamela, D. Fernand King of Castille seized upon the places, towns and forts, and all the revenues of the Templars in his country, to dispose thereof as should be thought fit.  
23 The Order called our Lady of Monteça took its beginning by the ruin of the Templars, 
Arragon.  in the realm of Valencia which is like unto the knights of Calatrava, and under the Order of Cisteaux, unto whom were rents assigned out of the Templars confiscations. This Order was afterwards confirmed by Pope john the two and twentieth, successor to Clement the fifth. In the time of this Clement, Robert King of Naples son to Charles the Limping, was crowned in avignon, being before Duke of Calabria, a great enemy of D. Frederic King of Sicily, of which Kingdom of Naples, we will forbear to speak, for that it concerns not the affairs of Spain, until that the Arragonois were called to that crown by Queen joanne the two and twentieth, as we shall hereafter show.  
24 The accord betwixt the Kings of Castille and Granado, 
Castille.  as soon as the King D. Fernand saw his estate somewhat settled, was broken: for the Kings of Castille and Arragon having met at Monreal, 
An. 1309.  in the year of our Lord 1309. besides the marriage which was treated betwixt the Infant D. james of Arragon, and the Infanta D. Leonora of Castille, 
water made by Castille and Arragon against Granado.  they concluded to make war against King - Mahumet Aben-Alhamar the blind: and although the conquest of Granado did belong to Castille, yet a sixth part thereof was granted to the King of Arragon, who made preparation to besiege Almery, whilst that the King D. Fernand should besiege Algezire.  
The King of Granado advertised of this plot, 
Moors.  was much incensed against these Princes, which had not kept their words, but especially against the King of Arragon, who had no interest to Granado, the division being made betwixt the ancient Christian Kings, and by the Pope's authority. He sent a good garrison to Algezire, and to all other places, attending the event of this war, the which was begun by the King of Arragon, who sent some galleys in favour of Aborrabe the Moor, who was expelled, styling himself King of Almery, who besieged Ceuta in Africa, and took it by means of these succours; at the same time the King of Arragon came and laid siege to Almerie, and he of Castille to Algezire.  
The Moors incensed most against the Arragonois, went to field on that side, and gave many routs, and hindrances to them that held the siege, and to them that came to it. Algezire being well furnished, defended itself in such sort, as the King D. Fernand finding the siege would be long, sent the Archbishop of Sevile, D. Alphonso Perez de Gusman, 
Gibraltar taken.  and D. john Nugnes de Lara, with part of the army to Gibraltar, the which place was yielded, and the Inhabitants and soldiers transported into Africa, with their baggage, in ships which the King of Castille did furnish, according to the accord: for an old Moor being there, who complaining unto the King of divers alterations, whereunto he had been forced, all the people were resolved to pass into Africa, and not to live any more in Spain. This Moor being come thither at the news of the taking thereof, said unto the King: I was an Inhabitant of Sevill, when thy Great grand fatherof, said unto the King: I was an Inhabitant of Sevill, when thy Great grandfather D. Fernand took it, from whence being expelled, I came to remain at Xeres, from thence D. Alphonso thy grandfather chased me, and I retired to Tariffe, the which being taken by the King D. Sancho thy father, I thought to live here in peace, from whence you dislodge me: Wherefore I will pass into Africa, to spend the remainder of my days, with all the Inhabitants of this place, where we shall have no cause to fear the Christians.  
The King Don Fernand being returned to Algezire, and seeking by all means possible to force it, the Moors by commission from their King made an accord with him, to yield unto him all the places taken in the former wars in Andalusia, and moreover fifty thousand doublons, so as he would raise the siege from before Algezire. This accord was made when as the King could not do any more by reason of the discommodities which his army suffered, 
Accord betwixt Granado and Castille.  through the continual rain, and other crosses, so as many Noblemen died of infirmities, amongst the which was Don Diego Lopes de Haro; by whose decease the Siegneurie of Biscay went out of the family or Haro, 
Biscay falls to D. john of Castille.  and fell into the possession of them of the blood royal of Castille, by D. john husband to Donna Maria Diaz de Haro, daughter and heir to Lope Diaz de Haro, slain at Alfaro. During this war D. Alphonso Perez de Guzman died also in an encounter against the Moors, being shot through with an arrow, he lest one son and heir, Don john Alphonso de Guzman, Lord of Saint Lucar.  
These losses were increased by the retreat of Don john of Castille, who carried many knights away with him, the which did much weaken the army: wherefore the King resolved to agree, and received the sum of gold above mentioned, with the places of Quesada, Bedmar, Quadros and Chungin.  
Thus Algezire was delivered, and a truce made betwixt the Realms of Castille and Granado: but when as the King D. Fernand found himself seized of these towns, and of a good sum of money, he did not much care to maintain that which he had promised, but sent Don Pedro his brother with the rest of the army, to the casile of Tempul, near to Algezire, the which he took, and then returned to Sevill, where D. john Nugnes de Lara was newly arrived out of France, from Pope Clement, of whom he had obtained permission for the King, to take the tithes for the wars against the Moors. King Mahumet the Blind was soon after deposed by his own brother Mahumet Azar Aben Lemin, 
The King of Granado deposed.  being favoured by many great men Moors, who were discontented to be governed by a blind King, who could not lead them to the wars in person. He was taken and dispossessed in the year 1309. having reigned seven years, the six hundred ninety and two of the Arabians.  
As for the siege of Almery, 
Arragon.  it was nothing fortunate for the Arragonois, who were beaten both by the succours that were sent from Granado, and by the besieged which sallied out upon them, so as they lost many good knights and valiant soldier. Such was the religious duty of vassals to their Lords, and of subjects to their Prince, & so holy and inviolable the military discipline in those days, that Martin Ximenes of Ayvar, holding a fee of Simon Perez of Arenos, slain in that war, was accused of felony, for that he had not succoured his Lord in fight: but he proved his alibi, and that he was not in that encounter: and D. Pedro Martin's de Luna being accused of the like crime, purged himself by oath, before the King and Noblemen, that he was not at the charge whereas Simon Perez had been slain, D. Fernand Infant of Majorca was at this siege, where he gave great proofs of his valour.  
Some Authors make mention of memorable exploits, done about that time in Grece, by some troops of Arragonois and Cattelans, the which we may not omit. It happened about the year 1302. that in Italy betwixt Charles the Limping King of Naples, and D. Frederic of Arragon, holding the Island of Sicily, contrary to the treaty of peace made at Tarascon, after many routs given and received of either part, there was an accord made by the means of Charles of Valois and others; the conditions were. That D. Frederic should enjoy the realm of Sicily during his life, the which after his death should return to King Charles of Naples, or to his successors. That the Princes treating this peace, and having interest therein, should be a means that the Island of Corsica and Sardinia should be given to D. Frederic and his descendants.  
The towns taken by the Arragonois and Cattelans on this side the strait should be yielded up. The Mediators should be suitors that the interdict of Sicily should be discharged, and the prisoners should be delivered, amongst the which was Philip Prince of Tarentum, son to Charles, and Gautier Earl of Brenne, which accord was ratified by Pope Boniface, 
Tribute imposed by the Pope upon the realm of Sicily.  who imposed a tribute of fifteen thousand florins of gold upon the realm of Sicily, paiable yearly unto the church of Rome. Upon the conclusion of this peace, the captains and soldiers of either part retired into other countries. Roger de Loria, who had been in great reputation to be ●n excellent sea captain, yea the best of his age, retired himself into Spain, where he died in the city of Valencia, in the year 1305. and left an honourable posterity. About four thousand Cattelans and Arragonois, and amongst them some Sicilians sailed towards Greece, under the command of Roger Florio, 
Cattelans and Arragonois in Greece and Thrace.  Berenger Entenza an Arragonois, and others, to serve the Emperor Andronicus Paleologus then reigning, whose son Michael Paleologus slew Roger Florio in treason at Adrianople, a man of valour, of a  race, but borne at Brindisi, much lamented; whereupon the troops of Cattelans and Arragonois did choose for their General Berenger Entenza, being commanded under him by Fernand of Ahones, Corbaran of Leet, Bernard of Rochfort, Raymond of Montanero, William Sichar, Simon Albert and others. Being mutined by reason of these Grecian Princes, they fortified themselves upon the strait of Calipoli, and there made war with all violence against the Emperor Andronicus, 
Grecians defeated by the Cattelans.  and cut in pieces Caio jean one of his children, with four hundred horse, which were sent against them at a place called Pont Royal, six miles from Constantinople. But soon after Berenger Entenza being encountered at sea, and taken by Edward de Oria, was carried prisoner to Pera, and from thence to Trebysonde: yet the rest of his army held the fort of Calipoli stil.  
The strength of this army consisted in two thousand five hundred horse at the most, who being led by Bernard of Rochfort, who was chosen their head after the taking of Entenza, gave a notable defeat to Michael Paleologus, son to Andronicus (who had with him all the Cavallarie of Constantinople) near to the town of Apros in Thrace, so as Michael being wounded was forced to save himself by flight, and shut himself into Adrianopoli, whereas the Cattelans besieged him long.  
Their fort of Calipoli being afterwards assailed by Andriol Moro (who led Theodore Paleologus Marquis of Montferrat into Italy with an army) was so well defended, as there were above six hundred with their commander Andriol slain there. Yet necessity in the mean time did consume these Cattelan troops being in an enemy's country, few in number and far from all succours, so as finding themselves in extreme despair, D. Fernand, Infant of Majorca, arrived happily, being sent by D. Frederic King of Sicily, to give them some relief. Then was Berenger Entenza returned from prison, who seeking to resume his authority of captain general, against Bernard of Rochfort, there grew such a quarrel betwixt them and their partisans, as Entenza was slain; wherefore the Infant of Majorcca detesting so rash and mutinous an army left them, and thinking to return into Sicily, fell upon the Isle of Negrepont, where he was stayed and carried prisoner to Saint Omer, a fort of Athens: being put into the hands of gualtier of Brenne, ruling in that country.  
Soon after Bernard of Rochfort and Albert his brother, commanding the Cattelans at Calipoli, suffered themselves to be surprised by the Governor of Negrepont called Thiba●d of Sipoise, who delivered them to Robert King of Naples, who caused them to die in prison: by reason whereof the Cattelan troops began to overrun the country, like made men, without commanders, and without order, and falling upon the country of Macedon which was near, they passed through it like a lightning, overthrowing all they encountered, until they came into the territory of Athens, whereas the French commanded; staying there they demanded to be entertained in pay by Duke Gaultier, but he desirous rather to chase away this vagabond people, who were poor and insolent, 
The French defeated by the Cattelans in Greece and Gaultier of Brenne slain.  went to encounter them with his forces, to fight with them, by whom notwithstanding he was defeated and slain, and almost all his men. By this victory the Cattelans made themselves Masters of all that the French held in that country, and lodged themselves there, whereas since they had many commanders successively, as D. Manfroy son to D. Frederic King of Sicily, then D. Frederic Alphonso his brother, who remained Governor there, and married the daughter of Boniface of Verona a Nobleman of great power in Negrepont, with others: from thence is come the title of Dukes of Athens to the Princes of Arragon. D. Fernand Infant of Majorca being delivered out of prison through the favour of Robert King of Naples, 
Genealogy of Maiorca.  his kinsman, married Isabel the heir of Morea by whom he had D. james who was King of Majorca after D. Sancho his uncle; he took Clarence, and made many other conquests in Morea. D. Fernand to to his second wife married a Princess of Cypress, of whom Fernand was borne, who was husband to Eschive daughter to Hugues King of Cypress. After this second marriage, and the birth of this son, D. Fernand of Majorca Prince of Morea, having performed great matters both in the East and West, died in the flower of his age, about the year of our Lord 1315. so as the affairs of the Arragonois in that country went to ruin.  
He was the third son of D. james King of Majorca the first of that name, whose posterity we have gathered out of histories, after this manner. He had by his wife Esclermonde of Foix, james his eldest son, who being wholly given to devotion, left the succession of the realm, to his younger brother, and became a Franciscan friar. D. Sancho the second son was King after the father, in the year of our Lord 1312. who having married the daughter of Charles the second King of Naples, named Marie, had no children by her, wherefore dying, he left the Realm of Majorca, to Don james son to his brother D. Fernand above named. Of this first stem of Majorca, we find there issued these three sons, D. james, D. Sancho and D. Fernand, and one daughter named D. Sancha, married to Robert Duke of Calabria; to the which some add D. Philip the fourth son.  
But returning to Spain, 
Navarre.  we find that about the time of these last wars of Granado, whereof we have newly made mention, or soon after, the Navarrois renewed their old quarrels against them of Arragon, to whom (notwithstanding any accords) they were never good friends: so as going out of Pitiella, a place then of the Kingdom of Navarre, they entered the neighbour country of Arragon, and committed great spoils, whereat D. james King of Arragon being incensed, he sent an army to besiege that place, but they were dislodged by the Inhabitants of Sanguesse, a frontier town of Navarre, being assisted by some French troops, 
Arragonois defeated.  who fought with them and they were defeated. The Arragonois being returned again into Navarre, and having run as far as the town of Olite, and foraged the country, they were again charged by them of Sanguesse and other neighbour places, being ready to pass the river of Arragon, at the ford of Saint Adrian, and were there defeated with great slaughter of their men, and the loss of the Standard royal of Arragon, which they of Sanguesse carried away, by reason whereof, and in remembrance of their virtue and valour, they carry for their arms, by grant from King Lewis Hutin, the bands gueules of Arragon, but in a field argent.  
26 In the year of our Lord 1312. 
An. 1312.  were the troubles of Lions upon Rhosne, 
Troubles at Lions.  betwixt the Inhabitants of the town and their Archbishop Peter of Bresse, by reason that he did usurp upon the King's justice: King Philip sent his son the King of Navarre thither, who took this Prelate prisoner, and sent him to the King his father, for which cause, and for that he durst presume to lay his hands upon an Archbishop, he was called Hutin, or mutin as some say. The citizens of Lion being pacified, they mutined again, by reason of the differences which they had with their Archbishop, but they were suppressed, and punished by the same King of Navarre, and reduced under the King his father's obedience. It was at that time that Marguerite Queen of Navarre, the Countess jeanne of Poitiers & Blanch of la March, who had married the three brethren of France, Lewis Hutin, Philip and Charles, were accused of adultery, & put in prison at Chasteau Gaillard, of the which the Countess jeanne of Poitiers, was found innocent and absolved: but Marguerite Queen of Navarre, and the Contesse Blanch being convicted, were condemned to perpetual prison, whereas Marguerite died soon after: the adulterers were put to death with cruel torments: the which were Philip and Gaulter of Annoyed brethren. An usher of the chamber, who served as bawd and messenger of their loves, was hanged. It is reported of this Queen of Navarre, that seeing any fair young man pass by, she caused him to be taken, & brought secretly at night into her chamber, & that after she had taken her dishonest pleasure with him, she caused him to be cast into the river of Seyne, to the end he should not vaunt thereof: the which was discovered by a scholar, who saved himself by swimming, being not well bound. Thereof grew that ambiguous sentence. Reginam interficere nolite timere bonum est. This unchasteness is attributed by some to jeanne mother to Lewis Hutin, Queen of Navarre, who was a scourge to the Flemings, and the cause of all the wars betwixt the King and them.  
The king D. Fernand about the end of the war of Granado, 
Castille.  gave order for the building of Sauveterre, and Azpeity in Guipuscoa, granting then the rights & previledges of Victoria: he married his daughter Isabel to Duke john of Britain, and made D. john Manuel of Castille, son to D. Manuel, Lord Steward of his house, taking that dignity from his brother D. Pedro, to whom in recompense he gave Almaçan and Berlanga: whereby it appears that these offices depended on the king's pleasure. This D. john Manuel had two daughters, which were both Queens, the one named D. jeanne, wife to Henry the second King of Castille, and the other D. Constance, married to D. Pedro King of Portugal. During the marriage of Duke john of Britain, and of D. Isabel at Burgos, the Infant D. john of Castille, always like himself, turbulent & seditious, came near unto the city, accompanied with soldiers, 
Distrust of D. john of Castille, and treachery of the King D. Fernand, the cause of great trouble  & would not enter without assurance, the which was given him: yet notwithstanding the King commanded he should be taken and slain; whereof being advertised by the Queen mother, upon whose word he was chiefly entered into the City; he went forth very early in the morning, seeming for to go a hunting, and so escaped: Being pursued in vain by the King's men which he had sent after him. Many knights and among others D. john Nugnes de Lara, detesting the King's treachery, and withal ill affected to him, followed D. john, and began new troubles in the Realm of Castille. The Duke of Britain gave them leave to end their quarrels, and carried away his spouse into Britain. The Queen mother, with the Archbishop of Saint james, and the Bishops of Palence, Lugo and Mondognedo, laboured to pacify, and content these rebels, and in the mean time D. Constance the Queen reigning was brought in bed of her son D. Alphonso, in the city of Salamanca, who was heir of the Realms of Castille and Leon. The King of Castille and Arragon, 
Alliance renewed betwixt Castille and Arragon.  had an interview at Calatajub, where a promise of marriage was made betwixt D. Leonora of Castille, who was but three years old, and the Infant D. james of Arragon, and an other marriage was concluded betwixt D. Pedro brother to the King of Castille with Donna Maria daughter to the King of Arragon, and there the two Kings made a new league and confederation against the Infidels, to make war against whom the King of Castille called an assembly of the Estates of Castille at Vailedolit, from whence D. Pedro the King's brother was sent with an army, to besiege Alcaudete. In the mean time the King stayed in Castille, making seizures, and taking by force certain castles which did belong unto his Rebels. Afterwards he came in person into Andalusia where being arrived at Martos, he caused two knights brethren to be apprehended, being accused for a murder committed on the person of Don john Alphonso de Benavides, who had been slain at Palence, going out of the King's lodging. These two brethren whom they called Peter and john of Caravajal, 
Two brethren executed unjustly.  being condemned without any great proofs, to be cast down headlong from the top of the rock of Martos, as they were at their execution, protesting of their Innocency, they adjourned the King to appear before the Tribunal seat of Almighty GOD, 
Alcaudete taken by the King of Castille.  within thirty days after, to give reason of the death which he made them suffer unjustly: notwithstanding all this, they were executed.  
The King being come to the Camp before Alcaudete, he began to be ill, and came to jaen, where he remained some days, little regarding his Physicians, in the mean time D. Pedro took Alcaudete.   

Mahumet Aben-Azar the fourth King. of Granado.  
IN the realm of Granado, 
Moors.  the younger brother having dispossessed the elder, had much ado to be received, and obeyed by the Moors Granadins, who resisted him, especially Farrachen his brother in law, captain of Malaga: so as Alcaudete could not be relieved. The new King Mahumet Aben-Azar. Aben-Lemin, being in some sort settled and assured of his Kingdom, caused his brother that was prisoner to be cruelly slain, and sent to the King D. Fernand being at jaen, to renew the league which the Kings his predecessors had with Castille, the which was done, the Infant Don Pedro being present, where amongst other resolutions, it was concluded, that all together should make war against Ferrachen of Malaga: but the sudden death of Don Fernand, crossed this deseigue.  
The King being laid to sleep one afternoon, 
Castille.  the thirtieth day from the assignation which was given him by the two gentlemen which were executed at Martos, when as they of his chamber thought that he slept more than was fit, they entered into his chamber to see what he did, 
Death of King F●r●and the four●o.  where they found him stark dead, the which was attributed to the judgement of God. This unexpected death which happened in the year of our Lord 1312. did much trouble the Realm, he was about five and twenty years old, he had reigned above seventeen, and was buried in the great church at Cordova.  
Soon after Philip the Fair the French King died, 
Navarre.  leaving the Crown and Sceptre to Lewis Hutin King of Navarre his son. Some hold that this King Philip had the like adiournement to the judgement of God, in the town of Bourdeaux, where there was a knight of the Templars executed in his presence, being borne at Naples, who seeing the Pope and the King at a window, to behold this execution, cried out with a loud voice, seeing there is no worldly power to the which I may appeal from the sentence given against the Templars by the Pope, at the King's instance, I do adjourn them both to appear before God within one year, 
An. 1313.  so as that year being 1313. they both died.  
Lewis Hutin had then reigned eight years in Navarre, when he came to the crown of France, King Philip the fair his father is noted to be very unfortunate in many things, both in religion, in the government of his realm, and in his own house. He was never in peace with the Church of Rome, in the which (although he were the eldest son) he caused many scandals, having had deadly hatred with the Popes, especially with Pope Boniface the eight, 
Unfortunate observations in Philp the Fair and his posterity.  whom he forced to die miserably: he transported the Sea of Rome into France, Clement the fifth being made Pope, whom he used as a fit instrument, in many bad practices, as hatred and covetousness did move him: he did ruin with a strange cruelty and without discretion the Order of the Templars, which sect, admit it were corrupted yet many deserved better usage: he falsefied the money in France, exacted tithes of the Clergy, imposed the tribute called Maletosts, and the fifth penny upon all Merchandise: he was prodigal without judgement: he entreated the Flemings unjustly, and their Princes cruelly, by captivities and unworthy vexations, not sparing the innocent virgin Philip daughter to Cont Guy, who had been given him in hostage, whom they say he caused to be smothered: others affirm he caused her to be poisoned: some say she was drowned, with many gentlewomen and maidens of honour which did attend her, others, and it may be the most certain, writ, that she died for grief. All this King's children died young, their wives were accused and convicted of adultery, and his own suspected to have been unchaste: yet he instituted the Court of Parliament of Paris, and caused the palace to be built, which may be numbered amongst his memorable deeds. The first notable act which his son Lewis Hutin did after his coming to the crown of France, was that he caused Enguerrant of Marigni, Earl of Longueville to be hanged, being accused to have hindered the King from subduing the Flemings, but the chief occasion was, for that he was suspected to have rob King Philip's treasure, the which was found empty by his children Lewis, Philip and Charles: he had no greater enemy than Charles of Valois the King's uncle, to whom Enguerrant had once given the lie debating in council of the bad government of that treasure as they say. There is no great memory of that which passed in Navarre, after that King Lewis came to the crown of France, his days being but short, for eighteen months after he died at Bois de Vincennes, being about four and twenty years old, leaving Clemence his second wife, daughter to Charles the second King of Naples and sister to King Robert, 
Marriage of Lewis Hutin and his death.  great with child of a son, which lived not. He had married Clemence presently after the condemnation of his first wife Marguerite, by whom he had one daughter, named jeanne, who was Queen of Navarre, but not so soon: for attending Queen Clemences delivery, Philip of France, Earl of Poitiers, was chosen Regent of the two Realms of France and Navarre, to govern them until the child which should be borne, if it were a male, should come to the age of fourteen year; and if it were a daughter, that to her and her sister jeanne should belong the Realm of Navarre, with the counties of champaign and Brie: but he should succeed to the crown of France, by virtue of the law Salic, as some Authors think: but rather by the right of custom inveterat amongst the French, conformable to the order which God hath set in nature, and according to the good constitutions of ancient Estates, not to receive a woman to the crown, who is made to be governed, and not to command. Whatsoever it were, this law was then practised, as well in regard of France, as of Navarre, whereas Philip the Long, brother to the deceased King reigned, in the year of our Lord 1315. not without great troubles and tumults amongst the Navarrois.   

D. Alphonso the twelfth of that name: thirteenth King of Castille and four and thirtieth of Leon.  
28. THe unhappiness of the house of Castille, 
Castille.  continued the minority of King D. Alphonso, being numbered by some the eleventh, by others the twelfth of that name for the Infant D. john of Castille, and D. john Nugnes de Lara (two firebrands which had often put the Realm into combustion) hearing of the King's death, were returned, the one from Valencia, the other out of Portugal, whether they were fled, to ruin the Estate, after their accustomed manner; and seeing that the Infant D. Pedro, brother to the deceased King, by the consent of the Queens, was entered into the managing of the affairs, and the government of the King, who was at Auila, they came to Vailledolit, and could the Queen Donna Maria, and that they were well content she should govern, but that they would never endure that D. Pedro should have that authority: and from that time they sought all means to get the King into their hands, but the Inhabitants of Auila, and D. Sancho, their Bishop elect, gave him so good guards as they laboured in vain, being resolved not to give the possession and government of this young Prince to any one that were not appointed by the assembly of the Estates: imitating therein the fidelity and care of their ancestors towards King Alphonso the ninth, whereof followed great factions, and tyrannous civil war throughout the whole realm: the ringleaders whereof, on the one side, were the Infant D. Pedro, favoured by the Queen Donna Maria: and on the other the Infant D. john, a warlike and factious Prince, who had joined unto him D. john Nugnes, and the favour of Queen Constance the King's mother: either of them being followed with a great number of knights: a general assembly being called at Palence, the deputies of the Estates were also divided, some desiring that the Queen D. Maria and her son D. Pedro should have the government of the King, and others demanding that D. john alone should have this charge: so as there was nothing done, but to animate them more to ruin the public, and their private enemies. The Inhabitants of Auila, without any further respect, did acknowledge the Queen Donna Maria D. Pedro for tutors to the King, and Governors of the realm, yet would they not suffer them to lead the King out of their town. D. Pedro with this advantage made a progress through out the Realm, and coming to Toledo, and from thence into Andalusia, he was received, and generally obeyed.   

Ishmael the fifth King of Granado.  
IT happened that in the realm of Granado, 
Moors.  the citizens of Granado had rebelled against King Mahumet Aben-Azar, the murderer of his brother: the Author of which rebellion was Ishmael, the son of Ferrachen, and of the King's sister, who held Malaga. He with the favour of his father, and of a mighty Moor, 
Sedition in Granado against King Mahumet.  of the lineage of the Merins of Maroc, called Ozmin, pursued King Mahumet in such sort, as he shut him up, and besieged him in the fort of Granado, called Alhambra, the which notwithstanding was well manned with Moors of his party, and strong both by nature and art. D. Pedro advertised of this disorder by King Mahumet, who was a friend and ally to Castille, and entreated by him to succour him, went to field with such troops as he could gather together in so short a time: but before he could come to Granado, he had news that the fort was yielded to Ishmael, and that King Mahumet had reseigned the realm unto him, being contented to live in a private Estate in the town of Guadix, without any other title, than Lord of Guadix: whereupon D. Pedro returned, and came and assaulted the castle of Rute, a very strong place, and which he took, whilst that the affairs of Granado were yet in disorder. Thus King Mahumet was dispossessed of his crown, which he had gotten by tyrannous cruelty, having enjoyed it about four years.  
The faction of Castille which followed D. john, 
Castille.  assembled in the town of Sahagun, whereas Queen Constance fell sick, and died so poor, as she had been forced to sell her jewels to feed her. This death and the prosperities of D. Pedro, made D. john to propound some means for an accord, so as he and D. Pedro agreed, that the nourishment of the King should be at the disposition of the Queen Donna Maria his grandmother, & as for the government, it should be common betwixt them two, as it seemed the Estates of Palence had thought fit: wherewith the Queen D. Maria seemed well pleased: for at the least she got by this accord, that the King's person was delivered unto her, whom she led to Toro, 
An. 1314.  in the year 1314. where she caused him to be bred up, under the care of a noble Lady, grandchild to Theodore Lascari, sometimes Emperor of Greece, her name was Vataça. An other assembly of the Estates was called at Burgos, where it was decreed that the government of the King, and the regency of the realm should be reduced all into one body betwixt Queen Mary, D. Pedro and D. john, and if any one of them should die, 
Death of D. john Nugnes de Lara.  it should remain to the two others, that did survive, and to one if two died. There was an order set down for the augmenting of the revenues of the crown, with many other decrees, for the good of the King and realm. D. john Nugnes de Lara died then being come to the assembly of the Estates, and left no children.  
The Estates being ended, D. Pedro came into Andalusia, 
Moors.  to assist Mahumet Aben-Azar, who held Guadix, being deprived of the realm of Granado, leaving the Queen D. Maria, and the Infant D. john to govern in Castille. D. Pedro had an encounter upon the frontiers with the Moors, whereas he slew a thousand five hundredth, and did afterwards take from them the castle of Cambil and Ardavadoes. Mahumet Aben-Azar, caused himself to be still called King of Granado, notwithstanding that he had promised to leave this title Ishmael: but this victory of D. Pedro's freed him, having in his company the masters of the knights of Saint james and Calatrava. They writ that among the Moors which were slain upon the place, there were above forty captains, and almost all the flower of Granado, so as King Ishmael found himself much weakened, wherefore D. Pedro and his captains, both this year, 
An. 1315.  which was in the year of our Lord 1315. and the next following, made many courses and enterprises in the territory of Granado, spoiling the vines and fields, even unto the city gate, King Ishmael making no resistance in field, nor any pursuit, when as they retired charged with spoils. After this the King of the Moors having tried to besiege Gibraltar, he was repulsed, and forced to retire with shame, by D. Pedro's army, the which surprised the town of Belmes, which was ill guarded, and then forced the Moors of the castle to yield, at which siege they lay three weeks, and yet no succours came from Granado, (being but eight small leagues from thence) but too late, after the yielding which succours returned notwithstanding without fight. During this war Ishmael laboured to have a truce, or to make an accord with the Christians, but D. Pedro would not hearken to it, desiring to root that race of Infidels out of Spain, whereof he seemed to be in a good way, and in great hope, wherefore they annoyed one an other all they could, but King Ishmael seeing that in the end he should not be able to subsist, he sent to solicit the King of Maroc, for the community that was betwixt them in sect and nation, to aid him to defend the realm of Granado against the Christians, the which being lost he must not think that ever the Arabians should have any access or entry into Europe, for assurance of which African Kings armies, he not only offered Algezire, but also all the places which are from Algezire unto Ronde inclusively; Ronde, Castellar, Axuneva, Estepona, Marbela and others.  
29 Whilst that Christian Princes made war against Infidels, the Clergy and pillars of the Romish Church were not well united amongst themselves. After the death of Pope Clement the fifth, the Cardinals being assembled at Carpentras for the election of a new Pope, they grew into so great a fury, as two of them were murdered in the Conclave, the rest disbanded, and were dispersed throughout France, abandoning all, seeing there was no means to accord them.  
King Lewis Hutin who lived then, was very careful to pacify this scandal, causing them all to come to Lions where they held their conclave in the convent of jacobins, where after his death, there was chosen by two and twenty Cardinals, james of Oça, Cardinal of Saint Ruffinus, 
Sarragosse and Tolousa made Archbishopriks'.  Bishop of Portuense, borne at Cahors, who was called john the two and twentieth. This Pope made Sarragossa an archbishopric, and likewise Tolouse, and erected Cahors, the place of his birth, to a Bishopric.   

Philip the long, the second of that name, the seven and twentieth King of Navarre.  
30 IT was in the year of our Lord 1315. that Philip the long came to the crown of France and Navarre, 
Navarre.  at whose entrance they began to dispute of the law Salic: for many Noblemen were of opinion, that john Posthumus, the son of King Lewis Hutin being dead, the realms of France and Navarre did belong by right of succession, to jeanne of France his daughter, by Marguerite of Bourgongne.  
Those which held this party, were end Duke of Bourgongne, Lewis Earl of Nevers, Himbert Dauphin of Viennois, and other of their faction: but Philip, who for the diversity of opinions and interpretations feared that the law Salic did not extend to the succession of Kingdoms, and that possibly his right was not grounded thereon, contrary to the custom received in all other nations, and especially in Navarre, whereof he pretended to disappoint jeanne the heir thereof as well as of the crown of France, having also many noblemen which favoured him, he won his cause, by means of greater efficacy than disputes, and allegations of rights: for he gave jeanne his eldest daughter in marriage to the Duke of Bourgongne, and for dowry the county of Bourgongne her patrimony: To the Earl of Nevers his second called Marguerite, and Marie the third to the Dauphin: in this manner he stopped their mouths, and made them consent with the rest, recoiling jeanne his Niece not only from the crown of France, but also from the Realm of Navarre, which was not to be questioned with. Force and authority prevailed in this point; besides this Princess was not gracious with the French, by reason of her mother's fault. The Navarrois followed the authority of the French, because they could not withstand it, and received Philip the long for their King, that year 1315.  
The King's Tutors, 
Castille.  and the Governors of the realm of Castille were required by the Estates in an assembly made at Carrion, to give caution for their government, and to give an account what they had done, Don Pedro obtained liberty from the Pope to receive the tithes, and to proclaim a Croisadoe against the Moors, against whom he made violent and successful war, as hath been said, whereof his fellow Tutor was envious, and gave him many crosses, to draw him into danger; of such force is envy, that to prejudice an other, he doth often bring ruin unto himself, and to a whole Estate.  
Thus the affairs of great monarch are often times ill managed by them, who have the most important charges, who being loath to yield one unto an other, in that which concerns the good and profit of the State and the service of their Prince, and being always envious of the honour and glory of their companions, let slip occasions, dissemble, delay, and had rather incur the perpetual infamy of traitors, cowards and perverse emulators, then to aid one an other in a good action.  
Thus did D. john against D. Pedro, crossing and hindering his gallant deseignes and enterprises of war, upon the Moors frontiers, whilst that he governed within the heart of the Realm; sometimes staying the Nobility of Castille and Leon from going to D. Pedro, sometimes keeping back the treasure, and always finding means to cross him, and to make the people less obedient unto him, so as the Queen Donna Maria, who was a very wise Lady, and saw clearly into these troubles and bad affections, had much toil to keep them from an open division: and did often and wisely call an assembly of the Estates to that effect, sometimes at Vailledolit for the Castillans, and sometimes at Medina del campo for them of Leon and Extremadura.  
In their year 1317. Don Berenger Archbishop of Saint james, 
An. 1317.  brought a commandment and censures from the Pope to put Don Alphonso de la Cerde in possession of the lands and goods which were adjudged by the Arbitrators at Tarassone: whereunto the Governors would not obey, but sent their reasons to the Pope, excusing themselves, that the Infant had not for his part kept the conditions set down in the sentence.  
31 Don Pedro notwithstanding the envy which his uncle Don john bore unto him, 
Moors.  did still seek to annoy the Moors all he could, and in the beginning of the year, 1319. 
An. 1319. Tiscar a strong place taken by Don Pedro  he resolved to besiege the town of Tiscar, which was held by a Moor, called Mahumet Andon, and was one of the strongest places in Spain: yet the happiness, judgement, and good fortune of Don Pedro were such, as (notwithstanding it was with great toil and danger of the soldiers) it was taken: whereat even the Christians themselves wondered, considering the strength of the place. The castle made some resistance after the taking of the town, but in the end it yielded by composition: That the Moors which were within it with their Lord Mahumet Andon, should departed with bag and baggage, the which was granted and kept. 4500. souls went out of the place, and were put in safety into Baça. This did increase Don john's envy against the prosperities of Don Pedro: wherefore he approached then unto the fronters, being thrust on by jealousy, to attempt something against the Moors for his part: he came to Baena, even as Don Pedro prepared to besiege the town of Belmar, being advertised of Don john's coming, he marched that way, that they might join their forces together, and do some notable exploit in the enemy's country. Having joined at Alcaudete with great demonstrations of love, they led the army jointly through the champain country towards Granado, whereof Don john led the forward, and having taken the castle of Yllora, they presented themselves before Granado, standing a whole day in battle in the sight thereof, and yet king Ishmael never sallied forth, not sent any one forth to skirmish with them, nor to discover them. Don Pedro was of opinion to begin the siege, but Don john held it fittest to retire, saying, that they neither had men enough, nor munition sufficient to besiege such a town: whereas the king was in person, accompanied with all the flower of his Knights and soldiers, and an incredible multitude of people: for at that time they thought there lived within that city above 200000. persons, although there were scarce 500 heads of families moors by race, for all the rest were Christians Renegadoes or their descendants, or Christian slaves.  
Upon these persuasions, the Princes and Captains began to turn head, having changed the order of their march, Don john being in the rearward. When as the Granadins saw them dislodge, king Ishmael sent forth his men, commanding them to charge the enemy in the rearward, and to press them in such sort, as they might put them out of order, if it were possible, and that they should not then forget that which the discipline of war required: the which they did execute resolutely, so as Don Pedro was forced to turn head with the forward to secure Don john: but the disorder was such amongst Don Pedro's men, as he could not bring them to march in Battle, nor to keep any good order: where he tormented himself in such sort, having his sword drawn, crying sometimes to one, sometimes to another, as he was out of breath, and lost his speech, and in an instant by this strange accident he fell down dead from his horse: the which being reported to D. john who saw himself in danger, 
Strange death of D. Pedro of Castille, and D. john his uncle  the contrariety of passions wherewith he was afflicted, were of such force, as it happened to him as to his nephew, so as losing his speech, he fell amazed from his horse. The army having lost their two Commanders, notwithstanding any endeavour of the Archbishop of Toledo, and the Masters of the military Orders of S. james and Calatrava, all were put to rout, and were pursued far by the Moors with great slaughter; who spoiled their camp, and ceased their poursute: wherefore the Christians which were about Don Pedro that was dead, and Don john drawing towards his end had means to escape, laying him that was alive on an horse, and the dead body upon a moil: but being surprised by the night, they which conducted Don john marching more slowly than the rest, saw him expire: wherefore fearing to be pursued, they left the body upon the field, and saved themselves as they could. Don john left one son of the same name, who for that he had lost an eye, was called the blind, and was his heir and successor in the Segneurie of Biscay. He sent to entreat King Ishmael to send him his father's body. The King caused it to be sought for, which being found, he commanded it should be brought to Granado, where it was laid in a great hall, in the fort of Alhambra, upon a hearse covered with rich cloth of gold, setting a great number of wax tapers about it; the king commanding the Noblemen, and knights Moors, with all the Christian captives that were in Granado, to pray about the dead body: doing many other solemnities after their manner, than he sent to D. john, that he should send for his father's body, the which he gave him willingly, being sorry for the accident which had happened, for Don john had never done him wrong. Don john the blind sent many Knights thither, to whom the body was delivered, and they were accompanied to the first town of the Christians, than they took their way to Cordova, from thence it was trasported to Burgos, whither they had carried D. Pedro, and there they were interred. By this unexpected victory the affairs of Ishmael king of Granado grew in reputation and force, recovering many places which had been lost before. Don john Manuel the son of D. Manuel of Castille maintaining the war against the Moors. Towards Murcia Ishmael took Huescar, Oars, and Galere, places belonging to the Order of Saint james: and returning towards Andalusia, he besieged Martos, and took it by force, commanding them to kill all they found alive in it: yet most of them saved themselves in the fort, and defended it against the Moors, who lost many of their best men: and among others, a Nephew to Ozmin, the which gave great occasion of murmur against king Ishmael, for that he did so hazard his Nobility in these dangerous assaults. In this estate stood the war of Granado, the which was ended with them foe Andalusia, upon king Ismaels' return to Granado, upon condition, that the Castillans, being ready to choose new tutors for the young king D. Alphonso, should not receive nor acknowledge any, but that should confirm this truce.  
During these alterations, 
Castille.  the Q. D. Maria was gone into Portugal, where she had conference with her son-in-law, D. Alphonso Infant of Portugal, at Font dAugilero, a Bourg of Cite Roderigo, & from thence was returned with the young K. of Castille to Toro, where she had news of the moserable end of D. Pedro and D. john: whereupon she made present dispatches to all the chief towns of the realm, and to the Noblemen, advertising them of this disaster, and exhorting them to continue faithful unto the king her grandchild, and not to receive commandment from any, but from him or them that should be appointed by the Estates: for she feared D. john Manuel, who was rich and mighty, an desirous of innovations, would seek to attain to the Regency of the king and Realm: and saw on the other side, that D. john the blind had the like ambition: against whom the Q. opposed D. Philip her son, 
Tumults in Castille for the government.  (but as the most certain Authors say D. Alphonso) uncle to the king D. Alphonso. All these Noblemen being well followed, and keeping the field with good troops of soldiers, they were ready to join in battle near unto Auila, the which was prevented by D. john Manuel. The Infant D. Fernand de la Cerde, who was Lord Steward to the king, was an actor in these civil seditions, so as the realms of Castille, Leon, and their appurtenances, were full of all excess, violence, and insolences, the which continued long: notwithstanding that the Estates had chosen for tutors D. Philip or Don Alphonso▪ D. john Manuel, 
An. 1320.  and D. john the blind in the year 1320. In the mean time the K. D. Alphonso to make his name more reverent amongst his subjects, granted certain privileges unto towns, and among others, to wall in a Bourg, called Renteria, the which was named Villanova of Ojarçum in Guipuscoa, and gave it the title of a town, & the privileges of S. Sebastian from whence it is but a league distant. The Infant D. Philip, or Alphonso swore the truce made betwixt the king of Granado and them of Andalusia, wherein the City of Cordova was comprehended, for that they had given their voice for the government of the King to Don john Manuel, against whom King Ishmael was incensed.  
This year D. john, Infant of Arragon, son to the king D. james the 2. was consecrated Archb. of Toledo, in the town of Lerida in Cattelogne, in stead of D. Gonçales deceased, many Prelates being present, and namely, D. Ximenes de Luna Archbishop of Tarragone, and Don Pedro de Luna, first Archbishop of Saragossa, erected to that dignity in the year 1318. by Pope john the 22. over the Bishops of Pampelona, Calahorra, Calçada, Tarassone, Huesca, Segobia, and Albarazin. These two Archbishops of Tarragone and Saragossa did watch if the new Archbishop of Toledo, as Primate of Spain, would march through their Dioceses with his cross before him, to the end they might oppose themselves by virtue of a certain Constitution made at the Council of Tarragone, and so it happened: whereupon the Archbishop of Toledo and all his followers were excommunicated by them, for entering into their jurisdictions: which censure and excommunication was published by him of Sarragossa: whereat the King Don james was much offended, and did write unto the Pope, making great complaints of this manner of proceeding: but being afterwards persuaded that it was done to maintain the dignity of the Churches of his Realm, he was pacified. The Primate appealed from their sentences and proceeded against them. The Pope calling the deciding of this question to the Apostolic sea, absolved the Archbishop of Toledo in the mean time, and gave him faculty to absolve his followers and servants. He was the seven and fiftieth Archbishop of this sea, Primate of Spain.  
At the same time, 
Arragon. Order of Montesa.  or little before, the king of Arragon had given to the knights of Monteça, the town and castle of Monteça, whereof this Order carries the name: the first Master was William of Errill, who took the white habit of Galatrava, in the year 1319. in the Monastery of Santa Cruz, from the hands of the Commander of Alcaniz. These knights had some years after faculty to leave the habit of Cisteaux, and in stead thereof to carry a red cross upon their breasts granted by Pope Benedict the thirteenth, and confirmed by Pope Martin the fifth. The King. D. james by the advice of his Estates held at Tarragone, did make a perpetual union of the Realms of Arragon and Valencia, and the principality of Cattelogne, the which from that time, should not for any occasion be disunited. In which assembly, 
Union perpetual 〈◊〉 Estates of 〈◊〉 Va●encia, and Ca●●e●ogne  the Infant Don james the eldest and heir to the Crown, being ready to marry D. Leonora of Castille, suddenly, by a strange affection, quitting both his wife, and so goodly a succession as that of the Realm of Arragon, told the king his father, that he had made a vow neither to marry nor to reign: so as notwithstanding all the persuasions of the king and Noblemen, he quit his birthright to his brother D. Alphonso, after the example of Esau. Being there set at liberty by the king, he discharged the Estates of the oath they had made unto him, and presently put on the habit of the Knights of jerusalem, 
james heir of Arragon quits his inheritance  the which he received by the hands of Bernard Solier, in the presence of his brother Don john Archbishop of Toledo, Don Simon of Luna, Archbishop of Tarragone, Berenger Bishop of Vic, and Raymond of Ampurias, Prior of S. john in Cattelogne, and others. Afterwards this ill advised Prince, having left this Order, became one of Monteça, where he spent his days in dissoluteness and filthy pleasures. This age afforded other such like examples in Don james, eldest son to the king of Maiorca, and Lewis son to Charles the limping king of Castille, who became Franciscan Friars: but they were moved by zeal of religion, and were not given to vices. His second brother D. Alphonso was by the same Estates of Tarragone acknowledged, and sworn heir of those kingdoms after the decease of Don james their father. This Infant had married D. Theresa of Entenza, and had in her right the Country of Vrgel, which came unto her by succession from her uncle Don Armingol of Cabrera, upon condition she should marry the Infant Don Alphonso: of which marriage was borne at that time Don Pedro, who was king of Arragon, the fourth of that name. At the same Estates of Arragon were pacified the quarrels betwixt Don Artal of Alagon, and Don Simon Cornel, who kept the Realm in division: and that according to the advice and order of the Magistrate called the justice Maior of Arragon, called Simon Peres of Salanova, the parties should undergo the judgement of the King and his Estates. Doubtless the authority of this Magistrate at that time was great who might both censure the King and the Estates, and appoint them a place, and admit them that did assist, or reject them.  
But returning to the affairs of Castille, 
Castille.  the election of Don john of Arragon to the Archbishoppricke of Toledo, did not much please the Queen D. Maria, fearing he would not greatly favour D. Alphonso king of Castille, but would always hold the party of Don Manuel his brother-in-law, who was a mighty Prince in Castille, and wonderful factious: but the Pope assured the contrary, and past his election: and to speak the truth he never supported D. john Manuel in any action that was prejudicial to the King, although that Toledo and the jurisdiction thereof were in his government, by reason of the tutelage: so as they fell to such debate, as Pope john was forced to send a Cardinal Legate into Spain, to reconcile them, and to bring the Archbishop into his sea, the which he had abandoned. The Queen D. Maria having called the Estates at Palence, in the year 1322. 
An. 1322.  as she prepared herself to go thither, she fell sick at Vailledolit, whereof she died, 
Death of Q. D. Marry of Castille.  to the great grief of all good men: for by her wisdom and bounty, she had been the support and only defence of Spain, against the rebellious and ambitious desires of Princes and Noblemen, wherein she laboverd wonderfully, with great happiness and commendable success. The young king and the Realm were deprived of this support, for the which he soon after smarted. The Queen's body was laid in the Monastery of las Huelgas at Vailledolit, which she had caused to be built, having also founded in her time that of Saint Paul in the same town, and that of the preaching Friars at Toro, with others. We read as memorable thing, upon the religious exercises, and concerning the divine service, in the Constitutions of D. john Arch bishop of Toledo then living, that the Priests do offer the Hostie at the least four times in the year, and that after Morning prayer.  
The same year the Estates being assembled in the town of Siracusa in Sicily, 
Arragon.  the king Don Frederick caused his son Don Pedro to be crowned king with him, and they reigned together in that Island, Don Pedro did afterwards marry Izabel daughter to john King of Bohemia, or of Henry Duke of Carinthia, as some say. It was at such time as the expedition was made for the conquest of Sardinia, whereof D. Alphonso, Infant of Arragon, was General by the resolution of the Estates, held at Gyrone, and in consideration of the subvention given by them for the charges of that war. We have said before, that the islands of Sardinia and Corsica had been given in fee by Pope Boniface the eight unto Don james King of Arragon, and to his successors males or females paying a certain rent to the Church of Rome, for an acknowledgement of Sovereignty, and that he should conquer them at his own peril. The same donation had been confirmed by Pope Benedict in the year 1304. to the same king Don james, and faculty given him to levy the tithes for this conqeust, and a Legate appointed to assist therein: but it was deferred by reason of other lets. The reasons which moved the Popes to make this donation, were their passions and hatred against the commonweals of Genova and Pisa, who commanded in those islands: but the pretext was, that these islands lying in the Mediterrranean sea, as a bar betwixt Africa and Italy, dividing it from the North to the South, they entertained the Potentates of Italy, especially these two commonweals of Genova and Pisa, who were then very strong at sea, in continual quarrels and war, most pernicious for Christendom: sighting for the possession thereof, with great effusion of blood, and wasting of their forces and treasures, the which they should have employed in better occasions, against the Infidels, under his colour, the fame of the Castillans and Arragonois and of their Princes being then great, it seemed expedient for the suppressing of all jealousy and quarrel betwixt the Genevois and Pisans, to take from them the right of these islands, and to transfer them to a greater power, which might be able to keep and defend them from the invasions of Satrasins and Arabians, who still made some breach there. The conquest therefore of the Island of Sardinia being undertaken in the time of Pope john the 22. sitting in avignon, by this king D. james the 2. there were many ships of war and burden prepared, as well in a port called Fangoso, under Tortosa, at the mouth of Ebro, as at Barcelona, Tarragone, Valencia & other places of that coast, wherein they spent much time, whilst that the king D. james took his fourth wife Eclisende sister to Othon of Moncada, a woman of good years: and he made D. Pedro his son Eatle of Ribagorça and Ampurias, the last Earl Mangolin being dead without children. And for that the enterprise seemed difficult, by reason of the Pisans power, who enjoyed the Island, and had newly made a peace with the Genevois, the king of Arragon did solicit Pope john the 22. by his Ambassador Vidal of Villanova, to assist him in this war with his means and favour, to the Princes of Italy: but this Pope being distasted by certain Cardinals which favoured the Pisans, sought to divert this enterprise all he could: exhorting the king of Arragon rather to poursue his right by justice, then by arms: notwithstanding the fleet being in a manner ready to set sail, and the king persisted in his resolution, and bound himself to pay great tributes unto the Church. At that time the chief men in the Island were Brancaleon d' Oria, and Hugue Vicont of Bassi: this last being corrupted by the king of Arragon, showed himself an enemy to the Pisans, and began the war of Sardinia with happy success. The king drew unto his party Guelphe Earl of Donoratico, Kinsman to Cardinal Luke Fiesco, and suddenly sent Dalmais Viscount of Rocabertin, and his uncle Girard, Bertrand of Castelet, and Hugh of S. Paix Cattelans, with 200. horse, and 2000 foot, to fortify his partisans in the Island. Whilst that the army assembled in the port of Fangoso, where there met about the end of june, in the year 1233. sixty galleys, and 20. ships armed, and above twice as many other vessels carrying victuals and baggage. The Infant D. Alphonso parted with his fleet, under the conduct of Francisco Carroço Admiral, and came with a good wind to the port of S. Mark, near unto the ruins of the ancient city of Sulsi, a Colony of the Carthaginians. The soldiers being landed, began to press the town from the Church, in the which were Barnabas d' Oria son to Brancaleon and other Captains, who after long resistance yielded it to the Infant D. Alphonso. The cities of Cailleti, Eglise, Aquafredda, jojosaguarda, Orguilos, 
Sardinia invaded by the Arragonois.  Oleastro, Quirrano, Patra and other places, held good for the Pisans: whilst they battered the town of Eglise, the Admiral Francisco Carroso, with 20. galleys besieged the port of Cailleri, and Dalmais Viscount of Rocabertin by land, seized upon an hill which commanded the castle, or fort of that city: but this place was releeeud by Manfroy son to Regnier, one of Earls of Donoratico, who came to Terranova with 25. galleys of Pisa, and some number of soldiers, the which having landed at Decimo, a Bourg so called, for that it is ten miles from Cailleri: by the favour of this army, he gathered together a great number of Sardes, and fortified himself in such sort, as he presumed to offer battle to the Arragonois. Those that were before the town of Eglise were wonderfully afflicted with sickness, which grew through the bad disposition of the air of Sardinia, and even the Infant D. Alphonso was in danger of death, yet persisting at the siege, the town being priest by force, and want of victuals, it was yielded, 
Eglise yielded to the Arragonois.  having held out eight months: during the which many died through the infection of the pestilent air, Don Artal de Luna, and his son of the same name, Gambault of Beneuent D'almais of Chastelnova, Girard of Rocabertin, Gillebert Centillas', Pedro Querault, Raymond Berenger Ceruillon, Raymond Alleman, Galcer and S. Paix, and Raymond of Cardona, all men of note: so as the taking of the town of Eglise, cost the Arragonois dear. After this exploit, the Infant D. Alphonso led the army to the siege of Cailleri, against whom Manfroy advanced with those Pisans which he had brought, and some Sardes gathered together, where there was a fierce and bloody battle: but the Arragonois had the victory, having lost D. Alleman de Luna, 
Defcate of Pisans and Sardes before Cailleri.  nephew to D. Simon de Luna Arch bishop of Tarragone, who was much lamented: Manfroy being wounded, saved himself in the fort of Cailleri: and at that instant there arrived 18. galleys of supplies to the Infant D. Alphonso from Barcelona. Wherefore the town and fort of Cailleri were more straightly and violently battered then before, so as the besieged being reduced to great extremities, following the advise of Manfroy their Captain, and by his leading, made a sudden sally forth with all their horse, (among the which were 500 soldiers, the best and most resolute spirits among all the Pisans) and charged the Arragonois army, with great terror and amazement: yet through the diligence of the Infant and his Captains, the enemy was repulsed, with the loss of three hundred horse. Here Manfroy was grievously wounded again, whereof, and for grief of this last loss, he died soon after; the which drove the besieged into such despair, that having advertised the Pisans of their estate, and they sending to demand a peace of the king. D. james, being at Barcelona, by the means and negotiation of Brancaleon D' Oria, they came to composition upon these conditions: That the city and castle of Cailleri be yielded up to the Infant, and the prisoners of either part delivered; which city and castle should be delivered again unto the Pisans, upon condition, that they should hold it, and all they enjoyed in Sardinia, in fee and homage of the crown of Arragon; Yea some Authors among the Arragonois say, that the city itself of Pisa, and that it should be lawful for the traffic in Cattelogne and Arragon, and to have a Consul in the city of Barcelona. These things being accorded and performed, the Infant D. Alphonso gave many castles, lands and revenues to Noblemen and Gentlemen which had served faithfully and valiantly in this war, in the which many galleys of Majorca had continued. He left. D. Philip de Salces Governor of Sardinia, and Commander of the men of war, and D. Berenger Carroso, son to Don Francis, to cammand the galleys which were left there for the guard of the Island. Having thus disposed of the affairs, the army embarked at Saint Macaire, and sailed with their General D. Alphonso towards Barcelona, where they arrived with a prosperous wind, about the beginning of August, 
An. 1324.  in the year 1324. There were great signs of joy made at the landing of his victorious army, and thanksgiving unto God in the city of Barcelona; but some writ, that the king Don james going forth to meet his son triumphing and full of glory, for the war of Sardinia so happily ended, seeing him attired in the habit of a Sarde, he grew sad, and would not speak unto him, until he had taken a more seemly garment: wherefore in the midst of this pomp, the Infant put on his coat of arms, and then the king his father embraced him, and honoured him much, saying aloud, that he took great delight to see him attired like the Commander of a victorious war, and not in the habit of a slave. After the conquest of Sardinia, the king D. james was solicited by Castruccio Castracani, governing at that time at Luca, to make the expedition of Corsica against the Genevois, promising that he would provide them such work in Italy, as the enterprise of that Island should easy: but Barnabas d' Oria, who was then in favour with the King D. james, diverted him, showing that it should be more expedient and profitable, to practise the chief Noblemen of Corsica, and to draw them to his service. The affairs of Sardinia continued not long quiet, as we will show: but it is necessary to relate first what passed in the other parts of Spain, during these wars and conquests of the Arragonois.  
35 In Portugal there was then erected the Order of Knights of Christus, 
Portugal.  by Bulls from Pope john in the year 1320. by the which it was received into the protection of the apostolic sea of Rome, 
Order of Christus in Portugal.  and the town of Castro Marin assigned for the chief of this Order, being near unto the Moors, and since the content was transported to Tovar. The knights of this Order carry a red cross split and opened by the four branches, with a white line, so as one cross makes two, the one red, the other white. The election of the Master belongs to 13. persons: that is, the Prior, the Commander mayor, the Treasurer, the Secretary, and nine Commanders. The election was made, every one of these 13. giving his voice; the which being publicly pronounced, he that had most voices was chosen Master. The first was D. Gil Martin's, who had been Master of the military Order of avis. The elect is bound (swearing in the Prior's hands) to promise to be in favour with the Pope, and the Church of Rome, and to present himself unto the King, to do him the homage of fealty. The Commanders of this Order, are, the Prior, the great Commander, the Treasurer, Secretary, Commander of Arquin, of Rodano, Proença, Olallas, Castilejo, Sancheyra, Prucos, Segura, Lardoça, and Derosmanichal. Since there hath been added the Commanders of S. Michael, and S. Mary in the islands, by the king Don Manuel. 
An 1323.  In the year 1323. the king D. Denis endowed this Order with privileges fit for the dignity thereof, 
Genealogy of Portugal.  and the ornament of his religion. The same year D. Beatrix wife to the Infant D. Alphonso, was brought in bed of a son in the city of Coimbra, who was named Peter, and reigned after his Grandfather and father: This king Denis was in so great esteem among the Portugals, as they have a Proverb in use at this day: El Rey D. Denis, que fix quanto quiz, that is to say, The king D. Denis who did all he would. It is as well by reason of the institution of these military Orders, as of many foundations and remembrances he left of him: as the Monastery of S. Francis of Portalegre, and the Monastery of Nuns of the Order of Cisteaux, or S. Bernard: of S. Denis, of Odivela a league and a half from Lisbon, where he appointed his body should be interred: and other public works, as causeys, towers, castles, walls, fortifications, and reparations of towns without number. By him the new street of Lisbon, so much esteemed in Portugal, was made, as also the castles of Serpa, Moura, Olivencia, Campo maior, Argela and the fortress: that of Portalegre, Odiana, Marbar; the castle of Abibe, Alegrete, Monches, Monfort, Beyros, Arroyolos, Hebora monte, Bosba, Villaviciosa, Montcarraz, Redondo, Model, Beja, Geromena, Sabugal, Alfayates, Castelrubio, Villamaior, Castellobon, Castellomejor, Almeida, Castelmendo, and Pinel, most of the which were walled in by this king. He did also wall in Braga, Guimaranes, Miranda of Duero, with the Castle of Monçon, and Carastolo. He built new Muja, Salweterre, Montargel, Atalaya, Acerceyra, and many others, which we will omit for brevities sake. The king Don Denis spent his time, and employed his treasure in such things. He had some war against Castille in favour of the rebels and otherwise, as we have formerly related: and moreover, against his own brother, whom he spoiled of his lands, forcing him to retire into Castille to his wives kindred. Towards the end of his days, there was no good agreement betwixt him and his son Don Alphonso: for the son bred such a revolt and sedition throughout the whole Realm, as he was often in arms against the father, and ready to give battle, near to Coimbra, Saint Iren, Albaran and elsewhere, being thrust on by faltterers and counsellors of iniquity: which disorders Queen Izabel, a Princess full of piety, 
Piety of the Queen Izabel.  did happily repair, and prevented the effusion of blood, praying continually unto God for concord betwixt the father and son, the which she obtained before the decease of the king her husband, which was in the year 1325. having reigned 45. years, 
An. 1325.  nine months, and 5. days, and the 64. of his age. He died at S. Iren, and was interred in the Monastery of S. Denis of Oduielas, 
Death of the king D. Denis.  as he had ordained by his testament, by the which he gave 140000. lyutes of money than currant in Portugal, to be distributed to poor hospitals, monasteries, widows, orphelins, maarrying of maidens, redemption of prisoners, and such like, at the discretion of the Queen his wife, and the Executors of his testament. Besides, his lawful children, he had by one, or by divers concubines, Don Alphonso, the beginner of the family of Albuquerque, Don Pedro, who gave himself to study, and hath compiled a Volume of the great Houses of Spain, D. john, and D. Fernand, one daughter that was married to D. john de la Cerde, and one daugther a Nun.  
This holy Queen Izabel, daughter to Don Pedro the third king of Arragon, and of Donna Constance daughter to Manfroy king of Naples, was married being but eleven years old, and carried herself so wisely and religiously, as she was admired and honoured of all men: she showed in her royal estate a wonderful humility and modesty: she laboured with her hands to avoid idleness, and what she made she gave away for God's sake, wherein she did not spare her means which were otherwise great: fasting and prayer were her delights, and she was in continual anguish for her sins, and for her peoples: she served God as she had been instructed, by gifts, offerings, Masses, and suffrages without measure. Finally, she was so given to contemplation, and to the spirit, as she took no delight in any thing that pleased the senses: she fled and forsook (as much as possibly she could) all royal Palaces, being the Magazine of delights, and of perverse affections, so as the king Don Denis who was of a contrary disposition, made small account of her, giving himself often to unlawful and lustful loves, by whom he had children, the which this good and virtuous Queen caused to be bred up as her own, although she were wonderfully afflicted to see this bad course of the King her husband; fearing, and rightly, that God would punish him: for this consideration she did pray continually for his amendment, which happened in the end. The K. D. Denis did oft use her roughly, wherein she showed such patience, as she never used any word of complaint, but only prayed to God to let him understand the truth: yea when she was in a manner chased from his presence, and retired to her house at Alenguer, by reason of the quarrels betwixt the father and the son, whereof the minions of the Court laid all the blame upon her, persuading the k. that she entertained them, against all likelihood of truth. She did wonderfully esteem the Orders of begging Friars, thinking that their estate was the most perfect among the Christians, and therefore she gave as well to them within the realm as without. She built the monastery of S. Claire the royal of Combra, she finished the house of the Innocents at S. Iren, the which was begun by D. Martin Bishop of la guard: and did the like to the Monastery of Almonster of Nuns, the which was begun by a Lady called D. Berengnela airs: and after the decease of the King her husband, she gave herself wholly to a religious life, and took upon her the habit of S. Claire, which she used ever after: she should her jewels, and converted them into Ornaments and vessels to serve churches, the which she gave to many Monasteries. She went unkonwne on foot to visit the Sepulchre of S. james, ask alms, and past her days in like works with great zeal: she died in the town of Estremos, whether she went to mediate a peace betwixt her son and the king of Castille her grandchild, borne of her daughter. Besides these abovenamed works, she had built at Torresnovas' a Monastery of repentants, and at Leyra an hospital of poor bashful men. Her body was carried to Coimbra, and laid in the Monastery of Santa Cruz. The apparitions which the Spaniards writ happened unto her in her life time, and at her death, with such like things, are the impostures of Monks of those times.  
36 As for affairs of Castille, we find, 
Castille.  that after the decease of the Queen D. Maria, (who by her wisdom prevented many mischiefs) the troubles grew greater than ever: all justice ceased, and the most insolent were most in credit. King Don Alphonso, although he were young, was much discontented at these disorders, and sought to redress them, but he was not obeyed: so as by reason of the violences, tyrannies, ruin of places, murders, and other such wickedness, which then reigned, he saw his subjects abandon their houses, and retire into Arragon, Navarre, Portugal and elsewhere, there to seek peace and rest: the Governors were cause of all these miseries, vising the people of their jurisdictions tyrannously, being in perpetual discord among themselves. Those that were of the privy Council advised him to seize upon the places belonging to D. Blanch his Cousin, daughter to the deceased Don Pedro, the which were in the hands of Garsilaço de la Vega, in the name of Donna Maria of Arragon her mother: for that (said they) it was not fit the King of Arragon should meddle much in the affairs of Castille, nor that he should know all the ulcers of that kingdom, the which he did, more than was convenient, by the means of these places, and under colour to procure the good of Donna Blanch his Grandchild, watching in the mean time to make his profit with the prejudice of Castille.  
He which was most vehement in thsi Council, was Don Garsilaço himself, being Marin Mayor of Castille. Don john of Arragon Archbishop of Toledo, was by that reason suspected to them, having for his chief adversary Don john Manuel, one of the King's tutors, who had his government in the Country of Toledo, and against whose disordinate desires, the Arch bishop of Toledo, (a better servant to the King than they esteemed him) had always opposed himself. So as they treated secretly with the king to take the royal seals from him, for they held it dangerous, 
Sea is taken from the Arch bishop of Toledo.  that an Arragonois should be Chancellor of the Realm; who by reason of that dignity was privy to all that was treated and resolved in the king's Council.  
According to this resolution, there was an occasion offered: The Archbishop being in the King's Palace, and being demanded of the Affairs of the Bishopric, touching the Estate, and the king's revenues, he excused himself upon the actions of Don john Manuel his brother-in-law, who was there present, who answered very peremptorily for himself, so as there were bitter words betwixt them in the King's presence. For this cause soon after the seals were taken away, and given to Don Garcylaço de Vega: whereat the Archbishop Don john being much discontented, he never ceased until he had exchanged his Archbishoppricke of Toledo, with that of Tarragone, causing Don john de Luna, to be advanced to the archiepiscopal dignity of Toledo, and Primacy of Spain by Pope john.  
37 In the mean time came the year 1326. 
1326.  when as the King took upon him the government of his Realm, at a Parliament held at Vailledolit, whereas D. Philip or Alphonso, Don john Manuel, and Don john the Blind were discharged of their administration, which they had managed with great scandal. There did the king swear to observe the fundamental Laws of the Realm, and to administer justice, maintaining every one in his estate, goods, and honour. To whom also the Deputies of the Estates did swear fidelity, 
Oth' reciprocal betwixt the K. and his subjects  and offered the rights and ordinary services due unto the Crown. This done, the King did choose two wise Knights to be of his Council of State, Don Garcylaço de la Vega, abovenamed, and Aluar Nugnes Osorio: and for his treasure a jew called joseph of Ecchia, to whom he gave the superintendency of the Customs, Imposts, Rents and Revenues of the Realm.  
In the disposition whereof, he did not govern himself by the advice of Don john Manuel, nor Don john the Blind, nor did much esteem them: whereat being jealous and discountented, they parted from Vailledolit without taking any leave of the King, and made a league together at Cigales. The king was soon advertised hereof, and did in few days break this plot, making himself sure to Donna Constance Manuel, daughter to Don john Manuel at Vailledolit: but this marriage took to effect: and he gave unto Don john Manuel, (to draw him unto him) the government of the fronter. Thus was Don john the Blind abandoned, so as he was more incensed then before: Thus Prince entertained such bad designs, as his end was miserable. He sought to marry Donna Blanch daughter to Don Pedro of Castille, to the end he might enjoy the places which she held upon the frontier of Arragon, and from thence make war against the King Don Alphonso: He made a league with the new King of Portugal against him, and attempted all means to annoy his Prince, notwithstanding that the king of Don Alphonso tried all ways to pacify him, so as he was forced to use more violent remedies.  
38 During these homebred troubles of Castille, 
Moors.  Ishmael king of Granado was slain by his subjects, upon this occasion. Among the prisoners which the Moors had brought from Martos, there was a Christian woman, exceeding fair, who fell into the hands of the king's Cousin, son to the Governor of Algezire, who was called Mahumet. This prisoner being seen by king Ishmael, he grew so in love with her, as he demanded her of Mahumet: who yielding more unto his desires, then to the respect he ought unto his Prince, refused him plainly: whereupon the king gave him many bitter and threatening words: Mahumet either for fear or disdain, to have been threatened with injurious words, laid a plot with Ozmin, who was already much discontented for the death of his son, whom they had so little spared at the assault of the rock of Martos, and resolved together to kill king Ishmael, and to place in the royal Seat of Granado, a Moor called Mahumet Aben Alhamar, or the Vermell, who descended from i'th' first king of Granado, and carried the same name, saying, that the Crown belonged more rightly to him, then to Ishmael, who was allied to these kings only by the Mother's side. This king was called to this Council, and they made a new confederacy with Ozmin, who should be ready in Arms with his friends and servants, whilst that Mahumet, son to the Governor of Algezire, with his father, and another brother, should execute the murder upon the person of king Ishmael. These things being concluded, the Conspirators entered into Alhambra of Granado, and addressing themselves unto the king, they told him, that they had some matters of great importance to impart unto him, desiring him to give them audience in some retired place: the which the king willingly granted, who being entered into a gallery, the father and the son marching before the king, and his brother after, with the great Provost, or Constable of Granado, whom they called Alguazil Mayor, the two foremost turned suddenly upon the king, and gave him two wouds upon the head. The Alguazil seeing this disloyalty, drew his sword to defend his king, and fought so valiantly against these two traitors, father and son, as he made them give back unto the end of the gallery, and to enter into a chamber, into the which he shut them, notwithstanding that the brother, who was the third murderer, had wounded him behind in four places, who returning afterwards against the king, gave him a mortal wound in the shoulder. The Alguazil having shut up the two first, came against the third, and forced him to enter into an old cabinet, into the which he also shut him. 
Ishmael king of Granado 〈◊〉 by 〈…〉.  Being thus freed of the traitors, this faithful servant came unto the king, whom he found grievously wounded, and almost fainting, having taken him in his arms, and carried him into a chamber, in the which were his mother, widow to Ferrachen and his wives, where leaving the cure and care of him to them, he went into the palace Court of Alhambra, where as he found many, as well of the conspirators, as of others which might have heard the noise, and understood something of the fact, to whom he said, there was no great danger, and that the king's wounds were light: and having called some unto him, whom he knew faithful unto the king, he entered with them into those places where as the traitors were shut, and cut off their heads: then he returned into the chamber where as the king was in the Physicians and Surgeons hands, but there was no more hope of life: wherefore going out of Alhambra, he met with Ozmin, who came running at this noise well accompanied, and asked him of the king's life. The Alguazil dissembling the truth, answered, that all was well, entreating him to accompany him to seize upon those that were suspected to be of this conspiracy, the which Ozmin durst not refuse: thus of a traitor he became faithful by constraint, and running through the city of Granado, they seized upon all the friends and servants of the murderer Mahumet, and brought them into Alhambra, where in the heat they were put to death. In the mean time king Ishmael breathed his last, having reigned by force about nine years: this was in the year 1322. and the 705. of the Arabians.   

Mahumet the sixth K. of Granado.  
TO him succeeded his son Mahomet the sixth, by the means and dexterity of the Provost or Alquazil, who having seen the king's death, and keeping it as secret as he could, he gave the Noblemen and Knights Granadins to understand, that they should show themselves in arms before the castle, to receive the King's commandments, and namely Ozmin, who was not well assured in his conscience, but studied what he should do: yet he came well followed. The Nobility being assembled, the Alguazil being faithful to the king, even after his death, taking the eldest to three sons (which he had left) in his arms, he went out of Alhambra, and declared the truth unto the assembly, how the king had been slain by the treason of Mahumet, and what had followed, and presenting the child, who was but twelve years old, unto the knights, he recommended him unto them, and persuaded them to acknowledge him for their lawful king. Ozmin who was of greatest authority among them, was wonderfully perpelxt, and wavering in his discourses, yet thinking that he should rule this Infant better than any other, he was the first that gave his consent, saying Mahumet is our king. His voice was allowed by all that were present, and the brute both of Ismaels' death, and of the election of Mahumet his son, was dispersed through the town: and soon after the new king was led through the streets and showed unto the Granadins, who were discontended at this sudden change, as well by reason of the King murdered, as of the hasty election of his son, being so young, yet it held good: but notwithstanding that this young Mahumet obtained the Realm by a law full means, yet his end was miserable, being a familiar thing among the Arabians, one to spoil and dispossess an other by wicked and cruel treasons, as a people always void of all good government. Such of the conspirators as were not taken, fled: among the which was Mahumet Aben-Athamar, who in time returned to Granado, and reigned, as we shall hereafter show.  
What past in Navarre during the reign of Philip the Long, 
Navarre.  who died about the time of these revolutions in Granado, we find not any thing worth the relating: only mention is made of a Governor for the king in that Realm, called Ponce of Morentain, whom some term Lord of Rossillon: oaths, Vicont of Anay, of Arnaud of Barbastan Bishop of Pampleona, D. Martin of Ayvar Standard-bearer of the Realm, D. juigo Peres de Rada a Knight, D. john Arnaud of Espeleta, of the Abbot of Lerin, of D. Martin juanes of Vrris, D. Pedro Ximenes of Mirafuentes, D. Garcia Martin's of Ollaoqui, Diego Martin's of Vrris, and Martin's of Arletta, knights, who made the Council of state of that Realm.  
The end of the thirteenth Book.    

SEMPER EADEM THE FOURTEENTH BOOK of the History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 CHarles the Fair, first of that name, the 28. king of Navarre: troubles in the Realm under the Governors: his marriages.  
2 Excess, massacres, and spoiling of the jews in Navarre.  
3 jeanne daughter to Lewis Hutin, Queen of Navarre, and in her right Philip of Eureux, accounted for the 29. King of Navarre, and the third of that name: Articles accorded at his coming to the Estates.  
4 Bry and champaign hereditary to the House of Navarre.  
5 The family of Beaumond in Naurarre.  
6 D. Alphonso the fourth of that name, King of Portugal.  
7 Murder of D. john the Blind, Prince of Castille, by the commandment of King Don Alphonso the 12. King of Castille.  
8 D. Alphonso the 4. of that name, King of Portugal.  
9 Disordered affections of Don Alphonso King of Castille: the King's trenheries, envy of Courtiers, murders and massacres.  
10 Love of the king. D. Alphonso with D. Leonora of Guzman.  
11 Ancient custom in choosing the Lords of Alava, to govern the country, under the Sovereignty of Castille, abolished, and the union of that Province.  
12 Order of the Knights of the band instituted by the king D. Alphonso, their laws and orders.  
13 Continuance of the kings of Maroc in Africa: exploits of war betwixt the Christians and the Moors.  
14 The children of D. Alphonso King of Castille of diverse conditions. Troubles, and poursuits of Rebels.  
15 Estate of Navarre, war betwixt the Castillans and Navarrois.  
16 Estate of Arragon, war against the Sardes, and the Genevots their allies.  
17 D. Pedro the fourth of that name, and 13. King of Arragon.  
18 Troubles in Castille: cruelties of King D. Alphonso the twelfth.  
19 War of the Moors against Castille, whereof followed the famous battle of Salado.  
20 Disposition of D. Pedro king of Arragon, his hatred against Don james king of Maiorca his kinsman.  
21 Continuance of the war betwixt Castille and Arragon.  
22 Estate of Navarre: the voyage of King Philip of Eureux into Andalusia and his death.  
23 Siege of Algezire, and the taking thereof.  
24 Unjust persecution of D. james king of Maiorca, by D. Pedro king of Arragon.  
25 Donation of the islands of the Canaries to Don Lewis de la Cerde, by Pope Clement the sixth.  
26 Marriages of D. Pedro the fourth king of Arragon: Seditions and rebellions of his subjects for the succession, and how he sub●●●● sarragossa and Valencia.  
27 Politic acts of Don Alphonso king of Castille. Estates held in Castille.   
Continuance of the royal Families of Spain, whereof mention is made in this 14. Book.  

NAVARRE.  
28 Charles the Fair  
29 Philip of Eureux, by reason of jeanne his wife, daughter to Lewis Hutin.   

ARRAGON.  
12 D. Alphonso 4.  
13 D. Pedro 4.   

PORTUGAL.  
7. D. Alphonso 4.   

Charles the Fair, the first of that name, and eight and twentieth King of Navarre.  
TO King Philip, being dead at Fontainbleau without heirs male, succeeded in the year of our Lord 1321. his brother Charles the Fair, in the two Realms of France and Navarre, to the prejudice of his Niece jeanne, the lawful heir of Navarre. Charles when he was far from these successions, had put away Blanch his wife, being convicted of adultery, as hath been said, whose life was saved, for that the marriage might be dissolved without death, by the Pope's authority, for that there was betwixt the husband and the wife a spiritual alliance, which had made the marriage unlawful, so as by consequent there was no adultery, but simple fornication, for that Charles the Fair was Godfather to Blanch. Wherefore he took to his second wife the daughter of Henry of Luxembourg Emperor, and sister to john King of Bohemia, 
Marriage of King Charles the first.  having first demanded in marriage Donna Violant of Arragon, daughter to the King D. james the second, but could not obtain her, for some reasons. In the beginning of King Charles his reign, Ponce Morantin being Governor and Viceroy of the country, the castle of Gorriti was surprised by them of Guipuscoa from the Navarrois: for this and other considerations, the Governor having raised an army of Navarrois and French, entered into Guipuscoa, being resolved to put the country to fire and sword: and beginning by Tolousa in Guipuscoa, he burned Berastegui, and did incredible harm, sparing neither holy nor profane. Marching towards Beotiba, the Navarrois army was stayed at the foot of the mountains by the Guipuscoans, who were gathered together to the number of eight hundred (some say eight thousand) in arms, under the conduct of Gil Lopes of Ognes', Lord of Larrea, and were seized upon the straits and places of advantage, where the army should pass, having planted some peasants upon the tops of the rocks and precipices, who when the body of the army being advanced in these difficult passages, should march, they should roll down pipes full of stones, which they had prepared, the which overthrew many, 
Defeat of Navarrois in Guipuscoa.  and besides put such a disorder in the army, as that eight hundred armed men which were upon the passages, presented themselves, and put all their enemies to rout, with a wonderful slaughter, and took all their baggage: the which was esteemed worth a hundred thousand livers, a matter almost incredible, considering the inequality of their forces, but it is witnessed, not only by the records of Guipuscoa, but also of Navarre, so dangerous is the hazard of war, and so great an advantage doth the situation of a country give, when it is well chosen by a wise and expert captain.  
Amongst the men of mark that were slain in the Navarrois army, were found the Viceroy's brother, 
Men of account slain.  and D. Michael Sanches Alaves, D. Martin of Roncal, Martin Vrtiz, the Lord of Rosobel, john Corboran of Leer, john Martin's of Medrano, john Henriques, D. Martin de la Pegna, Pero Sotes, john Lopes of Vrros Merin Major of the Mountain, Peter of Ayvar, Martin of Vrsa son to Martin of Ayvar, who carried the Standard royal, and others to the number of five and fifty knights. Amongst the prisoners was Martin of Ayvar and an other sonneof his. The number of soldiers that were slain, was very great: and of this encounter they do at this day sing songs, both in Castille and Guipuscoa, in their country language. Here of grew other wars betwixt Castille and Navarre.  
In the year of our Lord 1324. Queen Mary being dead, King Charles married the third time with jeanne daughter to Lewis of France, 
Third marriage of King Charles.  Earl of Eureux, and sister to Philip of Eureux, who was King of Navarre soon after, by reason of his wife jeanne, daughter to King Lewis Hutin, heir of Navarre. The same year Navarette of Pampelone, by the permission of Charles, was begun to be re-edefied, having been ruined eight and forty years before by Robert Earl of Arthois. This King Charles the Fair, nor his brother Philip the Long, never came into Navarre, 
Prince's absence cause of liberty and disorder.  by reason whereof many grew insolent, especially upon the frontiers, against the will of their Prince, the Governors, and Viceroys winking at them, who regarded more their own private profit and passions than the honour and service of their Master; wherefore betwixt the Navarrois and Arragonois, of the frontiers of Sanguessa Real, and other bordering places, notwithstanding any accord the Kings had made, there was still roads and spoiling one of an other, so as the Arragonois were forced to keep great garrisons in those parts, whereof the King of Arragon complained to King Charles, who commanded still that they should live like neighbours and friends, but he was not obeyed.  
In the year of our Lord 1328. King Charles died at Bois de Vincennes, haing reigned seven years and some days, leaving Queen jeanne his wife with child, who was delivered of a daughter, called Belanche, married afterwards to Philip Duke of Orleans, he was buried at Saint Denis in France. After the death of this King, there were great quarrels and divisions both in France and Navarre. In France, for that during the Queen's being with child Edward King of England, son to Isabel of France, sister to the deceased King maintained that the Government did belong to him: One the other side Philip son to Charles Earl of Valois, cousin germane to the three last Kings, said that the regency did belong to him, as next heir to the crown of France, which did not belong but to males descended of males, and was regent. The Queen being delivered at Bois de Vincennes of a daughter, Philip, of Regent was proclaimed King, against the pretensions of Edward King of England, who was put by, under colour of the Salic law. Hereupon followed great and continual wars, which had in a manner ruined France, if God had not relieved it. These contended a doubtful title, which belonged to neither of them, if the crown had fallen to the female: for jeanne daughter to King Lewis Hutin, did precede them al.  
2 The death of King Charles being known in Navarre, this nation, which was accustomed to live licentiously, for that they had not a long time seen the face of their Kings, thought now they had gotten liberty to do what they pleased; so as they began to mutiny and to raise seditions in all the towns of the realm. In the end they discharged their choler upon the jews who were dispersed throughout the towns in great numbers, and very odious to the Christians, as well by reason of the divesity of religion, 
Massacre of jews in Navarre.  as for their excessive usury, whereby they did exhaust all their substance: wherefore they began to spoil them in all places as enemies, at Estella, Viana, Funes, Marzilla and many other places, with so great cruelty, and greediness to get, as it is said they slew above ten thousand persons of that sect, men, women and little children. To redress which excess, and to take away the cause, the Estates of Navarre assembled at Puenta la Reyna, to resolve without any respect, to whom the realm of Navarre belonged, whether to Edward King of England or to D. jeanne Countess of Eureux. The Estates were referred to Pampelone, the chief town of the Realm, whereas their opinions were divers, many holding that King Edward should have the Realm of Navarre, as grandchild (borne of the daughter) to Queen jeanne, daughter to King Henry, rather than the Countess of Eureux, in regard of the sex: others, and with more reason, held for the Countess, who was in the same degree, but daughter to a son, and heir to Queen jeanne, and pervailed, drawing the rest to their opinion.  
3 Thus was jeanne Countess of Eureux declared the true and lawful Queen of Navarre, 
D. jeanne Queen of Navarre.  in the year of our Lord 1328. the realm having been vacant about four months. And until that she and Cont Philip her husband, should come and take possession of the Realm, 
An. 1328.  they declared Regent and Viceroy D. john Corboran of Leer, Standard-bearer of the realm, and john Martin's of Medrano.   

Philip the third of that name, the nine and twentieth King of Navarre.  
PHilip Earl of Eureux, son to Lewis of France, who was son to Philip the third, son to the King Saint Lewis, is counted by us for the nine and twentieth King of Navarre, the third of that name, and was surnamed the noble. As soon as the Election was made by the Estates of Navarre, they sent Ambassadors to Ph. of Valois the French King, to let him understand the reasons that the King elected had unto the realm, which had moved the Estates to make this election; and by the same Ambassadors they advertised Philip of Eureux and jeanne his wife thereof, summoning them to come and take possession of the realm, and to govern it. The French King did no way hinder it, wherefore the Kings of Navarre elect prepared for their voyage, and arrived there about the beginning of the year of our Lord 1329. 
An. 1329.  having not seen a King in their country of a long time. The Prelates, Knights and wise men of the realm before their coming, had set down in writing the conditions whereunto they would receive them in the succession of the realm, the which before the solemnities of the coronation and oath, they presented unto Philip and to jeanne his wife, the which they yielded willingly unto. The Estate being assembled at Pampelone, these conditions were sworn by them, whereof the principal Articles were.  
1 First to the Estates to maintain and keep the rights, 
Articles sworn by the Kings of Navarre.  laws, customs, liberties and previledges of the Realm, both written and not written, and whereof they were in possession, to them and their successors for ever, and not to diminish, but rather augment them.  
2 That they should disannul all that had been done to the prejudice thereof by the King their Predecessors, and by their Ministers, without delay, notwithstanding any let.  
3 That for the term of twelve years to come, they should not coin any money, but such as was then currant within the Realm, and that during their lives they should not conine above one sort of new money, and that they should distribute part of the revenues, profits and commodities of the realm unto the subjects.  
4 That they should not receive into their service above four strangers, but should employ them of the country.  
5 That the forts and garrisons of the realm, should be given to gentlemen borne and dwelling in the Country, and not to any stranger: who should do homage to the Queen, and promise for to hold them for her, and for the lawful heir of the country.  
6 That they should not exchange nor engage the realm for any other Estate whatsoever.  
7 That they should not sell nor engage any of revenues of the crown, neither should make any law nor statute against the realm, nor against them that should lawfully succeed therein.  
8 That to the first son which God should give them, coming to the age of twenty years, they should leave the Kingdom free and without factions, upon condition that the Estates should pay unto them for their expenses a hundred thousand Sanchets (which was a piece of gold than currant) or in other French money equivalent.  
9 That if God gave them no children, in that case they should leave the realm after them free, with the forts, in the hands of the Estates, to invest them to whom by right it should belong.  
10 That if they infringe any of these Articles, or any part of them, the subjects should be quit of their oath of subjection which they ought them.  
These Articles being promised and sworn by the King and Queen, they were solemnly crowned, and the Deputies of the Estates, Noblemen and Officers of the crown took their oath of obedience, 
Coronation of Philip of Eue●eu●.  in the Cathedral church of Pampelone. And afterwards there were orders set down by the King and Queen for the Government of the Realm: the which being written were sent into France, and confirmed by King Philip of Valois at Paris the same year of our Lord 1329. After that time the French Kings had no command in Navarre, having held that realm eight and fifty years united to the crown of France: yet King Philip of Valois, retained of the inheritance of his cousin, the Countess of Bry, and a while after he gave them other lands in exchange, yet not of that value.  
Philip and jeanne King of Navarre had these children following, 
Genealogy of Navarre.  Charles who succeeded in the realm, Philip Earl of Longueville, Lewis Earl of Beaumond le Royer, and afterwards Duke of Duras, jeanne married to the vicont of Rohan, Mary Queen of Arragon, wife to D. Pedro the ceremonious, Blanch Queen of France, last wife to Philip of Valois, and Agnes Countess of Foix married to Gaston Phoebus: some of which were borne before their Election, and some after. Lewis the third son of this marriage was Earl of Beaumond in Normandy, for that he married the heir of that house, by whom he had one son called Charles of Beaumond, who married the daughter of the Vicont of Mauleon in Navarre, 
Beginning of the house of Beaumond in Navarre.  and was the first Standard-bearer of the realm, through the favour of King Charles his uncle. Of this Charles of Beaumond is descended the house of Beaumond in Navarre. After the death of the Countess of Beaumond, Lewis married jeanne daughter and heir to the Duke of Duras, upon the coast of Macedonia, towards the Adriatic sea, and was entitled Duke.  
These things being done in Navarre, King Philip being advertised that the French King marched with a mighty army against the Flemings rebelled, who had chased away Lewis their Earl, and committed many insolences against the King's Officers, both in words and deeds: he parted out of Navarre, being loath to fail him at need who had so kindly suffered him to take possession of the Realm, leaving the Queen D. jeanne to govern. Navarre. He was present at the battle which King Philip of Valois gave the Flemings at Cassel, whereas twenty thousand were slain upon the place: by means whereof Count Lewis was restored to his Estate, and the Flemings subdued. This war being ended, the King of Navarre returned into his realm: It was then that the Infant D. Alphonso de la Cerde, son to D. Fernand, eldest son to King D. Alphonso of the Astrologuer, being ill entreated in Castille, 
Donation made by the Infant D Alphonso de la Cerde to the Kings of Navarre.  where he pretended the crown, made a donation unto the crown of Navarre, of the rights which he pretended in Guipuscoa, Alava, Rioja and other lands, the which had in former times belonged to Navarre, and were usurped and retained by the Kings of Castille. Some affirm that this donation was made in the year of our Lord 1330. But howsoever, King Philip desirous to do justice, & to govern his Realm well, which had great need, and therefore was necessary to entertain peace with his neighbours, made no great account thereof at that time, but sent Ambassadors to D. Alphonso then reigning in Castille, 
Ambassadors sent from Navarre to Castille.  to seek his friendship. The Ambassadors found the King at Talavera la Reyna, who entertained them well. Their embassage was, that the Realm having many years wanted the Sovereign Magistrate, and in a manner abandoned by their Kings, it was no wonder if many things had happened contrary to the ancient alliances betwixt the houses of Castille and Navarre, for what did the Viceroys and Governors, care, being strangers (having no resemblance of manners, nor other bond of friendship with the Spaniards) how all things went, so as they were obeyed in the country, and that they might vaunt they had rather done wrong, than received any, keeping continual garrisons of strangers, ready to commit any insolences: whereof God had some times showed his judgement, even in the last encounter near unto Beotibar: where by an extraordinary and miraculous punishmen, God had chastised the negligence of the four last Kings, which had held the realm of Navarre, who had respected it so little as they had scarce looked towards it, yea the two last never came near it, which had made the bad to grow more insolent, and so to continue, until that the lawful heirs of the crown of Navarre were come to their possession, by the decease of King Charles the Fair, Philip Earl of Eureux, husband to their true Queen D. jeanne, being called to reign, who had sent this embassage unto him, to let him understand these things, as a neighbour Prince and friend, with whom they desired to entertain peace and friendship, by all good offices which Princes and neighbour Estates may receive one from an other.  
The King D. Alphonso having heard this embassage, fitted unto the deseignes of the new Kings of Navarre, moderating the things which had passed betwixt these two realms, before their Election, answered, that he was glad the Navarrois had had means to recover them for their Kings, to whom the crown did by right belong, and that for his part he desired to entertain a perpetual friendship with King Philip and Queen jeanne, and to show it by the effects in any occasion that should be offered, wherewith he would acquaint his subjects, to the end their King's vassals, both Navarrois and French, should be well entreated in Castille, and if any wrong were done them, it should be repaired: and that they should advertise their Kings on his behalf, to do the like in their countries. The Ambassadors returning with this answer, gave great contentment to King Philip, who to administer justice, erected a new Court of Parliament in Navarre, the which was called New to distinguish it from the Old, he and the three Estates of the realm naming men, worthy of that charge. The like embassage was sent by him into Arragon and Portugal, who were returned with pleasing answers. Matters being thus settled in a better Estate than before, 
Ambassadors from Navarre to Arragon and Portugal.  the King and Queen returned into France, leaving for Governor a French gentleman, called Henry of Guliac, or of Solibert, but with a more limited power then former Viceroys and Governors. Such was the Estate of Navarre unto the year 1331.  
Let us now return to the History of Arragon, the which we have left at the new conquest of Sardinia, 
Arragon.  in the which soon after the departure of the Infant D. Alphonso they fell to rebellion, beginning in the town of Sassari, the which is one of the greatest of the Island, 
Sardinia rebels against the Arragonois.  by the faction of them of the house and family of Oria, great and mighty Lords, especially in that town, whereof the chief were Francesquin, Mastin, Branca, and Vinciguerra, all of the family of Oria. These with their partisans having sought many means to expel the garrison of Arragonois which was at Sassari, in the end they rebelled openly, and by their example, and upon the first opportunity, the Pisans holding the city and castle of Caglieri, seemed to have a desire to do the like: whereof the King of Arragon being advertisied, he neglected all other deseignes, and thought of the preservation of this Island, which he had subdued with great charge and loss: and for the which and for that of Corsica, he was bound to pay unto the Pope and to the Sea of Rome, an excessive tribute of two thousand marks silver, and to entertain a certain number of soldiers for the defence of the church.  
The decease of D. Sancho King of Majorça without children, had made him desirous to join the Islands and the Siegneuries which he had enjoyed upon the firm land to his crown of Arragon, wherefore he had sent the Infant D. Alphonso into the counties of Rossillon and Cerdagne, with forces to seize thereon, but he was so careful of the affairs of Sardinia, as he did easily incline to the request which D. Philip, brother to the deceased King of Majorca, made in favour of his Nephew D. james, son to the Infant D. Fernand their brother, who as we have said died Prince of Morea: wherefore the realm of Majorca, 
D. james King of Majorca, second of that name.  and the succession of the King D. Sancho was left unto this D. james being yet very young, except the right of Sovereignty. Being now forced to send an army into Sardinia, to his great charge, the Pope was entreated by the Infant D. Pedro (who was sent Ambassador expressly to that end by the king his father) being at avignon, to abate this tribute to five hundred marks, and to exempt him from the moiety of the soldiers pay, whereunto he was liable by reason of the same contract, and for the said Islands, for the defence of the territories of the church. The Infant D. Pedro was courteously received by the Pope, and favourably heard in the consistory, where he obtained abatement of half the tribute and of the soldiers pay for ten years, and moreover to receive the tithes for two years.  
In the mean time the King D. james armed twelve galleys in Cattelogne, and sent them before to Sardinia, under the charge of Bernard Cespuiade, to assist the Arragonois, and others that held for him in the Island: Barnabo who had been faithful to the King of Arragon, was now dead, whose children Cassan, Galeor, Geoffroy and Brancaleon, showed themselves enemies unto him, and so in like manner did Federic, Azon and john Malespina, Marquises, who were rich and of great power in Sardinia: Notwithstanding that their uncles Christian Spinola, entertained the friendship of the King D. james, and was acceptable unto him. These men by general conspiracy, had taken arms, in favour of an army which the Pisan and the Gibiline faction of Genoa did raise to send into Sardinia, the which was newly increased by two and twenty Genova galleys, which had been first entertained by Frederic King of Sicily, making war against Robert King of Naples, of the which Gaspar d' Oria was General, who afterwards leaving the party of the Arragonois and Sicilians, and carrying away the King D. frederic money, he joined with the Pisans, who made him Admiral of all the fleet. Then began there cruel wars betwixt the Cattelans and Genevois, whom Francisco Carroso, General of the Galleys of Arragon, and a sworn enemy to that nation, did punish severely when as he took any one of their Pirates. Having embarked certain troops of old soldiers, Arragonois and Cattelans, he came and presented himself before the port of Cailleri, about the end of August, in the year 1325. and held the city and fort as it were besieged.  
This year the Estates were called at Sarragossa in Arragon, where were present D. Pedro de Luna, 
Estates of Arragon.  Archbishop of Sarragossa, D. Sancho de Arragon the King's brother: Don james of Arragon of Xerica, D. Simon Cornel, D. Pero Martin's de Luna, D. Blasco Maza de Verga, D. john Ximenes of Vrrea, Don Simon de Fosses, Don Raymond of Perault, Don Martin Gil of Atrosil, Don Gombald Tramasset, Don William Entenza, Don Michael Peres Gottorio, Don Gil Garces of Atrosil, done Michael Gurrea, Don Blasco Maza de Cells, Don Simon Peres de Punia, Don Artorella of Ortis, Don Garcia Peres pegna acuta, D. Pedro Ruis de Sagra, D. Ponce Ignes Entenza, D. Lope Ximenes de Luna, D. Pedro de Laino, D. Michael Peres Zapata, with other Noblemen and Knights that were present, and the Deputies of D. Blasco de Alagon, of D. Lopes de Luna, of D. Alphonso Fernand of Ixar, and others absent, and the Deputies of the towns and commonalties having any place in the said Estates. 
Right of representation.  There D. Pedro, son to the Infant D. Alphonso, was sworn presumptive heir, and successor to the crown, after the decease of the Grandfather and father: the which was then decreed and practised, for that Don Pedro Earl of Ribagorça and Ampurias did maintain that if his brother D. Alphonso should die before their father, the realm did belong to him by right of Proximity, wherefore he refused then to swear unto his Nephew, but he did afterwards. There the Articles of the general privileges were confirmed, the which had been accorded and sworn by the deceased King Don Pedro, and it was ordained for a law, that no free man shuold be put to the rack, and that confiscations should not be allowed, but in cases of coining, and high treason.  
The young King of Majorca being under the Government of his uncle D. Philip, was there made sure to Don Constance of Arragon, daughter to the Infant Don Alphonso, he being eleven years old, and she five: these were the chief acts of this assembly.  
The Pisans army, led by Gaspar d' Oria, approaching near unto the Gulf of Cailleri, where as Francisco Carroça lay with the army of Arragon, 
Battle at sea before Caillery.  there was a cruel and dangerous battle for the loser, for their rests were up: but the Arragonois, were victors, who by this memorable victory, took a part of the town of Cailleri, called Stampace; being assaulted at sea by Francisco Carroço, and at Land by Raymond of Peralta. Soon after there fell so dangerous a sedition betwixt the Land and Sea-forces of the Arragonois, as both captains and soldiers ran like mad men one upon an other with greater obstinacy then against their enemies, and many were cruelly slain: so as this rage had a manner ruined the Arragonois Estate in that Island, but God had otherwise decreed: for the Pisans being very weak, and brought low with the long precedent wars, 
Pisans quit the Island of Sardinia.  which they had sustained both against the Genevois and Arragonois, did quit the Island of Sardinia, by an agreement made betwixt the King of Arragon, and their Senate, in the year of our Lord 1326. so as the town of Sassari was yielded to the Arragonois, 
Pisans quit the Island of Sardinia.  the Marquis of Malespina surceasing, and promising to be obedient to the King and his Lieutenants. Thus the Kings of Arragon became Lords of Sardinia without contradiction, for a time: but in their own country of Cattelogne, and Valencia, there wanted no troubles and quarrels, which grew amongst the Noblemen of the country, 
Troubles and quarrels where is much idle Nobility.  being an ordinary thing, that whereas there is great store of idle Nobility, there is always 〈◊〉 and contention; to the oppression of the people.  
D. Arnaud Roger Earl of Palliars, and Raymond Folch Vicout of Cardona, were then in arms one against an other, by reason of a murder committed on the person of D. William Queralt, whereof the Earl of Palliars was accused, and either of them having a great troop of friends and Partisans, held allattelogne in confusion, with their horrible insolences. In the country of Valencia, D. james Lord of Xerica, was in quarrel with his own mother D. Beatrix of Loria, and would have put her out of her lands and possessions, so as this quarrel did in a manner divide the King and his son D. Alphonso, the one supporting the mother, and the other the son. 
The sovereign should always be a judge and not a Partisan in his subjects quarrels.  These quarrels were reconciled with much pain: for when as the Sovereign Magistrate doth meddle in his subjects, quarrels, and of a judge becomes a Partisan, his authority leans to the one side, and the remedies are more difficult, and less effectual. D. james of Xerica, during these troubles, married the widow Queen of D. Sancho of Majorca, whose name was Mary, sister to Robert King of Naples, a woman of an unchaste life.  
In the year of our Lord 1327. Don james the Young of Majorca did homage for the Islands, and Land which the held, as well in Cattelogne, as on this side the mountains to the King of Arragon, as to his sovereign, in the presence of Don Philip his uncle and Tutor, Don Pedro and Don Raymond Berenger, the King's children, Caston of Moncade, Bishop of Huesca, and many others: and within few days after Don james King of Arragon died in the town of Barcelona, having reigned six and thirty years, four months and a half. A Prince rather inclined to good then bad, to whom learning and learned men own the foundation of the University of Lerida, in Cattelogne, seven and twenty years before his death, which he endowed with many previledges, and would have that alone throughout all his dominions, forbidding all other schools but for Grammar and Logic. His body lies buried in the Monastery of Santa Cruz.   

D. Alphonso the fourth of that name, the twelfth King of Arragon.  
Done Alphonso his son, succeeded him, to whom was given the surname of pitiful. He was not the eldest, but that Don james his eldest brother, quitting in his father's life time, the succession of the crown of Arragon, as we have said, entered and invested himself into that Order of Knights of Saint john of jerusalem: He was King.  
This was his issue; During his father's life, 
Genealogy of Arragon.  he married first Donna Therefa of Entenza, Countess heir of vrgel, by whom he had the Infant Don Pedro, borne at seven months end, who was King, and he Infant Don james Earl of vrgel and Vicont of Ajar, and moreover four other sons and one daughter, who died very young, and are interred at Sarragossa in Saint Francis Church with their mother Donna Constance, who was wife unto Don james the last King of Majorca. Donna Theresa had not the title of a Queen, for that she died four days before the King Don james her father in law. Being King, he took to his second wife, Donna Leonora of Castille, daughter to the King Don Fernand the fourth, who was mother to Don Fernand Marquis of Tortoça, who married at Ebora, Donna Maria of Portugal, daughter to the King Don Pedro, and was slain by the commandment of his brother reigning an Arragon; he had also by her Don john, who died in Castille, Don Alphonso being come to the crown, he gave the country of Vrgel and other Lands, to his second son Don James.  
Coming to Saragossa where the general Estates were assembled, he took and received a reciprocal oath according to the ancient custom of Kings his predecessors, and was crowned King in the year of our Lord 1328. in which year were crowned in Navarre Philip of Eureux, in France Philip of Valois, and at Rome the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria. At this Coronation of King Don Alphonso did assist with the Deputies of the Estates, Don james of Arragon Lord of Xerica, Don Pedro judge of Arborea, Don Raymond Folc Viscount of Cardona, Don Arnauld Roger of Mataplane Earl of Palliars, Don Alphonso Fernandes of Arragon Lord of Ixar, Don Lope de Luna, Don William and Berenger Anglesol, Don john Ximenes of Vrrea, Don Pedro Ceruel Don William Ceruillon, Don Othon of Moncado, and Don Othon of Fosses, with other Noblemen. There were above two hundred and fifty Knights made with the ceremonies accustomed in those times, where there was present the Ambassadors of john King of Bohemia, called Henry Bomallia, who brought a promise from his Master that he would come into Spain, to make war against the Moors, with the King of Arragon, the which he did not.  
The war which Arragon made against the Infidels, 
King of Arragon makes war against the Moors of Africa.  was more in Africa then in Spain: for the opportunity of Sardinia did invite the Kings of Arragon for to raise their powers and make war against the Moors, which commanded at Tunes, Bugie, and Tremessen: Notwithstanding being mutined again by the persuasion of the Genevois, this year a truce was made betwixt the King of Arragon, and Abubacar petty King of Tunes and Bugia, and Abduria Hamen King of Tremessen. The Court being at Daroca, about the end of this year, an Edict was made, that for ten years, no town, castle, government, nor any customs, imposts or places of justice whatsoever, should be given or alienated from the revenues of the Crown: the which the King seeking afterwards for to break, it caused great alterations and tumults, Don james King of Maiorca did a new homage to King D. Alphonso for his realm, and other lands, submitting himself to the Souveraignty of Arragon.  
After all these things they thought to provide for the revolts of Sardinia, whereas Barnaby d' Oria, 
Revolts in Sardinia.  being young and ill advised, had surprised Castle Genevois, and chased away the garrisons which were placed there by the uncles Cassan and Galeaz, whom Azon Marquis of Malespina did aid and support: but Cassan and Galeaz Oria, having incounted Azon and his troops, marching towards castle Genevois, they fought with them, defeated them, and took Azon prisoner: we shall hereafter make mention of these new broils, but we must return to the affairs of Castille and other countries of Spain.  
The league made in Castille, 
Castille.  betwixt Don john Manuel, and Don john the Blind, being broken, by a treaty of a future marriage, betwixt the King and D. Constance Manuel: D. john Manuel went unto his Government upon the frontier, whereunto he had been in consideration thereof newly advanced, and remained at Cordova, from whence he issued forth one day, being advertised of a great troop of moors Granadins, led by Ozmin, who was chosen governor of the King and Realm of Granado, and Commander of the soldiers about Antiquero, the which he charged suddenly, and made a great and cruel slaughter of them, upon the river of Guadal-force, being assisted by the holy Knights of Saint jaimes, Calatrava, Alcantara and their Masters.  
Ozmin had been chosen to his dignity by the Granadins, 
Moors.  who were ignorant, or at least dissembled, how ill he had been affected to the deceased king Ishmael, seeing the power of the realm in his hands, he broke the truce without any cause, and surprised Rute being il guarded by the Christians, being lawful for him to dispose of the affairs of the kingdom, during the minority of king Mahumet, seeing there was not any man of authority to contradict him, the good & fathful Alguazil, or Provost (who had put the sceptre into the hands, of Mahumet, and revenged his father's death) being dead, in whose place was substituted a Christian renegado, borne at Calçade, whose name was Rodnan.  
7 King D. Alphonso, during these things, went from Burgos to Toro, 
Castille.  where he sought by all mild courses to win D. john the Blind, seeming to have a desire to give him contentment and to honour him, 
Treachery of D. Alphonso King of Castille against eishbloud.  whereunto D. john yielded, and being invited to dine with the King upon All Saint's day, thinking to make good cheer, he was by the King's commandment murdered, with two Knights his vassals, called Garci Fernandes Sarmiento, and Lopes Aluares of Hermosilla. After this fact (to unseemly for a King who is the mirror of justice) they made his process; who being laid upon a Beer covered with a black cloth, the King condemned him as a traitor and did confiscate all his goods, and united them to the crown, having above fourscore towns and castles. The deceased left one only daughter his heir, the which was conveyed into France by her Governess, and came to Bayone, which at that time was held by the English, and was afterwards wife to D. john's Nugnes de Lara. D. Maria Diaz de Haro, d. john's mother, who was then in the Monastery of Peralez, hearing of his death, and wanting good council, 
Biscay sold to King D. Alphonso.  by the persuasion of D. Garcilaço de la Vega should the Siegneury of Biscay to the King, the which was not confiscable, for it was her patrimony: yet the King did not enjoy it very soon, neither is the sale very certain. the murder of D. john the Blind, coming to the knowledge of D. john Manuel, made him to stand upon his guard: wherefore leaving the fronter, and the King's forces, he retired to a castle of his called Chincilla, where he fortified himself, from whence the King could not of a long time draw him, notwithstanding all promises and assurances: wherefore he himself came to Sevill, where he made a stately entry, and began to make war against the Moors, with great perparation both by land and sea. Thither came a son of Ozmines, called Abraham the drinker for that he drink wine, who offered for to do him service, and he was entertained. On the oath side D. john Manuel gave the King of Granado to understand, that he was at his commandment, and that he would give him great means to annoy the King of Castille.  
In the year of our Lord 1328. King Don Alphonso did besiege Oluera, and took it by composition, to have their lives and goods saved: in the mean time being advertised that the Moors of Ayamont, fearing a siege, sent their wives, and unnecessary people towards Ronde, he sent the troops of Sevile to spoil them, and to take this multitude prisoners. Ruy Gonçales of Mancanedo, who led this company, did effect what he had in charge, but seeking to attempt Ayamont, the Moors within it made a very furious sally upon him and his troops, and put them all to rout, took away their Standard, and slew him that carried it: and but for the Archbishop of Sevile, who made it good, and withstood the force of the Barbarians with some knights and soldiers which he had rallied together, they had been all cut in pieces. The King after the taking of Oluera came to Pruna, a strong town, which had a castle impregnable: yet there were two Christians, which did assure the King that they had a means to take it. The King having given them a good troop, and set them to work, he gave a general assault to the town with his whole army, so as the besieged holding themselves assured of the castle, left only two or three Moors to guard it, 
Pruna taken by the Christians.  and went all to defend the town: whereby the two Christians, with them that followed them had means to seize upon the castle, the unexpected taking whereof made the town to be presently yielded.  
From thence the Christian army went to Ayamont, and to the tower of Alfaquin, the which yielded without any resistance. Alphonso Geoffrey Tenorio, Admiral at Sea, gave battle to two and twenty galleys, some belonging to the King of Granado, and some to him of Maroc, the which he vanquished, and took twelve hundred Moors. he sunk four galleys, and carried away three: And for this year being 1328. there was no other exploit of war done, 
An. 1328.  by reason of the rain, and winter approaching, which made the King return to Sevile.  
Don john Manuel revolted against his King and country, by reason of disloyalty used to D. john the blind, and allied himself with the Kings of Arragon and Granado, being the more incensed with the news he had, that the King treated a marriage with the Infanta of Portugal, leaving his daughter D. Constance Manuel, to whom he was made sure, we have said. The Infanta was called Mary, and was daughter to King D. Alphonso, who had in the year of our Lord 1325. succeeded King Denis his father in the realm of Portugal, and of D. Beatrix of Castille, sister to the King D. Fernand the fourth, so as she was cousin German to his future Spouse.   

D. Alphonso the fourth of that name, the seventh King of Portugal.  
8 THis D. Alphonso of Portugal was surnamed the brave, 
Portugal.  for that he was valiant and generous. He was about five and thirty years old, when he began to reign, and had been made sure to D. Beatrix, being but eight years old, and was married at the age of sixteen. 
Genealogy of Portugal.  They had many children, whereof Alphonso, Dems and john died young: then they had D. Pedro, who was King after his father, Donna Maria, of whose marriage with King D. Alphonso of Castille, we have begun to speak, and D. Leonora or Eluira, who was wife to D. Pedro the Ceremonious, King of Arragon. This King D. Alphonso had been very turbulent in his father's life time, maintaining certain rebels against him: yet being come unto the crown, he became virtuous, and a great favourer of justice, making many good laws, and governing his realm wisely: yet he had great quarrels with D. Alphonso Sanches his bastard brother, to the great oppression of his subjects: for Don Alphonso Sanches was a brave knight, and could well defend himself, having the favour of the castilians, and of the King of Arragon, who sought many means to reconcile them, but in vain. The subject of their quarrels was only jealousy, conceived in the heart of King D. Alphonso, for that King Denis their father had loved this bastard exceedingly. But in the end the King was Master, never ceasing until he had chased him into Castille, after which he confiscated his goods, and proceeded against him by course of justice.  
9 During the treaty of marriage betwixt D. Maria of Portugal and D. Alphonso King of Castille, 
Castille.  D. john Manuel, with the help of the Arragonois and Granadins, began to overrun the territories of Castille, from Almança unto Pegnafiel, running, burning and spoiling all they encountered: Then did the King make his well beloved favourite and councillor, D. Aluar Nugnes Osorio, Earl of Transtamara, Lemos and Sarria, 
Dukes, Marquises and Earls and hereditary in Spain.  and Lord of Riviere and Cabrera, for in those days there was no Earldom hereditary in Castille nor Leon, and hereof Spain doth yet retain those marks of antiquity, that the children of Noblemen carrying the titles of Dukes, Marquises or Earls (which were all personal and temporal dignities) dare not take them after the decease of their fathers, without a new permission from the King, except some which have that right by previledge.  
He did this to oppose him to D. john Manuel, against whom he sent D. Garcilaço de la Vega, whilst that he remained at Cordova, and prepared for his future marriage with the Infanta of Portugal: Don Garcilaço coming to Soria, was ill received, for the Nobility having had a false advertisement that he was come thither to carry many Knight's prisoners, 
Murder of Garcila●o de la Vega.  they murdered him in Saint Francis Church, being at Mass with his people. These were the fruits of the Infidelity which the King had used against Don john the Blind, a Prince of his own blood, by reason whereof every one grew very jealous both of him, and of his private servants. This murder did much displease the King, and incensed him against Don john Manuel more than before.  
He came to Toledo, where having assembled great forces, he went and besieged Escalona. D. john Manuel on the other side laid siege to Huete, but neither of them prevailed. The marriage with the Infanta of Portugal was in the end concluded, and moreover D. Blanch, daughter to the deceased D. Pedro of Castille, the King's uncle, was accorded to the Infant D. Pedro of Portugal. Pope john being advertised of the revolt of Castille, gave charge to Don Pedro of Toledo, Bishop of Carthagena, newly made Cardinal, to mediate a peace in the realm, interposing his apostolic authority: but he laboured in va●ne, for he found the King so incensed, as he would not hear of any composition with his subjects, giving the Cardinal probable reasons: wherefore he made his report unto the Pope, and discharge himself of his commission.  
During these troubles, D. Fernand Rodrigues of Bilbao, Prior of Saint john, 
Revolts in Castille,  a great friend to Don john Manuel, caused the cities of Toro and Zamora to rebel against the King, saying that it was by reason he had advanced D. Alvaro Nugnes Osorio to the dignity of an Earl: the town of Vailledolit did the like, whereas joseph of Eccia● jew, Intendant general of the imposts, had like to have been slain. Hereupon the King left the siege of Escalona; and came to Vailledolit: where the inhabitants, being animated by the Prior of Saint john, shut the gates against him: yet being come to a parley with Don john Martin's de Leyva, john Veles of Guevara, Fernand Ladron of Rioja, and Ruis Diaz his brother, 
The King is forced to dismiss D. Alvaro his Mignon.  Pero Rodrigues of Villega, and Garcilaço de la Vega, son to him that had been slain at Soria: these knights and others wrought so, as the King dismissed the Earl Don Aluar Nugnes, and so was received into the town, and by the same means he made a composition with Toro and Zamora; from thence he went to Ciudad Roderigo, to celebrate his marriage.  
Seeking for to retire out of Don Aluaro's hands, the forts which he had given unto him in charge, he could not recover them all, and moreover Don Aluar, being discontented with this disgrace, he presently went and joined with Don john Manuel: whereupon the King was advised to kill him: And seeking a murderer, and a fit occasion, he found a man furnished with the qualities of a disloyal Courtier: this was Raymyr Flores de Guzman, who notwithstanding that he had been a very great friend to the Earl, offered to dispatch him, upon the great promises which the King made him: wherefore feigning to be in disgrace with him he went unto the Earl, by whom being well entertained, living and lying together, he had means and opportunity to kill him whilst that the King did celebrate his marriage in Alfayates, and did capitulate with D. Alphonso King of Portugal, who came in person to Font Grimald.  
The Court being come near to Medina del Campo, the King was advertised of the death of Count Aluar, to justify the which he caused his process to be made, and condemned him himself sitting in the seat of justice at Tordehumos: he caused his body to be burned, and his goods to be confiscated as a traitor, whereof Ramir Flores de Guzman, had for his reward, and the price of his friend's blood, which he had shed, the castle of Beluer, and the town of Cabreros. These are commonly the favours of the best beloved Courtiers, which abuse the familiarity of their Kings, or rely to much thereon. King Don Alphonso perceiving the misery whereinto he did run, desired to make a peace with Don john Manuel, but he laboured in vain, for the Prior of Saint john undid all that he could do.  
The same year, being the year of our Lord 1329. the marriage which had been treated some months before, 
Arragon.  betwixt Don Alphonso King of Arragon and D. Leonora of Castille, sister to his King Don Alphonso of Castille, 
An. 1329.  was celebrated at Tarassone, whereas both Kings met, being accompanied by many Princes, Princesses, Prelates and Knights, and the Ambassadors of Don Alphonso King of Portugal. There was the league renewed betwixt the three Estates of Castille, Arragon and Portugal, and decreed to receive one an others Rebels, promising withal to assist the King of Castille in his wars against the Moors, with the forces of Arragon and Portugal: what issue came of this marriage we have before related, when as D. Leonora saw herself mother to Don Fernand her first son, which was at the end of the year, being desirous he should succeed the King his father, she sought by all means to show herself a stepmother to Don Pedro, her husband's son by his first wife, but he finding it, he kept himself far off during his father's life. Don Pedro for his part was of a rough and sour disposition.  
As soon as the Infant D. Fernand was borne, the King his father gave him the Marquisate of Tortose and Albarrazin, contrary to the Edict and law of Daroca, whereof we have made mention, whereat the Estates were much discontented, and with them the Infant D. Pedro, Don Pedro de Luna, Archbishop of Saragossa, Don Michael Gurrea, who was at it were Governor of the Realm, a dignity which they were wont to give to the eldest Princes of Arragon, Don Pedro and Syraon Gurrea brethren: this last was Abbot of Montatragon, Vidal of Villanova, Garcia de L●ris, Michael Zapate, and other Noblemen: yet they were forced to have patience, for D. Alphonso King of Arragon suffered himself to be wholly governed by D. Leonora: this was the first subject of hatred betwixt D. Pedro and her.  
The King of Castille being much discontended for the death of D. Garcilaço de la Vega, 
Castille.  came presently after his marriage to his aunt being at Soria, where causing informations to be made against the murderers he condemned the guilty to death, and did confiscate their goods. He assembled the Estates of all his realms at Madrid, of whom he obtained of gift of great sums of Maravidis of gold, to make war against the Moors, who that year had suddenly taken the town of Priego. D. john Manuel, as well for the marriage betwixt the King of Arragon, and the Infanta of Castille, as for that his wife, sister to the King of Arragon, was newly dead, lost his support on that side: yet he married again with D. Blanch, daughter to the Infant D. Fernand de la Cerde, younger brother to D. Alphonso de la Cerde, cousin to D. john Nugnes de Lara, which de Lara married at the same time the daughter of D. john the blind, the heir of Biscay, who was yet at Bayone, whether she had been conveyed, when her father was slain, her name was Mary.  
The King being priest to resist the Invasions of the Moors, he found means to make a peace with Don john Manuel, to whom he restored Donna Constance his daughter, whom he had kept in the castle of Toro, and granted unto him certain other conditions, whereby he pacefied the intestine troubles of the realm. Being at Vailledolit, he caused joseph of Eccia, the jew, to yield an account of the revenues of his customs, and for that there had been great complaints made of him, he took that charge from him, ordaining that from thenceforth it should be discharged by Christians, with the title of Treasorers, and not of Customers.  
In the year of our Lord 1330. the Kings of Castille and Portugal, meeting at Font Grimald, 
An. 1330.  renewed their alliances and leagues, and did capitulate a new, that the King of Portugal should assist him of Castille, with five hundred horse for the Moors war: and then was a marriage celebrated betwixt Don Pedro the Infant of Portugal, and Donna Blanch daughter to Don Pedro of Castille. The Rendezvous for the Christians army was appointed at Cordova, whether the King came with his five hundred horse Portugois: led by the master of the troops of the Order of Christus; so as all things being ready they laid siege to Thiebe Hardales'.  
Mahumet King of Granado, who kept himself in a manner always in the castle of Alhambra, 
Moors.  gave the whole conduct of the war to Ozmin, who having taken Pruna by treason came and lodged with six thousand horse, and good troops of foot at Turon, three leagues from Thiebe, seeking by his continual alarms to divert the Christians siege, making daily skirmishes about the river of Guadathiebe, which was the common watering of both armies: notwithstanding all this, the Christians continued their battery, and the town was valiantly defended by the Inhabitants, who burned the Engines of battery with wild fire, and did frustrate many of the assailants attempts. In the end Ozmin desirous to raise the siege, 
Stratagem of 〈◊〉.  he resolved to charge the camp with this policy. He divided his army into two, and sent three thousand horses far about, and by covered places, to charge the Christian army behind, or in flank, upon sign given, whilst that he with the other three thousand, and his footmen did set upon them in front, thinking that the whole army would make head against him, and that whilst they were in fight, the rest falling upon them with great cries, should amaze them, and easily disorder them: but he failed in this design: for the king of Castille being advertised by his spies, that part of the Moors army was disbanded, and that the rest came against him, he appointed a good squadron of horse to defend the rear, and he with the rest went to encounter Ozmin, whom he fought withal and repulsed, and had defeated him, if the three thousand horse, which he had sent to charge the army behind, had not turned head, (finding all things in good order) and come in time to succour Ozmin, which was the cause he was not wholly defeated. Whilst they were in fight, the king sent two thousand horse to assail the Moors camp, and to spoil their baggage, the which they effected, bringing away many prisoners.  
This ill-succeeding enterprise was poorly repaired the next day by the Moors, who slew about fifty soldiers whom they found disbanded about the river, and this was all: wherefore they retired, and the siege was continued: and then the Moors being out of hope of succours, yielded to have their lives saved. Afterwards Priego and Lagnetta were yielded, and the forts of Cuenas and Ortexica recovered, which had been abandoned by the Moors.  
With these victories king D. Alphonso returned to Sevile, being much incensed against Don john Manuel, who had still secret intelligence with the king of Granado, and being ill affected to D. Alphonso, had not stirred during the siege, notwithstanding that he had promised to assail the Moors towards Murcia, neither was he much contented with the Portugois, who left him almost at the beginning of the siege of Thiebe, and returned to their houses. By reason of these infidelities, he resolved to have peace with the king of Granado, who sought it and accepted what he offeeed to his Ambassadors at Sevile, that he should pay him twelve thousand doublons of yearly tribute, and do him homage for his Realm of Granado, so as he might be allowed to draw victuals out of the Christians country, paying the twentieth penny.  
10 The king D. Alphonso being at Sevile without any cares of war, 
Castille.  he gave himself to the long-sought love of Donna Leonora of Guzman, daughter to Don Pero Nugnes de Guzman, who had been wife to Don john de Velasco, whom he enjoyed. This Lady (who had not her like for beauty in all Spain) did so govern him, as he did not any thing but by her will, excusing himself that the Queen Donna Maria, whom he had married but two years before, had no children. Being come from Sevile to Xeres of Badajos, to visit Queen Elizabeth his Grandmother, Dowager of Portugal, being yet alive, he found there by chance the Infant D. Alphonso de la Cerde, that came out of France, who kissed his hand and yielded unto him the right which he pretended to the Realms of Castille and Leon, 
D. Alphonso de la Cerde qui●s●is interest to Castle.  the which he had long disputed but in vain. He had the same year (as some hold) yielded to Philip king of Navarre, the interest which he had or might pretend as king of Castille, to Alava, Rioja, Guipuscoa, and other lands adjacent, of the ancient patrimony of Navarre. The king of Navarre in recompense gave him certain places and pensions, to entertain his estate, and so they continued good friends. This D. Alphonso de la Cerde had married a Lady in France of the blood Royal, named Malfade, by whom he had two sons, Don Lewis and Don john: this last was Earl of Angoulesme, and Constable of France, during the reign of King john, whom the Histories of France, call Don john of Spain. Thus Don Alphonso was provided for, being issued from the eldest son of D. Alphonso the Learned. Don john Manuel the king, seeing that it was now time to live in peace, employed Donna Leonora of Guzman, to bring him into favour, the which she obtained, yet was it not wholly to his content. 
An. 1331.  This Lady was delivered in the year 1331. of a son by the king, who was named Don Pedro, and to whom the king assigned for a perpetual inheritance, Aguilar del campo, and many other revenues.  
11 In those times they of the Province of Alava, had a custom to choose a Lord, 
Custom of Alava.  under the sovereignty of Castille, who did govern, and enjoyed the revenues which were appointed for the Lords of the Country: sometimes they were Princes of the house of Castille, the king's children, and sometimes the Lords of Biscay, or of the house of Lara, or others, as they thought good: for the doing whereof, they were accustomed to assemble in the field of Arriaga, near to Victoria, and there made their election: and those of this election were called brethren, and the assembly a Brotherhood. Thither came the chief families of Alava, with the Bishop of Calaorra, and the deputies for the Labourers: the town of Victoria, and that of Trevigno were not of this assembly, but had been always united to the Crown. This year the Brotherhood sent deputies unto the king, being at Burgos, desiring him to incorporate them unto the crown, and that they might no more choose any Lord, or subalternal governor; for that in the factions and seditions past, they had been distracted from the king's obedience, by the Governors, whereby the country had suffered much. The King desirous to give them contentment, assuring his estate the more thereby, and increasing his demeynes, came to Victoria, and from thence to the assembly of the Brotherhood, being in the field of Arriaga; whereas publicly, and in all their names, there was a petition presented unto him by these Knights hereafter named: D. Lopes of Mendoça, D. Bertrand juanes of Guevara, Lord of Ogna, and Ladron of Guevara his son, ivan Hurtado of Mendoça, Fernand Ruis of Mendoça, archdeacon of Calaorra, Ruis Lopes of Mendoça, sons to D. Lopes Diego Hurtado of Mendoça, Fernand Peres of Ayala, Fernand Sanches of Velaico, Gonçalo juanez of Mendoça, and Hurtado Diaz his brother, Lopes Garcia of Salazar, and Ruis Diaz of Torres. These being followed by many other gentlemen, and the deputies of the Clergy, and third Estate, presented many Articles unto the King, beseeching him to grant them, 
Alava united to the Crown of Castille.  promising for their part, that this should be their last assembly, and that the name and effect of their Brotherhood should remain for ever extinct. The King having heard them, and given the Articles to his Council to peruse, received them, and united the Province of Alava for ever unto the crown of Castille; whereof letters were afterward dispatched at Victoria, in the year 1332. And these were the Articles.  
1 That the King nor his successors should not alienate any place of his demeines.  
2 That the gentlemen and their goods should be free and exempt from all subsidies, as they had been heretofore.  
3 That the monasterial Churches and Collations which belonged to Noblemen, should be preserved for them as before, and whereas the Incumbents were not resident, the gentlemen should receive the revenues.  
4 That all Labourers dwelling upon gentlemen's land, should be subject unto them, the Seigneurie, and justice sovereign reserved to the King, and the Ox of March, but all amercements should be the Lords.  
5 That the Gentlemen and others of the country should govern themselves according to the customs and rights of Soportilla, and in all offences their causes should be judged according to the laws of the Siete partidas.  
6 That the judges royal, and Captains of castles should be borne and resident in the country, who could not proceed against any one but upon complaint, unless they were condemned or banished, and that all prisoners should be delivered upon caution, unless they were subject to a corporal punishment.  
7 That all Labourers dwelling under monasterial Churches, and Collations of Gentlemen, should be free and exempted from all tribute and subjection, except the Ox of March.  
8 That Labourers dwelling in Palaces and Castles of Gentlemen, should have the same exemptions, so as there were but one at once, and those which nurse gentlemen's lawful children, should enjoy the like privileges, during the time of their nourishment.  
9 The Gentlemen which dwell in villages under the jurisdiction of Victoria, should enjoy the same rights with them of the Province of Alava: wherein should be observed the sentence given betwixt the town of Victoria, and the villages thereunto belonging.  
10 Whosoever should kill a Gentleman, should pay 500 solz for a fine, and whosoever should hurt or dishonour a gentleman, should pay the like sum unto the party.  
11 That there should be no forges of Iron set up in the territory of Alava, to the end the mountains should not be consumed.  
12 That no man might build a house without the bar.  
13 That all sales, donations, answers, assignations and pleas, should be judged where they had been begun.  
14 That a Subsidy being demanded of him, who should term himself a Gentleman, enjoying the rights of Castille, he should be exempt.  
15 That the king should make no new building, or town in Alava.  
16 That the villages of Mendoça and Mendevil should be free from all tributes and Impositions, and enjoy the ancient rights, yet their Seigneurie should belong unto the Crown.  
17 That the Bourg of Gue●ara should be free from all tribute, as it had been before ordained by the assembly of Alava, and likewise of the Ox of March, the Sovereignty notwithstanding belonging to the king.  
These were the exemptions and chief privileges granted to the Gentlemen of Alava, in the year 1331. 
An. 1331.  In former times all suits were decided and judged without any Laws or Statutes, but only by natural reason, and by Arbitrators, but then they were reduced into a frame according unto certain Laws, and they had a certain seat of justice appointed. During the king's abode at Victoria, he did institute (as some affirm) the Order of the Knights of the Band, 
Order of the Knights of the band.  to maintain soldiers in Spain, the which went to decay: yet some hold it was some years before. But this year returning to Burgos, he set down the Orders, whereof the chief Articles are these:  
They carried a red band four fingers broad, in manner of a scarf, which came from the left shoulder under the right arm, the which the king gave only to Gentlemen which had followed the Court ten years, or been in the war against the Moors and by their Orders it was not to be given but to younger brothers, who had no great shares in their father's inheritances. These Knights being received, took an oath to observe the rules of the Order which follow:  
1 That the knight of the band should be bound to speak unto the king for the common good and defence of them of his country, 
Articles of the Order.  being required by them.  
2 That he should speak the truth unto the King, and should be bound to reveal unto the King what he should know or hear spoken against him.  
3 The Knight convicted of a lie, should not carry a sword for one whole month.  
4 He should converse with soldiers and other men of quality, and not with men of base conditions.  
5 They should keep their promise to all men, of what estate and condition soever.  
6 They should be provided of arms and horses, upon pain to lose the title of Knighthood.  
7 The Knight should not be seen mounted upon a Moil, nor without band, nor sword.  
8 He should be no jester, but his discourse should be grave the honest.  
9 He should not complain of his wounds, nor vaunt of his valour.  
10 He should not play at cards nor dice, nor engage his arms, nor apparel.  
11 He should honour and serve Ladies and Gentlewomen.  
12 If two Knights of the band had a quarrel, the rest should be bound to seek all means to reconcile them.  
13 The Knight which did usurp the band, and had not received it from the king's hands, should be bound to defend it against two knights of the Order of the band, and if he did vanquish them, he might then carry it without contradiction, but if he were vanquished, he should be banished from the Court.  
14 Any knight winning the prize at the justs of arms of the knights of the band, should be received into their Order.  
15 That the knight of the band which should draw his sword against another knight of the same Order, should forbear the Court for two months: and for two months after should wear but half a band, and if he should wound his companion, he should be six months in prison, and banished the Court for six months more.  
16 The king should be sole judge of all matters concerning the knights of the Band.  
17 All the knights of the Band should be bound to accompany the king unto the war.  
18 They might not go to the war with the Band, but against Infidels, and in all other they should lay aside the Band.  
19 The knights of the Band should assemble thrice a year, to treat of the affairs of their Order, where the king should appoint it, being mounted and armed, and the said assemblies should be in April, September, and at Christmas.  
20 They should exercise themselves in jousts, joco de-canna, tossing the pike, and managing of horses, at a certain time appointed.  
21 No knight should live in Court, without serving a Lady or Gentlewoman to have her in marriage, or otherwise with honour.  
22 The knights of the Band should be bound to be at all tourneys within ten leagues of the Court.  
23 If any of them did marry within twenty leagues of the Court, the other knights should be bound to bear him company, and to honour him and his spouse, making some exercises of arms, and giving him presents.  
24 The first Sunday of every month they should come into the great hall of the Palace, and there exercise all sorts of arms before the king, without offending one another either maliciously, or in choler.  
25 A knight being ready to die, he should be visited, comforted, and exhorted by his companions, and after his death they should be bound to assist at his funerals, and should mourn a month, all jousts and exercises of arms ceasing.  
26 His Band that was dead should be restored to the king by the other knights, who should be suitors to have some one of his children received into the Order, or to obtain some present for the widow to honour her, and entertain her estate of Nobility, or to marry some of her daughters.  
The first knights of this Order, yet not all at once were chosen, without respect to the elder, to honour him, and not to draw it into consequence.  

The king Alphonso.  
The Infant D. Pedro.  
D. Henry.  
D. Fernand.  
D. Tello.  
D. john Nugnes.  
D. Henriques.  
D. Alphonso Fernand Cornel.  
D. Lope Diaz d' Almaçan.  
D. Fernand Perez Portocarrero.  
D. Charles of Guevara.  
D. Fernand Henriques.  
D. Aluar Garcia of Albornez.  
D. Pero Fernandes.  
D. Garcy leoffrey Tenorio.  
D. ivan Estevanes.  
D. Diego Garcia of Toledo.  
D. Martin Alphonso of Cardona.  
D. Gonçal Ruis de la Vega.  
D. john Alphonso of Benavides.  
D. Garcilaço de la Vega.  
D. Fernand Garcia Duque.  
D. Garcia Fernandes Tello.  
D. Pero Gonçal of Aguero.  
D. john Alphonso Cariello.  
D. Inigo Lopes Horozco.  
D. Garcia Guttiere of Caruajal.  
D. Guttiere Fernandes of Toledo.  
D. Diego Fernandes of Castiello.  
D. Pero Ruiz of Villegas.  
D. Alphonso Fernandes judge.  
D. Ruy Gonçales of Castagneda.  
D. Ruy Ramires de Guzman.  
D. Sancho Martin's de Ley●a.  
D. john Gonçales of Baçan.  
D. Pero Trillo.  
D. Suero Perez of Quinones.  
D. Gonçal Mexia.  
D. Fernand Cariello.  
D. john de Rojas.  
D. Pero Aluarez Ozorio.  
D. Pero Perez of Padilla.  
D. Gil Quintagna.  
D. john Rodrigues of Villegas.  
D. Diego Perez Sarmiento.  
D. Mendoza Rodrigues of Viezma.  
D. john Fernandes Cornel.  
D. john of Ceruejule.  
D. john Rodrigues of Cizueros.  
D. Orion of Liebana.  
D. john Fernandes Delgadillo.  
D. Gomes Capiello.  
D. Bertrand of Guevara.  
D. john Tenorio.  
D. Obietto of Tordesillas.  
D. john Fernandes of Bahamon.  
D. Alphonso Tenorio.  
Some put. D. john the Blind in the number of these Knights, which shows that the Order was long before instituted.   
These were at this time the most renowned families of Spain, whereof some are wholly extinct. Other houses are since grown great, as the Velasques, Manriques, Pimentel, Mendoça, Cordova, Pacheco, Estunica, Fajardoes, Arellanos, Tendillas, Cuevas, Andradas, Fonçecas, Luna, Villandrado, Sotomaiores.  
This Order of Knighthood did flourish for a time, but for that it was not religious as the rest, it was neglected and came to nothing.  
At the same time Henry of Solibert Governor of Navarre, 
Nauarr●  by the persuasion, as it is likely, of D. john Manuel, and of Don john Nugnes de Lara, entered into quarrel with the king of Castille: and for that he knew the forces of Navarre were not sufficient to annoy the King of Castille, and that those of France, were both far off, and in war with the English, he insinuated himself with the king of Arragon, under hope of a marriage betwixt. D. jeanne eldest daughter to Philip king of Navarre, and Don Pedro Infant of Arragon, and heir to the Crown: for this effect D. Pero Gonçales of Morentin, was sent to Tortosa in Cattelogne, where he was well received by the king, who having appointed D. Pedro de Luna, Archbishop of Saragossa, to treat with him of this marriage, they concluded it, as we shall show, and agreed, that it should be accomplished within a certain time, and that in the mean time D. Pedro should aid the Governors of Navarre, both present and to come, 
League and marriage betwixt Navarre and Arragon.  in all the wars they should have for the realm of Navarre. The chief motive of this marriage, was D. john Alonzo de Haro, Seigneur de los Cameros, who was very inward with D. john Manuel, and sought all occasions to annoy king D. Alphonso. D. jeanne Queen of Navarre being in France, was that year delivered of the Infant D. Charles, heir of the Realm of Navarre, and the County of Eureux.  
Another marriage was treated of in Portugal, 
Castille.  to the prejudice of king D. Alphonso of Castille: For D. Fernand Rodrigues of Bilbao, Prior of S. john, Chancellor to Queen Mary, wife to king D. Alphonso, a great friend to D. john Manuel, and to whom the revenges which the king did usually take of his Nobility were not pleasing: being also incensed at the familiarity which the king had with D. Leonora of Guzman, and at the authority she had within the Realm, being also much devoted to the king of Portugal, he prevailed so with him by his practices, as he caused a divorce betwixt the Infant D. Pedro of Portugal, and his wife D. Blanch of Castille, who was very sickly, and made him to marry D. Constance daughter to D. john Manuel, who thought to have been Queen of Castille. The king of Castille, who dreamt not of these things, thought himself assured of the Christians, and was wholly attentive to the actions of the Moors of Granado, with whom he sought means to break the truce, by stopping of their victuals: but being better advised, he sent to demand the tribute for that year of king Mahumet, the which was paid, so as he suffered the Moors to have passage for their victuals out of Andalusia, and other places thereabouts: yet king Mahumet understanding what small assurance there was in this truce, and watching all occasions, either how to free himself from the subjection of the Christians, or to annoy them: he passed soon after into Africa, to solicit king Albohaçen Miralmumin of Maroc, to make some great enterprise with him in Spain.  
13 And for that the Moors of Spain have always had great affinity and intelligence with these Miralmumins of Africa, 
Moors.  it shall be fit to relate the continuance, since joseph Aben jacob, the second king of the race of Merins, whom we left upon the banks of Africa trying to pass into Spain in the year 1291. when as the king of Castille took Tariffe from him: but being stopped by Benedict Zachary Admiral of Castille, he converted his desseigns against Alboacid king of Tremessen, and his successor Boham.  
This Miralmumin being at the siege of Tremessen, a familiar friend of his called Alfetrian, 
Bucale 3. king of the race of the Merins in Africa.  slew him in his bed: whereupon his son Bucale took upon him the sceptre of the Arabian Moors, and was the 3. king of the race of Merins. Being yet in the camp before Tremessen, Albohaya his uncle being invested by the Maroquins to take the Realm from Bucale, he refused it for himself, but he advanced another King of the same family of Merins, 
Bot●bid 4. king of ●aroc.  called Botebid, son to a brother of this Bucale, who forced him to fly, finding himself too weak to make head against him. Bucale thinking to save himself in Africa was slain by them that pursued him, near unto Mont Atlas. Thus Bot●bid reigned the 4. of the family of Merins, who at the end of the year, ended both reign and life in whose place Abortabe his Brother was the fift king of Maroc, by the help of certain Christian soldiers, 
Abortabe 5. king.  who were then in Africa, led by a knight called Gonçalo Sanches of Troncones, who notwithstanding had like to have been slain by this ingrateful barbarian, being forced to save his life by flight, and so retired into Spain. Abortabe reigned only 2. years, and died in the city of Ribate, leaving the Realm of Maroc to his great Uncle Aben joseph, son to king jacob Aben joseph, the first of the family of the Merins which had reigned in Maroc, and brother to Aben jacob. This Aben joseph had one son called Alboali, 
Aben joseph 6 King of Maroc  whom he sought to make king of Fez in his life time, but as he had indiscreetly, and too ambitiously cherished this son, he was forced to repent him, for such was the son's hatred, as he deprived his father of the Realm of Maroc, and appointed him (by the intercession of the Almodes then reigning at Tunis, who had there erected a kingdom of the relics of their families and forces chased from Maroc) Bolahu for his abode and entertainment: and Alboali reigned in the 7. 
Alboali 7. king of the race of Merins.  place: but he enjoyed it not long: for it was the will of God, that this wicked son fell grievously sick in the town of Fez, near unto Tremessen (not that Fez which is the chief of a kingdom) his father Aben joseph came thither to besiege him, and priest him in such sort, as he was forced to leave the realm of Maroc and Fez, and to content himself with that of Sojumenca. By this means Aben joseph recovered his Crown and royal authority in Maroc, who holding Alboali unworthy to succeed him: he appointed Alboacen his younger son to be heir of the Crown. Alboali the elder advertised of this institution, watched a time when both the father and the son were absent out of Maroc, and coming thither on the sudden well accompanied, he seized thereon, thinking by that means to have recovered his realm: but he was besieged by king Aben joseph and Albohacen, upon whom making a sally, he was defeated, and sore wounded, so as he was forced to yield to his father's will, and to retire himself to Sojumenca, the which was granted him again for his portion: after which Aben joseph lived 18. years quietly king of Maroc, by whose decease succeeded his son Alboacen, 
Alboacen 8. King of the Merins.  the eighth king of the family of Merins, yet with great contention against his elder brother Alboali, who sought by all practices to cast him from his throne, and being not of strength sufficient himself, he begged aid of other Barbarian Kings, so as with the forces he obtained from king Botexefin son to Boham then reigning at Tremessen, he came again to besiege the capital town of Maroc, where Abderrahamen a brave knight commanded, who defended it so valiantly, as he forced Alboali to retire with shame, who in his retreat was encountered and defeated by the king's army, and son after besieged in his town of Sojumenca, who seeing himself reduced to extremity, he took a new composition, promising never to pretend any interest to the realm of Maroc, but to content himself with that of Sojumenca: for assurance whereof he gave his son called Bozien for hostage. We must needs confess that the humanity both of the father and the son to Alboali was exceeding great, having so often rebelled, and aspired to the crown, a crime which doth often cause all respect of blood and alliance to be forgotten, even in Christian Princes. Alboacen rising from Sojumenca, overrun Pilla, and burned all the country of Tremessen, in revenge that King Botexefin had given aid to his brother at the siege of Maroc: It is this Alboacen which had been solicited by Mahumet king of Granado, to pass into Spain against Don Alphonso the eleventh king of Castille: and who afterwards having subdued the Realms of Sojumenca and Tremissen, was the greatest Prince in all Africa.  
Returning then into Spain, we say, that Ozmin General of the forces of Granado, died about the year 1332. 
1332.  soon after the truce made betwixt Castille and Granado: leaving two sons Abraham and Abucebet, after whose death King Mahumet put himself into favour with King Alboacen, (for Ozmin notwithstanding that he was of the same family of Merins, had always been an enemy unto him) wherefore Mahumet going to Fez, he was courteously entertained by the Miralmumin, to whom having made his complaints of the King of Castille, who did always treacherously break the truce: he persuaded and entreated him, to join with him against Spain. 
King Mahumets' words to Alboacen.  For (said he) God having made you the mightiest Prince of the Religion, published by the Prophet Mahumet, and whom so many Kings and Princes of Africa obey, thou canst not more religiously, and with greater honour employ thy forces, then against the Christians of Spain, our persecutors, and the implacable enemies of our law, nor more profitably address thy noble enterprises, nor with hope of better success, then against them, having the ports and towns of Spain at thy command, from the Straight along the coast of the Mediterranean sea▪ whereunto the troubled Estate of Castille both always invite thee, whereas Don Alphonso, who terms, himself King, through an insatiable desire of rule, having spoiled him subjects of their lawful inheritances, and pursued them in their honours and lives by tyrannous cruelty, extending his outrageous disdain even to women of his own blood, and others of noble Families, he hath so estranged most of the Princes and Noblemen of Spain, as they now seek our friendship, and offer to join with us, to make war against him. It will be therefore an act worthy of thy wisdom, not to let slip so great occasions, and befitting the generosity of thy Noble and renowned Family, by this opportunity to repair the ruined honour of the Arabians, trodden under foot in Spain, for the sins of our Nation, by the will and pleasure of the great God, who shows plainly, that he hath now turned his wrath against the Spaniards, both Princes and people being plunged in all impiety, disloyalty, dissimulation, and covetousness.  
To this effect spoke Mahumet to the King of Maroc, who heard him with great attention, and answered by the advice of his Council: that he desired nothing more, then to do what he had propounded, but at that time he could not wholly attend it as it was fit, being let by the war which he had against the king of Tremessen, the which being ended, he would employ himself in person with all his forces. In the mean time he offered him good troops of horse, and gave him great sums of money. Thus the king of Granado returned well satisfied into his country, where being arrived, he sent presently to Don john Manuel, to conclude a firm League with him, and the other Noblemen his Confederates, and to resolve of the means how to begin the war against the King of Castille.  
In this league joined Don john Nugnes de Lara, Don john Martin's de Leyva, and many others: and there was sent from them unto Granado with the messengers Moors, Don Pero Martin's Clavijo, to have the king confirm their accord. Wherefore the same year 1332. Rodevan Captain of the Limits of Granado towards Murcia, Abuceber son to Ozmin deceased, and Machilif Governor of Antequera; entered the Realm of Murcia in arms, unto the territory of Valencia, spoiling, kill, and burning all about Orihuela and Guardamer: from whence they returned laden with spoils to Granado, whereby king Don Alphonso knew that he must of force go to arms: for before he had a conceit that Mahumets' practices would prove vain, and hoped to reclaim his Rebels, by promises and other practices, but he was deceived. Wherefore to begin a war of so great weight and difficulty, he went in pilgrimage to Saint james, and there was made Knight, being in complete armour, ordaining that from thencefoorth whosoever should desire to be made a knight, should present himself armed at all pieces. Returning to Burgos, he caused himself to be crowned king, to give more authority to his royal Majesty: he also caused Queen Mary his wife to be crowned with great pomp and charge to the Inhabitants. The next day the king did arm and make above an hundred Noblemen and Gentlemen Knights, in he Monastery of Huelgas, being all covered with white. The ceremony being ended, he gave to the City of Burgos, the place of Nugno, with the jurisdiction for ever, to recompense the expenses they had been at in his Coronation.  
During these Ceremonies the king of Maroc sent his son Abomelic, called the Infant Picao, into Granado, with seven thousand horse: armed a la Genette, who landed at Algezire, whereof the Governors of Tariffe and Gibraltar, did presently advertise the king of Castille, which news he received, to check his joy for the birth of two children, the one by the Queen his wife in Vailledolit, whose name was Don Fernand, the other by Donna Leonora of Guzman, called Don Sancho, to whom the king assigned Ledesma, and other places. assoon as the Moor Abomelte had landed, he took upon him the title of King of Algezire and Ronde, and came and besieged the town of Gibraltar, in the beginning of the year 1333. 
An. 1333.  for the relief whereof the king D. Alphonso sent the masters of the military Orders of S. james, Calatrava, Alcantare, and the Knights of the band: seeking by all means possible to give contentment to Don john Manuel and other Noblemen which had rebelled against him, but it was labour lost: wherefore hearing that the king of Granado had on the other side besieged castle del Rio, in the territory of Cordova, he marched to the fronter in person. Those which defended castle del Rio, being commanded by Martin Alphonso, behaved themselves so valiantly, with some small succours which came unto them from Cordova, as the king of Granado raised the siege and went to Cabra, a town belonging to the knights of Calatrava, the which he took by the treason of the Governor Pero Diaz of Agrayo, and having sent the prisoners he found in it to Granado, he razed the place. The town of Gibaltar being battered and furiously assaulted by the African Moors, for the space of five months, having received no succours from the King of Castille, was yielded up by Vasco Perez de de Meyra, who in stead of employing the king's money about the fortification of the place, and to furnish it with victuals and other necessaries, had made goodly purchases for his own particular, about Xeres.  
After the taking of Cabra, D. john Nugnes de Prado, master of Calatrava, presented himself in view of the Moors army, with the troops of Cordova, Eccia, Carmona, Marchena, and other places, meaning to give them battle, but king Mahumet retired himself. King Don Alphonso finding all things in disorder at his coming to Sevile, he presently led his army before Gibraltar, to recover it from the enemy, before they should have leisure to fortify it, but it was manned with a great garrison, which made many sallies, the which was loss of many good men of either part: in the end the Christian army being greatly oppressed with hunger, the galleys being not able to furnish the camp with victuals, they were forced to raise the siege, to return another time, as they did. At the retreat of Abomelic, King of Algezire, they surprised in the passage so greata number of Christians of all sorts, as being led to Algezire, the best of these poor slaves was sold for a doublon. Some months after, the King of Granado took the castle of Benamexir, a place belonging to the knights of S. james, the which was defended by Gomes Arias, and afterwards spoiled the territory of Cordova, even to the city gates, finding not any resistance for the army returned to the siege of Gibraltar, the which they found more difficult than before, yet the Christians used all diligence to batter, main, sap, and assault it continually: king Abomelic sent to have the king of Granado to approach with his forces, being resolved to give battle, and to raise the siege from Gibraltar. King Mahumet was ready, and came and camped near unto the river of Guadiara, advertising Abomelic of his being there, who came to field, whereas the two Morish armies joined, within a league of the king of Castile's camp, to whom they presented themselves in battle three days together: but D. Alphonso was abvised to forbear, and wisely. For the hazard of a battle, draws after it either the happiness, or the ruin of an estate, and should never be put in question by any wise captain within his own country, but upon very great advantage, wherefore he fortified his camp with a trench, which reached to either shore. The armies having continued thus near together some days without fight, there was a truce propounded, whereunto king D. Alphonso was the more willing to yield having news of many insolences which the rebels of Castille had committed. 
Towns taken by the Moors.  Wherefore it was concluded of either side for four years, the king of Granado remaining vassal to him of Castille, paying a tribute of 12000. doublons, and Gibraltar should remain in the possession of Abomelic, who joined to his titles.  
During this war D. john Manuel, and Don john Nugnes de Lara, had conference with Don Alphonso of Arragon, at the castle of Habib, seeking to draw him to their league, against D. Alphonso king of Castille his brother-in-law, but they could not prevail. These, with other of their faction, 
Death of D. Fernand heir of Castille.  began to overrun the country, to take towns and prisoners, and to do all acts of hostility, in the Realm of Castille. The king hearing of this spoil, at the very instant when as he was advertised of the death of his only son and heir Don Fernand, in the city of Toro, was wonderfully afflicted, and therefore inclined to a truce, as we have said: after which he was visited by king Mahumet in his camp, whom he received kindly, giving great presents one unto another. King Mahumet returning to his army, many that were desirous of innovation, murmured at this interview, and reproached unto the king, that he had eaten with a Christian king. Among others Abraham and Abuceber, sons to Ozmin, (smothering in their breasts an hereditary hatred against this king, and all his house) made a conspiracy, with such as they knew to be ill affected, having intelligence with Mahomad Alhamar, already mentioned in the conspiracy against his father: and watching an opportunity to put their wicked design in execution, seeing him one day attired in a rich robe which king D. Alphonso had given him they began to detest him, and to rail of him to all men, saying, that he showed himself to be base and a coward, and that as he did outwardly carry the badge of a Christian, so there was no doubt but he was infected within: 
Mahumet king of Granado murdered by his subjects.  with such and the like reasons he incensed the Moors in general, so as they slew the king inhumanly with their swords at the entry of his tent, as he was talking with his Alguazil in the 23. year of his age, and of the Arabians 716. having reigned in Granado eleven years.   

joseph the seventh King of Granado.  
AT the time of this murder committed on the person of a king by his execrable subjects, from whom they had received all good honour; Rodoan, a captain of great authority, and much favoured by the deceased king, whose Alguazil he had been, was then absent from the army, but he was soon advertised of this disaster, wherefore he went with all the speed he could, not unto the camp, to pacify the mutinies which might rise by reason of this accident, but to the city of Granado, whereas king Mahumets' brethren were bred up, which were two, Farrachen the elder, and joseph the younger, into whose hands (being most affected to him) he would put the sceptre of the Granadins, as he did to the prejudice of the elder, and having great authority in the city of Granado, he caused the people to choose joseph. The example of which city was followed by all the rest of the kingdom, and soon after allowed by Abomelic, King of Algezire, and by Abraham and Abucebet, the murderers of king Mahumet, who contemning the truce made some few days before with the king of Castille, and whereon they had taken occasion to murder their Prince, thought to break it instantly, presuming that the tumult of arms, and the necessity of war would pass over their treason with silence, the which in a time of peace might be punished. Abomelic being as desirous of war, sent Ambassadors to Granado to this effect: to congratulate the King's elections, and to persuade him to take arms, and to go to field. The new king thinking it not convenient to oppose himself to the desire of the men of war, for that they were yet mutined with the murder of the King his brother, committed in the midst of their camp, in hatred of the truce, and fearing that Ferrachen his elder brother, would easily win them, if they were discontented, he suffered himself to be persuaded: whereupon he sent his Ambassadors to the Miralmumin of Maroc, that he might be received under his protection, the which he obtained.  
The King of Castille being advertised of these practices, as he was ready to dislodge from Sevile, 
Castille.  to go and suppress the Rebels, he was forced to stay there. And at the same time having discovered, that certain Knights had had a secret Conspiracy with king Mahumet deceased, to the prejudice of his Crown, he caused one of them called Diego Sanches de jaen to be executed at Cordova, the rest fled into the Moors country, 
Severity of the king of Castille, makes many christian Knights fly to the Moors.  of which number were Don Gonçalo Lord of Aguilar and Montilla, and his brother Don Fernand Gonçales of Aguilar, who made themselves vassals to the king of Granado, and by them and others of the same sort, (who were well entertained by king joseph) the war was begun; making roads from their Castles of Aguilar, Montilla, Monturgue, and other forts which were in their hands, agreeing with D. john Manuel, D. Nugno de Lara, and other rebels, who for their parts committed no less excess in Castille, the which did much trouble the king Don. Alphonso, fearing above all, that the brethren of Aguilar would deliver the places which they held, unto the Moors.  
Alboacen king of Maroc was glad of these troubles, 
Moors.  and desired to entertain the revolts of Castille, for that he had an intent to go in person into Spain, with a great power, as soon as the war of Tremessen should give him any leisure, the which notwithstanding did so trouble him, as he changed his resolution for a time, and was so priest, as he called home some of his troops, which he had sent into Spain with his son Abomelic: whereupon he sent him word, that he should seek by all secret practices to make a truce for himself alone, advertising him, that if the king of Castile's ambassadors should demand, if he meant to comprehend King Alboacen his father, he should answer, that it might be he would accept thereof, if any messengers were sent unto him. According to these instructions Abomelic sent Ambassadors to king D. Alphonso being at Sevile, to treat of a truce, to whom the question was made according to king Alboacens desire, 
Truce very beneficial for the Moors.  and upon their answer D. Gonçalo Garcia of Gallegos, Alcaide mayor of Sevile, was sent to Maroc to understand king Alboacens will concerning this truce, who answered, that he would willingly enter, so as joseph the new king of Granado were comprehended: for being under his protection, he could not abandon him, desiring that he might be assured from all troubles, and moreover fred from the tribute which he paid to the king of Castille during this truce. The Alcaide who had no such commission, advertised the king his master, who seeing himself annoyed by his own subjects, was content the king of Granado should be comprehended, and that he should not pay any tribute during the truce, the which was concluded in the beginning of the year 1334. 
1334.  to continue four years, causing king Alhoacen to make his Letters patents sealed with a seal of gold, and so in like manner did D. Alphonso king of Castille, Abomelic of Algezire and joseph of Granado. This joseph called Aben Amet was the first King of the Moors of Granado, that was exempt from paying tribute to the kings of Castille in time of peace, through the favour of the king of Maroc, and the factions and seditions of Castille.  
14 King Don Alphonso being thus afflicted betwixt war and truce, 
Castille.  in the City of Sevile Donna Loonora of Guzman brought him two sons at one birth. Don Henry, who obtained the Realm of Castille, as you shall hear, and Don Frederick who was Master of the Order of Saint James.  
About March this year 1334. the king went from Sevile, having provided for the places on the fronters, as it was necessary, and came to Vailledolit where having suddenly raised an army, he marched against the Rebels, and having taken some places from them, he came to Lerma, whereas Don john Nugnes de Lara was, for whom he laid many ambushes, but without effect: wherefore he entered into Biscay, and being at Guernica, a place deputed for the assembly of the Estates of the country, under a tree, after the manner of their ancestors, he received from them the oath of fealty, and they yielded unto him most of the towns and places of the country: for some held yet for Donna Maria of Haro their Lady. This being done, he came to Bermeo, and assailed a castle upon the sea, called Saint john de la Pegna, two small Leagues from Bermeo: the Garrison was obstinate in the defence thereof, and would not yield: wherefore the king being called away for matters of greater consequence, built certain small forts about it, and manned them with soldiers to hinder their going in the coming out, and came to Logrogno, and from thence to Algoncillo, where he surprised Don john Alphonso de Haro, Lord of that place, one of the rebels, whom he caused presently to be slain, and did confiscate his goods, except los Cameros, which he gave unto his brother: then returning to Burgos, he besieged Herrera, a place belonging to Don john Nugnes, who either weary of the war, or distrusting the event thereof, he made his peace with the king, and returned to his service.  
During this siege Queen Mary was brought in bed of a son at Burgos, who was named Don Pedro heir of the kingdom. The Writers of Arragon say, that this Infant was supposed by Queen Mary, being jealous that the king her husband did so love D. Leonora of Guzman, and that she brought him so many children. The king having pacified the troubles towards Biscay, he marched with his army towards D. john Manuels' country, and besieged Rojas, 
Disloyalty of King D. Alphonso.  the which was defended by a Gentleman called Diego Gil, in the name of D. Lope Diaz de Rojas, vassal to Don john Manuel. This Diego Gil, having made some resistance, in the end yielded, upon condition to have their lives saved: notwithstanding the king condemned him to death, with some others, for that he had resisted against the Standard royal. And then there was an Edict made: That all Gentlemen holding towns, castles, 
Edict against Captains of places, that did resist the king.  or houses of strength, belonging to any Nobleman, knight, or other of the king's vassals, the king coming thither in person, they should be bound to receive him, without any imputation: if not, they should lose their lives: which Decree was afterwards put in practice upon the Governor of Iscar, who lost his head, for that he had presumed to resist the king.  
About the end of the year, king Don Alphonso came to Atera, a place near to Calatajub, where he found Donna Leonora his sister, Queen of Arragon, with whom having treated of certain affairs, he returned to Vailledolit, where by the negotiation of certain Mediators, 
Accord betwixt the king of Castille and Don john Manuel.  an accord was made betwixt him and Don john Manuel, and a peace throughout all the Realm, which the Spanish Author's attribute to his severity against the Rebels, when he took them, condemning most of them after their deaths: about the same time Donna Leonora of Guzman was delivered of a Son, whom the King named Don Fernand: for which cause there were generally great feasts and joy, and at Court there was a stately tourney: where on the one side the knights of the Band did run, among the which was the king in a disguised habit.  
15 The year following 1335. 
Navarre  there were some alterations towards Navarre, which Realm was governed by Henry of Solibert, abovenamed, being resident in the Castle of Olite, with three thousand Livres of entertainment, the places of strength being put by the Estates into the hands of faithful Knights. The Castles of the river, whereof Arnaud of Leet was Merin or Governor, were held by these Captains following: 

At the castle of Cortes, commanded john de Soiçi.  
At Herrera, Pero Sanches of Varelo.  
At Penna Ronde, Pero Ximenes of Funez.  
At Corell, Pero Sanches of Montagu, son to Fortune.  
At Araciel, Inigo Aznar of Corello.  
At Sancho Abarca, Matthew Saillant.  
At Estaca, Garci Perez of Dax.  
At Valtierra, Geoffrey of Villaribo.  
At Cadrieta, Gonçalo Perez of Gorrocian.  
At Coparrosso, D. Alphonso of Spain.  
At Ablitas, john Martin's of Necuessa.  
At Arguedas, Pero Sanches of Montagu, son to Pero.  
Artaxone was held by the Inhabitants.  
The Castle of Rade, by Simon Martin's of Barasoayn, for the Heirs of Oger of Mauleon, for want of homage.  
In the Merindad or jurisdiction of Sanguessa, whereas Oger of Gramont was Merin, there commanded.  
At Saint Care, john Renaut le Chat.  
At the castle of Murillo, Diego Peres of Esperun.  
At S. Martin of Vnx, Garci Ximenes of S. Martin.  
At Vxue, D. Alphonso of Spain.  
At Gallipienço, Pedro Arnaud of Vrtwia.  
At Casseda, Stephen of Cormelles.  
At Pegna, Peter of Cuyvero.  
At the old castle of Sanguessa, Garcy Arnaldes of Espleta.  
At Petiella in Arragon, D. Martin Fernandes de Saraça.  
At Pintano, D. Simon de Sotes.  
At Ongaçaria, Helias Martin's of Irurozgui.  
At Leguin, john Martin's of Eusa.  
At Yrurtegui, Martin Garcia of Ollaogui.  
At Valcarlos, Martin Ynigues of Vrça.  
At Rochfort, Lobet of Narbays.  
At Monteyran, Pedro Sanches of Olicaratea.  
At Rochbrun, William Arnand Durdes.  
At Guerga, john de Savain.  
At Thiebes, Garci Michael of Escayren.  
At Castell-novo, Roderigo of Ayvar.  
At Burgui, Pedro Azuar of Ezcura.  
At Ysaba, Martin Garcia of Leyun.  
In the Merindad of jurisdiction of Pampelone, Fernand Diaz de villa alta, held the castle of Toloyna.  
john of Rouceray, that of Aza.  
john of Bulli, Labraca.  
john Fernandes of Baguedan, the castle of Oro.  
Bernard of S. Pelage, that of Falces.  
Pedro Garcia of Ciraguegui, Carçar.  
john Botayroa, and Martin Sanches of Villamera, the castle of Lana.  
Roger of Alamaina, Andofilla.  
Corbaran of Leet, Reça.  
Romieu Martin's of Arrornis, Açagra.  
Alphonso Diaz of Morentiu, Peralta.  
Diego Sanches of Eulate, Artaçona.  
john Velez of Medrano, the tower of Viana.  
Diego Lopes of Alsasua, the castle of Toro.  
Martin Sanches of Azedo, Maragnon.  
john Morevant, the castle of la guard.  
Renauld of Bourray, the castle of Milagro.  
Alphonso Perez of Morantiu, the castle of Montjordan▪  
Garci Sanches of Espeleta, Lerin.  
Ordoniz of Blandiaco, Funes.  
D. Pedro Ximenes of Mirafuentes, Arcos.  
Lope Perez of Agnoa, the castle of Miranda.  
Philip of Coynon, the castle of Belmarques.  
Sancho Perez of Ladoça, the tower of Mendavia.  
Michael Remires of Cufia, the castle of Celatambor.  
Sancho of Liçaraçu, the castle of Larraga.    
Which Captains of Forts were all entertained by the King, and enjoyed many privileges, according to the laws and customs of Navarre. The treaty of marriage continued still, betwixt the Infant of Navarre, and D. Pedro heir of Arragon, by D. Pedro de Luna, Archbishop of Sarragossa, D. Pedro Gonçales of Morentiu, and other Deputies, who having been long together in the town of Cortes, concluded it in the year 1334. The conditions were, that King Philip of Navarre, should give in dowry with his daughter D. jeanne, 
Ten thousand pound.  a 100000. Sanchots, which were worth so many Livers turnois, and for assurance of a future marriage, there were given in pawn for Navarre, Lescar, Arguedas, Saint Care, Murillo, Gallipenço and Murgui; and for the King of Arragon, Fayos, Boria, Malona, Campdalijub, Sos and Sauveterre, & the Articles were signed by the parties with many knights at Daroca. The King of Castille hearing of this alliance, being jealous and foreseeing that they sought but an occasition of war, he wrote unto the Governor, that he could never understand that his subjects had wronged the Navarrois, and that if any thing had been committed which required reparation, he was ready to see it done: but the Governor giving a deaf ear to that which he had written, 
War betwixt Navarre and Castille.  persisted in his resolution and seized upon the Monastery of Hitero by force, being then in the possession of Castille, and had before been of Navarre. The King of Castille seeing the war to be inevitable, sent to the King of Arragon, to entreat him to be a means, that his son D. Pedro, might not join with the Navarrois, nor aid them to annoy Castille. The King of Arragon, being very sick answered that his indisposition would not suffer him to think of such affairs, and that if his son had a will to favour the Navarrois, he could not hinder him, being in that Estate. This answer being made known to the Arragonois, they grew more desirous to join with the Navarrois, whereupon D. Lope de Luna, one of the greatest Noblemen of the Realm, D. Michael Perez Zapata and Lopes Garcia, accompanied with many other knights, whom the Infant D. Pedro gave them, to the number of five hundred horse, came to the Governor to Tudele, from whence enting into Castille with the forces of Navarre, they made a great spoil, and brought away a great booty, finding not any one to make head against them: whereof the King of Castille being advertised, he was much grieved, giving the speediest order he could to man the frontiers: he sent D. Alphonso Ortiz Prior of Saint john, to D. john Nugnes de Lara, to the end he should take upon him the charge to defend the country, with such troops as he should give him: but D. john notwithstanding his reconciliation with the King, would not trust him, keeping himself still in Biscay, and yet the King promised to give him Maralles and Villalon, with many other things: wherefore King D. Alphonso made Martin Fernandes Puerto Carrero General of this war, and sent with him unto the frontier D. Diego Lopes de Haro, son to D. Lopes the little, D. Fernand Rodrigues of Villalobos, D. john Garcia Manriques, D. Rodrigo of Cisneros, D. Pero Nugnes de Guzman, and his brother, Ramir Flores, D. Lopes Diaz of Almasan, D. Gonçalo Ruis Giron, D. Gonçalo Ruis Diaça, D. Aluar Rodrigues Daça, Alphonso Fernandes Cornel, Garsilaso de la Vega, and his brother Gonçalo Ruis de la Vega, Pero Ruis Carilli, john Alphonso of Benavides, D. Rodrigues of Sandoval, Sancho Sanches de Roias', and many other knights of mark, which did not refuse to march under Martin Fernandes, although there were many amongst them of greater houses, in regard that he did represent the person of the Infant D. Pedro of Castille, and had displayed the standard royal, and was appointed by the King to be his Lieutenant general; and as the King sought to make his excuse, 
Obedience of the Noblemen of Castille to their King and Lord.  saying, that he would gladly his son had been of age to go to horse, and that he would willingly have made him their leader and general, they answered, that they would not only obey Martin Fernandes Puerto Carrero, whom they knew to be a worthy knight, seeing he gave him them for their Leader, but any one of less quality, yea a groom of his stable, if he commanded it.  
The Governor of Navarre being advertised of this army of Castillans, fortified the Monastery of Hitero, and sent thither D. Michael Perez Zapata, thinking they would come and assail it. The Castillans being all assembled at Alfaro, leaving the Monastery, marched directly towards Tudele; being discovered, the Arragonois and Navarrois sallied forth to encounter them, not caring to attend the return of Michael Perez, who had led part of their forces to Hitero.  
The Castillans were stronger in horse, 
Defeat of the Arragonois and Navarrois by the Castillars.  and the place fit to use them: wherefore being joined, although the Navarrois made great resistance, yet they were put to rout, and repulsed towards the town, with great slaughter, and the loss of many that were taken prisoners. And you must understand that neither the Governor, not D. Lope de Luna, were at this charge, but kept themselves in Tudela, so as the army of Arragonois and Navarrois were without a head, and were chased even to the town gates. The victorious Castillans returning towards Alfaro, encountered Michael Perez Zapata, with his troops, coming from Hitero, who put his men in battle, by the favour of a Dich, the which he defended against his enemies, who were full of fury, after their late victory, and sought to force it, but many miscarried: yet the multitude of the Castillans prevailed, and Michael Perez was overthrown, and taken prisoner with many others: if night had not approached without doubt (as the Histories say) the Navarrois and Arragonois, in this last encounter, had been all put to the sword.  
Thus the Castillans after two victories, returned with many prisoners, and great spoils to Alfaro, forbearing for a time to return into Navarre, having not gotten these victories without loss. Those that were in the Monastery of Saint Mary of Hitero, notwithstanding that they were well fortified, and furnished with victuals, durst not abide there, so as the Castillans seized thereon, from whence they went to besiege the Castille of Tudeguen, in the which there was a garrison of Gascons and Navarrois, who yielded the place; being persuaded by the fair speeches of a Castillan monk, who was in the castle with them. The Castillans taking heart by this happy success returned afterwards thrice into Navarre, and spoiled the country, carrying away many prisoners, and great store of cat-tail.  
On the other side the people of Guipuscoa, 
Guipuscoans' enemies to the Navarrois.  hearing of the war, upon the frontiers of Castille, Navarre and Arragon, having no commandment, entered in arms into Navarre, under the conduct of Lopes Garcia of Lazcano, whom they made their captain, spoiling a great part of the country of the jurisdiction of Pampelone; and in the end they laid siege to the castle of Vnça, which they took. The King of Castille advertised of these happy exploits, was desirous to stay the course of their victories, fearing lest he should kindle a war betwixt France and Spain, which should not be easily quenched: wherefore he commanded them to contain themselves, and only to defend the frontiers of his Kingdom, yea he ●●lled home most of the captains and knights, which were under the Infant D. Pedro's Banner, being led by Martin Fernandes Puerto Carrero. He and some others did instantly obey, but Garcilaso de la Vega, and Gonçalo Ruis his brother, made an other road, with certain troops, into Navarre, about Sosiere, where they left lamentable marks, burning and spoiling all they found. The news of these outrages came into France, which did move many kinsmen, friends and subjects of King Philip to apprehend the spoils which the Castillans had made in Navarre, 
Gaston Earl of Foix the first of that name.  among the which Gaston Lord of Bearne, and Earl of Foix made haste to pass the mountains, with many soldiers, Bearnois and Gascons, and having taken view of his troops at Viane, which is a league from Logrogno, he entered into Castille, where he made the like spoil as the Castillans had done in Navarre, and then came and camped before Logrogno, the Inhabitants whereof sallied forth upon them, being led by a gentleman of the country called Ruis Diaz of Gaona, but they were repulsed into the town, and pursued so near, 
Defeat of the garrison of Logrogno by the Earl of Foix.  as without the valour of Ruis Diaz of Gaona (who with three companions made head against the enemies, at the entry of the bridge, whilst the rest had recovered the town, and assured the Ports) they had entered Pell-mell with them, and taken Logrogno. This Esquire employed his life for the preservation of his country, imitating (but with less happiness) the example of the Roman Horatius Cocles, for he was slain upon the bridge. The Earl of Foix failing of his hope to take Logrogno by this means, retruned with his men to Viana.  
The King of Castille being in the mean time advertised of his coming, had commanded many companies of foot and horse to march towards the frontiers, meaning that when they had raised a great army, they should enter into Navarre, if it were convenient, so as it was likely there would be a dangerous war betwixt these two mighty Kingdoms: for it is to be presumed the French King would have been engaged, in favour of his cousin Philip King of Navarre, and not to give occasion to the Spaniards to presume to pass so easily over the limits wherewith nature had divided those two nations. But it was the will of God, that in this heat of their courrages of either side, john Archbishop of Rheims came into Navarre, going in pilgrimage to Saint james of Gallicia, who seeing this war begun betwixt the Navarrois and the Castillans, for light occasions; wrote a letter to the King of Castille, admonishing him to hearken unto a peace. The King who was no less desirous than the Archbishop, embraced this occasion; and showing that the reverence of so great a prelate, made him willing to obey his holy advertisements, he sent unto him Martin Fernandes Puerto Carrero, D. Gil Carillo of Albornoz, Archdeacon of Calatrava in the church of Toledo, who was afterwards Cardinal. By the advice and resolution of which three, with whom was joined Fernand Sanches of Vailledolit, notary Maior, or Secretary of Castille, who concluded a peace upon these conditions.  
That there should be peace betwixt Philip King of Navarre and D. Alphonso King of Castille, 
Peace betwixt Navarre and Castille.  their vassals and subjects, and a cessation of arms for a certain time. That four commissioners should be named, two for Navarre, and two for Castille, for the restablishment and restitution of what had been taken of either part, and for the reparation of any thing that should be committed to the prejudice of this accord. That the Monastery of Santa Maria of Hitero, should be restored to the Monks, who should remain Neuters, until it were decided to what jurisdiction it did belong: to the end the divine service should not be interrupted, nor they any ways molested by the Navarrois or Castillans. That the castles of Tudeguen and Vrsa should remain in the possession of the King of Castille, until their differences were decided, and a definitive sentence given. That in regard of the propriety of the Monastery of Hitero, there should be arbitrators chosen, a Navarrois, a Castillan and a Cardinal of Rome, who should be agreeable to both parties, to judge thereof, and in the mean time all quarrels should cease betwixt the two realms, Kings and subjects. These Articles being concluded, they were afterwards confirmed by the two Kings.  
16 During these wars of the King of Castille against the Moors and his Rebels, 
Arragon.  and against Navarre, the realm of Arragon was troubled with the quarrels and hatred of the Queen D. Leonor against the Infant D. Pedro her son in law, showing herself in all she could, a right mother in law. Wherein she was the more to be feared, for that she did govern the King D. Alphonso her husband at her pleasure, and did work in him what impressions she would, so as many times the Infant was in great danger, which he did afterwards revenge. Besides these intestine jars, the King of Arragon was much troubled which the continual rebellions of the Sardiniens, 
Sardinien turbulent.  and their Lords, who were for the most part Genevois, but he wrought so by his wisdom, and diligence, as without sing any force, but in extremity, he reduced most of them to his devotion. Francis d' Orta son to Leonard, as well in his own name, as of Alion, Marian Fabian Dignamin, and Nicholas of Oria, came and did homage to the King, and obtained pardon, and confirmation of all the Lands which they did hold in Sardinia; upon condition that they should not give any aid nor favour to the rebels and banished men of the town of Sassari, where notwithstanding the King granted a repeal for such as had been condemned of light crimes, but those of the families of the Cathons', Pali and d' Oria, who had been condemned of high treason, by D. Berenger of Carosso, were banished the Island for ever. This nation of the Sardes was so prompt to revolt, as notwithstanding any provision the King of Arragon could make, and all accords and treaties, he was constrained to be watchful, 
Genevois of the Ghibeline faction against the Arragonois in Sardinia.  with care, and exceeding great charge. Ayton of Oria having rigged out nine galleys, and some other Genovay ships of the Ghibeline faction, remaining at Savonne, hovering about the Island of Sardinia, surprised near unto Cap de Terre, nine ships of Cattelogna, and sunk them, and so passing on he terrified all the Arragonois in the Island, and held the fort of Cailleri as it were besieged for a time, which made all the Sardiniens in a manner to rebel: whereupon D. Alphonso King of Arragon sent D. Raymond of Cardona thither, a captain of great experience, and made him Lieutenant general of that Island.  
These things passed in the year of our Lord 1330. about the time that the Moors did invade the realm of Murcia, of the which we have treated, at which time the Infant D. Pedro Earl of Ribagorça and Ampurias, the King's brother married jeanne sister to Gaston Earl of Foix, the first of that name, and daughter to Roger Bernard.  
The Cattelans enemies irreconcilable to the Genevois, and newly incensed by the losses which they had received by the army of Ayton d' Oria, who after that he had spoiled all that he found of the Arragonois faction upon the banks of Sardinia, retired into Corsica, to the Port of Boniface; they drew out of their Ports and Havens of Cattelogne about forty Galleys, 
Cattelans burn and spoil the river of Genoa.  and thirty Foists and Brigantins, and directing their course towards the river of Genoa, they burned all the Genevois houses of pleasure, without respect of friend or foe: for the common weal of Genoa being then divided, by reason of the faction of Guelphs and Ghibelins; the Ghibilins open enemies to the King of Arragon did for the most reside at Savonne, and from thence made their sallies and enterprises; sometimes drawing some private men of the Guelphs faction, to run upon the Cattelans, by reason whereof this Cattelan army entreated them all after one manner.  
During these wracks, Luke of Fiesco one of the chief of the Guelphs faction, had begun to treat with King D. Alphonso, by the means of Francis of Saint Eulalia, that if he would hearken to a good accord with the Genevois, holding the city of Genoa for friend, and forget all wrongs done, they would furnish him with fifteen galleys, and follow his standard against the Genevois Ghibelins remaining at Savonne, who had caused all the revolts and troubles in Sardinia, wherewith the King was very well pleased: but the spoils which the Cattelan army had made during the treaty in the river of Genoa intercepted all; so as these two factions of Genoa, being equally afflicted by a foreign enemy, were the more willing to give credit to the persuasions of Robert King of Naples, who reconciled them, and then they joined against the King of Arragon, to dispossess him of the Island of Sardinia. The heads of the two factions, were the families of Oria for the Guelphs, 
Genovois spoil the coast of Cattelogne.  and Spinola for the Ghibelins. Being thus incensed they run along the coast of Cattelogne, with three score sail, where they took many ships and other spoils, leaving lamentable spectacles in all places where they had landed. Thirteen of their galleys passing from thence into Sardinia, attempted the fort and Port of Caillerij in vain, from whence they were repulsed with loss. These wars at sea, betwixt the Cattelans and Genevois might be held equal, for they were the mightiest nations at sea in that age. All was full of difficulty, and jealousy in the Island, notwithstanding that King Don Alphonso, by his bounty, advancements, alliances and marriages contracted in his favour, and at his instance betwixt the Noblemen Cattelans, and Sardiniens, or Genevois (having charges or lands in the Island) had sought to draw them unto him, and to make them friends, and affected to his party: yet he was in continual war, and was forced to keep great garrisons in the Island, and many galleys at sea with so great charge, as all the revenues of the Island of Sardinia did avail him little: being often constayned to importune the Pope, to discharge him of the tribute, which he ought unto the church of Rome, by reason of this chargeable conquest.  
Thus King Don Alphonso past his reign in these homebred and foreign troubles, 
Marry of Naples Queen of Maiorca unchaste.  being but short. A little before he died Don james of Arragon, Lord of Xerica, who had married Queen Marie, which had been left by D. Sancho King of Majorca, who living dissolutly & unchastly, was by this king sent home to the king of Naples her father.  
The peace betwixt Arragon and Granado was sworn by him and confirmed at the castle of Valence, with Albuhacen, Abencomixe and Pascal Circra, Ambassadors for King joseph Abenamet, upon the like conditions, as with Castille. A little before his death, D. Leonor seeing herself mother of two sons, D. Fernand and D. john, who was yet in his swatheling clothes, to be much hated (and not without cause) of the Infant D. Pedro, who should succeed to the crown, she sought to put into the hands of the King of Castille, her brother (whose favour she affected) the castles of Verdegio and Sometio frontier places; but Don Pedro having always an eye to his mother in laws actions, especially at that time, the King being very ill disposed, prevented her, and put garrisons therein. The Queen without attending the King her husband's death, dislodged from Barcelona, and seized upon Fraga, from whence she sent garrisons to places belonging to her children. 
Death of D. Alphonso the fourth King of Arragon.  In the mean time the King died in the city of Barcelona in the year of our Lord 1336. having reigned eight years, and about three months. Being ready to die, he made the marriage of D. james his second son with Cicile daughter to the Earl of Comminges: his body lies in the town of Lerida.   

D. Pedro the fourth of that name, and the thirteenth of Arragon.  
17 Done Pedro his son, whom he had by D. Theresa of Entenza Countess of Vrgel, before that he assembled the Estates, or performed any ceremony, took upon him the royal title, against all custom, affecting nothing more than to be first revenged of the Queen Donna Leonor his mother in law, whose places he seized on, and sent Ferry of Apilla, Governor to the Infant D. james after her, to bring her to Sarragossa: but hearing of the King's death, she took the way to Castille, by great journeys, and past Ebro at Tortose, then going by Turol and Albarrasin, she came into her brother's country, being accompanied by the Bishop of Burgos, & D. Pedro of Xerica, carrying great store of treasure and jewels with her, which bread a war betwixt these two Realms of Castille and Arragon. D. Alphonso King of Castille, in favour of his sister, delivered Michael Perex Zapate, and other Arragonois out of prison, whom she employed against the King D. Pedro, with other noblemen, whom she had won.  
D. Pedro the fourth of that name, was surnamed the ceremonious, for that in all his actions he was very slow, and spent the time in superfluous ceremonies. He was crowned at Sarragossa, not without emulation of the Cattelans; but custom hath given this right to the city of Sarragossa, that the Kings are crowned there, and no where else. Th●ther came not any Noblemen of Cattelogne, except D. Othon of Moncade, and D. Raymond of Peralte. The King having taken and received the oath after the accustomed manner, retired to Lerida, to the Estates of Cattelogne: where he disannulled all the donations made by the King his father, and the alienation of the revenues, and despoiled D. Pedro of Xerica (who had accompanied the Queen Donna Leonor into Castille) of all his goods.  
In the beginning of his reign, 
Disposition of the King D. Frederics wil  died D. Frederic King of Sicily, being very old and consumed with the gout, who had held the realm with great troubles and war the space of one and forty years, and six months, leaving his son D. Pedro to succeed him, who was the fourth King of the race of Arragon, which held Sicily. The King his father leaving many children, sons and daughters, by Queen Leonor his wife, by his will excluded the daughters from the succession of Sicily, ordaining that if in his posterity the males should fail, the Realm should be united to that of Arragon. We have said before that D. Pedro King of Arragon, had promised to marry D. jeanne the eldest daughter of Navarre, 
Treaty of marriage betwixt D. Pedro King of Arragon, and D. Maria of Navarre.  but this marriage took no effect: for he did more affect Mary the second daughter of King Philip, procuring him and Queen jeanne to yield thereunto: wherefore he sent for his Ambassadors into France, john Sanches of Marojal, Chamberlain of the great church of Sarragossa, and Garcia Loris, a knight, who in his name concluded a marriage at Anet, with the Infant Mary, who was not yet twelve years old: and it was accorded by the matrimonial contract, that for want of heirs male of King Philip, and Queen jeanne his wife, Marry the second daughter should inherit the realm of Navarre, and not the elder. The King and Queen of Navarre, did bind themselves to give her in dowry three score thousand Sanchots; and for assurance of this marriage, there were given in deposito by King Philip the castles of Arguedas, Saint Cara, Estacha, Murillo, Gallipenço, and Burgui; and for the King of Arragon, Sos, los Fayos, Borja, Saluatierra, Malon and Campdalijub, which places were put into the hands of certain gentlemen, to be delivered to any of these Princes, to whose prejudice the accord had been broken. The King of Arragon assigned Tarracone, jacca and Teruel, for his wives jointer: and it was agreed that the Princess should be delivered unto the Inhabitants of Tudele, within a certain time, and there kept by them; to be delivered unto her spouse, being full twelve years old: and moreover, as at the reception of King Philip, it had been capitulated that the first son borne of Queen jeane his wife, being come to the age of twenty years, they should deliver him the realm to govern, and that the Estates should be bound to pay him a hundred thousand Sanchots; in like manner, if Donna Maria, the future Queen of Arragon, should come to the succession of the Realm of Navarre, the Estates should be bound to pay him the like sum of money: These were the principal Articles of this marriage, which was soon after accomplished.  
In the year of our Lord 1337, 
An. 1337.  the King D. Pedro being come to Valence, he sent Bernard of Villaragut, Arnaud Morera, and Azbert Caliaza Ambassadors to the Pope, to do him homage for the Islands of Corsica, and Sardinia: In this last the Estate was then somewhat quiet: for Azon and john, marquesses of Malespine, sons to Opicin, Damian Bernabas, and Brancaleon d' Oria, Earls of Donoratico, the towns left unto the Pisans, demanteled, and without any munition, Peter judge of Arborea, with Murian and john his brethren, all holding lands, and being subjects in the Island, contained themselves in the friendship of the new King of Arragon, and did willingly acknowledge him for their superior. The rest of the family of Oria, for a wrong newly received from Raymond of Cardona, had been forcebly drawn unto it: who notwithstanding by the intercession of the Pope, and the Kings of France, and Sicily, had been received into savour, and restored to their goods. Such was the Estate of Arragon, at D. Pedro coming to the crown.  
18 D. Alphonso King of Castille having made a peace with the Navarrois, 
Castille.  found himself freed of a great care, being ready to fall into new broils by the practices of his own subjects. This Prince thinking to reign more securely, had taken a course of extreme severity, showing himself cruel and treacherous to his Nobility, whereby he was feared, 
Cruelty makes Kings to be feared, but withal they lose the love of their subjects.  but withal he lost the love and respect of his subjects: so as he was no sooner freed from one danger, but he fell into an other, worse than the first: wherefore this distrust lying smothered in the heart of D. john Manuel, D. john Nugnes de Lara, D. Pero Fernandes de Castro, D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque, and others, reconciled heretofore unto the King by necessity, rather than of their own free will, they held a Maxim, That a tyrant being offended, will at some time revenge himself; and therefore they must not trust him, 
A Tyrant offended is never truly reconciled.  upon any reconciliation, who to pacify the troubles which had grown by his own error, had made no difficulty to sacrifice (upon the people's spleen) his own Mignons: degrading, and in the end murdering, and condemning them as traitors, after their death, yea the Princes of his own blood, rapting their goods and Estates, and depriving the lawful heirs: seeking to reign over free men, and of generous spirits, as over beasts, entreating them as base and effeminate slaves, who might not speak their opinions freely, in matters of state and government; of the which they were held dead members, and without feeling: wherefore if they were men, having understanding and reason, they should never forget the nature of D. Alphonso, who was proud, a contemner of all law, and treacherous: yea they proceeded so far, as Don john Manuel withdrew himself from the subjection of King D. Alphonso, by protestation and public act.  
The Noblemen being thus ill affected to their King, 
War in Castille made by the rebels.  they made a league (during the war of Navarre) with D. Alphonso King of Portugal, and did incense him to take arms for their defence, but their attempts had no better success than the precedent, for D. Alphonso King of Castille, meaning to prevent these disorders, gave commendement throughout all the Provinces of his Realm, to suppress all those that should take arms without his privity and warrant, seeking by all means to keep the Rebels divided one from an other. Moreover having some feeling, that cruelty was to violent a remedy for men that were nobly borne, he sought by all mild and courteous means to divide them, and to draw some of them unto his service; the which he effected with D. Pero Fernandes de Castro, and D. john Alphonso of Alburquerque, who abandoned their companions.  
And not able to do the like with the rest, he went in person to besiege D. john Nugnes Lara, being in Lerma, and gave order that in other parts of the Realm they should seize upon the houses and persons of other rebels, besieging and forcing them if they made resistance: 
War made by Portugal against Castille.  and above all he sent against D. john Manuel, the orders of holy knights. The siege being before Lerma, there were many skirmishes and furious encounters: whereupon the King of Portugal took occasion to declare himself, sending word unto the King of Castille, that he should leave D. john Nugnes de Lara in peace, who (he said) was his vassal, where of the King of Castille made no great esteem, but continued his siege more violent than before: some authors say that the King of Castille, had a desire to repudiat his lawful wife Donna Maria, who was daughter to D. Alphonso King of Portugal, and to marry D. Leonora de Guzman, his concubine, and that it was the true cause of their hatred. D. john Manuel going secretly out of the castle of Garci Nugnes, he came to Pegnafiel to favour them that were besieged within Lerma. In the mean time the tower of Lobaton and Soto were taken by the King's men, where some Knights being taken, they were condemned and put to death.  
The King of Portugal thinking he had just cause to enter in hostil manner into Castille, he besieged Badajos: which siege continued, until that D. Pero Alphonso de Sosa a Portugal, was defeated, with his troops, by the garrisons and people of Andalusie and Extremadura, near unto Villanova of Barca Rotta, where many Portugals of account being slain, the King was forced to raise his siege. They of Lerma seeing themselves battered with great obstinacy, began to distrust their own strength, and were out of hope of any succours, wherefore they sought means how to let D. john Nugnes de Lara escape by night; lest he should fall into the King of Castile's hands, who was much incensed, but all passage were so stopped as he could not possibly get out, so as in the end he was forced to compound, yielding himself, with the forts of Biscay, upon condition that he should have his life saved, the which was promised him and kept. The towns of Lerma, Busto and Villafranca in the mountains of Oca, were demanteled, and the forts of Biscay delivered into the King's hands, for an assurance of Don john Nugnes faith, having promised and sworn never to leave his service, who followed the court at Vailledolit, and was afterwards much honoured by the King, who besides other dignities made him chief standard-bearer of the Realm, and in the end he recovered all that had been taken from him.  
D. john Manuel seeing this, 
Arragon.  retired himself into Arragon, where there were great broils betwixt the King D. Pedro, and D. Leonora his mother in law, and her partisans: for D. Pedro of Xerica, whose lands the King had taken away, was in arms, with Diego Lopes of Haro, john Martin of Leva, Lope Diaz Rogio and other Commanders, being sent by the King of Castille, who assisted them with men, money and council: and to confer of these quarrels, he and his sister Donna Leonora met at Ayllon, whereas she made great complaints of the King D. Pedro, who had chased her out of Arragon, and spoiled both her and her children.  
The King of Castille desiring to be revenged of the King of Portugal, 
Castille and Portugal.  he marched towards Badajos, where upon the way he was advertised that Donna Leonora de Guzman was delivered of a son, the which he caused to be named Don Tello, 
An. 1337.  this was in the year of our Lord 1337. Donna Beatrix his aunt, Queen of Portugal, came unto him at Badajos, entreating him for to pardon the Portugals, and not to enter in hostile manner into the country, promising to find means to reconcile all quarrels betwixt her son and him, and that all reasonable satisfaction should be made.  
Her prayers were rejected, and he marched with his army towards the town of Yelbes, where he cut up the Vines and Olive trees, and spoiled all there abouts, than he passed by Ronches and Beros, 
King of Castille invades Portugal with an army.  and returned to Chelles and Olivencia, desiring much to encounter the Portugal army, the which he knew to be in field, but it marched an other way. Don Alphonso jeoffres' Tenorio, Admiral of Castille, defeated the Portugal army at sea, being commanded by Manuel Pecagno a Genevois, and carried away the Admiral prisoner, yet not without loss of some of his ships and men.  
This was the first attempt of Castille against Portugal, the which was stayed by the King's sickness, whereupon he caused himself to be carried to Sevile, and put his army into garrisons: but being soon recovered, he gathered his forces again together, and entered into the country of Algarbe (notwithstanding that the great master of Rhodes, by commission from Pope Benedict the eleventh, had exhorted him to desist from this war: and in like manner the Archbishop of Rheims, who was then Ambassador in Castille for the French King) he passed the river of Guadiana, and came to Ayamont, which finding abandoned, he repast at Castromarin, the which was well fortified, so as he would not stay, but marched towards Tabira, where he burned the trees, and razed the farm houses there abouts, and then he returned into Castille by Alcautin. Whilst he wasted the country of Algarbe in Porgutal, the King of Portugal did the like in Gallica, and besieged Saluatierra, who although he took it not, yet he spoilt a great country, and left it desoalte, by reason of the covardize of Don Pero Fernandes, who was Governor in these parts, who would never show himself to make head against the King of Portugal, for that he had been bread up a Page in his court: wherefore the Portugal army having spoiled the country of Galicia at their pleasures, they returned without any encounter.  
The Moors were joyful spectators of these wars betwixt the father in law and son, so as they did strictly entertain the truce which they had made with the King of Castille: and for the better confirmation thereof, there came a great embassage into Castille, from Albohaçen the Miralmumin of Maroc, the chief whereof were two Alfaquins or Doctors of Mahumets' sect, of great reputatoin, who presented unto King D. Alphonso Barbary horses, rich swords, cloth of gold and of precious silk, Ostriges, Falcons and other beasts, who having received an honourable reward, and obtained confirmation of the truce, with reparation of some excess which had been committed amongst the garrisons of the frontiers, they rturned well satisfied, but soon after the Moor changed advice and council, hearing (to their great grief) that there had been a truce concluded betwixt the two Kings of Castille and Porgual. This truce was treated and made by the diligence of the great Master of Rhodes, and the Archbishop of Rheims Ambassador for France, it was concluded with the King of Castille in the town of Merida, about the end of the year 1337. or in the beginning of the next.  
During this was betwixt Castille and Portugal, D. Ximenes de Luna Archbishop of Toledo died, 
Death of Ximene de Luna Archbishop of Toledo.  in whose place the Chapter did choose (but through the King's favour, who had written) D. Gil Aluares of Cuenca, otherwise called D. Gil Carrillo of Alboronza councillor of Estate to King D. Alphonso, and Archdeacon of Calatrava, in the same church, a man of great virtue amongst the Spaniards, who for his wisdom and judgement, did in time merit to be a Cardinal of Rome, with the title of Saint Clement, Bishop of Sabina, and apostolic Legate in Italy, the Roman Sea being then resident in avignon. During which dignity he did many things for the good of the church: and amongst other monuments and testimonies which remain of him at this day, there is the College of Saint Clement in the city of Bolonia, the which they commonly call the College of Spain, the which was built by the executors of this Prelate, who did so appoint it. 
College of Clement at Bolonia.  It hath above three thousand ducats of rent, with the which there are thirty students entertained, whereof twenty be Lawyers, six Divins and four Physicians, besides four Chaplains, all Spaniards, except one who may be a Portugal. The Rector of this College hath civil and criminal jurisdiction, and is not subject to the Legate, nor to any other Magistrate of the city, the College enjoying as ample previledges as any knights or gentlemen there. About the end of the year 1337. was founded the town of Algria of Dulanci, two Leagues from Victoria, in the Province of Alava, of many villages there about, the which obtained from the King the previledges, and laws of the Realm, whereby the Inhabitants should govern themselves, and market every Monday, with liberty to choose their own judges.  
In the year of our Lord 1338. D. Pedro King of Arragon, married D. Maria, second daughter to King Philip, 
Arragon.  and to Queen jean of Navarre, in the town of Alagon, the Bishop of chaalon's doing the ceremony, 
An. 1338.  having accompanied the Queen-mother to the Bride, who came alone to this marriage, without her husband Philip, being engaged in those cruel and bloody wars betwixt the French and English; contending for the crown of France. Pope Benedict the eleventh, 
Marriage betwixt D. Pedro King of Arragon and D. Marry the younger of Navar.  then reigning, dispensed with the married couple for the bond of consanguinity, which was betwixt them, at the request of Philip of Valois, the French King: from Alagon the new Queen was conducted to Sarragossa, whereas the feast and pomp was ended, for the which they had prepared long before in that city, being chosen for the celebration of this marriage: but the indisposition of D. jeane Queen of Navarre, was the cause that they were married at Alagon,  
19 The news of a truce betwixt the Kings of Castille and Portugal, 
Moors,  being understood at Granado, and from thence sent to Maroc; at such time as King Albohaçen had surmounted all wars and difficulties in Africa, these Moorish Kings had a desire to fill Spain with fire and murder, being thrust on by two contrary passions, the one of fear, to be first set upon by the King of Castille, who was now freed from his intestine wars: the other of hope, that their arms should be as successful against the Christians of Europe, as they had been against the babarous Africans: for King Albohaçen having not long before called troops out of Spain, which had followed Abomelic his soon, lying then idle on this side the seas, whereas all was quiet: and being assisted by the forces of Granado, sent into Africa by King joseph, he had lately deprived Botexesin, who reigned in Tremessen, both of Kingdom and life, and had united unto his crown the Realm of Sojumenca: so as being grown as haughty in courage, as powerful in Siegneuries and subjects, he had no less conceptions, then to restore the ancient glory of the Miralmumins his Predecessors in Spain, and wholly to expel the Christians. Besides the respect of religion did much encourage him, holding it not only honourable, 
Expedition of Moors into Spain.  but also conscientious, to advance Mahumets' sect by arms, according to his Doctrine: wherefore having by the advice of his Alfaquins and Alcaids concluded this war, he began to give order that his troops should march towards the Strait, and pass by little and little to Algezire, and other places of Granado, making a Magazine for victuals, arms, engines and other munition for the war, at Tanger; where of the Christian Princes were presently advertised by their Governors of sorts upon that frontier, and of King Abomelics passage and return into Spain, and of the preparations which both he and joseph King of Grando made: infallible arguments that they would soon make open wars, as it happened in the beginning of the year 1338. D. Alphonso King of Castille seeing this burden ready to fall upon him, fore cast all means how to bear it: he made Orders and taxes upon victuals, and cut off the Spaniards superfluities in apparels and other pomps: he sent his sea-army into the straits, to stop the Moors passage: he obtained from Pope Benedict pardons and Indulgences for all those that should contribute to this war: he assigned places for the soldiers Rendezvous: he levied footmen, artisans and pioneers: and in general he provided for all things which he thought necessary for the wars: but above all he pacefied the troubles grown betwixt D. Pedro King of Arragon, and Donna Leonora his Mother in law. In all which businesses, the Archbishop of Rheims, Ambassador for France in Castille, laboured with great affection, and to the end there should be nothing defective for the well governing of the common weal, the Prelates and Masters of the Orders made diligent search among them that were their suffragans and dependents: so as D. Ruis Peres Master of the Order of Alcantara was deposed by D. john Nugnes master of Calatrava, who had jurisdiction over him, and power to do it. Yet amidest all these Cares, the King did not forget the love of D. Leonora of Guzman, whose brother called Don Alphonso Melendez of Guzman, was by him made master of the Order of the holy knights of Saints James. 
An. 1339.  The year 1339. being come, he went towards Sevile, where was the Rendezvous, for all his troops, both horse and foot, so as having in few days gathered together a great and well ordered army, he entered the territories of Antequera & Archidona, the which he spoilt running up to Ronda, from whence he was forced to retire to Sevile for want of victuals, where he spent the rest of the spring to distribute the forts & places upon the frontiers unto captains, making D. Gonzales Nugno, or as others say, Martinez Miaster of Alcantara (newly elect) Governor and his Lieutenant general there, and he himself came to Madrid. The Moors incensed at this entry which the Christian army had made into their country, went to field by two several ways, the Infant Abomelic (who had great numbers of light horse) by Medina Sidonia, whose teritory he spoilt, and joseph King of Granado entered by Silos, which place belnging unto the knights of Saints james and well manned, he besieged, and battered furiously, but it was not only bravely defended by the garrison but their camp was assaulted by the Castillan army, 
moors raised from the siege of Silos.  and they forced to dislodge by D. Alphonso Melendez de Guzman who was the Leader, not without great dishonour and loss to the King of the Moors: who at the same time was stripped foe the victuals ofhis army, which he caused to be conducted to Priegos, by the Governor D. Gonzale Martin's, who carried the prey to Alcaudette. The galleys of Castille being joined to them of Arragon, held King Abomelic as it were besieged in Algezire, lying in the strait; taking from him all hope of succours, either of men or victuals from Africa: whereupon the Moors being advertised that in Lebrixa was one of the storehouses for he Christian army, thought they might well surprise it: whereupon they sent about one thousand five hundred horse among the Olive trees of Xeres (where they took a great booty) but they found that D. Fernand Puerto Carrero, governor of Tariffe, was entered a little before with a good number of soldiers; wherefore their defeigne being disappointed, they turned towards Arcos, where they spoilt, and carried away great store of cat-tail, whereof the Inhabitants within Sevile being advertised, they went with their city standard to field, and being joined to the Master of Alcantara, to D. Aluar Perez of Guzman, to D. Pero Ponce of Leon (who went out of Arcos) and others, they came and encountered these foragers unlooked for, whom they charged so furiously, as they put them to rout, and recovered all the prey. King Abomelic continuing the spoil about Xeres, marched with three thousand and five hundred horse which he had reserved, and a great number of foot towards Alcala de los Ganzules, and besieged it, being ignorant of the defeat of his men. The victorious Christians, having joined with Fernand Gonçales d' Aguilar, who had some horse, and being also fortified by them of Eccia, marched that way, and charged this army of Moors with such fury, 
moors defeated.  as they put them to flight, and chase and killing them they pursued them far, his camp remaining in great confusion and disorder. King Abomelic being hastily pursued, had no means to get to horse, but fell amongst the footmen, who fled and were hardly followed: so as in the end, not to be known, he cast himself amongst those which lay upon the ground slain or wounded, where a Christian soldier passing by and not knowing him thrust him through with his sword, 
Abomelic a Moorish King slain.  whereof he died soon after. The Christians (as some write were not above 2000 horse, and two thousand five hundred foot; who without any great loss, slew ten thousand Moors in this surprise and pursuit: they spoilt theri camp, and took their baggage which was great, and so returned joyfully to Xeres. The King's body was afterwards found, near unto a brook whether he had crept (as it was likely) to quench the burning thirst, which doth commonly afflict such as are wounded, having lost much blood. King Albohacen his father being advertised of this pitiful accident, was inflamed with wrath, and desire of revenge, making all possible speed to pass into Spain.  
Whilst that he prepares himself, 
Castille.  there fell out a great disorder in Andalusia, by the means of D. Leonora of Guzman. This woman who governed the King, made reports & accused D. Gonzal Nugnes Master of Alcantara, of certain matters, the which did much incense the King; 
Troubles by the report of a woman.  wherefore being come to Madrid, he sent to the Master to come presently unto him. D. Gonzal who was fully advertised why he was sent for, and knowing how dangerous the King was to them he did not like, obeyed not: but thrust on by distrust, he left his service, and debauching many of his knights, he acquainted himself with the Moors, and began to make practices in Granado. The King being advertised of his revolt, returned suddenly and had means (before he could dislodge) to besiege him in a town called Valence, belonging to the Order of Alcantara, whereas D. Gonçale defended himself unto the end, and would never hearken to any words or promises whatsoever.  
In the end, not able to hold it any longer, he offered to yield unto the King's mercy, but it was too late: for the place was forced, and he taken and put to death and his body condemned and burnt as a Traitor by the King's sentence. Such as had followed his party, and held other places yielded. A man in truth worthy of a more honourable death, who besides many generous acts, and worthy services done unto the crown of Castille, had been in the two above mentioned victories and adorned the Temples of the town where he was forced, with the standards and ensigns he had taken from the Moors. D. Nugno Chamiço was chosen in his place.  
jeoffery Giralbert Admiral of Arragon, 
Moors.  who kept the Sraight with the galleys of Arragon, being landed upon the shore near to Algezire, had an encounter with the Moors, by whom he was vanquished, and slain with an arrow, whereupon the army returned into Arragon, that of Castille remaining at the passage, the which consisted only of three and thirty galleys, and some few ships, to weak a force to stop the Moors passage out of Africa: so as about three thousand Genets passed presently into Algezire, without any let, and began to overrun the country about Arcos, Xeres and Medina Sidonia, gathering together a great prey: but thinking to put it into Algenire, they were forced to leave it by the way, being charged by the horsemen which went out of Xeres, who slew many upon the place, amongst which was Boutui, a famous captain of the Moors.  
King Alhohaçen had caused a great number of vessels of all sorts to be made ready, both in the ports of Spain and Africa, meaning to carry into Spain one of the greatest armies that ever went out of Africa, to stop whose passage, King Alphonso was il provided: and as he was distrustful, and of a strange humour, and many times unjust unto his best servants, he compaline of Don Alphonso jeoffrey Tenorio his Admiral, saying that he slept, and suffered the Moors to pass and repass at their pleasure, 
Loyalty ill rewarded makes a good servant despair.  the which was not true: for the Admiral did his duty with those few Galleys he had, and did often take foists and other vessels which did hover about those coasts, and ships laden with victuals which came out of Africa into Spain: namely from Centa to Algezire; the which notwithstanding did not satisfy the King, who would exact some great effect of necessity: wherefore he thrust the Admiral unto despair, the which was very prejudicial to that war.  
King Albohaçen being come to Ceuta in the beginning of the year of our Lord 1340. 
An. 1340.  and having there gathered together to the number of three score and ten Galleys, and other vessels to pass his horsemen, victuals, arms, engines and other equipage of war, near to a hundred and four score sails, as well of his own, as of the Kings of Granado, he went with this mighty army towards Spain, where it was easy to land, finding no resistance, whereat King D. Alphonso, who was at Sevile was much incensed, blaming his Admiral incessantly of cowardice and treachery, the which he took so greeously, as he resolved rashly to go and charge the Moors at what price soever▪ and having drawn those few Galleys and Ships he had out of Saint Lucar, into the open sea, he presented himself before Algezire, provoking the enemy to battle, who going out of Algezire and Gibraltar, far more in number then the Christian Galleys, there was a fierce and cruel battle, 
Defeat of the Castillan army and death of the Admiral.  the end whereof was the whole loss of the Castillan army, whereof there were but five galleys saved, the which recovered the near port of Tariffe, and some few ships, which escaped by favour of the wind and current, sailing, towards Carthagena. The Admiral was slain in this conflict, saying, that the King should know he was neither Coward nor Traitor: but it was a rash attempt in him, to hazard so small a fleet against so great an army, who should have considered, that by the loss of a battle he gave the whole command of the sea unto the enemy. Thus this Admiral thinking to preserve his honour, which he might well have warranted by the reasons of war, which disallow all great hazards, but in extremity, he did more blemish it. This loss which happened to Don Alphonso King of Castille, partly by his own bitterness, and unjust rigour to his faithful servant, did much afflict him, so as he was forced to seek speedy means to repair so great a ruin: for the Moors army insolent of this victory, and knowing that there were no forces at sea able to make head against them, vaunted that they would besiege Sevile: wherefore the King of Castille was forced to convert the true which he had made with the King of Portugal to a peace, and to consent that D. Constance Manuel should marry with Don Pedro Infant of Portugal, whose wife D. Blanch being fallen into a Palsy, was put away by him. By means of this peace, and at the instance of the Queen Donna Maria, daughter to the King of Portugal, he promised to lend all his ships of war to the King of Castille, the which stayied not long before they arrived at Sevile, when as the King gave order to rig out fifteen galleys of his own, and twelve ships, of the which he gave the charge unto Don Alphonso Ortiz Calderon, Prior of Saint john.  
In the mean time King Albohacens army past, the Moors Galleys and Ships never ceasing for a long time, to transport horse and foot, victuals and munition for the war, which they had prepared, the which was as great and fearful as any had been seen, for hey write in their Histories that this Arabian King had gathered together all the forces he could from the shore of the Western Atlantike sea, 
Great preparation of war made by King Alboacen against Spain.  unto Egypt, having by the conquest of the Realms of Tremessen and Sojumença, so extended the bounds of his Empire as there was not any King or Potentat in all the length of Africa, which was not his subject, or strictly allied unto him: so as the Spanish authors say, that he brought into Spain above seventy thousand horse; and four hundred thousand foot, the Arabians and Africans coming from all part upon the news of this great expedition, by the preachings and persuasions of the Alfaquins, Doctors and Priests of their law, who were sent through out all the regions of Africa, by King Alboacen, to the end that such, as spoil and gain (the common end of war) could not move, might be persuaded to take arms for religions cause. This great multitude of Infidels, were near five months in passing, having at this passage, besides the Galleys of Maroc and Granado, those of the Kings of Tunes and Bugie, whereof he of Tunes was father in law to Alboacen, and their common landings were Algezire and Gibraltar.  
It behoved King D. Alphonso study how he should resist so great a power, the whihc did wonderfully trouble him: yet being a Prince of a great courage, he provided for many things speedily, which were of great importance for the war. And doubting that the Moors first attempt would be against Tariffe, he manned it with a good garrison of old soldiers, and gave the charge thereof to john Alphonso of Benavides, furnishing the place with all things necessary to maintain a siege: wherein he was not deceived, for it was presently invested by the enemy, King Albaçen being in person in the army. Experience hath often taught, that multitudes give no victory; for besides that God will therein show a testimony, that it is he alone, without the force of man's arm, which raiseth and pulls down Kingdoms and states; there are so many natural and humane reasons, which do concur with this point of religion, as thee is no cause to call it in question. The confusion, disorder, disobedience, mutinies, hunger, diseases, the infinite carriages and lets of baggage, jealousies betwixt commanders, and diversity of nations, the negligence and rash confidence which Kings ground upon their great numbers of men, 
Armies unprofitable by their too great multitudes.  are inseparable mischiefs to great armies, the which have most commonly ruined them, but have always made them unprofitable and a burden, to them that have lead them. So it happened to King Alboaçen in this voyage: for as soon as he had landed this infinite multitude of Arabians and other Nations, presuming that there was not any Christian is Spain, that would dare to present himself before so great a power, and that he should presently see himself Master of all the towns of Andalusia: besides he thought he had no cause to fear any impeachment at sea, the two armies of Castille and Arragon having been defeated: so as all small vessels of burden might pass safely from Spain to Africa, and furnish his camp with victuals, if he should have any need, whereupon he presently disarmed all his Galleys and drew them into the Ports, having no other thought but to make war by land, but it fell out otherwise: for there was not any petty place upon the frontiers of Andalusia but held good: so as being forced to attend his provisions for so great an army from Africa, for that the country of Granado could not supply it, he found himself (being at the siege of Tariffe) in great want of victuals, being easy for the galleys of Castille and Portugal, to spoil all passengers which brought munition from the ports of Africa into Spain: wherefore he repent himself much of this enterprise, and would gladly have found some means to have retired honourably.  
At that time Don john Martin's de Leyva arrived at Sevile, returning from Pope Benedict who kept at avignon: from whom he brought pardons and full indulgences, to such as should cross themselves for this war against the Infidels, or otherwise employ themselves or their goods for the advancement thereof, with an especial charge and commission to Don Gil Carillo of Albornoz, Archbishop of Toledo, to publish this Croisado, making him to that end Legate of the apostolic sea. The army before Tariffe being oppressed with famine, King Alboacen gave Don john Alphonso of Benavides, the Governor, to understand, that he had some matters to treat of with him for the good of the king his master, and therefore he should send some unto him, to confer with him. The Governor having received hostages, sent two Gentlemen unto him: but being advertised at the same instant that the galleys of Castille and Portugal had been all cast away by tempest upon the coast, so as the sea being free, victuals began to come abundantly from Africa unto the camp: when as these Knights came unto king Alboacen, he said nothing of consequence unto them, but was desirous agiane to continue the war, sending back these messengers, and retiring his hostages. Then did they make a furious batteire, with all kinds of engines usual in those times, against the which the besieged rampared themselves, and made a gallant defence. King D. Alphonso having called to seville, the Noblemen of his Council, and the chief men among his subjects, sitting in his royal throne with great majesty, holding in his right hand the sword, wherewith he had been girt in Saint james Church of Gallicia, when he was made Knight, and in his left hand the Crown, wherewith he had been crowned in the city of Bourgos: he spoke gravely unto them of the present estate of his affairs, 
D. Alphonso's speech to his Council.  and the danger wherein the Christian realms of Spain then were, by the importune malice, and impiety of the Arabians, their ancient enemies, conjured together at that time from the East unto the West, to glut their implacable thirst with the blood of Spaniards: against whose forces, without all doubt, in time, Spain should not be able to resist, many of their best men having been consumed by the factions and divisions which had reigned among them, whereby Spain had wasted herself by her own arms, and withal the ill success of his armies at sea, brought twice to nothing: so as for so dangerous a mischief, there was need of an extraordinary remedy, the honour of the name of Christians, the Crown of Castille, and their liberties, lives, and goods, being then in question: wherein he had need of good and faithful Council, and for that cause had called them together, praying God to put into their hearts and understandings, what was fit for the honour and increase of his Crown, and the Commonweal. Whereupon many different opinions having been propounded, all in the end concluded, that they must raise the siege from before Tariffe: for the effecting whereof they must find means to join the forces of Portugal, Arragon and Castille together for the which they began presently to give order. The Queen of Castille got a promise from Don Alphonso King of Portugal her father, to aid the king her husband with all his forces, whereupon there was an interview of the two kings, at Irumegna, a town in Portugal.  
The king of Castille sent to encourage them of Tariffe, giving them hope of speedy succours: forbidding them expressly not to sally forth upon the enemy, for that the loss of one man did more import them, than an hundred to King Alboacen: he obtained a new army at sea from the king of Arragon, (the which was commanded by the Prior of Saint john, who had escaped in the tempest) to join with those few galleys which he had yet left: and presently after the king of Portugal came in person to Sevile, being accompanied with all the flower of his Nobility, and the best soldiers of his country. The levied men in all parts of Spain both foot and horse, which enroled themselves for this religious war, but especially out of Biscay, Alava, and Guipuscoa, which be the best footmen of Spain, the which were commanded by Don Pero Nugnes de Gazman, their Lord Don john Nugnes de Lara, being employed in the conduct of the horse. To conclude, their endeavours were such, as within few days there were mustered about Sevile 25000. foot, and 14000. horse, with which forces the two kings of Castille and Portugal, resolved to offer battle unto the enemy which was before Tariffe, being far more mighty than they, having besides the great number of horse and foot which he brought out of Africa, joined unto him the forces of Granado, the which consisted of 7000. horse, and a great multitude of foot. assoon as the Christian army began to march, Alboacen king of Maroc, and joseph king of Granado, sent Albohamar Infant of Maroc with 2000 horse to keep the passage of the river of Salado, 
Skrim●sh at the passage of the river Salado  which runs betwixt Pegna du Cerf, and Tariffe, the which were defeated by a thousand horse and 4000 foot, which the King of Castille had sent to put themselves into Tariffe, the which they effected happily, after this exploit, through favour of the night, the Moorish kings having already raised their siege, burnt their engines of battery, and retired their army into a place of advantage, called Alfaneque. These troops were the bands of D. Henry and D. Tello, children advowed of Castille, the which were led by wise and expert Captains.  
The day after this defeat the two armies presented themselves upon the banks of the river of Salado, which the Christian meant to pass, and so they did, but with great resistance and difficulty: yet Gonçalo Ruis de la Vega, and his brother Garciaço, who marched in the head of the army, assured the passage for the rest, repulsing the Moors, who defended it valiantly, when as the Christians were all past without breaking, they found the great squadrons of the Moors in Order, ready to fight, so as in an instant they joined, and were so mingled, as the kings themselves on either side, sparing not their own persons, and performing the duties as well of soldiers, as of Generals of armies, were many times found in danger: and their obstinacy was so great in the fight, as the Archbishop of Toledo was feign (partly by entreaties, and partly by force) to draw the king of Castille out of the press, where he had the forepart of his saddle shot through with an arrow: a dangerous blow, if it had lighted a little higher, the which might have made the kingdoms of Spain a prey unto the Moors by the loss of a battle, which doth commonly follow the death of the General. But God disposed otherwise, according to his mercy to the Christians: for the Moors being rather hindered then helped by their multitudes, gave way and fled, where as the slaughter was so great, as the number of the dead (as Authors writ) is not credible, but howsoever, 
Defeats memorable of the Moors at Salado.  the Christians had an absolute victory, who might have slain more, and it may be have extinguished the name of Moors in Spain, if they had poursued the disordered enemies, who fled one over another, and not busied themselves at the spoil, especially the footmen. The camp remaining free to the Christians, as they gathered the spoils together, there were found among the dead, one of the king of Marocs' wives, called Fatima, daughter to the king of Tunes, of the race of the Almohades, and three other Ladies. Among the prisoners Abohamar son to king Alboacen, and his nephews Aboham and Alboali, it may be children to Alboali, who had been king of Sojumenca, two of the king's daughters, and other Moors of note. The Kings of Maroc and Granado escaped by flight, and retired to divers places. Alboacen apprehending, that by this defeat his reputation and honour would be much blemished, and thereby the fidelity of his subjects shaken, fearing lest a son of his called Abderramen, whom he had left at Maroc, should seize upon the kingdom, he passed the same night to Ceuta.  
This battle won by the Christians the eight and twentieth of October, in the year 1340. is rightly paralleled to that of Muradal or Tholousa, by the which the Moors lost the command of Spain, some 128. years before; for thereby the great desseins of the King of Maroc were disappointed, having promised unto himself the conquest of all Spain, so as after that time the war grew more easy and light. This victory was honoured and renowned by many religious and civil acts among the Spaniards for besides that during the conflict, 
Superstitious acknowledgements of so great a victory  the name of Saint james, (who was held Patron and Protector of Spain) did sound (as they say) in the air, and that Don Alphonso Gonçales Pereyra, Prior of S. john, or of Crato in Portugal, had carried with him a piece or fragment of the true Cross, and many other such persuasions and inducements put in practice (according to the doctrine of those times) in the camp, and in all other places whether that news came, thanks were given unto God for so great a grace, and great demonstrations of joy made throughout all the towns. D. Alphonso King of Castille, the day after the battle entered into Tariffe, and caused the breaches to be repaired, commending and rewarding the Captains and soldiers which had carried themselves valiantly in the siege. Having afterwards viewed the enemy's spoils, the king of Castille did distribute it, according to every man's merits.  
The king of Portugal would not have any thing, but certain furnitures and caparasons for horses, and swords richly wrought after the Moresco fashion: but the King of Castille his son-in-law gave him a prisoner, a Moor of the blood royal, one of the sons of Alboali, who had been king of Sojumenca. Thus the two kings, father-in-law, and son-in-law, parted, very well satisfied one of another. To acknowledge the grace which God had done unto the Christians, by so great a victory, the king of Castille took this course, he sent john Martin's de Layva, to Pope Benedict, then residing at avignon, with his royal Standard, which had been carried in the battle, accompanied with four and twenty of the chief Ensigns which he had taken from the Moors, the which were borne by so many Moors. Moreover, he sent him an hundred horse richly appointed, every one having a sword and a target hanging at his saddle pommel, and were led by so many Moors. With these horses he sent his own, on the which he was mounted the day of the battle, covered with the royal arms of Castille and Leon: and moreover, many rich jewels, and other singularities, which things were presented unto the Pope with great ceremony and pomp, and received with no less honour and solemnity by the Pope and Cardinals. And the more to honour this act, the Pope the same day did sing a pontifical Mass, and did preach, much commending the king of Castille, and to reward him, he powered forth his spiritual treasures, granting him store of Indulgences, with the which john Martin's de Leyva returned, being well recompensed.  
Some Authors write, that the victuallers, carters, pioneers, merchants, Lackeys, and others of base quality in the Christians camp, falling upon the baggage, whilst the soldiers were in fight, had taken great spoils of gold, silver, and other riches, and that the king being advertised thereof, was persuaded not to suffer men, which had not been in the battle, nor adventured their lives, to enjoy the booties which were due unto soldiers: wherefore meaning to follow this advice, he forced many to bring back that which they had taken: but the greater number escaped, who fearing to be dispossessed of that which they had gotten, being all their fortunes, left Castille, and went into Navarre, Arragon, France and other countries, with such store of doubls ducats, as the price of gold was fallen a sixth part, and all merchandise much risen.  
20 In this war were furnished twenty galleys of Cattelogne, 
Arragon.  by Don Pedro king of Arragon, and eight by him of Majorca. The King Don Pedro was not there in person, neither did he send any forces by land, by reason of his own affairs and domestic designs, which he did plot to the prejudice of his subject. A violent Prince, proud, disdainful, and full of revenge. Don james King of Majorca his cousin and brother-in-law, 
Qualities of the King D. Pedro.  was forced in the city of Barcelona, the year before the defeat of the Moors at Salado, to do him homage for the islands and other Segneuries which he held upon the Main, as to his Sovereign, causing him to kneel before him, whereupon this Prince retired himself in a great rage to Perpignan: from whence soon after he was forced to return to Court, and to accompany the king Don Pedro unto avignon, whither he went to visit the Pope, where it happened that these Kings walking through the town together, a servant of the King of Majorcas, doing some service unto his master indiscreetly, he did so move the King Don Pedro, as he was ready to draw his sword, and to strike the king of Majorca himself, which was the beginning of their quarrels, the which continued long and violent.  
The arrival and entire of the king Don Pedro into avignon, was vey honourable, for at the passage of the river of Durance, he was met and received by two and twenty Cardinals, and entered with the king of Majorca into the town, betwixt Cardinal Neapoleon of Vrsins, and he of Cominges: but the next day (after he had showed his spleen against his brother in law, it may be moved with some sour answer which the Pope had given him) he retired to Villa-nova discoutented. The chief man which then served him in his most important affairs, was Nicholas of jonuille, a French man, who was Earl of Terra-nova in the Kingdom of Naples, and had married Marguerite daughter to the Admiral Roger of Loria. This man was advanced in the place of D. Pedro Earl of Ribagorça, the King's uncle, who was given more to a contemplative life, then to worldly affairs: for the which notwithstanding he had had long and bitter jars with D. Pedro de Luna, Archbishop of Sarragossa, who was desirous to govern, and to manage the affairs of the Realm: but their contention had been ended by the advancement of this third, and they were reconciled at the marriage of D. Lope de Luna, the son of Artail, and nephew to the Archbishop, and D. Violant the Kings aunt, and sister to the Earl of Ribagorça, who was widow to Philip Despote of Romania, and son to Philip Prince of Tarentum, the which were celebrated at Lerida, and from whence they went to avignon. The King D. Pedro being returned from this voyage, he commenced a criminal Process against the King of Maiorca, for that he caused money to be coined in the Town of Perpignan, and he caused him to be cited to appear before the Estates then assembled at Barcelona, not much troubling himself that the French King (carrying himself at Sovereign of Montpellier, and other lands belonging to the King of Maiorca, on this side the Pyrenees) had seized upon the sorts and castles of all these places. The King of Maiorca not appearing, his total ruin was resolved by the King, the which followed as we shall hereafter show.  
At that time such was the Estate of Sardinia: 
Estate of Sardinia.  Caillery, Aquafredda, jojosaguarda, Quirro Castelorguilleux, Gallicelli, castle Pedresio, Faba Osoli, Sasseri, and la Bastide of Sorria, were held by Arragon garrisons: Marian judge of Arbore●, had been newly made Earl of Gothian by the king, john Marquis of Malespine, and the Earls of Donoratico were friends to the kings of Arragon: but in Italy the Pisans, the Genovois, and with them Luquin Viscount, (who then ruled at Milan) had made a league, and conspired to chase the Arragonois out of Sardinia, where they also had their partisans and intelligences: for besides other factions, the family of Doria was then divided into four factions. These things did trouble the king D. Pedro admist his enterprises, at such time as he sought the ruin of D. james King of Maiorca, and when he was solicited by Hugh Cortingo, Petra Allerata, and Loupe Cinerca, chief men of the Island of Corsica, to undertake the conquest thereof, whereof the Bishop of Aleria was the minister and ambassador: and even then when it was most needful to have sent his galleys to the Straight, in favour of the k. of Castille, and for the common interest of all the Christian Princes of Spain.  
Before the year 1340. 
Portugal.  past, the Infant D. Pedro of Portugal had a son by his new spouse D. Constance Manuel, whom he had marred at Ebora, with a dowry of 300000. doublons, and many rich jewels, and this Infant was named D. Fernand or Ferdinand, who was king of Portugal after the Grandfather and father.  
21 In the year 1341. 
Castille.  D. Alphonso king of Castille having called a Parliament of all his Realms at Herrena in Extremadura, there were great sums of money given him, his subjects seeing that he employed it profitably, for the defence and increase of the crown: from thence he came to Madrid, where he gave Order for all that was necessary for the war, and appointed the rendezvous for his troops at Cordova, from whence he sent them of Sevile and Cordova to make incursions, attending the rest of his forces: he made a show to go to Malaga, the which put the Moors into great fear: but he marched to Alcala of Bencayde, upon the arrival of those troops which he expected, the which he found unfurnished, for the king of Granado did confidently believe, that he would have led his army to Malaga: This place after some weak resistance yielded, upon condition that the Inhabititants should have their lives saved: Moclin was taken by the diligence of D. Alphonso Fernand●s Cornel. There was some overture of a truce made in the behalf of the king of Granado, but without any conclusion, for that the king of Castille would not have king Alboacen comprehended: Priegos was also taken by composition: the like happened to Sarrabuey, being priest by Martin Fernandes Puerto Carrero. D. Alphonso Melendez de Guzman, master of S. james, did also win the castle of Benamexir: other places, as Rute, and the tower of Matrera were also forced: then winter approaching, the king left good garrisons in his towns, and of the sea to Giles Bocanegora, a Genevois with forty galleys, and other ships, and then he came to Vailledolit, where he assigned the Estates at Burgos, at the which the siege of Algezire being propounded, there was granted unto him an Imposition, called Alcavala, which was the twentieth part of all merchandise, that should be sold within the Realm. Thus as the king desseigned the siege of Algezire, his Admiral Giles Bocanegra having surprised twelve galleys of Granado in the port of Bullon, he burned four, sunk two, 
Victories at sea of the Christians against the Moors.  and carried away the other six. The king of Portugal sent ten of his galleys to join with them of Castille, which were in the port of Xatares, being commanded by Charles Peçano or Pecagno. In the mean time many of the Moors galleys assembled at Ceuta, the which they said, exceeded the number of 80. which threatened to pass into Spain with great forces to revenge their former losses. The king of Castille advertised hereof, came to Sevile, where by the way he understood that the Moors army was come out of Africa into Spain, and that they were entered into the mouth of the river of Guadamecil with great numbers of soldiers, victuals, and other provisions, the which they had landed, but it was suddenly besieged by the galleys of Castille and Portugal, to whose succour came 13. galleys of Algezire, the which were fought with all by part of the Christian army, who sunk four of them, two were taken, and the rest ran on ground. Being returned to their companions, who had shut up the Moors army in the mouth of the river, there was a furious battle given, where as the Christians had the better, and the Moors lost 25. of their galleys. This done, the Portugl Admiral returned being sent for by the king his master: he came to kiss the kinig of Castile's hands at Xeres, who did him great honour, and gave him letters in testimony of his virtue to the King of Portugal his master, entreating him to send him back again with his galleys. But the army at sea was nothing weakened hereby, for at the same time that the galleys of Portugal departed there arrived 20. from Arragon, of the which D. Pearo of Moncada was General, who in their way had encountered and vaniquished 13. galleys of the Moors, whereof they carried away four, two were borken against the shore, and the rest saved themselves at Velez in Africa. The king came to Xatares, and being himself desirous to discover the country of Algezire, and the situation of the town, he went aboard a galley, and hovered along the coast, and by the gulf, finding the country very pleasant: wherefore he grew more desirous to besiege that fort: and being returned to Sevile, and given order for all things necessary for such an enterprise, he came and invested it both by sea and land, in the month of August 1342. having not yet all his forces together, 
An. 1342.  but only 4000 foot: and 2600. horse, with his sea army of Castille and Arragon. In Algezire they made account, that there were at the least 800. horse, and 12000. foot Moors, all archers, and Crossbow men, who did much annoy the Christians, by their continual sallies and skirmishes, but assoon as the king of Castille had taken a fort, called Carthagena, lying betwixt Algezire and Gibraltar, they presented themselves more warily. A Moor taken in this castle, being brought unto the king to discover the state of the town, was so transported with a desperate fury, as had not his Guard been, and others that were near unto the King's person, he had slain him. Matters standing on these terms, the king of Arragon revoked his army, for that he had need thereof against the king of Maiorca, the which did somewhat incomodate the siege: and at the same time the king had another cause of grief, for the death of D. Alphonso Melendez de Guzman, master of S. james: in whose place D. Frederic the king's base son was chosen in the camp. There arrived daily at the camp great numbers of men from divers foreign countries, to serve against the Infidels: by reason whereof, and foreseeing that this siege would be difficult and long, King D. Alphonso entreated the Christian Princes of France and Portugal, and the Pope himself to lend him money. The French king assisted him with 50000. Crowns, which were made over to Genoa. Whilst they lie before Algezire, joseph King of Granado having gathered together 6000. horse, which he had in his country, with 2000 Africans, being in garrison at Ronda, he ouer-ran the country as far as Eccia, where having spoiled all, he came to Palma, which he entered without any great difficulty, putting all the Christians he found in it to the sword, then packing up his baggage, he returned with all speed to Granado, fearing to be charged by the Garrisons and Commons thereabouts, who began to make a head. There was a More with one eye taken in the camp, who came from Castellar, and was sent to kill the King of Castille, as he himself confessed, for the which he was executed. This year about November, there arrived ten galleys, sent by the king of Arragon, and commanded by Matthew Mercier of Valence: the like number came from Portugal, and joined with the army, but within three weeks they returned, and to man knew the reason, yet the siege was not stayed, nor the battery discontinued before Algezire: Inigo Lopes of Ozorco, who had charge of the Engines, using great diligence.  
This was one of the longest sieges we read of in Spain, 
An. 1343.  without any intermission of Winter or other season. The year 1343. being come, the king of Granado entered again into Andalusia, he recovered and razed the Catle of Benamexir, and spoiled the Town of Estepa, but he could not stay there: for that the Castle held good, and yet during all these incursions, this Moorish king did solicit King Don Alphonso to come to some truce, offering the like conditions, whereunto he and his Predecessors had been formerly bound, but for that he would not leave the league and friendship of the King of Maroc, the King of Castille would not hearken to any treaty: although he understood, that king Alboacen was a Ceuta, and that he made great preparation to come and raise the siege of Algezire, wherein he was stayed by the jealousy he had of his son Alderramen, lest he should make himself King of Maroc in his absence, whose head he was in the end forced to cut off, having to that end sent H●scar his Alguazil, or Provost to Maroc, who by promises and good words, lulled this son asleep, being impatient in his ambition, and so executed his charge. The Moors of Ronda and Malaga, being two thousand horse, and as many foot, came running towards Eccia, not knowing that the king had sent a great troop of horse into those marches, to hinder their courses: yet they foraged the country, and took their way homewards, but Fernand Gonçales of Aguilar cut off their passage in the right, at a river called de las Yeguas, and charged them so furiously at the break of day, as notwithstanding any resistance, they abandoned their prey, and were put to rout, leaving above six hundred of their men slain and taken, and three hundred horse, which the Christians carried away. There were a good number of horse past already out of Africa, so as the king of Granado joining them to the forces of his country, he might put an arny to field, able to present battle to them that were at the siege before Algezire, their forces being then somewhat divided, for that king Don Alphonso had (as we have said) sent a good part of his horsemen towards Eccia, Carmona, Marchena, Vtrera, Aguilar, and other places: but being either fearful, by reason of former losses, or he expected greater succours from Africa, he deferred it very happily for the king of Castille, and began to practise a truce, whereunto King Don Alphonso made show to incline, protracting the time, until the coming of his horse, whom he had sent for with all speed unto the camp, the which being come, there were so many difficulties propounded by him, as nothing was concluded.  
The King of Maroc being upon the Afric shore with a great army, he solicited him of Granado to give battle, offering to send him part of his troops, if he were not of sufficient strength. The King of Granado excused himself, for that both their forces united together, were not able to resist the fury of the Christians before Tariffe wherefore he advised & entreated him to pass in person, and to bring with him all the forces he had, but there was no means to persuade the king of Maroc to pass the straight: so as the siege continued, where there daily arrived Princes and Knights from France, England & other places: there is special mention made of a Duke of Lancaster, and an Earl of Salisbury English men, of Gaston Earl of Foix, and his brother Roger Regnaud, whom some call Bernard Viscount of Castelbon, and especially of Philip King of Navarre, whose history we have need to return unto.  
22 This Prince having his residence for the most part in France, 
Navarre  employing himself virtuously for the defence of that realm against the English, who eontended for it against Philip of Valois then reigning: his country of Navarre being governed in the mean time by Lieutenants, or Viceroys Frenchmen, whereof we have named some. And in these time's mention is made of one Regnaud Pons, and of one William Brake, Governors, in whose times the laws of Duel were much practised in Navarre, a well among the Nobility, as others, who decided their controversies and quarrels by combat. The wars betwixt the French and English being somewhat appeased about the year 1343, more for want of means to make war, and for need of rest then otherwise. Philip king of Navarre obtained leave to come and visit his country, and if it were convenient to see the siege of Algezire, whereof there was so great brute throughout all Christendom. this desire increased in him, being in Navarre, and the rather for that he understood there should be a battle, as it was likely, and that the king of Castille did resolutely attend it. Wherefore king Philip invited many of his friends, and levied men as well in Navarre, as in France, giving order for the shipping of munition and victuals in the ports of Guipuscoa, and so marched on, having given advice of all unto king D. Alphonso, leading with him only an hundred horse, and three hundred foot, which were ready about him, giving order for the rest to follow. There was great honour done him in all the towns of Castille, where he passed, the king having so commanded, and he arrived at Sevile about the Spring, whither the king of Castille sent Ambassadors to welcome him, and conduct him to Xeres upon the frontier, whether many Noblemen, and soldiers should come to accompany him, as well to do him honour, as for the safety of his person, for that the Moors Army lay encamped upon the River of Guadiana.  
Thus the king of Navarre was conducted unto Xeres, and from thence to the camp, with all the shows of friendship and amity that could be desired: The king went forth to meet him, being attended on by many great and worthy personages Castillans and strangers, French, English, Germans, and other Nations. The King of Castille did such honour to the King of Navarre, as he would not determine of any matter of consequence, without calling him to council, neither hear nor answer any Ambassadors but in his presence. The King of Navarre likewise for his part showed himself very desirous to please him.  
There were many skirmishes at that time, in the which the Navarrois and Gascons carried themselves very valiantly: notwithstanding mention is made by the Histories of Spain, of a great opportunity lost of giving the Moors a notable rout, by the default of Gaston Earl of Foix, who that day had the leading of the Navarrols and Gascons, but they speak of it doubtfully, as a thing uncertain, and it may be without any just ground, adding withal, that the Earl for shame demanded his congee, pretending certain reasons that he could not stay, as well for that his soldiers were unpayed, as for the need they might have of him in France, neither could the king of Navarre, or he of Castille (who offered him all contentment) stay him by any entreaties or persuasions. Finally, (according to the Spanish Authors) he departed with a good troop of Knights and soldiers, leading his brother with him: but being at Sevile, he died, which shows that sickness was the cause of his retreat, or rather the wounds which he had received in a furious skirmih, which he maintained against the Moors which sallied out of Algezire, in the which our French-Histories affirm that he was slain. He was father to Gaston Phoebus, of whom mention shall be made hereafter. Philip king of Navarre fell also sick, with other Noblemen, which grew by the intemperature of the air of Andalusia, being too violent for the French, who changed nothing of their accustomed manner of living, being in a different climate. The king of Navarres sickness was such, as he was advised to cause himself to be transported into France, so as he was forced to take leave of the king of Castille, who neglected no good office to comfort him but being come to Xeres, 
Death of Don Philip king of Navarre.  his sickness so increased, as he was forced to stay, and died there in September 1343. He had reigned about 15. years and five months in Navarre. His body was carreid to Pampelona, and there interred in the Cathedral church: wheresoever his body passed through the Realm of Castille, there were great ceremonies done, and shows of mourning, by commandment from king D. Alphonso. The Spanish Authors (who slatter not the French) writ, that this infirmity increased by grief, for some errors which the French (which followed him) had committed in an ambush which had been laid for the Moor, where by their too great hast they lost a goodly opportunity to defeat a great number.  
The English Noblemen being also called home by their king left the camp: and so as Author's report, king D. Alphonso remained alone with his own subjects, and such of Portugal and Arragon, as he had entertained: the which may well seem to be written by Spaniards, that they alone might have the honour of the taking and winning of Algezire.  
23 After the retreat of these strangers, 
Castille.  the king was much troubled for many respects: for besides that he was left weak, his treasures were spent, by reason of his exceeding charge, and the rewards he was forced to give to such as come to serve him from foreign countries: for besides his land army which he must furnish with all things necessary, he was forced to entertain the galleys of Genoa, Portugal and Arragon, that he might be master of the sea: the which they could hardly do, for that the enemy was strong who soon aftter passed out of Africa, with sixty galleys Moors, and many other vessels, landing many horse and foot, with great store of victuals at Estepona, whom they might easily have put into Algezire, where they began to want, if they had been men of resolution: for besides that the king of Castile's army was not equal in strength, it was then dispersed in divers parts. With this new supply the Moors might muster 12000. horse, an infinite number of foot. King D. Alphonso got succours and money from the French king, the Pope, and other Princes his friends, and from the Prelates, towns, and private men of his realm, who lent him willingly what they could spare: so as he stayed the Genovois, who would have been gone, and contented both them and others, with great wisdom and good husbandry.  
The King of Castille, 
Portugal.  notwithstanding his affairs of war, did not forget any thing that might serve to better the Estate of his Provinces, building and peopling new towns, as Monreal upon Deva a river in Guipuscoa, and pleasance, upon the same river, the which he peopled with men out of the valley of Marquina, granting them the rights and privileges of Logrogno, and assigning their bounds and limits.  
These things passed in the year 1343. in the which there happened at Lisbon, the chief city of Portugal, great earthquakes which ruined many goodly buildings, to the great terror of the inhabitants: and in this accident died the Admiral of Portugal.  
The adverse armies in Andalusia, were continually in skirmish and light encounters, 
Castille.  but joseph King of Granado would by no means yield to a battle, notwithstanding the great supplies he had from Ceuta, and that he had with him a son of king Alboacens, called Hali, with many other great personages Moors, but desired rather to try if he could get king Alphonso to yield unto a truce: wherefore he sent two Ambassadors unto him, who had been formerly employed, to whom the king of Castille seemed to give a willing ear: by whom there was added unto the conditions of the former accords, that king Alboacen should pay him for the charge of this siege, 300000. doublons of gold. These conditions being imparted unto king joseph, with a suspension of arms, he presently passed over to Ceuta, to confer with Alboacen. But in his return, he was set upon (notwithstanding the assurance given him by king Alphonso) by a galley of Genoa, thinking to take the 300000. doublons with the king, but the king's galley being well armed, defended itself, and so escaped, whereof king joseph made great complaints unto the king of Castille, who without doubt would have sunk the Genovois galley with the Captain, if he could have taken it, but he had gotten to sea, fearing to be punished, and so retired to Genoa. The treaties of truce being troubled by reason of this infidelity of the Genovois, the Moors army which was at Gibraltar, advanced unto the river of Palmons, half a league from the Christians camp: where their forerunners encountering the two armies which followed, had like to have come to a general battle, but the Moors retired first, having lost some men. Their whole desire was to victual Algezire, where they understood, that all things wanted, and that many small vessels, laden with victuals, had been taken at sea, seeking by day or night to enter into it, through favour of the wind or current: for the christians galleys were exceeding watchful. But they presented themselves so often by land, making show that they would fight, and watched their opportunity so by sea, as five Vessels of Ceuta had means to enter, and to refresh the besieged with some victuals, and other necessary provisions, whereof the Captain was a Moor, called Muça, who being discharged, returned to Ceuta without loss, reporting unto King Albeacen the great necessity of the besieged. King Alphonso, was much troubled hereat, but the estate of the besieged being hereby a little eased, was not much bettered: for these victuals lasted not long, considering their multitude of people, and their great extremity, and the Princes of the Moors seeing, that in the end they must either hazard a battle, which they did much fear, having so often (to their cost) tried the Christians valour, or lose the place, which had been long and obstinately besieged.  
The king of Granado, with the advice of Alboacen, did revive the treaty of truce, and the conditions of former accords; which were, that he should be vassal to the king of Castille, and should pay him tribute: and moreover, that obtaining a truce for fifteen years, (wherein king Alboacen should be comprehended) the town of Algezire should be yielded unto him, and that the Moors which were within it, should have liberty to departed with their goods whither they pleased the which after long deliberation, was concluded. But they cut off five years of the time of the truce, the which was made but for ten years. King Alphonso had a desire to see a young Price a Moor, that was within it, he was son to Abomelic, but his Governor would not suffer him, saying, as he carried him away, that the King of Castille had no reason to see an Infant, whom he deprived of his Inheritance.  
This ended this siege, having continued nineteen months, during the which there were many sharp and furious encounters, whereof some might be accounted battles: they within the town made fifteen great sallies the twelve first months, where as many valiant men of either side were slain. About the end of this siege, there had been sent out of Arragon james Escrivain, and Matthew Mercer Captains, with twenty galleys, who won great honour there. The king entered into Algezire in great pomp, where having planted many of his Enslgnes upon the towers, the great Mesgide was purified and hallowed with great ceremonies, the which was named Saint Maries of the Palm. The walls and rampires being repaired, and the houses and land distributed to new dwellers, the king came to Sevile, from whence he sent two daughters of King Alboacens, which had been taken at the battle of Tariffe, causing them to be honourably conducted into Africa, and richly attired: wherewith the Moorish king was so pleased, as he could not sufficiently commend his bounty and courtesy; who having royally rewarded the Ambassadors, which did accompany these Princesses, he sent unto the King of Castille a rich present of precious stones, silks, arms, horses, lions, and other beasts, infinite perfumes, and whatsoever he thought rare; the which did much confirm the league of friendship betwixt them: but it happened that Alboacen within few days after, being set upon and encountered by one of his sons called Alboanen, 
Alboacen king of Maroc dispossessed by his son.  who had rebelled against him, and abandoning the duty of a son, deprived him of the kingdom of Fez, whereby the king of Castille entered into a new jealousy of war, this usurping son not respecting the truce made with his father.  
This Alboanen did not only take from his father the Realm of Fez, 
Moors.  but also all that he held in Spain, as Ronde, Zachara, Gibraltar, Ximena, Marbella, Estepona, Castillar and others. But whilst the Moors molested one another, the King of Castille and his subjects had some rest, whereof they had great need, by reason of their continual toil, and great expenses at the siege of Algezire.  
In the mean the king of Castille seeing that the quarrel● betwixt Don Pedro king of Arragon, 
Arragon.  and his brethren D. Fernand and D. john, borne of D. Leonora of Castille his sister, continued still, he sought to reconcile them, sending Diego Garcia of Toledo to that end, who laboured much, but in vain. Being there, there was a marriage treated of, betwixt D. Fernand Manuel, son to D. john Manuel, and D. jeanne of Arragon, daughter to Don Raymond Berenger, Earl of Prages, Uncle to the King Don Pedro. The alliance and amity of Arragon had been very available to Don john Manuel, the which he could not forget, although the King of Castille were not much pleased therewith.  
24 During the siege of Algezire, the king Don Pedro sought to ruin D. james king of Majorca, his cousin and brotherinlawe, by force and all other unworthy means, seeking to make him odious by false accusations, where as force could not prevail. Having drawn him to Barcelona, upon hope of a reconciliation, he charged him in open assembly, that he had fraudulently fought to carry him, with his brother Don james Earl of Vrgel, and their Uncle Don Pedro Earl of Ribagorça, into Majorca, and there to detain them prisoners, until that he were released from the oath of fidelity, and acknowledgement of Sovereignty, which he and his Predecessors had made unto the Kings of Arragon: and in this discontent and fear, he sent him away, retaining notwithstanding his wife Donna Constance, who was his sister: and without any long delay, the King Don Pedro sent Arnanld Erillo, and William Bellera to overrun the County of Rossillon, and other lands belonging to the King of Majorca, lying near unto Cattelogne, and to seize upon the places of strength, the Princes and Princesses of his blood and his allies employing themselves in vain to pacify them. But such was his hatred and insatiable desire of greatness, as he proclaimed open war against this poor king of Majorca, weak in means, and it may be, in courage, to make head against so mighty a king, and so obstinate an enemy.  
And at that time Don Pedro of Moncado was recalled with his Galleys from the straits, as we have said, who having increased his army with many other vessels rigged out upon the coasts of Cattelogne and Valence, he came to Palomera, a haven in the Island of Majorca, with an hundred and six sails, where he landed many horse and foot, the king being there in person, who before his departure, had coloured this enterprise with a pretext of Felony and Rebellion, pronouncing a sentence against the King Don james, 
Maiorca conqac●ed by the king of Arragon.  in an assembly of Noblemen and Princes at Barcelona, and confiscating his goods. In this army was Don Pedro of Arragon, Earl of Ampurias and Ribagorça, the king's Uncle, holding the place of Seneschal and chief of Arms: Don Pedro of Arragon Lord of Xerica newly reconciled, Don Blasco of Alagon, who carried the Standard royal: Don john Ximenes of Vrreé, Don Philip of Castro, D. Alphonso Roger of Loria, brother to Don Pedro of Xerica, Galuan and Raymond Angleçole, Acart Murio, Arnauld Erillo, Gonçal Diaz of Arenos, john Pernandes of Luna, Artal of Fosses, Michael Perez Zapate, lourdain Vrries, Sancho Peres Pomar, with other Noblemen and Captains. Against these forces the king of Majorca had levied three hundred horse and fifteen thousand foot, but he was betrayed and abandoned, and forced to fly, and quit the Island: so as the king Don Pedro seized thereon without fight, and was received into the city of Majorca, whereof Don Arnold Erillo was made Governor, and Gillebert Centilla Captain of the soldiers that were there left in garrison. The Island of Minorca made no greater resistance, and that of Yuiça less. Minorca was given in government to Gillebert Ceruera, and Yuiça to Martin Arbes. These islands subdued, the king returned to Barcelona, from whence he presently marched in to the County of Rossillon, with his whole army, whither the Cardinal of Rhodez, the Pope's Legate, came unto him, to advise him to desist from arms: who could get no other answer, but that the king of Majorca should come and yield himself to his will. During this war, there was borne at Ceruera, 
Monster borne in Cattelogne stain by the parents, and they punished.  in the territory of Lerida in Cattelogne, a monstrous child, having two heads and four legs, whose father and mother seeking to conceal it, buried it alive, but being discovered in this attempt, they were punished, as murderers of their child.  
There were great tumults and seditions at that time in Arragon, betwixt many Noblemen, contending by arms for their possessions, so as the king commanded that D. Athon of Fosses should be apprehended and punished, to terrify others, he also caused his revenues and lands to be seized on, from the which he did appeal unto the Magistrate of the justice of Arragon, which was then in the hands of Garci Fernandes of Castro, whereupon there grew great contention: for the kings learned Council pretended that the authority of the justice of Arragon did not extend out of the assembly of the Estates, and that this Magistrate was there only a judge of controversies, which did rise against the king, being not lawful for him out of the Estates, to make himself judge of any controversy against his royal Majesty, but in suits of state, and condition of persons, or in causes whereas the king is called for a warrant, or in complaints which the people may make against the king's Officers.  
The king therefore commanded, (for that Garti Fernandes of Castro, justice of Arragon, was allied to Athon of Fosses) that Michael Perez Zapate, Lieutenant general of Arragon in the king's absence, should put Athon in prison, but finding himself too weak, 
Submission of the king of Maiorca dispossessed  for that Athon was supported by many seditious persons, and had the countenance of divers great men his kinsmen and friends, he had recourse unto the Iurates of Sarragossa, according to the custom of his ancestors, enjoining them to foresee, that the Estate received no prejudice, and that justice should not be forced.  
The war of Rossillon continued, neither would the king D. Pedro yield for any intercession the Pope could make, persisting still, that the king Don james (who was dispossessed of Majorca) should come and submit himself unto him, without any condition. The town of the yielded unto him. In the end Arnold Bishop of Aux, the Pope's Nuncio, did mediate, that the King of Majorca should come and yield himself into the hands of the king D. Pedro, and deliver him his forts, upon assurance that they should not attempt any thing against his person, nor put him in prison: the which being granted, D. james king of Majorca, upon the assurance of D. Pedro of Xerica, came to Elne, and casting himself at the king of Arragon's feet, he submitted himself to his clemency, beseeching him to have regard unto his rank and dignity, to suffer him to justify himself, and that he would be pleased to sue civilly against him and howsoever, at the least, preserve unto his Nephews, children to his brother D. Fernand, their right unto the realm of Majorca, and other lands, and cause the town of Perpignan to be delivered unto him. The king D. Pedro blinded with hatred and choler, rejected all these requests after a strange and insolent manner, and being entered into perpignan, he caused a Decree to be published, by the which he did confiscate the Island of Majorca, and all the lands of the king Don james, 
Decree against the king Don James.  uniting them inseparably to the Crown of Arragon: which decree he caused to be set up at every corner. This poor Prince being thus entreated, he left the county of Rossillon, and retired himself to Berga, a place assigned him for his abode, until that his adversary should give order for his entertainment. The king D. Pedro (after these severe and unjust proceed) returned to Barcelona, where he entered armed, as triumphing for a victory gotten of some great enemy. Being there in counsel, 
A thousand pound starling.  he assigned 10000 livers of pension for the king D. james dispossessed, until he had given him lands and revenues out of Spain: remitting unto him his rights of Montpellier, and other places on this side the Pyrenees, already in his possession.  
These things being signified unto him by Don Pedro of Moncado, Philip Boillo, and Garcia of Loris, he rejected them all, saying: That he had rather live banished in a strange Country, and suffer all the miseries in the world, then to yield to so great an injustice, or allow of so unworthy conditions, imposed upon him by a king which was his kinsman. Whereupon the King Don Pedro renewed the war, that he might either take him, or chase him out of the Kingdom.  
This miserable Prince destitute and quite stripped of all means, and abandoned of his friends, and the courage to defy Don Pedro of Xerica, accusing him of disloyalty, for that he had promised him many things (persuading him to come to Elne) which had not been kept: but Don Pedro was absolved by the king, who declared that he had not failed in any thing he had promised▪ so as Don james sometimes King of Majorca, frustrate of all hope, was forced to retire into the County of Cerdagne, hoping to hold those Lands by the favour and support of Geoffrey Estandart a Frenchman, Governor of Puicerdan, and other Segneuries on this side the mountains: but being deceived and forsaken of all, he was forced to fly, and to pass the mountains in November, the Winter being exceeding sharp: so as upon mount Pimorent, which divides the Contie of Cerdagne from Gasconie, he was like to have died with the extremity of cold, where he fell into such a passion of grief, as he was ready to have slain himself. This usage did D. james the king of Majorca receive of his brother-in-law, Don Pedro king of Arragon, who was at that time again solicited to attempt the conquest of Corsica, whereunto he yielded, and set some galleys to the port of Boniface, this year 1344. having intelligence, and a secret league with William Roncaval, Rowland Ornan, Henry Cortingo, and others of the chief of the Island.  
In the year 1345. 
Castille.  D. Alphonso King of Castille, gave order for the building of the new town of S. Ander, 
1345.  called Heybar, and a league from thence of the town of Marquine, called also Helgoybar, which he peopled with the inhabitants of the villages of that country, giving them laws and privileges according to the jurisdiction of Logrogne.  
25 The year following 1346. 
An. 1346.  a donation was made by Pope Clement the 6. resident in avignon, to D. Lewis de la Cerde, son to the Infant D. Alphonso, of the fortunate islands or Canaries, upon condition that he should conquer them, and cause the Gospel to be preached there: to this end he came into Arragon, and there began to prepare an army at sea, wherein he was much assisted and favoured by the king D. Pedro: but we find not that he passed into the islands, and to speak truly, it would have been distasteful unto the king of Castille, in whose Straight these islands are situated: yet this D. Lewis held the title of Prince of the fortunate islands. D. john Manuel (who had never loved the king of Castille from his heart) was glad of these petty discontentments, by favour whereof he spread abroad false reports and advertisements, to draw the two kings of Castille and Arragon into war, but what he could not do by his practices, occasion wrought, at the treaty of marriage which the king of Castille would make betwixt D. Fernand of Arragon his nephew, son to his sister D. Leonora, and D. Eluira Infanta of Portugal, who is by some called also Leonora, by reason whereof king D. Alphonso, and D. Leonora his sister had an interview at Tordelaguna: which put the king D. Pedro into such jealousy, being then a widower, (which was in the year 1347.) as having done what he could to divert this marriage, 
1347.  he resolved to demand the Infanta of Portugal for himself, for the which he sent his ambassadors. The king of Castille being much moved, that he of Arragon did thus seek to cross him, sent Don john Alphonso of Albuquerque into Portugal, to hinder the conclusion of this marriage, but he arrived too late, for the ambassador of Arragon had so negotiated, as all was concluded: whereat the king Don Alphonso was much offended.  
26 This D. Pedro king of Arragon had in his time many wives, 
Arragon.  the first was D. Maria Infanta of Navarre, daughter to king Philip of Eureux, by whom he had D. Constance Queen of Sicily, wife to D. Frederic the second. D. jeanne married afterwards to D. john Earl of Ampurias, and one son, who died as soon as he was borne, and the mother five days after, in the year 1347. To his 2. wife he had this Infant of Portugal: to his third he took D. Leonora, some call her D. Constance, daughter to Frederick the 2. King of Sicily, by whom he had D. john his successor in the Realm: D. Martin Earl of Xerica and Luna, and Duke of Momblanc, and first Constable of Arragon, (who by the death of his elder brother, was also King of Arragon) and D. Leonora, which was wife to D. john Infant of Castille, afterwards king, the first of that name of Castille and Leon. Besides these great Princesses, the King Don Pedro, being old and a widower, fell in love with a subject of his own of a mean family called Sibile, a widow, borne at Forcia in the territory of Ampurias, and married her, of whom he had D. Izabella, who was Countess of Vrgel, and wife to Don James. These were the marriages of the king Don Pedro, who reigning cruelly and covetously, incensed the Estates and Nobility of his Realms of Arragon and Valence against him, whereas the subjects made Leagues against their Prince, which did in a manner ruin and confound that Estate, King Don Alphonso not forgetting to make use of that occasion, to be revenged of the wrong and injury which he pretended had been done him, in disappointing the marriage of his Nephew Don Fernand with the Infanta of Portugal.  
The King Don Pedro having no sons at the consummation of this second marriage, sought to have an oath taken to D. Constance, his eldest daughter, heir to the Realm of Arragon, and other lands depending and annexed after his decease, the which was cause of great seditions: for Don john, Earl of Vrgel, the king's brother, governing the Realm then as Governor, or Lieutenant general, opposed himself violently: by reason whereof the King (who was violent and rough in all his actions) chased him away, and took from him his public charge: then having emancipated Donna Constance his daughter, he made and instituted her Governess, or Regent of the Realm, to make her way to the succession, there being present at this act, and his principal councillors, D. Hunges Bishop of Vic, D. Pedro Thousio master of Montesa, D. Pedro of Xerica viceroy of Valence, Pedro Fenovilles, Audemar Mousses, Gonçalu Diaz of Arenos, & Ga●cerand Belpuccio. D. Pedro the King uncle, Earl of Ampurias, took that oath to his Princeesses in the name of the Estates, upon condition, that if it were found the hereditary right did belong unto D. james, the oath should be void. D. james seeing himself disappointed, stirred up troubles in the country of Valence: he had recourse to the union of Arragon, to retain his digmity of Governor of the Realm: he made a league with his brethren D. Fernand and D. john sons to D. Leonora of Castille, and with the King of Gastile himself, and disquieted all Arragon.  
The dispossessed King of Majorca hearing of these tumults, would be an actor, and came near unto Majorca, with certain galleys of France and Genoa, whereof Charles Grimaldi was General, but as misfortune did still accompany him he effected nothing of worth in those Islands nor upon the coast of Cattelogne, whether he afterwards came, and was repulsed by the King himself. By the advice of Bernard of Cabrera, who was then held a man of great wisdom and judgement, he made his uncle D. Pedro, Earl of Amputias, chief of his council, and seeking by all means to catch his rebels, or to divide their league, he wrought so as the Earl of Vrgel his brother came unto him, whom he restored to his dignity of Governor of the realm, but it continued not many days, for he died presently, not without suspicion to have been poisoned. Being at an assembly of the Estates at Saragossa, he granted them all they demanded, and renewed the contract made by King Alphonso the third, with union of Arragon, by the which sixteen castles were put into the power of the union, with liberty to deliver them to whom they would, if the King should infringe the accord.  
This year of our Lord 1347. 
An. 1347.  during these troubles the King's marriage was consomated with the Infanta of Portugal, 
Marriage of the King D. Pedro with the infaint of Portugal.  the which were very mournful, for that in a short space the King's men received two notable routs by the rebels, the one near unto Xativa, where there died on the King's part Andrew William the Secretary, Lieutenant to the Viceroy of Valence, and his son: the other near unto Valence, 
Defeat of the King's men.  in the which Gonçal Diaz of Arnos, and Pedro Mugnon captains of the King's men lost their lives. So as the king, who in the mean time kept at Moruiedro, in a manner besieged, was much perplexed, and not knowing what to resolve, he suffered himself to be persuaded to enter into the city of Valence, where he found himself entangled in the mutinies of the citizens, who respected and honoured him so little, 
Valencians seditious.  as notwithstanding his presence, they spoilt and murdered one an other, after a pitiful manner. The Noble men and captains holding his party, were then fortified in Daroca, whereof the chief were D. Pedro of Xerica, D. Lope of Luna, D. Blasco of Alagon, D. Pedro Fernandes of Ixar, D. Thomas Cornel, D. john Ximenes of Vrrea, and D. john Martin's of Luna.  
The Rebels were favoured and assisted underhand, 
King of Castille favours the rebels against the King of Arragon  by D. Alphonso King of Castille, who suffered them to make great levies of soldiers in his countries, for the love he bore unto the sons of his sister D. Leonora, Dovager of Arragon: and D. Fernand the eldest had already lead many bands of Castillans to Valence, and D. john his brother prepared to pass into Arragon with other troops, to be the general of that war, the which the Arragonois demanded: yet by reason of the complaints made by the King D. Pedro, who said that the league betwixt Castille and Arragon, was broken by King D. Alphonso, sollyciting all his friends and private councillors, especially Queen Mary his wife, and D. Leonora of Guzman, his best beloved, to dissuade the King from this enterprise, laying before him the consequence of this rebellion, there were sent by the King of Castille, and by his sister the Queen D. Leonora, into Arragon D. Fernando Perez Puerto Carrero, and to Valence Lope Perez of Fonseca, to treat of the means to pacify these troubles.  
The King D. Pedro promised great matters to his brethren, and desired nothing more than to have the Castillan troops called home by their King: but notwithstanding any likelihood of an accord, they drew what succours they would from Castille: wherefore King D. Alphonso being importuned by the King D. Pedro, and discontented with these seditions, being also moved with a desire he had to see the Queen D. Leonora his sister and her children assured in their Estates, which had been left them by the deceased King D. james, and by divers other passions, he could take on better resolution, then to show himself a common friend: and for that he could not well hinder the credit which his Nephews had in Castille for the levying of men, he also suffered the King of Arragon to levy horsemen for his money, entertaining Aluar Garcia of Albornoz, who brought him above six hundred Castillan horsemen. With these forces and others of his subjects, who favoured his violences, he came to battle with the Rebels of Valence and Saragossa, 
Rebels defeated by the king D. Pedro.  besieging Epila, being commanded by his brother D. Fernand, whom he put to rout betwixt the river of Xalon and Epila, where the Infant D. Fernand was taken prisoner: but his good fortune was, to fall into the hands of the Castillan horsemen, who being loath he should come into the power of the incensed King D. Pedro, sent him speedily into Castille, to King D. Alphonso his uncle. In this battle died john Ximenes of Vrrea, the chief favourer of the union, Gombald Tramasset, Simon Perez Pina, and Galuan Anglesole.  
After this defeat there was a firm League made betwixt Castille and Arragon, by the treaty of a marriage of one of the King D. Pedro's daughters, with D. Henry, son advowed to the King of Castille: and there were conditions propounded for Queen Leonor and her children; that the King of Arragon should suffer them to enjoy their goods and Estates freely, and that the Government of Arragon should be given to the Infants D. Fernand and D. john, and that the King should not proceed against the confederates of Valence, against whom he was more incensed then against the rest. The King D. Pedro would not grant the government of Arragon to his brethren, nor pardon his rebels, but desired the King of Castille to assist him with horsemen, that he might punish them by arms: and in regard of the marriage, he would have D. Henry invested in the country of Murcia, with the title of a King: otherwise he should not marry his daughter. These difficult and distasteful treaties to either party, were spent in disputes, without any conclusion.  
The defeat of the confederates army at Epila, did so terrify them of Saragossa, as many men of mark went out of the Realm, others sent unto the King of sue for their lives: so as that great city whose forces had been fearful to the Kings of Arragon, was then made subject with the whole realm: for the King having calling there an assembly of the Estates, such as he pleased, he wrested away the popular laws, and the previledges of the union, 
Reformation of the Gournors' jurisdiction.  namely those of King D. Alphonso the third, and the confirmation which he himself had made was disannulled, and new Articles made against the seditious: many that were culpable, were condemned to die, and their goods confiscate. Thus the rights and previledges gotten seditiously by arms, were lost again by arms. There the jurisdiction of the Governor of the realm was also reform, a dignity near unto that of the King, the which having to that time been held by Princes, or great personages, with great abuse, corruption and liberty, for that it had been an ancient custom, used in Arragon, not to call such men in question for their faults, but civility, being exempt from condemnation of death, prison or banishment. It was then decreed, that from thenceforth that dignity should not be given to Princes, nor to any one that were to powerful above the rest, but to simple knights: to the end that if they did commit any fraud or abuse, or did violate the Laws and public liberty, they might make their criminal process, 
Lymitation of the jurisdiction of the justice Maior of Arragon.  and take away their lives, if the case so required. The jurisdiction or the justice Major of Arragon, was there also limited: that is, he should have authority to suppress the unjust decrees of the King's officers, and the rash attempts, and actions of mighty men, with all public force, and maintain justice betwixt great and small: and it was decreed, that this Magistrate should not be given by the people's suffrages, nor at the appetite of the Plebeians, to men of base condition, but to knights, which should be named by the King.  
Saragossa being subdued, the King led his army against them of Valence, who persisted in their rebellion. 
Valence subdued.  The Valentians in the beginning thought to be able to resist and there were some encounters betwixt them and the King's men: but being often beaten, and repulsed with loss, they resolved in the end to yield the city, the which the king (being sharp and severe by nature) would have razed, ploughed up, and the place sown with fault, in hatred of the insolences and contempt of which the Valentians had used against him: yet he was diverted from this cruel intent, by the Noblemen that were about him, and his wrath was appeased, by the punishment of john Ruis Corellia, Raymond Scorn, james Romanin, and Ponce of Solier, men of noble families, who were put to death, and others that were more lightly punished.  
Such was the end of the revolts and tumults of Arragon and Valence: 
Revolts in Sardynia,  During the which the Island of Sardynia was likewise in a combustion, entertained by the Genevois, having lands there, namely by Matthew, Nicolosio, john Anthony & julian Doria, by whose support the Sardiniens did rise, and spoiled the countries which held the Arragon party. D. William of Ceruillon was then Governor for the King D. Pedro in that Island, who thinking to repair the harm which the rebels had done, was defeated and slain near to Bestide, which the enemies did besiege: wherefore D. Rambaud of Corbera was sent in his place, and Ponce Santa paz for General of the Arragon galleys. These were moire fortunate than Ceruillon had been: for D. Rambaud raised the siege from before Sasseri, and recovered many places: wherein he was faithfully assisted by Marian, judge of Arborea, and by john his brother, and so priest the faction of Doria, which was contrary to the Arragonois, as he freed the Island: the which ministered occasion unto the common weal of Genoa, to break the peace which they had with the King of Arragon: john Murta was then Duke of Genoa, being in the year of our Lord An. 1348. 
1348.  wherefore they of the family of Doria, with the help and support they had from the common weal of Genoa, besieged Sasseri again, and gave a rout to Hugues Corbera, brother to the Governor D. Rambaud, who was then absent, for he was come into Cattelogne to makes new levies of soldiers; so as the affairs of Sardinia were in greater combustion than ever.  
D. Rambaud returning to his Government, with some galleys and good numbers of soldiers of Cattelogne, he touched at the Island of Majorca, 
Last attempt of D. james King of Maiorca.  even as there was a battle ready to be given betwixt the Arragonois and the dispossessed King D. james, who having armed many vessels upon the coasts of Provence and Languedoc, and given the leading thereof to Charles of Grimaldi Lord of Monaco, had landed in the Island of Majorca, being resolute either to recover those Islands or to die: to make head, against him (besides the care of D. Gilibert Ruillia, Governor for the King D. Pedro, in the Islands of Majorca and Minorca) D. Ponce of Moncade Admiral of Arragon, laying a side his voyage of Sicily, whether he was going, had also landed in Majorca, so as there were in arms, for the King of Arragon, the day of this battle, comprehending D. Rambuds forces, eight hundred horse, and about twenty thousand foot: who joining with the King D. james men, 
D▪ james King of Maiorca slain.  defeated them, after a long & cruel fight with great slaughter; whereas the King Don james (a Prince always unfortunate in his enterprises) lost his life: his son, called also D. james, being a prisoner, and sore wounded: wherefore the King Don Pedro by this victory held the conquest of that Island from that time without any contradiction, notwithstanding that he had gotten it by tyranny and injustice. A little before the death of this last King of Majorca, he had sold to Philip of Valois the French King, all the interest he had to Montpellier and other lands on this side the Pyrenee mountains, whereupon the King of Arragon sent D. Pedro Fenovillet Lord of Lisle and Cagnette, in embassage into France, to transact with king Philip for these rights, who agreed that the sale thereof, made by the deceased king of Majorca, should be good, upon condition, that what the French king had not yet paid of the price, should be delivered to the king of Arragon: and then did they treat of a marriage betwixt D. Constance, daughter to the king D. Pedro, and Lewis Earl of Anjou, Grandchild to king Philip, to balance by this alliance the favours which don Fernand and Don john, brethren to the king Don Pedro, might have in France, who pretended (besides their portions and rights which were kept from them in Arragon, by the king their brother) that after him the succession of the crown did belong to D. Fernand, and not to D. Constance, to whom the king her father would have it fall. But this marriage took no effect.  
27 Coming to the affairs which passed at that time in Castille, 
Castille.  after the pacification of the troubles of Arragon, we find that King D. Alphonso spent his time in peopling of his towns and country: amongst others he peopled the town of Sumaya in Guiposcoa otherwise called Villa Grana of Sumaya, and gave it the previledges of Saint Sebastian, whether there appellations go, and from thence to the court. And his realm of Castille being in reasonable good quiet, seeing such as professed arms (whereof Castille and his other countries did abound) seek all occasions to employ their arms, meddling, more than he desired, with the factions and mutinies of his Neighbours: bieng also duly advertised of that which had passed in Africa, and of the little love which the new King of Fez bore him, who held many places of importance in Spain, he held it necessary to make an expedition against the Infidels: for it is a difficult thing to keep great Kingdoms full of people in peace, especially after long pactise of war, but they will disquiet both spiritual and temporal at home, if they be not employed abroad: so as arms hath this unhappiness, that after they are once taken, they cannot be laid down without great and difficult labour, and that many times succeeds ill.  
About this time, which was in the year of our Lord 1348. Don Garcia Lope Master of the Calatrava, being accused of many disorders, retired into Arragon. Being cited to appear personally before the King of Castille, and absent, he was condemned and degraded for his contumacy, and so died; in whose place the Knights of Calatrava in Arragon, proceeded in Arragon, contrary to the laws and rules of their Order. The Castillans of Calatrava, 
Schism betwixt the Knights of Calatrans.  did also choose one; so as this Schism was like to have bread some great disorder, if by the mediation of the Pope, and the Kings of Castille and Arragon, the parties had not referred it to Don Pedro King of Arragon who decreed; That the Master chosen at Calatrava should stand, and that any one which held that dignity dying, the election of his successor should not be made any where else, but in the covent of Calatrava.  
This Master confirmed, was called Don john Nugnes of Prado, who they said was Bastard unto D. Blanch, the King of Portugal's aunt, and Abbess of Huelgas near Burgos. To Don john Fernandes his competitor, was left the commandry of Alcaniz, with the title of great Commander, yet subject to the Master of Calatrava. The approbation of these Masters, being chosen, belongs to the Abbots of the Order of Cisteaux. Amidest these tumults King Don Alphonso resolved for to raise an army to besiege Gibraltar, thinking that during the ●editions betwixt the Arabian Kings, father and son in Africa, it could not be relieved: and therefore having so fit an occasion offered him, he made no difficulty to be the first in arms, pretending that he did not break the truce, seeing that this place and others in Spain, were held by Alboanen, with whom he had not any treaty: For the managing and conduct of this war, which was of no small consequence, he assembled the general Estates of all his realms in the town of Alcala of Henares, where (besides the Noblemen and Deputies accustomed to come in former assemblies) many Towns and Commonalties were newly called, and received to give their voices, and to have a place in such assemblies. For until that time, the people and towns, which are called by the Toledans, beiond the mountains, as Castille the old, Gallicia, Asturia and the nighbour countries, were those which did commonly assist, and did contribute and bear the charges, as being most retired from the discomodities of the war: but now at this time, they of Toledo, Andalusia and such like, were also called by the King, for his intent was, to demand the subsidy called Alcavala throughout his whole Realm. This assembly and many others which were made in after times, did for the most part consist of good towns, who sent their Deputies: but since they found that multitude bred confusion, and therefore there were eighteen principal places chosen, which should have voices, and places in assemblies, 
Places in the realm of Castille having vouces in the Estates.  that is, sixteen cities and two towns. Spain, as we have said in the description thereof, is in a manner divided in the midst by the mountain called in old time Idubeda the which at this present hath diverse names. By reason whereof they distinguish the people at this day to those of this side an the other side the mountains. On this side, we will call the Toledans, and the nighbour Provinces: on the other side, shall be those of Burgos. Therefore on this side the mountains, they call at this day, to the Estates of Spain, for the Province of Toledo, the city of Toledo, Cuenca, Guadalajara, and Madrid: and for the other Provinces, Sevile, Granado, Murcia, Cordona and jaen. Beyond the mountains for the Strait of Castille, Burgos, Soria, Segobia, Auila and Vailledolit: and for that of Leon, the city of Leon, Salamanca, Zamora, and Toro. These are the eighteen places which send their Deputies to the Estates, among the which Burgos, Leon, Granado, Sevile, 
Debats betwixt Toledo and Burgos for precedence.  Cordova, Murcia, jaen and Toledo (towns which have been seats of Kingdoms) have their places assigned, and hold rank: the rest take their places, as it happens, and their Deputies speak as they sit: as for the city of Toledo in this assembly at Alcala of Henares, it contended for precedence with that of Burgos, alleging many reasons, not altogether frivolous. First the greatness of the city, and great numbers of people and Nobility inhabiting there, next the seat of the Archbishop and Primate, the stateliness of the Church, the Prelate whereof was high Chancellor of all the realms subject to Castille: and moreover offering to their consideration, the antiquity of the foundation of that city, which had been the head during the Goths reign, not only of all that is contained within the two seas, and the Pyrenees, but also of Gotike Gaul, which at this day we call Languedoc, so many counsels celebrated there, and that sense the Arabians had become Masters of Spain, it had been a royal seat, having had many Kings, which did exceed all the potentates Moors of Spain, in power and riches except him of Cordova. God having since of his grace suffered Christian Princes to conquer it, she alone amongst all the cities of Spain, had been honoured with an Imperial title, by reason whereof, and many other previleges there produced, they maintained the precedence to belong unto her. Burgos on the other side maintained that she was the capital city, & the ancient seat of the Princes of Castille, which was the title their Kings carried: that from Castille & Leon did grow the conquests of the rest of the Realms of Spain, and that she was called the royal city; but their chief ground was, that time out of mind, she had had the first place and voice in such assemblies. Upon these differences, the Noblemen fell into factions, as their passions did transport them, or as they had their Siegneuries and houses lying in the territory and jurisdiction of the one or the other city. King. D. Alphonso using therein wise advise, having taken the knowledge of this cause unto himself, he pronounced thus: I speak (said he) for them of Toledo, and say, the city of Toledo will do as it shall please the King. Let Burgos speak now. This manner of decreeing contented both parties, for it seemed to them of Toledo, that the King having made himself, as it were, their Attorney, had spoken first in the behalf of their city. And they of Burgos holding that the King's words did nothing prejudice their pretensions, seeing they spoke before the other Deputies, they surceased for the voice. Concerning their rank and precedence, the King desiring to preserve the seat to Burgos, and Toledo refusing to sit under he, the King ordained, that from thenceforth the Deputy of Toledo should not sit upon the same bank with the other Deputies, but opposite unto them, 
Order betwixt Toledo and Burgos for predence.  yet not in the same rank: which order is observed at this day in the general assemblies of the Estates of Castille. The first voice kept for the city of Burgos, was the cause the King obtained the subsidy of Alcavala, which he required of all his subjects: for Burgos paid it already, and therefore did not contradict it: whereas if Toledo (which had not borne this imposition) had spoken first, 
Alcavala an Imposition.  she had opposed herself, as she did, and incourraged other towns to do the like by her example. All in the end yielded unto it, having heard the reasons which moved the King to demand it, and the need he had for the good of the Realm, and the maintenance of the war against the Moors.  
The assembly at Alcala of Henares being dissolved, and the King having gathered together great store of treasure, by the speedy obedience of his subjects, he began to discharge some of his debts, and to retire many precious jewels which had been pawned, he ordered justice, and in the end applied his mind wholly to this siege, which he meant to lay to Gibraltar, and to provide for all things necessary both by sea and land, seeing that the time and the opportunity of the Moors seditions of Africa, did invite him. The town of Gibraltar had been greatly fortified by the Moors, since the time they had taken it from the Christians: so as the enterprise was no less difficult than that of Algezire. But there was this advantage, they did not so much fear any succours from Africa, as if the affairs of the Arabian Moories had been quiet: notwithstanding to provide for all events, he sent Velasco Martenez Alcaide or Provost of the court, to the King of Arragon in embassage, and with him Alphonso Gonçales of Gallego: to confirm the alliance and friendship betwixt them, and to revive the treaty of marriage betwixt his son D. Henry, and one of the Infants of Arragon: but his chief design was, to demand ten galleys to keep the strait. THe King D. Pedro answered the Ambassadors, that he would send an Ambassador expressly unto the King of Castille their master, the which he did.  
King D. Alphonso was already before Gibraltar, 
Arragon.  when as the Ambassador came to him from Arragon. There was an end made of the differences of the Queen D. Leonora, and the Infants D. Fernand and D. john whom the King Don Pedro should suffer peaceably to enjoy that which had been assigned him by the deceased King, as well in dowry, as in portion: and if it should happen that after that time they should move any troubles in Arragon, that King D. Alphonso should not give them, nor suffer to be given them any aid or succours. Nothing was concluded in regard of the marriage, for that the King Don Pedro required, that Don Henry should be invested in many Towns and Provinces, which was not convenient for the King of Castille to give. For succours, the King D. Pedro sent four of his galleys, to join with them that were in the Strait, whereof Raymond of Villanova was captain, being manned with four hundred crossbow men.  
The town of Gibraltar was furiously battered, with all sorts of Engines, and defended very valiantly, 
Castille.  the garrison being very strong, and consisting of the best soldiers that were amongst the Moors, who made many sailles upon the Christians, in the which were slain their best men of either side; and moreover King D. Alphonso's came was much annoyed by the courses of the Neighbour garrisons, and by the King of Granados horse men, who had the guard of those places which the Moors held in Spain. This siege having continued some months, the plague fell into the Christians camp, yet the King being obstinate in his resolution, would not dislodge: for he knew that the Moors, being destitute of succours could not long resist, but must be either forced, or yield. Being in this resolution, it pleased God that he himself was strooken with the plague whereof he died in the camp, in the year of our Lord 1350. the nine and thirtieth year of his age, and the eight and thirtieth of his reign. Some have written that he died not of the plague, 
Death of king D. Alphonso.  but of poison, the which was given him by the Moors practices. This accident was the cause of removing the siege of Gibraltar.  
A little before D. jeanne Queen of Navarre, widow to King Philip of Eureux, died at Conflans in France, 
Navarre.  who had governed her Realm, whereof she was proprietary, after the decease of her husband, 
Death of jean Queen of Navarre.  with good discretion, and yet she had some subjects not very tractable, who sought nothing but quarrels. There were still riots committed by them upon the frontiers of Navarre, namely by the Inhabitants of Sanguesse and the Arragonois, notwithstanding all which, yet could she wisely entertain the alliance and peace with D. Pedro King of Arragon her son in law, yea after the death of Queen Donna Maria, her daughter: so as during her life, the King D. Pedro endured all the Insolences of the Navarrois, who some times made roads far into his country, not seeming to take knowledge thereof, for the honour and respect he bore unto his mother in law, neither did he make any complaints, nor was moved, as he ought to have been, for that the Estates of Arragon, and others being rebelled against him for the causes above mentioned, many made their retreat into Navarre, from whence they drew assistance of arms, victuals and other things, to make war against him.  
It is credible that the King of Arragon showed himself patiented in these things, that he might not disappoint other designs of greater importance: for knowing that jeanne Queen of Navarre was much honoured in France, he entertained her friendship, to the end that by her means he might have King Philip of Valois more favourable unto him, who was incensed against him for D. james of Majorca. This Lady laboured so, as she entertained peace betwixt them, and confirmed again the alliances past, by a treaty of marriage, which she propounded, betwixt Charles, Grandchild to King Philip, and one of the daughters of the King don Pedro; and of her daughter Donna Maria.  
This Princess being come into France with Charles and Philip her sons, to dispose of her lands and estates which she had there, having left john of Conflans, Lord of Dampierre, Marshal of Champagne for Governor in Navarre, she died at the end of the year 1349. five years after the decease of her husband, having held the Realm of Navarre about two and twenty years, counting since the death of King Charles the Fair: to whom succeeded her son Charles, who was surnamed the Bad.  
The end of the fourteenth Book.    

SEMPER EADEM THE FIFTEENTH BOOK of the History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 Done Pedro first of that name, the fourteenth King of Castille and five and thirty of Leon, and his severe beginning to reign.  
2 House of Lara Lords of Biscay, and the Siegneuries held by them.  
3 Unfortunate marriage of D. Pedro King of Castille, with Blanch of Bourbon. Unlawful love of this King with Donna Maria of Padilla, persecutions and murders of the Noblemen of Castille, his second unlawful marriage, and other excess done by him.  
4 Refuge into France of D. Henry Earl of Transtamare, bastard brother to the King of Castille.  
5 D. Charles called the bad, the thirtieth King of Navarre, and second of that name, his sour disposition and rough proceed, in the pursuit of his pretended right to Brie and Champagne.  
6 Abolition of Caesar's Aera in Arragon: Girone made a Principality for the elder of Arragon: war of Sardinia.  
7 Cruel war betwixt Castille and Arragon. Cruelties of D. Pedro King of Castille against his subjects, and against his own blood.  
8 D. Pedro the eight King of Portugal, sole of that name.  
9 Unfortunate loves of D. Pedro King of Portugal, with D. Agnes Castro.  
10 Disposition of D. Pedro King of Portugal, his equity and diligence.  
11 Imprisonment of the King of Navarre, his escape, and their proceeding against him in France.  
12 Proceed of the war of Castille and Arragon: cruelties, murders and spoils of D. Pedro King of Castille.  
13 Turbulent Estate of Granado: treacheries and cruelties of D. Pedro of Castille, against the Princes Moors.  
14 Practices betwixt the Kings of Castille and Navarre, and continuation of the war betwixt Castille and Arragon.  
15 Disloyalty of D. Pedro King of Arragon, to D. Henry Earl of Transtamare.  
16 New accords betwixt D. Pedro King of Arragon and D. Henry Earl of Transtamare: continuation of the war against Castille.  
17 Accords betwixt Navarre and Arragon, against Castille. Unworthy death of D. Bernard of Cabrera.  
18 Return of the Pope's Sea, from avignon to Rome.  
19 Expedition made by D. Henry Earl of Transtamare into Castille against the King D. Pedro, his brother, and the Earl's victory.  
20 Return of the King D. Pedro: defeat of D. Henry: cruelties against the vanquished, policies of the King of Navarre during these quarrels.  
21 Ingratitude of the King D. Pedro to the English, who had restored him; his impieties, tyrannies and cruelties.  
22 Second expedition of Count Henry into Castille, conquest of that Realm with the help of the French, death of the King D. Pedro the cruel.  
23. D. Fernand sole of that name, and ninth King of Portugal.   
Kings of Spain mentioned in this fifteenth Book.  

CASTILLE and LEON.  
14. D. Pedro. 1.— 35.   

NAVARRE  
30. D. Charles. 2.   

PORTUGAL.  
8. D. Pedro. 1.  
9 D. Fernand. 1.   

D. Pedro the first and sole of that name, surnamed the cruel, the fourteenth King of Castille, and fiur and thirtieth of Leon.  
THe beginning of the reign of D. Pedro, son to D. Alphonso of Castille, was in the year 1350. 
An. 1350.  in the which Pope Clement the sixth ordained that the jubilee which they had been accustomed to celebrate (yet without any ground) every hundred year amongst Christians, should from that time be kept from fifty, to fifty years, after the manner of the jews. D. Pedro was at Sevile with the Queen his mother, when the King his father died, where his obsequies being made, they consulted for the ordering the Estate of the new King's house, and the affairs of the Kingdom. D. Leonora of Guzman, her children, kinsfolks and friends being in great perplexity, at the death of King D. Alphonso, retired themselves into diverse parts of the realm.  
This young King being but fifteen years old began his reign with cruelty, 
D. Pedro King of Castille cruel.  in which vice he continued his whole life, but to his cost. D. Leonora being solicited by some Knights to come to Sevile, she came, upon their faith, but she was presently apprehended and put in prison, to satisfy the rage of jealousy of Queen Mary the King's mother, 
Le●nor of Guzman the deceased kings m●stres 〈…〉 by the widow Queen.  whereupon D. Henry Earl of Transtamare, and some of his brethren, children to this Lady, thought to fortify themselves in Algezire, but they were set upon, and forced to fly, some into Portugal, some elsewhere: against whom the King was more incensed then before, for the marriage which followed betwixt D. Henry Earl of Transtamare, and D. jeanne Manuel, daughter to D. john Manuel one of the mightiest Princes in Spain, next unto the King, to which marriage the King D. Pedro himself aspired.  
This being accomplished, the married couple were forced to fly into the Asturi●as, to avoid the King's fury, 
Quarrels touching the successor to the crown of Castille.  who the same first year, being fallen into a great sickness, and almost abandoned by the Physicians he descovered the hearts and disposition of the Princes and Noblemen of his Realm, by the quarrels they entered into for the successor to the crown, thinking the King would die: Some being of opinion to call D. Fernand or Arragon, Marquis of Tortose, Nephew to the deceased King, son to D. Leonora his sister: others giving their voice to D. john Nugnes of Lara, Lord of Biscay, issued by the mother's line from the blood royal Castille: of which party were D. Alphonso Fernand Cornel, and Garsilaço de la Vega: the contrary party was held by D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque, a Knight of great credit with the Queen mother. The King's recovery ended this controversy, touching him that should succeed to the crown, but it gave beginning and force to the factions and insolences which followed; for D. john Nugnes de Lara being gone from court, 
Hatred betwixt D. john Nugnes de Lara and D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque.  in a great rage against the Lord of Albuquerque, for some biting words cast forth in their controversies during the King's sickness, the cares of this young and ill experienced King (choleric by nature, and inclined to revenge) were filled with the reports of such as governed him, whereupon he was so incensed against this house of Lara, their friends and adherents, as it was evident that he sought but an opportunity to do them some mischief.  
The death of D. john Nugnes, which followed soon after in the town of Burgos, made his adversaries deseignes more easy: he left for successor to his Siegneuries (which were great) one son, but two years old, called D. Nugno de Lara. And at the same time D. Fernand Manuel, Lord of Villena died also, leaving one only daughter, named D. Blanch, who died also soon after. These deaths did much content D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque, for that he was freed from great emulators and adversaries which hated his authority, and the familiarity he had with the King, who preferred him before all the Princes and Noblemen of Castille. The King was advised by his council, to seize upon these young pupils, and of their lands, according to which he went towards Burgos, causing D. Leonora of Guzman to be brought after him, whom he sent with a good guard to prison to Talavera. Being at Henera, the importunities of his mother Donna Maria, were such, as he was forced to deliver unto her this poor imprisoned Lady, 
D. Leonora of Guzman murdered by the commandment of the widow queen.  who with a womanish and boundless rage, caused her to be cruelly murdered, in revenge that she had many times defrauded her of the amorous embracings of the King her husband, and presently she begged all her goods; an act which was nothing royal, and which did redound to the great contempt of the deceased King Don Alphonso: Since which time, and by reason of this murder, the town of Talavera was and is called, de la Reyna, or of the Queen. The King D. Pedro did this being young and ill advised. Being come to Burgos, at his first arrival, he caused Garsilaco de la Vega to be slain in his own lodging: and afterwards there were also dispatched Alphonso Garcia Camargo, Fernandes of Medina, and Alphonso Fernandes, 
Noblemen murdered by the commandment of the King D. Pedro.  Secretary or Notary, a Burgeois of that city, all for the quarrels betwixt the Lord of Albuquerque and the house of Lara. A lady of honour called D. Mencia, wife to Martin Ruis of Abendagno, Governess to the young Infant Nugno de Lara, Lord of Biscay, hearing of these cruel executions of the new King, transported the Infant from Paredes de Nava in Biscay, lest the King should do it some harm. The King hearing thereof, pursued them himself, unto the bridge of Larra, where understanding that the Governess and the Nurse had recovered the town of Vermejo, he returned to Burgos, and resolved to make war against the Biscayns, so as within few days he sent Ruis Diaz of Rojas to besiege Orosco, the which john of Abendagno, 
House of Lara.  son to Martin above named, held, who yielded the place by composition: In the mean time D. Nugno of Lara died, being but three years old, in the town of Vermejo, by whose decease the Siegneuries of Biscay and others, came to his two sisters, or to the eldest of them, called D. jeanne of Lara, and if she died, to D. Isabel the younger: but the King had these young Ladies in his power, with all the lands and Siegneuries of the deceased D. john Nugnes. The father of these children, had three sisters, whereof the eldest, named D. Blanch, was wife to D. john Manuel. The second called D. Marguerite, was a religious woman in the town of Caleruega, in the Monastery of Saint Dominike, built by King D. Alphonso father to this King: and the third D. Maria was married intso France twice▪ first to the Earl of Estampes, and next to Charles of Valois Earl of Alencon, brother to King Philip the sixth, or as some hold, his brother's son. Of the first bed she had one son, who was Earl of Estampes; and of the second four, whereof the one was Earl of Alencon named Peter, the second whom they called Robert Earl of Perch: and the two other of the church. This Lady Mary did afterwards contend, in the time of King Henry the second, for the Siegneuries of Biscay, as we shall show: at the time of the death of this young Lord D. Nugno de Lara, 
Siegneuries and rights of the house of Lara.  there were in this house, besides the Siegneury of Biscay, the towns of Saint Gadee, Loçoya, Eglise, Salover, Font Burvene, Berçoso, Cibico of the tower, Galez, Paredez of Nava, Villallon, Cuenca of Tamarit, Melgar of the frontier, Barzon. Moral of the Queen, Aquilar del Campo, Caleruegos, Beluer, St. james de la Puebla by Salamanca, Orepeça, the field of Arrannelo and other towns; besides these great Siegneuries, the house of Lara & Lords of Biscay, had this prerogative, always to lead the forward in armies, whereas the King was in person. In assemblies of the Estates, the Lords of Lara were general Attorneys, or Deputies for the Nobility by an especial previledge, and often times they did carry the standard royal. Besides these things, Don john Nugnes de Lara deceased, held by reason of his marriage, the towns of Lerma, 
Lands called Beetries in Biscay Alava and the neighbour countries.  Villa-franca in the mountains of Oca, Busto, Amejugo, Balorcanos, Tor de Blanco & other places, besides the rights of Linager which he had, as chief of the house of Lara, and Lord of Biscay, to the lands called Beetrias. They were certain lands, and passages of the country so named, having this previledge from all antiquity, to choose what Lord they pleased out of the nobility, of that lineage or family soever, to command over them, and to defend them: and among them there were some that might change their Lord 7. times a day, if they pleased: others having the like power to change their Lord, were yet bound to choose of the same family to those that were first recommended: so as they were rights purchased to families, many such prerogatives had the Lords of Biscay, and of Lara. The liberties of these lands called Beetries, the King D. Pedro sought to abolish, at the Estates assembled 1351. and the 2. of his reign at Vailledolit. 
An. 1351.   
3 Before he came to the said Estates, he was visited by Charles King of Navarre, & as they did sympathize well in nature and disposition, they made great shows of love, and gave royal presents one unto an other. After this interview, the King D. Pedro came to Vailledolit, from whence john of Ruel as Bishop of Burgos, & Aluar Garcia of Albornoz, 
Marriage treated of betwixt D. Pedro King of Castille and Blanch of Bourbon.  were sent Ambassadors into France, to treat of a marriage betwixt the king, and Blanch daughter to Peter duke of Bourbon, whose elder sister jeanne, was married to Charles the Dauphin, son to king john, then reigning in France, the marriage was concluded, but unfortunate was the issue, as will appear. D. Pedro having begun his reign by such violences, he abated nothing in the continuance: for the assembly of Vailledolit being ended, hearing that D. Alphonso Cornel was discontented with those things which he had done, and that he fortified himself in his town of Aguilar in Andalusia: and on the other side D. Tello, one of the children of D. Leonora with his brother D. Henry, fortified, the one at Arande of Duero, the other at Gijon, he went against them in person, & first besieged Gijon. Bein at this siege, he fell in love with a gentlewoman, attending upon D. Isabel of Meneses, wife to D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque, her name was D. Maria of Padilla: she was small of statute, 
Loves of the King D. Pedro.  but exceeding fair and pleasing, with whom he was so far in love, as notwithstanding he attended the coming of his new spouse out of France, yet must he satisfy his lust with this, employing therein not only D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque his mignon, 
Uncle boude to his Niece.  but even an uncle of the gentlewoman's, her mother's brother, called john Fernandes of Hinestroça, who managed the business so well, as he brought her, & delivered her unto him at Sahagun, very tractable. Gijon yielded, and D. Henry retired, so as the army was led against D. Tellos conutry, who was retired into Arragon: but by the means of the King of Arragon, their peace was concluded, betwixt the Ambassadors of these two Princes, at Soria, with show that it would continue: wherefore there was not any one more to subdue, but D. Alphonso Fernand Cornel, for the which the troops had marched towards Andalusia, and he was besieged in Aguilar, where he was well fortified, but what can one knight do (how powerful soever) against the power of a King; the place was taken, and Alponso being retired into a tower, he yielded to D. Diego Gomes of Toledo, whose great friend he had been, hoping that by his means he should obtain his life, or that his goods should be preserved for his children. As they led him prisoner, he met with D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque, who said unto him, that he wondered how he, who had showed himself so brave a knight, had undertaken so foolish an enterprise. To whom he answered, That it was the custom of Castille, to make men and to undo them suddenly. D. Alphonso had been at the taking and death of D. Gonçalo Martin's of Ouiedo, 
Aquilar taken and the unworthy death o● D. Alphonso Fernand Cornel.  master of Alcantara. During the reign of King D. Alphonso: and the same day and month that he was slain by the father, this man was put to death by the commandment of the son, and with him were also executed D. Pedro Cornel, his cousin, john Alphonso Carillo, juanes of Biedma, john Gonçales of Asa, and Ponce Diaz of Quesada. The walls of Aquilar were ruined, & the goods of D. Alphonso Cornel confisked, & given by the King to divers: among other D. Maria of Padilla, the King's mistress, being delivered in the city of Cordove of a daughter, whom they named d. Beatrix, the King gave her the towns of Montalban, Capilla, Burguillos', Mondejar and joncos: of this confiscation Pedro Suarez of Toledo had Bolano. To his brother Diego Gomes was given Casarubros of the mountain, and to Inigo Lopes of Orosco, Torija.  
These things happened in the 1353. 
An. 1353.  to the great discontentment of many, who did much esteem the virtue of D. Alphonso Fernandes Cornel. The King came afterwards to Torrijos in the country of Toledo, where running at a Tourney, he was hurt in the right hand, by the which he lost such abundance of blood as he was in danger of his life, for they could find no means to staunch it. Being in this cure, he was advertised of the arrival of Blanch of Bourbon his spouse at Vailledolit, being accompanied by the Vicont of Narbone, and many other Noblemen and Knights of France, who had been received with great shows of joy by D. Maria the Queen mother: but the King was wonderfully troubled, for he was so transported with the allurements of D. Maria of Padilla, as he was amazed at these news, as if he had beens struck with a flash of lightning, and would gladly that they had never spoke of marrying him; yet he must of force go to Vailledolit, to celebrate the marriage, and to persuade him thereunto, D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque returned happily out of Portugal, whether he had been sent, and without him, who governed all, the King had not dislodged. D. john Alphonso brought with him from Portugal, D. john de la Cerde, son to D. Lewis, who was son in law to D. Alphonso Fernandes Cornel, and came out of Africa, whether he had retired himself, during the dissensions and civil wars of Castille, and had conducted some enterprises happily for King Alboanen against Alfohaçen his father. Bringing letters of favour and recommendation from the King of Portugal, this Prince was received into grace, by the King, but he gave him not any part of his father in laws goods. In Spain they report a strange case of D. Maria Cornel his wife. That having some provocations of desire in her husband's absence, she quenched her lust by death, thrusting up burning fire brands into her body. Before the Kings going to Vailledolit, he made an accord with his brethren D. Henry and D. Tello, who were come in arms, and well accompanied to Cigales, and then he went tio celebrate his marriage much against his will, but persuaded thereunto by D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque, who desired to see the King to have a lawful heir, and was in some jealousy of his own authority, fearing lest the kinsmen of D. Maria of Padilla, whom he himself had given unto the King, should get before him in the government of the affairs, as it was likely.  
The third day after the marriage, notwithstanding any persuasions or entreaties, which D. Maria the Queen mother, and D. Leonora Queen Dowager or Arragon, his aunt, 
The King D. Pedro quits his new spouse there days after his marriage.  he left his new bridge, a young Princess of 18. years of age, and went with all speed to Montalban, near unto Toledo, to visit Donna Maria of Padilla, by whom he was enchanted. This unworhty part of the Kings, did much trouble the whole court, especially D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque, who finding by some signs that the King was not pleased with him by reason of this marriage, he durst not to follow him, but retired to his houses. Don Fernand and D. john, Infants of Arragon, with many other knights followed him. He took D. Maria of Padilla from Montalban, & brought her to Toledo. These that were about him prevailed so by their entreaties, as he returned to Vailledolit to his wife, but he stayed but two days, and went away again leaving the Lady much perplexed at these strange courses.  
The Queen D. Blanch retired with the Queen-mother to Tordesillas, and the king returned to D. Mary of Padilla, who entertained the hatred and dislike which the king had of his wife, that she alone might enjoy him. It is written by Diego of Valera, that among all the precious jewels which the Queen had brought out of France, there was a rich girdle, which she presented to the king her husband, the which D. Mary of Padilla having in her power, she found out a jew, 
Girdle enchanted.  a Magician, which did enchant it, so as when the king would put it on, being amazed, and demanding what Prodigy it might be, his minions (who were allied to his concubine) answered, that they were the goodly presents which this French Gentlewoman had brought him. Whereupon he was much incensed against this poor Lady. In the mean time D. Tello, the kings base brother, married D. jeanne, the eldest daughter of D. john Nugnes de Lara deceased: whereupon by this marriage he became Lord of Biscay, and of the other places and lands abovementioned, the which did much offend the king, causing him to grow into a greater fury and rage against him and the rest then before, whereof the sharpest effects were against them that reproved his lewd life, and the indignities he did unto the Queen his wife: whom for spite, he caused to be led to Arevalo with a guard, and under the custody of Don Pedro Gudi●l, Bishop of Segobia, and a Bourgesse of Toledo, in whom he trusted (his name was Tello Palomochio) as a prisoner, and began to displace all the Officers of her house, and all others which had been advanced by the favour of D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque: he took away the Office of Chamberlain from Guttiere Fernandes of Toledo, and gave it to Diego Garcia of Padilla, brother to his Mistress: that of Cupbearer, which john Rodrigues of Viedma held, was given to Aluar Garcia of Albornoz: the allowance of diet was taken from Guttiere Gomes of Toledo, and given to Pero Gonçales of Mendoça, a great Lord in Alava, from whence are descended the Dukes of Infantazgo. In Sevile the king did also change many of the chief Officers of the Realm, which had been advanced by the favour and council of Don john Alphonso of Albuquerque, giving them to others that were recommended by Diego Garcia of Padilla, and john Fernandes of Hinestroça: namely, he look the government of the frontier from Don Garcia Fernandes Manriquez, and advanced Fernand Perez Puerto Carrero.  
Thus the king altered things within his Realm, & forced the greatest to humble themselves, and to sue unto the kinsfolks and favourites of Donna Maria of Padilla, hating all them deadly that did but tell him, that he ought to love Donna Blanch the Queen his wife, and live Christianlike and honestly with her: as Don Gil Carillo of Albornoz, Archbishop of Toledo, had sought to do, who being of his council, and a Prelate of great dignity in Spain, had presumed to reprehend his disordered life in that behalf: 
Archbishop of Toledo forced to leave Spain  but he took it in so ill part, as this reverent man was forced to abandon all the living he had in Spain, and retire to avignon to Pope Clement, by whose successor Innocent the sixth, who came to the Popedom that year 1353. he was made Cardinal, and in his lifetime they proceeded to a new election in the Archbishoppricke of Toledo, and Primacy of Spain, putting in his place one Don Blaise.  
This King made himself to be feared, and so much hated of all the Noblemen of his Realm, as every man made choice of a party, and sought how to assure himself from his fury and violence. Don john Nugnes of Prado, Master of Calatrava, a friend to Don john Alphonso of Abuquerque, retired into Arragon, to the commandry of Alcaniz: but the king who had a desire to have him in his power, sought all means, lawful and unlawful to assure him, so as he made him come upon his faith and promise, that he should have to harm. This good Knight, who found himself guiltless of any crime, but that he had been a friend to the Lord of Albuquerque, came into Castille, to the town of Almagro, but he was presently besieged by the king's commandment, by Don john de la Cerde, and by Peter Nugnes of Godoy, who notwithstanding did secretly advice him to return into Arragon, before that the king (who was gone out of Sevile to come thither) were arrived: the which he would not do, saying, That he found his conscience free from all rebellion, and that he had no cause to fear to put himself into the king's mercy: but it succeeded ill for him. The king being come the master came unto him, and cast himself at his feet, entreating him to receive him in his justifications: but this cruel Prince refusing to hear him him, 
Imprisonment and murder of D. john Nugnes of Prado▪ master of Calatrava.  deprived him instantly of the Mastership of Calatrava, the which he gave to Diego Garcia of Padilla, and commanded that he should be carried prisoner to the castle of Masqueda, whereas Stephen Domingo of Auila commanded: an there within few days after he was murdered by Diego Lopes of Portas, servant to Diego Garcia of Padilla; whereof the king would have excused himself, saying, That it was done without his commandment: but it appeared sufficiently that he was not discontented therewith. Going from Almagro the king came before the town of Medellin, belonging to the Lord of Albuquerque, whereas Diego Gomes of silva, a Knight of Galicia, a commanded▪ the town yielded fearing the king's fury, and soon after the castle, the which the king in disdain of the Lord of Albuquerque, caused to be instantly razed: after which he led his army before Albuquerque, the which was held in the name of their Lord, by Martin Alphonso Botello, a Genlteman of Portugal, and under him commanded Peter Estevanez Carpintero, Commander mayor of Calatrava. The King having summoned them to yield the place; upon refusal, he proclaimed them Rebels, whereof the Portugal, (who was not his subject) made no account. The Commander excused himself, saying, That the place was not in his power. Wherefore he passed on towards Cobdesera, another place belonging to Don john Alphonso, the which he would not take, so as after some skirmishes he left Don Henry Earl of Transtamare, and Don Frederic Master of S. james, his brethren, who followed him against their wills, and he came to Caceres. Afterwards he resolved to send ambassadors into Portugal, whither the Lord of Albuquerque was retired, to demand him of the king of Portugal as his subject and a rebel: but the king of Portugal excused himself, and sought to bring D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque again into favour: but it took no effect: for D. john Alphonso entered into league with the Earl of Transtamare, who was one of these Ambassadors, and with Don Frederic master of Saint james, and they proceeded so far, as being thrust on with hatred and disdain of their king, they sought to persuade D. Pedro, Infant of Portugal, to join with them, promising to make him king of Castille, showing him that he had a title; being Nephew or Grandchild to King Sancho the Brave, son to his daughter Donna Beatrix. But the king Don Alphonso his father crossed this project, and would not suffer his son to engage himself in this enterprise.  
The more to have modesty in contempt, and to overthrow all divine and human laws, 
1354.  the king Don Pedro, in the year 1354. wihtout any dispensation from the Pope, but only assisted by two bishops his own creatures, Sancho of Auila, and john of Salamanca, caused himself by their sentence to be separated from the Queen Donna Blanch, and in the town of Cuellar, he married a Lady, widow to Don Diego of Haro, called Donna jeanne of Castro, 
Second marriage of King D. Pedro his first wife yet living.  daughter to Don Pedro of Castro, of whose exquisite beauty he was much enamoured: having married her, he had news of this league made by his brethren with Don john Alphonso of Albuquerque, wherefore he went from Cuellar, and gave this Lady her last adieu, who retired to Duegnas, where she passed her days, having brought the King a son, who was named john, and causing herself to be styled Queen of Castille and Leon. To oppose himslfe against this new conspiracy, the king being come to Castro Xeris, he made the marriage of the Infant Don john of Arragon his cousin, with Donna Izabella, the second daughter of the deceased Don john Nugnes of Lara. And for that he understood that Don Tello his brother followed the party of Don Henry and Don Frederic his other brethren, he would have Don john of Arragon take upbon him the title of Lord of Biscay. From thence he passed to Toro, leaving Donna Maria of Padilla at Castro Xeris, being ready to be delivered of a daughter which was named Donna Constance, future wife to the Duke of Lancaster an Englishman. The Confederates were fortified by Don Fernand of Castro, brother to Donna jeanne, married, and suddenly abandoned by the King, is hatred of the contempt of his sister.  
This king seeing that so many great personages rebelled against him, imputing all the cause of this mischief unto his wife the Queen Donna Blanch, he caused her to be taken out of the castle of Arevalo, and conducted to Toledo, Don john Fernandes of Hinestroça, Uncle to Donna Maria of Padilla, having taken the charge thereof. This poor Princess seeing herself in her enemy's hands, and attending nothing but death from her cruel husband, as soon as she was entered into the city of Toledo, she entreated them to lead her directly unto the great Church, under colour of devotion, the which was granted her: but being once entered, she would not go forth, but challenged the privilege of the place, so as presenlty all the city of Toledo showed themselves for her, every one pitying her unworthy usage: wherefore Don john Fernandes of Hinestroça, durst not attempt to force her, but returned unto the king, being at Segure de la Sierre, whither he was come to make war against Don Frederic Master of Saint James. At this news the king came in a fury to Ocagne, and there in the place of Don Frederic, Master of S. james, he created D. john Garcia of Padilla, 
Master of S. james married  Lord of Villagera, brother to his mistress D. Maria of Padilla, the first of all the Masts of S. james that was married. In the mean time the Inhabitants of Toledo in general, resolved to keep the Queen within their town, from all violence, and not to receive the king, until he were reconciled and did promise to lead an honest life with her. As the incensed King thought to be revenged of all these things, he found himself abandoned by many Noblemen of his train, among the which were the Infants of Arragon his cousins, and Don Lopes Sanches of Abendagno, great commander of Castille, who being discontented with his excess, as well in the course of his life, as in the government of his Realm, and at his ill usage of the Nobility, they joined with his brethren, and with the city of Toledo, and all those of Andalusia, and other Noblemen and Commonalties, who altogether made petition unto the King, beleeching him, that for his own honour, and the public good, he would leave the company of Donna Maria of Padilla, and live with the Queen Donna Blanch his wife, as God had commanded him, and common honesty required: and that he should govern his realm by the good and faithful council of good men.  
Donna Leonora his aunt, Queen Dowager of Arragon, presented this petition unto him, the reverence of this Lady gave the confederates hope to obtain something, but she laboured in vine: for the king was so much incensed against the confederates, and on the other side did so dote on D. Maria of Padilla, as he made no account of this admonition: so as the whole Realm was in combustion, and the Princes, with others of their faction, came to Medina del campo, whereon they seized. There Don john Alphonso of Albuquerque was poisoned by an Italian Physician called Paul Romain, being hired thereunto by the king. 
D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque poisoned.  He was Grandchild to Don Denis King of Portugal: within few days after there were above seven thousand horse at Medina del campo, holding the Q. D. Blanches party and the confederates presented a new petition unto the king, who had taken his way to Toro, and the chief of them spoke unto him about Tejadillo, near unto Toro, being fifty Knights in field of either side, but they prevailed nothing: for the king leaving all, went to Vruegna, where Donna Maria of Padilla was, to be merry with her. Queen Mary the king's mother received the Confederates into Toro, and wrought so, as she drew the king thither, where they began to make a kind of accord, and to dispose of the Offices of the king's house, and of Governments and places, displacing some, and advancing others, as they thought good: and namely, they disappointed all them of Padilla, and their adherents: the which the king ratified, but against his will, as it appeared soon after: for he made a dispatch from Tordesillas, to Don Pedro Infant of Arragon, Earl of Ampurias, who governed the country of Arragon the King his Nephew being then in Cattelogne, by the which he complained of that his subjects had forced him unto: entreating him by the bond of their alliance to be his friend: and thereupon he came to Segobia, in the beginning of the year 1355. and from thence to Burgos, 
1355.  where he called a general assembly of the Estates, in the which he complained greatly of the Queen his mother, and of the Princes and Noblemen confederates, saying, that they had detained him prisoner in the city of Toro, and had forced him to do many things against his will and dignity: demanding money from his subjects, that he might make war against them, and punish them according to their merits, the which he obtained. After the end of the Estates he came to Medina del campo, where he caused to be slain in his own lodging one day in the holy week, 
Murders committed by Don 〈◊〉 king of Castille.  Peter Ruis of Villega, Governor general of he frontier of Castille, and Sancho Ruis of Rojas: and caused many to be put in prison. Returning to Toro, he had an encounter with Don Henry's men, who went to join with Don Frederic his brother at Talavera, from whence they after marched to Toledo, and had means to enter, although their coming was not pleasing to all the Citizens, being the means to draw a war upon them as it happened, for that the king followed them soon after, and entered as it were by force, constraining them to departed. This was a means for him to have the Queen his wife in his power, who was poorly defended by the divided Toledains, so as she was sent to the castle of Siguença. The king caused about four and twenty Burgesses to be executed in the city by justice, who had taken the Queen's part too openly: among the which a Goldsmith, about 80. years old, being condemned, and ready to be executed, 
Cruel executions the city of Toledo.  his soon, a young man of eighteen years of age, presented himself, who (moved with piety and a filial love) besought the king to do him the grace, not to suffer his father to end the days of his old age after that manner, offering to suffer death for him. The king (who had no royal part in him) accepted the condition, and caused this young innocent man to be executed, who in regard of his piety did merit to save his father's life, and to live himself with honour and reward due to so great virtue: the name of this young man through the negligence of Writers, is suppressed. 
Piety of a son ill rewarded by D. Pedro.  After these dishonourable exploits, the king went to Cuenca, which held for Queen Blanch, but he could not take it: whereupon he marched against Toro, and brought all the war into the territories of Leon and Biscay, where his men were twice defeated, by D. Tello, and john of Abendagno, with the death and imprisonment of many. The K▪ being before Toro, he had news of the death of Don john Garcia of Padilla, brother to Donna Maria, his mistress, being chosen master of S. james, against his brother Don Frederic, whereat he was much grieved.  
During this heaviness, there came unto the camp, William Bishop of Bolonia, Cardinal of Saint Marie in Cosmedin, Legate to Pope Innocent the sixth, being sent to pacify the troubles of Castille, and to reconcile the King and Queen: but he lost his labour, and obtayed nothing of him, but that he procured the deliverance of Peter Barroso, a Doctor of the Laws, and bishop of Siguença, who was prisoner, for that he had held the Queen's party. The king wrought so, partly by force, and partly by parlays and promises, he as he was suffered to enter into Toro, upon condition that he should not kill any man: the which he promised, and kept according to his faith: for he was no sooner entered but he caused to be slain within the castle, in the presence of the Queen his mother, Peter Stephen Carpinter, Master of Calatrava, Ruis Gonçales of Castagneda, Martin Alphonso Tello, and Alphonso Tells, the which Queen Mary did so abhor, as she swooned, and was in danger of death: and soon after, not able to endure the sight of her sons cruelties, 
Queen mother unchaste.  she demanded leave to retire into Portugal to her father king D. Alphonso, who caused her to be slain soon after, for that she lived unchaste with Don Martin Tells. The King Don Pedro did also cause to be slain in Toro, Gomes Manriques of Orihuela, Diego Perez of Godoy, Alphonso Gomes, great Commander of Calatrava, and many others.  
The knights which defended the town of Cuenca hearing of these bloody executions left Castille, and retired into Arragon: others which held other places, distrusting their strength, abandoned them, and past into France: wherefore the king thinking himself now in a manner a conqueror, transported with a tyrannous hatred against the Nobility of his Realm, yea against his own blood, he resolved to root them out one after another, not trusting in any one of them. Having besieged Palençcuela, he watched an opportunity to kill the two Infants of Arragon his cousins, Don Frederic his brother, who was partly reconciled, and Don john de la Cerde: but by reason of the absence of Doth Tello, his brother (whom he would catch in the same net) he deferred it: and the better to surprise him, he made show to pardon him, and Don john of Abendagno also, and to remit all that was passed. This Don john of Abendagno was one of the chief Knights of Biscay, and without whose advise Don Tello, Lord of Biscay, did not any thing. Notwithstanding as the favours of great men are uncertain and wavering, Don Tello envying him, for that he was rich, 
D. Tello Lord of Biscay causeth D. john of Abendagno to be murdered.  and well-beloved in the country, caused him to be slain awhile after in the town of Bilbora. Palençuela being taken by composition, the king Don Pedro made a tourney at Tordesillas, whree he had resolved to murder Don Frederic his brother, and others: notwithstanding having by the same treason, caused two other Knights to be slain, the one of Toledo, the other of Vailledolit, he thought it sufficient for this time, and deferred this execution until another opportunity.  
Don Henry who was in the Asturia's, seeing that all were brought under, and reconciled unto the king, he demanded leave afar off, and obtained it (for he would not trust the king but upon good terms) and went to serve the French king. Passing by the mountains of Asturia, he escaped many ambushes which the king had laid for him, notwithstanding his assurance given, but he was ordained to better fortune: wherefore being come into Biscay, and having there conferred with Don Tello his brother, he embarked and landed at Rochel, from whence he went to Paris to King john then reigning, who received him, and honoured him much. The king of Arragon was advertised of all these troubles and alterations, being then resident at Perpignan, for the which he was not sorry. At that time there reigned three bad kings in Spain, this Don Pedro king of Castille, Don Pedro of Arragon, and Don Charles of Navarre, violent Princes, who whilst they lived, did continually afflict both themselves and their subjects, by tyrannies: so as they purchased the surnames of Bad and Cruel.   

Charles the second of that name, and the thirtieth king of Navarre.  
5. Leaving the Estate of Castille at this time somewhat quiet, 
Navarre  we will return to the affairs of Navarre, the which we left at the death of Donna jeanne, wife to King Philip of Eureux: to whom of three sons, Charles, Philip, and Lewis: Charles the eldest succeeded to the Crown of Navarre; who was surnamed the bad, by reason of the troubles he caused, as well on this side, as beyond the Pyreneé mountains, and of his strange disposition. Being called by the three Estates of the Realm, he came in the year 1350. and was crowned in the city of Pampelona, in an assembly made to that end after the manner of his Predecessors, swearing to observe the laws and liberties of the country. His coronation was accompanied with some bounty to the Cathedral church of Pampelona, to the which among other things, he gave a great cross of silver, enamelled with Flower de Luce's azure.  
During his coronation, some of his people mutined, pretending a breach of their privileges, whom the king did punish to severely, causing many to be hanged, and to be executed by other cruel punishments, as the cure far exceeded the disease. With the like violence he afflicted the Nobility of Navarre, 
Manners of K. Charles the 2.  so as they decayed greatly: and he showed himself in all his actions inconstant, wavering, and light of belief: If he had any good in him, it was a certain respect he bore to Clergy men, and to scholars. At his coming the king of Arragon sent a Secretary of his unto him, called Peter of Tarrega, to confirm the League which was betwixt these two Realms: and soon after he sent him another embassage, by Don Lope Earl of Luna, and Don john Fernandes of Heredia, Castellan of Amposta, for a more ample confirmation of the league and alliance betwixt them two: propounding unto the king of Navarre an alliance by marriage, to the end he might hold the kingdoms of Navarre and Arragon well united, for the king of Arragon feared much, least Don Pedro king of Castille, (who was a violent, dangerous, and faithless Prince) should break the peace that was betwixt the two Realms, embracing the quarrels of the Queen dowager of Arragon and of her children, and should join with Navarre, by some alliance which might be prejudicial unto him. hereupon the Ambassadors propounded a marriage betwixt Don Charles king of Navarre, and one of the daughters of the king of Sicily, who was of the house of Arragon. And for that it was bruited, that the king of Castille (who had not then concluded a marriage with Blanch of Bourbon) pretended to marry Blanch of Navarre, sister to this King Charles, and widow to Philip of Valois the French king, he was entreated to hinder it. King Charles who had a desire, and was counseled to take a wife in France, excused himself from marrying with Sicily, assuring the king of Arragon, that the Queen Dowager of France would not marry any more: for it had been a custom long observed in France, that the Queen's remaining widows, how young soever, did not marry again: finally, he conclded with the Ambassadors of an interview betwixt the king of Arragon and him: but before it could be effected, Don Pedro king of Castille (who had been advertised of all which had passed betwixt the King Don Charles, and the ambassadors of Arragon) wrought so as he drew the King of Navarre to Bourgos, 
Interview of the Kings of Navarre and Castille.  where there was great embracings, and rich presents given of either side, in the year 1351. as we have said. At this interview was Philip brother to king Charles. Being returned into Navarre, and having many great desseigns in his head, he made preparation to pass into France: Whereof the King of Arragon being advertised, he sent to summon him of his promise, that they should meet together, whereunto he yielded, assigning the place at Momblanc, where by the same means he should visit, 
Interview betwixt the kings of Arragon and Castille.  passing by Huesca, his Nieces D. Constance and D. jeanne, Infants of Arragon. Then the King Don Charles took his way towards France, leading with him his two brethren, Don Philip and Don Lewis. The interview of these Princes at Momblanc, made them no better friends, neither did they conclude that which D. Pedro king of Arragon did expect.  
The king of Navarre being come into France, he began to make claim to many things, for besides the Earldoms of Champagne and Brie, which he pretended to belong unto him, he made a title to the Duchy of Bourgongue, by reason of his mother Queen jeanne, issued from that house of Bourgogne by her mother, with many other claims, wherein king john had no intent to do him right, finding it so by his Council.  
● He had for his chief adversary another Charles or john, according to the French Histories, who was Constable of France, of the house of Castille, Earl of Angoulesme, son to Don Alphonso de la Cerde, of whom we have often made mention, whereby there were great insolences, murders, and rebellions committed throughout the Realm of France, as we will touch briefly in passing, for that these quarrels belong rather to the History of France then Spain.  
The king of Navarre being in these poursuites, by the course of justice, before the Estates of France, and the Courts of Parliament, King john thinking to pacify him, and to make him more tractable, gave him one of his daughters in marriage, and in recompense of his demands, gave him Mante and Meulan: but this did not abate his pride, but wrought a contrary effect. This Princess called jeanne, was the only wife of King Charles of Navarre, 
Genealogy of Navarre.  who had a great and a noble issue by her. Charles was the first borne of this marriage, who was king after his father Philip, who died young, Peter who was Earl of Mortaing in Normandy. Moreover, they had these daughters following, Marry who was Countess of Denia, married to Don Alphonso of Arragon, Blanch who died at the age of thirteen years, and jeanne future Duchess of Britain, and after that Queen of England.  
Of the Earl of Mortaing, some Histories say, is issued one son named Peter of Peralta, who was Constable of Navarre, the stem of the Marquis of Falses, yet by the feminine line, who are also Earls of Saint Estevan. Before the marriage of King Charles he had a bastard son, called Don Leon of Navarre, or Lyonel, from whom are descended the Marquises of Cortes, Marshals of Navarre, begotten of a Gentlewoman of the house of Euçe. Of him was borne Don Philip, the first of that line, marshal of Nauarre● of Don Philip was borne Don Pedro; of him Don Philip and Don Pedro brethren: of Don Pedro another Don Pedro, all successively Marshals of Navarre. In this last Don Pedro failed the Masculine line of D. Lyonel: for he left only one daughter, called Donna Hieronymas of Nature, who was first wife to Don john of Benavides, a castilian Knight, who was also marshal of Navarre in regard of her: and to her second husband she had Don Martin of Corduba and Velasco, Earl of Alcaudere, who was in our time Marshal of Navarre. This is the posterity of the blood royal of Navarre, descended of this king Charles, who poursuing with all violence his rights against the French King, who held the Duchy of Bourgongne and other lands, which had been the patrimony of his Predecessors, he had for adversary (as we have said) Charles of Spain: and such was the hatred betwixt them, by reason of these pretensions, as in the end all France was set on fire with civil wars, and the English were drawn in by the king of Navarre, who was supported by them: who to be revenged of his enemy D. Charles of Spain, Constable and Earl of Angoulesme, 
Murder of the Constable of France by the king of Navars' men.  both being then in Normandy, he caused him to be surprised in the night in the town of Aigle, and murdered in his bed, by the hands of D. Rodrigo of Vriz, D. john Ramir of Arrellan, D. Corbaran of Leet, the Barons of Garro and Antiede, and other Knights and soldiers of Navarre. He was so far from dissembling this fact, as he confessed it, and did justify it to be done by his commandment, and that he had justly slain him: whereat the king, and the whole court were much troubled, seeing the great impudency of the king of Navarre, the which was entertained by many within the Realm which did adhere unto him, besides the league he had with the English, to the which he also sought to draw D. Pedro king of Arragon, who notwithstanding would not hear of it, for that he was allied to the French king, whose friendship he resolved to entertain. To prevent the mischiefs which might grow by such furies, King john was forced to dissemble, and by promise of impunity, gifts, and yielding of towns and places, according to the demands and pretensions of the King of Navarre, seek to break the league which he had treated with the English, yea giving him the Duke of Anjou his son in hostage, to draw him to Court, where being come, the king made a show that he would arraign him, but it proved a jest: for having caused him to come before him on his knees, and to crave pardon, he pardoned him the Constable's murder, and all that he had committed against the Crown of France and his authority, Queen Blanch, widow to K. Philip, his sister, and Queen jeane his wife being intercessors for him: but this reconciliation was soon troubled: for the king of Navarre thinking that the French king had rather dissembled his displeasure, then forgotten it, did not quit the alliances which he had made to the prejudice of France, but did still entertain secret practices both within and without the Realm: and as he was turbulent, and ever full of jealousy and distrust, King john having called the Estates of his Realm, and showed the necessities of war, demanding money for the levy of 30000. men, the King of Navarre sought to hinder this subvention, and did contradict it with all his power: notwithstanding it was granted. King john being wonderfully incensed at the King of Navars' impudence and pride, who in stead of assisting him, like a good son-in-law, who had been newly absolved by him from so great a crime, showed himself a violent adversary to his desseins, he sought a fit occasion to punish him, the which fell out opportunely in the city of Rovan, at the reception of the Dauphin Charles in Normandy, who had been newly advanced to that Duchy; whither came the Noblemen of the country, namely, the king of Navarre, as Earl of Eureux, a member of the Duchy, where as he with many others were surprised: the King was sent prisoner to the castle of Alleux in Pallueil, and some Noblemen were executed, as you may read at large in the French History.  
King john had advertised Don Pedro King of Arragon, of all those proceed, that he might see he had done nothing lightly, being a reasonable thing, that Kings, how sovereign soever, should justify their actions, and to made them apparent, else they were to be reputed Tyrants, and to be hated of all the world, as violent and unjust. Gaston Phoebus then Earl of Foix, who had married Agnes, sister to the king of Navarre, was more discontented than any other at his imprisonment, who passing into Spain, sought to incense Don Pedro King of Arragon his brother-in-law, and to procure him to declare himself enemy to King john, if he did not release the King of Navarre, but the King D. Pedro would not yield unto it: for he held the friendship of France to be a firm support for his Estates: besides he still feared a war betwixt him and D. Pedro; yet he promised to be an intercessor for him to k. john, and to entreat him to show his clemency, & to entreat his prisoner without passion, but by the course of justice, & moreover not to exact all his right of him, in respect he was a king, and his son-in-law, and of the blood of France: the which he did with great affection; sending ambassadors to that end to the French king: so as king john as well by the intercession of the King of Arragon, as of the abovenamed Queens, and other Noblemen of his Realm, gave the king of Navarre to understand, that he should prepare himself to answer to the accusations of his Attorney general, and that he would allow him to take learned council unto him, of what nation he would desire, for his justification, assuring him that he would not cross him in his defences: that if it were found he had done him any wrong, that he would make him such satisfaction, as he should rest contented: but if on the other side he were found guilty of high treason, it was in him to pardon him, or not, at his pleasure. Hereupon they entered into process according unto justice, but within few days after King john was taken in Given by the English, which stayed these judicial proceed. During his imprisonment, Lewis his younger brother came into Navarre, to govern the Realm, who was solicited by D. Pedro king of Arragon, and received aid from him against the king of Castille, who had made sharp wars against him, as you shall hear. But necessity forceth us to treat of the affairs of Arragon during the first years of the reign of D. Pedro of Castille, and D. Charles of Navarre.  
6 D. Pedro king of Arragon, 
Arragon.  being reasonably quiet within his realm, by the last accord made in the favour, & by the persuasion of D. Alphonso king of Castille, at the camp of Gibraltar, with his mother-in-law D. Leonora dowager of Arragon and her children, D. Fernand, and Don john: gave himself to some reformation of politic things, and in the year 1350. he abolished the use of Caesar's Aera, according to the which they did account the years, and did date their contracts all letters, governing all their negotiations in Arragon after the ancient manner of Spain, commanding from thencefoorth to follow the computation of years taken from the Nativity of our Lord jesus Christ. 
AEra of Caesar abolished in Arragon.  This manner of computation by Aera, had been brought in by the ancient Spaniards, to gratify Augustus Caesar, accounting their years from that time that they made a division of the world with Mark Anthony and Lepidus. Spain among other Provinces of Europe, was fallen to him alone, which was the 4. year of his Empire, and 38. years before the Nativity of our Lord. The year 1351. 
1351.  following, D. john his son being borne at Perpignan, of his third wife, 
Girone a principality for the eldest son of Arragon.  D. Leonora of Sicily, or Constance according to some, he instantly made him duke of Girone, & called him Prince of Girone, which title the eldest son of Arragon hath since carried, and gave him to be bred up to Bernard of Cabrera, one of his most truly counsellors. Moreover, he would have the Estates swear unto this Infant, in the town of Perpignan, as heir presumptive of the Crown: but he was diverted from this desseine by the persuasions of D. Pedro of Xerica, D. john Fernandes of Heredia, Prior of S. john, and of D. john Lopes of Sesebio justice of Arragon: who advertised him, that the oath accustomed to be made to king's children, and to kings themselves, was always first done in Arragon, and in the city of Sarragossa, and that to break this order without urgent occasion, could not but breed confusions. The ambassadors of john the French king, came to him to Perpignan, who treated again of a marriage betwixt Lewis of France duke of Anjou, and jeanne 2. daughter to the king D. Pedro, the which took no better effect, than the other which had been treated for D. Constance the eldest. There came also unto this K. ambassadors from the Venetians and Genevois, who were at great wars among themselves, either of them affecting his favour but he inclined most to the commonweal of Genoa, as the most profitable for his affairs, especially in regard of the Island of Sardinia: but by the persuasion of D. Bernard of Cabrera, laying before him the ancient hatred of the Genevois against the Cattelans, & their many treacheries of their citizens against the crown of Arragon, he made a league with the Venetians, & in their favour armed against the Genevois, commanding Ponce of S. Paix, 
League betwixt the king of Arragon & the Venetians.  General of the Cattelan army, to go into Sicily with 26. galleys well armed, the which he did, to whom there afterwards joined 20. Venetian galleys, in the port of Messina, commanded by Pancras justinian. The Genevois for their parts had rigged out 65. galleys, whereof Perin of Grimaldi was General: who being passed little before, sailing towards Constantinople: (against the walls of which city the commonweal of Genoa held the town of Pera) were followed by the Arragonois and Venetian army, being increased, besides the galleys of justinian, by 16. other Venetian galleys, commanded by Nicholas Piçan: and of 4. of Valence, whereof Ripol a Cattelan had the charge: and moreover of 9 galleys of john Paleologue, Emperor of Constantinople then reigning. The two armies coming to fight in the straight of the Bosphore of Thrace, the Cavelans and Venetians had the victory, but very bloody: for they lost 14. galleys, yet most of the soldiers were saved. Ponce of S. Paix, chief of the Cattelans, with the toil he had endured that day (and it may be by some wounds he had received) died soon after at Constantinople: 
Battle very cruel betwixt the Genovois and Venetians.  Ricol was slain in the fight. Pancras justinian died also at Constantinople of the wounds he had received, and there died many other Gentlemen and Venetian soldiers during the conflict. As for the Genevois, there were 24. galleys taken or sunk, with all their burdens: the rest of the Cattelans having repaired 11. galleys which remained of their fleet, able to serve (for the rest were so broken as they were altogether unprofitable) met at Negrepont, whereas 12. galleys of Cattelogne and Valencia, sent for a supply by the King D. Pedro, did also enter: and there they also joined with the rest of the Venetian galleys. These two States being persuaded by the Pope & Christian Princes to make a peace, the king of Arragon in the end remained an enemy to Genoa, for notwithstanding all the persuasions of the Pope's Nuncio, he still answered, that he would have no friendship with the commonweal, unless they would quit unto him the Island of Corsica, and that their soldiers should dislodge out of Sardinia. To cross this peace betwixt the Venetians and Genovois, the king D. Pedro sent Raymondus Lullius, in embassage unto Venice, he was son or kinsman to him that was the greatest Philosopher of his age. This was in the year 1352, in the which the Prince D. john, the king's son, 
The Prince D. john sworn heir presumptiut.  was sworn heir, and successor to the realm in the city of Saragossa, after the accustomed manner.  
There were civil wars, with strange and treacherous revolts at that time in Sardynia, where as the Genevois held Alguer, and the castle Genovois, with whom many Sardinians joined, and Marian judge of Arborea (a great favourer, until that time of the Arragon name in that Island) with others; whom they suspected not, fell from the king D. Pedro: so as D. Rambaud of Corbera the Governor, could hardly resist so great a fury, to whom there arrived D. Stephen of Arragon, son to William Duke of Athens, being sent by the K. D. Pedro with galleys and soldiers: and in the year 1353. D. Bernard of Cabrera was sent with 45. vessels called Vxeres: who having joined with 20. Venetian galleys, 
An. 1353.  whereof Nicholas Pisan was chief, they came to fight with an army of Genovois, led by Anthony Grimaldi, in the view of Alguer, where as the Genovois were defeated, with the loss of 35. galleys, and above 3000. prisoners: whereupon Alguer was then abandoned by the Dorian faction, of which family Fabian Rosso, (found among the prisoners) was beheaded for that he did rebel upon every occasion. This rigour used to Fabian, did so incense him against the Arragonois, as having persuaded them of Alguer to a new rebellion, and in stead of judge of Arborea, he caused himself to be called king of Sardinia; which title he took at the instigation of Timber of Rocabertin his wife, being desirous above all the women of her time to be called Queen. D. Bernard of Cabrera did afterwards give a defeat at land, to the revolted Sardinians, near unto Cailleri, in Bourg called Quarto: & having manned th' fort of Cailleri, the town of Sasseri, & other places▪ he returned into Cattelognes'; leaving the guard of the Island to D. Rambaud of Corbera, and over the soldiers Count Arnaud of Pallars, who being priest by the Sardinians, and the Genoa faction, were soon after somewhat fortified by 500 archers, 80. men at arms, and 20. light horse, which D. Michael Peres Zapate, an old experienced Captain, brought unto them. The K. being much incensed against the Genovois, who he knew were assisted by john Archb. and Duke of Milan, he held his reputation to be so engaged in this war of Sardinia, as he resolved to pass into that Island in person, and to lead such forces, as he might both root out all his enemies, and invade Corsica, which he still demanded for the price of any peace that was propounded unto him with that commonweal by the Pope and other Christian Potentates. He came with this dessein to Barcelona, where in the year 1354. he caused the standard royal to be displayed; a sign, 
An. 1354.  that a royal army should go to sea. Zachary Contarin Ambassador of Venice, did press him to this expedition, for the which there were enrolled a thousand men at arms, five hundred Genets or light horsemen, and ten thousand foot, all under the command of Don Bernard of Cabrera, who in this war held the place of Seneschal; which was that which we call Constable: and he had in like manner the general command over the galleys and ships. The king left his Uncle Don Pedro Earl of Ribagorça and Ampurias, Regent or Governor in his absence, and parting from Roses with twenty ships, five Galleys, and many other vessels, he arrived in a port called Comte, three miles from Alguer in Sa●dynia, but with great difficulty by reason of the torment. There passed in his company john Graille, captal of Buch, with many other Noblemen strangers, and of his own subjects, Don Lope of Luna, whom he had made Earl of Luna, for his merits and good services: Philip of Castro, john Ximenes of Vrrea, john Martin's of Luna, Fernand Ruis of Thaust, Blasco Fernandes of Heredia, Lope Gorrea, Don Stephano of Arragon, son to the Duke of Athenes, Don Pedro of Xerica, Gilibert Scintilla, Olpho Prochita, Alphonso Roger of Loria, Pedro Maza, Raymond Ruiseco, Gisbert of Castelet, Matthew Mercier, Gonçal of Casteluis, Pedro Lopes Otecia: moreover, Don Hugue Viscount of Cardona, Bernardin of Cabrera, son to Bernard, Andrew Viscount of Cannet, Othon of Moncade, Roger Bernard Viscount of Castelbon, Don Fernand of Heredia, Don Arnaud Roger, and Raymond of Palliars, Artal of Fosses, William Bellera, Bernard Cruillia the elder, and Bernard Cruillia the younger, the first famous for the wars of Italy, the other newly come from being a page, Ponce Fenovillet, Francis Ceruia, Galcerand of Pinos, Galuian Anglesole, with other Noblemen, Arragonois, Cattelans, and Valencians, whereof some had charge of men, the rest followed the king's Cornet.  
Marian (who caused himself to be called King of Sardynia) hearing of this great preparation, and fearing due punishment, sent unto the king, as he was ready to embark, to offer him all obedience, and to deliver him the places which he had taken, with a good sum of money: but the king passed on. At his arrival he found the enemies had taken the town of Eglise, a strong place, and of importance, but the castle had been defended and preserved. This castle and that of Cailleri, joicusegard, Aquafredda, the town of Sasseri, and the castle, with those of Oria and Osoli, were the forts which held for the Arragonois in the Island. The siege was laid to Alguer, and that place was suriously bartered and assaulted: to divert which siege, there were ten galleys of Genoa, which showed themselves, at sea, and Marian with Matthew D'Oria upon the land, having in his company two thousand horse, and fifteen thousand foot, who strived in vain: for Alguer yielded, 
Alguer taken.  notwithstanding that the king fell sick, andhis army was grievously afflicted with the plague, and Marian had no other fruits of his pains, but the taking of the castle of Quitra. Marian was allied to Don Pedro of Xerica, the which disappointed many good exploits, many conditions of peace being often propounded, whereunto the king was often drawn and inclined. During this siege there came thirty Venetian Galleys, to join with the army of Arragon: and thither did Abrahim King of Tunes and Bugie, send an embassage to the king D. Pedro to conclude a peace with him, in consideration of a tribute of 2000 doublons, which he promised to pay him yearly. After the yielding of Alguer, the king of Arragon passed to Cailleri, where having called the Estates of Sardynia, at the least from those places which held his party, he condemned Gerard Earl of Donoratico, as the motive and favourer of Marian's rebellion: so as the famous family of Donoratico was extinct in Sardinia. Those of Malespine were in like manner forced to retire to Nice, and other lands which they had in Provence, and to leave the Island Marian kept the field for a time, and had many light encounters with the king's men: but in the end by the entreaty of his friends, he obtained a peace, excusing his rebellion upon the king's severity, and the unjust proceed of his ministers: and for that during these wars of Sardinia, 
Peace in Sardinia.  the Pope had reconciled the two commonweals of Venice and Genoa, who had made him umper of their controversies, the king showed himself moer pliable to treat of peace with the Genovois, for the which he was wonderful importuned by the Princes. Matters standing upon these terms, D. Pedro returned into Spain, and from thence past to avignon, where as the Pope propunded, that he should leave the Island of Corsica in the Genevois hand, to enjoy it quietly, upon condition they should hold it of the kings of Arragon, and do them homage for it, and paying him rend, the which the king yielded unto: but he demanded an excessive tribute, that is, 50000. florins of gold every year.  
The Genevois rejecting this burden, as too grievous, did show, that they had right to that Island, above two hundred years before, by donations made unto them by the Popes. The Duke of Milan dealt also in these treaties, and pretended the lands of Galluri in Sardynia, by hereditary right, as descending from the daughter of Nino judge of Galluri, of the family of Viscontez.  
All these controversies were left undecided, neither could the Pope, nor other Mediators bring the parties to any conclusion: and upon these occasions the Island of Sardynia was again troubled with seditions and revolts, whereof Matthew D'Oria was the chief author, who did also engage Marian judge of Arborea. Whilst the king was in Arragon, he made Denia an Earldom, to the which he did advance D. Alphonso of Arragon, son to D. Pedro Earl of Ribagorça, and likewise Vich, the which he gave to Don Bernardin of Cabrera, son to Don Bernard. After his return into Spain, the treaty of peace betwixt him and the Commonweal of Genova was again debated before the Pope, by the Ambassadors of both parties: but all came to nothing: wherefore the tumults increasing in Sardynia, and Matthew D'Oria having forced the castle of Oria, the king sent D. Gilbert Chintilla thither with what forces he could, and entered into a cruel war against Castille in the year 1356. the cause whereof was as followeth.  
7 Don Pedro king of Castille being at some peace with his subjects, and sojourning in the city of Sevile, he went one day to Saint Lucar of Barameda, 
Castille and Arragon.  to see the fishing of Thuns, which is very plentiful in those parts: where it happened, that as the army of Arragon (consisting of ten galleys and some other vessels) commanded by Francis Perillos', passed along that Coast, to go into France, in favour of King john, against the English, they met with two ships of Genoa laden with oils, which the galleys had poursued, and taken in the port of Saint Lucar: whereupon the king of Castille (who was upon the place) gave the Admiral of Arragon to understand, that that prize was an injury done unto him, and therefore he should restore the ships, with their ladings and furniture: whereof the Admiral Perillos' made no account, saying, that they were ships belonging to the enemies of his king: and the Arragon Authors say, that Perillos' entered even into the mouth of Guadalquibir, and their made prey of all he found: whereat the king of Castille being moved, he caused all the Cattelan ships and Merchants to be arrested within his Realm, and seized upon all their goods and merchandise. And as he was choleric and furious, not respecting peace, truce, league nor alliance whatsoever, he sent to denounce war against the Arragonois, and began to put it in execution. Notwithstanding that he offered to recompense unto the Merchants, whom his Admiral had spoiled, and to make all other honest satisfactions accustomed betwixt Prince and Prince.  
All this prevailed not: for about the end of the year 1356. he sent troops of horse and foot to spoil the territories of Valence, 
An. 1356.  towards Murcia, and also of Molina, thrust on by some about him, who were desirous of stirs, thinking to assure and increase their Estates by the means of foreign wars: so as the king of Arragon found himself suddenly engaged in a dangerous war against a mighty enemy: to prevent the which, he drew unto him. Lewis brother to the King of Navarre, Governor of that Country, and had from thence such succours, as the Estate of their affairs could well bear: wherein Lewis showed himself so discreet and wise, as the King of Castille held him a never betwixt both, parties. Moreover, he called unto him out of France, Henry Earl of Transtamara, base brother to the king of Castille, and much hated by him, who made himself Vassal to the Crown of Arragon, and had from the King the lands of Villegrasse, Montblanc, and others in Cattelogne, Arragon, and Valence, doing fealty and homage: yea in a manner all that had been held by Donna Leonora the Queen Dowager, and her children Don Fernand, and Don john of Arragon, and was made Commander of the men of war for the defence of the frontiers against Castille: which made the king of Castille to come into Arragon in person, with greater forces, and to make war with all violence and extremity, where he took Bordalua and Embite, and so priest Tarassone with the force of arms, as he forced the Inhabitants to surrender and yield the place without opposition, upon condition that they might retire to Tudele a town of Navarre.  
Besides this he took Alcala of Firuela, Verrejon, and the castle of los Fajos, having in his ar●●ie nine thousand horse, 
span.  and a great number of foot, against the which forces the Arragonois durst not present themselves: wherefore he marched as far as he pleased, and then returned to Tarassone. There by the means and industry of Cardinal William, the Pope's Legate, there was a truce concluded for a year: whereupon he took his way towards Sevile. Being yet at Tarassone, he had news that Don john de la Cerde, and D. Aluar Perez of Guzman were revolted from him, and had taken the party of Arragon, and that at that instant they had been charged, and defeated by his men in Andalusia, and Don john de la Cerde taken, 
D. john de la Cerde slain by the 〈◊〉 Commandment.  whom he commanded to be slain before his arrival: then being come to Sevile, he spent the rest of the year to prepare in army at sea for the future war: for his intent was not to conclude a peace, neither would he yield the city of Tarassone into the Legates hands, according to the capitulations, nor perform any part of that which had been treated, notwithstanding that the king of Arragon had performed all on his part: whereupon the Leagate being at Tudele, in Saint Mary's church he propounded a sentence of Excommunication against Don Pedro King of Castille, and did interdict his Realm, in the presence of the Bishops of Cominges and Tarrassone, and the Ambassadors of Castille and Arragon, the which put the king of Castille into a greater fury. The Legate being at Huesca, published the Decree and Censure against the King of Castille and his Realm, by the which, besides that which hath been spoken, he was condemned in hundred Marks of silver to the Sea of Rome: and defence made to Lewis brother to the king of Navarre, to the kings of England and Portugal, to all Christian Princes, yea and to those that did in any sort belong by consanguinity to this excommunicated king, not to converse with him, nor to give him aid nor succours. Then was the Infant Don Fernand of Arragon persuaded by some Noblemen of Arragon, to meet with Don Pedro king of Arragon his brother, in a valley, covered with trees, where they had a long and friendly discourse so as the Infant returned, full of promises and hopes.  
The Captain of Tarassone for the king of Castille, called Gonçales Lusio, was also drawn by the persuasions of Suero Garcia of Toledo, who was fled into Arragon, son to Garcia Suero, to yield up that place to the King of Arragon, upon promise of forty thousand Florins, the which he did soon after execute. And for that the effects of the King of Castile's bad inclination appeared daily, there was a League made betwixt the King of Maroc and he of Arragon to the prejudice of Castille, and Don Tello of Castille, and the Earl of Luna, entered with an army towards Soria, where they spoilt the Country.  
Thus these two Kings Don Pedro King of Castille, and Don Pedro king of Arragon, wilful, choleric, and mad, sell again into a cruel and pernicious war, to the inestimable prejudice of their subjects, and shame and dishonour to the name of Christians.  
Whilst the King lay idle in Andalusia, being too much given to women, he courted Donna Aldonça Cornel, daughter to the deceased Don Alphonso Fernandes Cornel, whom he had caused to be slain, and wife to D. Aluar Perez of Guzman, his rebel: but yet he did not forget D. Maria of Padilla. Besides this vice, he continued his cruelty against the Nobility: for that year 1358. 
An. 1358.  he caused his brother D. Frederic Master of S. james, to be slain in the town of Carmona, 
D. Frederic the king's brother and other Noblemen put to death.  being newly come out of Murcia, where he had in his name recovered jumilla, from the Arragonois who had taken it. There was also slain by his commandment Sancho Ruis of Rojas: at Cordova he also put to death Peter Cabrera, Fernand Alphonso of Gates: and at Salamanca Alphonso Geoffrey Tenorto: at Toro Alphonso Peres Fermosino: and in the castle of Moja, Garci Mendez of Toledo: and moreover he caused Lope Sanches of Abendagno, great Commander of Castille, to be put to death, and others in divers places according to his humour and discontentment: yet seeking to cover these executions with a cloak of justice, publishing declarations, containing the crimes of such as he had put to death, although it were apparent that they were but revenges, for that all, or the most part of them had not approved his excess, or had in some sort opposed themselves.  
In which murders employed two, were much favoured by him, who afterwards fell into the same misfortune, for a recompense of their good services; as it happened to his cousin D. john of Arragon, son to the Queen D. Leonora, who being an actor in the death of D. Frederic master of Saint james, did willingly follow the King in a voyage he made into Biscay, to dispose D. Tello his other brothr of that Lordship, and to kill him. The King being suddenly arrived at Aguilar del Campo, he had surprised D. Tello being a hunting, and not dreaming of his coming, had he not been advertised by a Squire of his, called Guttiere Guerra; but through this advertisement he escaped and retired to Vermeo; the chief town of Biscay, where getting into a fisher boat, he saved himself at Saint john de Luz, and from thence retired to Bayone. He was not far at sea before the King came to Vermeo, who hearing that he was dislodged, he began to pursue him by sea, and went as far as Legueytio, but descovering nothing (and the sea withal beginning to grow high) returned, and carried away prisoner D. jeanne of Lara, wife to D. Tello, Inheretrix of Biscay. 
〈…〉.  The King being at Vermeo, D. john of Arragon, who had married D. Isabel of Lara the other sister, besought him to grant him that Lordship, seeing that D. Tello had showed himself contumacious, his wife being also prisoner, & that he had married the other sister: to whom the King answered cunningly, that he would have the biscain's assemble in the town of Guernica, according to their ancient previledges, and there choose their Lord, and that for his part he would labour to have him chosen; the which did satisfy D. john for the present.  
In the mean time the King did let the chief of the assembly understand, that when they were together, and the King should propound unto them for to choose D. john of Arragon, they should all cry out, that they would have no other Lord, than the King himself, and his successors Kings, the which they did, as they had been enjoined: so as D. john of Arragon found himself frustrate of his hopes. This general assembly of Biscay, is called in her country language, Batçaar, which is as much to say, as an assembly of ancients. The King being come from Guernica to Bilbao, he sent for D. john of Arragon to his lodging, and there commanded he should be slain in his presence, 
D. john of Arragon slain in the King's lodging and in his presence.  and his body to be cast out at the window which looked into the court (the which was full of people) and crying woth a loud voice: Behold your Lord of Biscay who demanded you: then he caused him to be carried to Bu●gos, and there to be cast into the river, and would not suffer him to be buried: and for that his mother D. Leonora Dowager of Arragon, and his wife D. Isabella, were grieved for this cruel act he caused them to be shut up prisoners in the castle of Castro Xeris. This was the reward of john of Arragon, who had, to please a tyrant, consented to the death of many great personages, yea his near kinsmen.  
The King being come to Vailledolit, he had resolved to sacrifice some in that town: but hearing that D. Henry of castile, Earl of Transtamara, and D. Fernand of Arragon, brother to D. john, did overrun the countries of Soria, and Almajan, and that of Murcia, he did forbear, and having put great garrisons into the places about Soria, he came to Sevile, being resolved to do all acts of hostility both by land and sea against the King of Arragon. He had made ready eighteen galleys with the which and great forces by land, he came and besieged Guardamar, and took it: and for that it did belong to the Infant D. Fernand, he burned the town, but he could not take the castle. But suddenly a violent wind took his galleys upon that coast, so as sixteen of them ran on ground: yet he returned again into Murcia, and was nothing amazed thereat (for he was of a proud and haughty spirit) but caused many other galleys to be built at Sevile, and commanded that all the ships in Galicia, Biscay and Guipuscoa, should come thither in the beginning of the year 1359. 
An. 1359.  to invade the Realms of Valence, Cattelogne and Arragon.  
During these exploits of war, D. Pedro King of Arragon charged him of Castille with disloyalty and treason before the Pope, and challenged him by Bernard Galscran of Pinos, to whom the King of Arragon would have given the title of King of Majorca, that he might be equal in quality to the King of Castille, but this was a mocquery. 
Marriage of Isabel of Ma●orca to the Marquis of Montferrat.  This year was married D. Isabel daughter to the unfortunate Don james King of Majorca, to john Marquis of Montferrat, to whom the King of Arragon gave fifty thousand florins in dowry, upon condition that she should renounce all her father's rights, and so she did. The King of Arragon being then at Saragossa, he renewed and confirmed to the Nobility of that city, whom they call Ermunios', the previledge they have not to go to the wars, but when the King is in person ready to give battle, or to assail some place, and declared that if any one of these previledged persons had followed him beyond these limitations, that it should be no prejudice to their rights. There he gave the charge of the war, for the preservation of the country, to the Archbishop of Saragossa. Whilst that the confederate Noblemen of Castille, together with the Arragonois, did ruin and burn the country of Alva; the King of Castille led a great power by land against Arragon, by the way of Almaçan, where he took Negasta and Torrijo. During this war D. Henry Earl of Transtamara had a son by his wife in the town of Epila (the which at this day belongs to the Earl of Arande) who was called john, and reigned in Castille. Cardinal William being no longer fit to make a peace betwixt these two Princes, the Pope sent Cardinal Guy of Bolonia, Bishop of Portuense, this year of our Lord 1359. who prevailed as little as the other, but by hid diligence and importunate pursuit he incensed the King of Castille more against the house of Arragon, and his rage proceeded so far, as he condemned all the Knights of Castille that were in Arragon, by proclamation: 
Cruelty more than devilish of D. Pedro King of castile.  he caused the Queen D. Leonora his aunt to be cruelly murdered, being widow to D. Alphonso King of Arragon: and having caused D. jeanne of Lara, the Lady of Biscay, to be transported to the castle of Almodovar del Rio, and from thence to Sevile, he there also caused her to be murdered: such was the devilish fury of this monster, who being once moved upon any subject, discharged his rage upon all that came into his fantasy: He did the like unto D. Isabel of Lara, widow to D. john of Arragon, to whom by the death of her elder sister, leaving no children, the Siegneurie of Biscay, did belong, but she died not by the sword, but by poison, which this tyrant caused to be given her. In these Ladies was extinct the succession of the ancient Lords of Biscay.  
The season being fit for navigation, the King of Castille went out of Sevile, or Saint Lucar, with four score ships, and one and forty galleys, and sailed towards the coast of Valence and Cattelogne; he ruined the town of Guardamar, and the Castle again, and presented himself in view of Barcelona: but the army of Arragon, which was but foe forty foists and galleys hindered him from staying at any place upon the coast, and skirmishing often with him, they forced him to bend towards juiza, and to way anchor in haste from thence, and to sail towards Alicant and Carthagena, and in the end to retire himself, having with this great preparation done nothing of import. The King of Arragon was in the mean time in the Island of Majorca, being advised not to be in his army at sea. The galleys of Castille retired to Sevile, and the ships of Guipuscoa, Biscay and Galicia, returned into their countries: as for the King of Castille, he went to Tordesillas to visit Donna Maria of Padilla.  
The coast of Cattelogne and Valence was this year ill provided of ships of war: for that the King of Arragon was forced to entertain many galleys continually in the Island of Sardynia, being still subject to revolts, and moreover he had sent a good number into Sicily, to aid the King D. Frederic his son in law, against whom jeanne Queen of Naples made war.   

D. Pedro alone of that name, the eight King of Portugal.  
8 Done Pedro surnamed the justicer reigned in Portugal, 
Portugal.  who had succeeded his father D. Alphonso the fourth, deceased in the year of our Lord 1357. He was about seven and thir●y years old when he began to reign, and therefore being ripe in years, and of a good judgement he governed his realm with great equity, so as he purchased the name of justicer, and was much unlike in manners to the other two Kings of his time, and the same name. This King (his father being yet living) was married to Blanch, daughter to D. Pedro King of Castille, 
Genealogy of Portugal.  son to d. Sancho, who falling into a palsy, was left by him, and then he married D. Constance Manuel, daughter to D. john Manuel, by whom he had these children following. D. Lewis, who lived little, D. Fernand, who reigned, Donna Maria, 
D. Pedro's private marriage with Donna Agnes of Castro.  married in the life of D. Alphonso her Grandfather, to D. Fernand Infant of Arragon, son to the King D. Alphonso, by his second wife D. Leonora of Castille. D. Constance dying in the year of our Lord 1345. he married Donna Agnes of Castro, a gentlewoman which had followed her, and with whom they said he had familiar acquaintance during her life, for she was exceeding fair & amiable. The Infant D. Pedro (although she were somewhat allied unto him, and had christened his son D. Lewis) married her secretly, for fear of his father, in 1354. having enjoyed her many years, and the witnesses of this matrimonial promise, were D. Gil Bishop of Guardia, and Stephen Lovat Master of his Wardrobe, whom he commanded to keep it secret. By her D. Pedro had three sons: D. Alphonso, who died in France, D. john and D. Denis, who were afterwards expelled by their brother D. Fernand then reigning, and died in Castille. Of this Lady Don●ia Agnes, was also borne one daughter, called Donna Beatrix, who was married to D. Sancho Earl of Albuquerque, base son to D. Alphonso the thirteenth King of Castille. This clandestine marriage being unknown to the King D. Alphonso, father to D. Pedro, and yet his loves known and blamed by all men, it was treated of to marry him with some Princess, but he would not hear of it: wherefore the King took a cruel resolution to kill D. Agnes de Castro, thinking he should not otherwise withdraw his sons love. Being come to this effect to Coimbra where this fair Lady remained, 
Cruel massacre of D. Agnes of Castro wise to the Infant D. Pedro.  whilst that the Infant D. Pedro was a hunting, he caused her to be slain by three of his guard, which were Diego Lopes Pacheco, Peter Cuello, and Aluar Gonçales, who did this execution in the old palace of Saint Clare. This death being in the year of our Lord 1355. made the Infant rebel against his father, who with the aid of many of his friends, entered the country betwixt Duero and Minio, where he committed great spoil, and had done more, if many great personages had not laboured happily to reconcile them. After that he loved other Lady, called D. Theresa Gallega, by whom he had one son, called john, in the year 1357. He was first Master of the Knights of Auiz, and afterwards King after D. Fernand his brother, and the same year 1357. died king D. Alphonso the brave.  
D. Pedro being come to the crown, he showed himself a just Prince, observing above all things the laws and ordinances made by his father, 
Disposition of D. Pedro King of Portugal.  for the ordering of his house and train, the Officers whereof were expressly forbidden not to molest his subjects, especially puruo●ers, nor to take any provision for his house, before they had paid the price which the seller demanded, upon great penalties, yea death in some cases. Hearing that advocates did multiply suits, and that of one they often made many, he discharged them all throughout his realm, and imposed great punishments upon judges that should suffer themselves to be corrupted with money or otherwise, yea loss of life, and confiscation of their goods: he made in any laws for the shortening of suits, appointing fit men for judges: causing his ordonances to be executed with all rigour. He appointed great punishments for light offences, and if any one told him that he was to severe, he answered, that it was the means to reform vice, and that it was pleasing unto God; for if the wicked were not kept in awe with the fear of death, they would never be restrained with lesser punishments; Finally to have the good live in peace, it was necessary to punish the bad severely. As soon as the pleaders had made their demands, and pertinent answers given, they were presently dispatched if it might be: If by any tricks and devices matters were delayed, the offenders were punished, that is, the poor by the whip, and the rich by great fines: by reason whereof his realm flourished in peace and abundance of all things, and he was honoured and beloved of his subjects as much as any Prince living. He had often in his mouth the saying of the Emperor Titus. That he held that day lost, wherein he▪ had not done good to some one. He did not grieve to be himself in person at the deciding of causes, and did often assist at the examination and torturing of criminal persons; he did so hate malefactors, as he did often times rise from the table to have them punished, yea he took such pleasure to do justice, as he caused to be borne before him, or did carry himself, a whip or rod wherewith offenders should be punished, to the end he might cause himself to be feared, and justice more respected, so as to many this severity seemed to approach near unto cruelty: Moreover he was careful to dispatch all sorts of business, 
His diligence and equity.  with great brevity, especially if a stranger came into his court, he commanded he should be presently dispatched, to the end he should not consume himself in charges. With his royal virtues, he loved hunting, 
His delights.  dancing and Ladies, and all other sports, but not with such excess as the other Kings of Spain of his time, neither was he free from desire of revenge, mixed with some infidelity: for his, father being once dead, he affected nothing more than to revenge the death of his best beloved D. Agnes of Castro, wherefore knowing that Diego Lopes Pacheco, Peter Cuello and Aluar Gonçales, who had slain her, 
●esi●e of revenge moves the King of Portugal to betray them that were retired unto his protection.  were in Castille, he made an accord with his Nephew D. Pedro King of Castille, to deliver unto him in exchange, some Castillan Knights, who to fly the fury of this tyrant, were retired into Portugal, under his protection, so as they made this dishonourable exchange, when as these three men were brought to Saint Iren, whereas the King was, he would insantly have them put to sundry torments, but the Noblemen which were about him dissuaded him: yet could he not forbear to use outrageous speeches, yea he struck Peter Cuell● on the face, and notwithstanding that they excused themselves upon the commandment of the King his father, yet he condemned them to cruel deaths. Peter Cuello and Aluar Gonçales, were executed first before the court gate, causing the one to be opened by the breast, and the other by the back, to pull out their hearts. Diego Lopes Pacheco appointed to the same death had the hap to escape, flying in a pilgrims weed into Castille, where he lay concealed until that Don Henry came unto the crown, 
Family of Pacheco in Castille.  whom he served, and was much beloved of him. They say he was the stem of the house of Pacheco in Castille, which gave beginning to the Marquis of Villena, and Dukes of Escalona.  
This cruel example shallbe followed by one more commendable; this King D. Pedr● being in Lisbon, where they had made him a stately entry, and ordained a Tourney whereas many Knights both Portugals and strangers did run: having been advertised that a Knight's wife of the city, called Alphonso Andre abandoned herself to an other, he watched that day (which he held fit to execute such unlawful loves) these adulterers in such sort, as he surprised them together, the gentlewoman's husband being in arms at the lists with the rest in the new street; who without making bruit, or suffering any to advertise the husband of the wrong his wife had done him, 
Adulterers punished.  he caused her to be burnt, and her adulterer to be slain. If he descovered any bawd, namely of such as under colour of devotion enter into houses, to carry messages, or which use charms, or give love drinks, and such like, he did punish them severely. He was like to have slain his Admiral in that town, for that he had employed a woman of that trade, but he fled and so escaped his fury, but he caused the woman to be burnt. In the country of Vera he caused a married man to be hanged, having children by his wife, for that he had forced her being a maid, before he had married her. If he punished secular men severely, he did no more spare priests and monks, yea and prelates if they offended. Whereupon being given to understand, that he should send them to their superior judges, he answered. that so he did: for having once caused them to be hanged, they went directly before God, who was the head judge of all, and did the last justice. Knowing that the bishop of Porto, were he then was, lived loosely with a married woman of that town he sent for him, seeming that he would confer with him of some businesses. The bishop being come, he caused every one to departed the chamber, & having shut the door, he began to pursue the bishop, & handled him in such sort, as if some which stayed in the chamber, had not taken him out of his hands, he had slain him. He was more severe to his household servants then to any other: he caused a Secretary to be slain, having taken money without the privity of his treasurer. This we read of the manners and customs of this king, who spared himself sometimes: as for the stately buildings which he le●t, they hold that the bridge and town of Lima are of his foundation: he caused Santa Maria of Charneça to be built; he endowed the Monastery of Alcovaça with six Chaplains, and appointed ordinary masses: to which monastery his son Fernand did afterwards give the town of Paredes, in the country of Leyra. He was bountiful and courteous to them that did him service, to whom he gave many gifts, 
His liberty.  and was accustomed every year to put a hundred marks of silver into plate, to give for new years gifts: he augmented the wages and pensions of the gentlemen of his house, and other servants; he honoured the Nobility that lived well, and loved virtue, whereof he gave good testimony when as he made his good servant D. john Alphonso Tello Earl of Barcellos, with such pomp, as the like hath not been seen in Portugal in any age, for he had that night from the Monastery of Saint Dominike, which was in the place del Rusio, unto the place called Limonero whereas the King's palace stood, 
Pomp at the Iussi●●tten of the Earl of Barcellos.  five thousand men holding five thousand torches, by the light whereof they might see many tables covered with bread, meat and wine, whereas every man might eat and drink that list. And the King himself laying aside his royal rank and gravity, led dances through the city, and by his example the people, both of the city, and strangers, which came thither by water, showed all signs of joy, to honour this new Earl. They say that this King taking delight to hear a silver trumpet sound, would then have a desire to dance, and oftentimes when he could the sleep, he would go out of his palace in the night, and have dances in the town, whether his subjects came willingly, and did practise it much for the love of him. This King having held the Realm some space, he would make a public declaration, in a great assembly of Noblemen, what Donna Agnes of Castro had been unto him, and produced D. Gil Bishop of Guardia, and Stephen Lovat Master of his Wardrobe, for witnesses of their promises of marriage, who being publicly examined, did swear that D. Agnes had been lawful wife to D. Pedro then Infant of Portugal dispensations were showed, which D. Pedro had obtained, for affinity, or other lets which might hinder this marriage, whereof a Register was kept in the public acts: 
Declaration of the secret marriage betwixt the King D. 〈◊〉 D. Agnes of Cast●o.  and it was ordained that the children borne of this Lady should be called Infants of Portugal: her body, or bones were transported from Coimbra, where they had been buried, to the Monastery of Alcovaça, with royal pomp, & laid in a rich tumble of white marbe, whereon her Image was set, carrying a crown like a Queen.  
11 Such was the Estate of Portugal, 
Navarre.  about the time of the wars betwixt the Kings of Castille and Arragon, and whilst that D. Charles King of Navarre was held prisoner in France, by the Dauphin his brother in law, in safe keeping, yet he found means to escape, by the help of his brother Philip, and of john Pinguignac, Governor of Arthois, with other Frenchmen, being accompanied by D. Roderike of Vrriz, D. Corbaran of Leet, D. Charles of Artieda, D. Fernando of Ayana, and by the Baron of Garro, who drew him out of the castle of Aleux in Palueil, where he had been prisoner eighteen months, which place they scaled by night, and slew the captain and guard. This act was much commended, especially in Navarre: and in memory of this good service done unto the King, the names of those Knights were registered in the chamber of accounts for the Realm of Navarre. What past afterwards betwixt the Dauphin, and the King of Navarre in France, I leave it to the French History, to the which it doth properly belong. After the return of john the French King from prison in England, Charles King of Navarre being reconciled to him and to the Dauphin his son, he went into his Realm of Navarre, having had by his wife Queen jeanne, one son, in the town of Mante, who was also called Charles, and succeeded him in the Realm.  
12 In the mean time the war continued betwixt Castille and Arragon, 
Arragon and Castille.  and moreover the King of Castille, as if he would scorn all the world, and show himself an enemy to all he encountered, had broken with the Venetians, and taken one of their ships, when as he was before Barcelona with his sea army: and not content herewith he had appointed twenty galleys to guard the Strait, and to take twelve other Venetian ships, 
The King of Castille sp●●●s the Venetians at sea.  in their return, which had passed into Flanders, but he was deceived: for the ships coming in consort with a good gale, and helped by the flood, they passed almost undescovered. Soon after the King had news that his men had been defeated near unto Moncayo, in the fields of Araviana, by the Arragonois (where as in old time the seven sons of Lara had been slain) being led by D. Henry and D. Tello of Castille brethren, D. Pedro of Luna, D. john Martin's of Luna, and D. john Fernandes of Heredia, who being accompanied with eight hundred horse Arragonois, 
Castillans' defeated.  defeated one thousand and two hundred Castillans.  
In this encounter died D. john Fernandes of Hinestroça, governor of that frontier for the King of Castille, uncle to Donna Maria of Padilla, D. Fernand Garces Duzio, D. Pedro Ruis Osorio, Gomes Suares of Figueroa, great Commander of Saint james: and there were taken prisoners D. Inigo Lopes Orosco, D. Fernand Ruis of Villaloba, D. john Gomes of Bahabou, D. Hurtado Diaz of Mendoça, and D. Diego Sancho Porras, all renowned Knights of Castille, whereat the King was much moved, but his grief was moderated by a new son, which Donna Maria of Padilla brought him, in the year of our Lord 1360. who was named D. Alphonso, by reason whereof he came presently to Tordesillas. Being afterwards returned to Sevile, he caused D. Garci Aluares of Toledo to be created master of Saint james, a Knight which had done him great services, both in the war against Arragon, and in the seditions of Castille, to whom, besides this dignity, he gave the office of Majordomo, 
D. Pedro murders two other of his brethren.  or high Steward to his son D. Alphonso. This year continuing his cruelties, he caused two other of his brethren to be slain, sons to D. Leonora of Guzman, D. john, and D. Pedro, having kept them long prisoners in the town of Ca●●mona; and they say, that he dispatched them, for that he doubted they would be no more faithful nor obedient unto him, than their other three brethren. D. john was scarce thirteen years old, and D. Pedro but fourteen. The victory which the Arragonois had gotten under the conduct of D. Henry Earl of Transtamara, made the King of Castille more tractable in the negotiation of a peace, wherein Cardinal Guy of Bologne the Pope's Legate laboured, who in the end drew the Deputies of these two Kings to meet in the city of Tudelo, in the realm of Navarre, wherewith King Charles was very well satisfied.  
Thither came for the King of Castille, Guttieres Fernandes of Toledo, and for the King of Arragon, D. Bernard of Cabrera, chief councillor of State, and Admiral of Arragon; who together with the Legate, did confer, and dispute long of the means to make a peace, but they could not conclude any thing. And there being also assembled by the Legates care, in the town of Sanguessa, D. john Alphonso of Majorca, Chancellor of the privy seal for the King of Castille, and the same Admiral of Arragon for the King his Master, they effected as little as at Tudelo. Whereupon the King of Castille being advertised that his brother D. Henry would enter into Castille, seeing they could not conclude a peace, he came to Leon, where he would have slain D. Pedro Nugnes of Guzman, and some other Knights, which had left him, but they escaped: yet he took Pero Aluarez Osorio in Villaniebla, as he was at the table with Diego Garcia of Padilla, master of Calatrava. 
Murders committed by the King of Castille without respect of order or quality.  Coming afterwards to Burgos, he caused Diego Ari●s Maldonado he Archdeacon to be slain, for that he had received letters from his brother D. Henry of Transtamara.  
D. Henry with the army of Arragon, entered by Rioja, and took great spoils from the jews inhabiting there, but especially at Nagera: he also took the town of Haro, and came as far as Pancoruo, where he understood that the King of Castille came to encounter him, and was at Birbiesca, so as D. Henry retired to Nagera. The King of Castille passing by Grisalena, Pancoruo, Ameiugo, and Maranda of Ebro, he came to Saint Dominike de la Calçada, and then to Açofra. Here areligious man of the town of Saint Dominike presented himself unto him, and told him, that Saint Dominike had revealed unto him, and enjoined him to tell him, 
Predistiou of a Monk to the King of Castille, who caused him to be burned for his reward.  that if he did not take good heed of D. Henry his brother, he should die by his hand. The King caused this religious man to be apprehended, and carefully examined, to find out whether that which he had said had been suggested unto him by some one, or that it were a revelation. The Monk maintained that Saint Dominike had revealed it unto him, and persisted in this answer, being often examined: But the King did not regard it, and for a reward of his prediction (the which he found in the end to be true) he caused him to be burned. There were many skirmishes about Nagera, betwixt the Arragonois and Castillans, whereas the Castillans had the better, being still the more in number: but the King of Castille being not come with sufficient provision to besiege towns, leaving Nagera, and Cont Henry, he rerturned to Saint Dominike, and from thence past by Logrogno. But the Legate, who always treated a peace, procured a cessation of arms in those quarters, so as D. Henry returned into Arragon by Navarre: The King also took the way to Sevile, where being arrived he found that they had taken at sea the General of the galleys which the King of Arragon had sent into Barbary, to aid the King of Tremessen: his name was Matthew Mercier, whose head he caused to be cut off: there were four galleys also taken with him. 
Knights of Castille executed.  He also put to death there Men Rodrigues Tenorio, Fortun-Sanches Calderon, Fernand Gudiel of Toledo: they were those Knights, which being retired into Portugal had been delivered to the King of Castille, in exchange, by the king of Portugal, as hath been mentioned. He also put to death D. Pero Nugnes of Guzman, who could not avoid his own misfortune, and soon after in the town of Alfar●, he cut off the head of D. Guttiere Fernand of Toledo, for that he spoke his mind too freely in matters which did concern the good of State, and for the zeal he had to his honour and service: he caused as much to be done to Gomes Carillo of Albornoz, being in a galley. Thus this ill advised King took a delight to shed the blood of his Nobility, neither did he forbear prelates, for if he slew them not, he chased them out of his Realm with ignominy, and loss of their goods: but in the end his excess procured the just indignation of his subjects against him, which made him lose both Realm and life. Having as we have said, put to death D. Guttiere Fernandes of Toledo, he bent his fury against his brother D. Blasco Archbishop of Toledo, but he durst not dip his hands in his blood, for that he was of the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction: wherefore he sent Matthew Fernandes Chancellor of his privy seal to Toledo, to commaud him in his name to departed his country, and to retire into Portugal: the which this prelate was forced to do in such haste, as he had no leisure to take any of his stuff, but went as he was apparelled, without company, or any commodity for his voyage. And the same day that he departed, the King came to Toledo, the which did much afflict all those that had the government of the town.  
The Archbishop came to Coimbra in Portugal, where soon after he ended his days in the Monastery of Saint Dominike, with an example of notable patience, from whence his body, by the King's permission, was carried to Toledo, and there interred. Don Gomes Manrique was chosen Archbishop of Toledo in his place, and Primate of Spain, being numbered for the three score and one Prelate, or according unto some three score and two of that Church.  
Samuel Levi a jew, 
A large spoil of a jew condemned.  high Treasurer, was committed to prison in Toledo, by the King's commandment, with all his kindred, who were carried to Sevile, where he caused them to be put to death, after they had been cruelly tortured, to make them confess where their goods were; of whose confiscation the King got above four hundred and three score thousand doublons of gold, and four thousand marks of silver, besides many rich jewels and silks. Being in that city in the year of our Lord 1361. the King had an intent for to make war against the Moors, 
An. 1361.  but he deferred it for a time, being priest by that of Arragon: for about that time the treaty was effected, which had been long before practised with Gonçal Gonçales Lusio, Governor of Tarassone, 
Tarassone yielded by practice.  which place he delivered to the King of Arragon, and had the florins above mentioned in recompense: And moreover he married with Violant daughter to Don Ximenes of Vrrea, and to Donna Eluira Cornel, with the Lands of Biote, ●ace and Asinios in dowry. Don Pedro Ximenes of Sampero was put in garrison into Tarassone. The war betwixt these Potentates after some small exploits, was in the end concluded by a peace, which the Cardinal above named did mediate at Deça. By the which the Castillans which were retired into Arragon, had their Congee, and restitution of places was promised to either part, for the performance whereof hostages were delivered to the King of Navarre, or to his brother Lewis then viceroy in Navarre.  
This peace lasted not long; for the King of Castille being incensed that the Cardinal, by the apostolic Authority, had disannulled the sentences which he had given against his brother D. Henry, and other Noblemen and Knights of Castille, he broke it soon after.  
And this year 1361. 
An. 1361.  to the end he might not forget any thing that might prove himself inhuman above all men, he caused his wife D. Blanch of Bourbon to be slain, being kept in prison at Medina Sidonia, but it was by poison, whose body was afterwards carried away by the French, who upon this occasion entered into Castille, in favour of the Earl D. Henry, and she was buried at Tudela in Navarre. 
Murder of Queen ●●aach by the commandment of the King of Castille her husband.  Soon after the death of this miserable Princess, Donna Maria of Padilla died at Sevile, by whom the King had one son, called D. Alphonso, and three daughters, D. Beatrix, D. Constance, and D. Isabel: the King did her royal honours, and afterwards declared that he had married her, producing witnesses of great authority. They say that she by her wisdom and discreet persuasions, did many times divert the King from great effusions of blood. This King D. Pedro had by an other Lady, called D. Isabel, two other sons, D. Sancho and D. Diego, who are interred in the Monastery of Saint Dominike the Royal at Toledo. And moreover being fallen in love with a gentlewoman which did serve Queen Mary his mother, called Donna Theresa of Ayala, being exceeding fair, and not able to win her but by a promise of marriage, he plighted his faith unto her, and had by her one daughter, called Donna Maria: notwithstanding this Donna Theresa became a Nun, in the Monastery of Saint Dominike: thus did the King D. Pedro in all sorts abuse the laws. The King of Castille (before he would assail him of Arragon) had a great desire to fall upon the Moors of Granado, who were then in great combustion amongst themselves, and who had favoured the Arragon party, during the last wars.  
13 To show their Estate, we say that after the death of King D. Alphonso before Gibraltar, 
Moors.  they had peace with Castille, for that the King D. Pedro following his private passions, and thirsting after the blood of his Nobility, yea and his own, he was continually busy, killing and murdering men and women of all sorts and degrees throughout his Realm, not regarding the war against the Moors, but made a truce with joseph King of Granado. This King had some time after received D. john de la Cerde, son to D. Lewis, into Granado, being son in law to D. Alphonso Fernandes Cornel, and had given him means to pass into Africa, where he was an actor in the unnatural and bloody quarrels betwixt Albohacen King of Maroc, and his son Alboanen, taking the sons part against the father: where he made proof of his virtue and valour, giving a notable defeat unto King Albohacen, and he had been happy if he had not gone from thence into Spain, where he ended his days miserably. King joseph thinking to be at peace within his Realm, found himself plunged in sedition and conspiracies made against him by his own subjects, whereof an uncle of his called Mahomad, or Mahumet was the chief, who being desirous to reign, caused him to be slain, in the year of our Lord 1354. the one and twentieth of his reign, and of the Arabians seven hundred thirty and seven.   

Mahomad Lagus the eight King of Granado.  
THis Mahomad or Mahumet, surnamed Lagus, which is as much to say, as the old, succeeded, by this murder, in the Kingdom of Granado: he was brother to King Ishmael, of whom we have made mention, and soon to Ferrachen Governor of Malaga, and held his Estate with great trouble and difficulty: for besides that the Arabians are by nature inconstant, and enemies to rest, it was then the custom in Granado, and hath always been, but the Kings have been instituted, maintained, or rejected at the will of the knights Granadins, and of some governors of chief places, as of Malaga, Almery, Baça and G●adix, some times raising one, some times an other, and rejecting and killing them according to their passions and private interests.  
This King Mahomad already old, being in possession of the Realm of Granado, he entertained the friendship of Don Pedro King of Castille, whom he furnished with four galleys well appointed, to join unto his army, when as he went in person before Barcelona▪ as we have said. But it happened, that in the year 1360. some Knights and captains Moors, finding themselves ill entreated and little favoured by King Mahomad the old, they had intelligence with an other Mahumet, called Vermilion, or Aben Alhamar, who descended (as he said) from the first Kings of Granado, and wrought so with the aid of the children of Ozmin, and especially with him who was called Ezdriz Aben Balua, as being seized upon the fort and castle of Alhambra, they chased away Mahumet the Old, and raised Vermilion in his place, so called for that his face was very red: and they did not only dispossess Lagus of the city of Granado, but of most of the strong places of the country, to the which they were the more emboldened, seeing D. Pedro King of Castille very busy in the wars Arragon.  
The King thus dispossessed retired to Ronda, then held by the King of Maroc, or Fez, and there kept himself for a time: so as at that time in the country of Granado, there reigned three Kings Moors: 
Three Kings in Granado.  that is this King dispossessed, who held yet some places, King Mahumet Aben Alhamar, and Alboanen King of Fez, who also enjoyed some towns in Andalusia. King Vermilion fearing that his adversary Mahumet the Old, would find aid in Castille, to be restored, and finding himself unable to resist the King D. Pedro, he joined with Arragon, and sought friendship and support there, the which he obtained: so as when the Arragonois priest their enemies in Castille, the king of the Moors ran into Andalusia, and the country of Murcia. Notwithstanding Mahumet the Vermilion sought afterwards to assure himself of the King of Castille, by some accord, from whom he obtained a truce, and they were friends in show: but the King D. Pedro concealed his spleen until a fit opportunity, as one that did never forget an injury. The Moor (being well informed of his disposition) did not greatly trust him, and therefore he sought to draw Alboanen King of Maroc into a league, whereof the African King excused himself, for that he was in league with the King of Castille, and much bound unto him, neither could the King of Granados persuasions prevail, that joining with him, and the King of Arragon, they might soon ruin the King of Castille: but nothing could alter the King of Maroc, but he continued firm in the friendship of Castille, from whence he had been aided with some galleys and soldiers in his conquests, and war against his father: and withal he advertised the King D. Pedro of all these practices, who for these considerations was the more easily persuaded to make a peace with Arragon, to the end he might punish him of Granado, against whom he began to raise an army in the year 1361. to which end he came to Sevile. King Mahumet Aben Alhamar seeing these preparations, did also provide for his part, but he was prevented by the King of Castille, who having sent for the dispossessed King, and drawn him to Sevile, made an accord with him, that whatsoever either of them should take in the Realm of Granado should remain to the taker: These two Princes, D. Pedro of Castille, and Mahumet the Old of Granado came and besieged Antequera, but they could not take it: wherefore they began to overrun the champain country of Granado, thinking that many of the horsemen moors would come and join with them, and take part with King Mahumet the Old, but it succeeded otherwise: for the army of Granado stood firm at the bridge of Vilollos', and came courageously to encounter the Castillans, yet with disadvantage and loss.  
The Christians pursuing the victory came to the bridge of Pinos, with the same hope that the Granadins would revolt, but they made no show of it: wherefore the King D. Pedro returned with his army to Alcala of Bencaide. At this retreat the Moors of King Mahumet the Vermilion took courage, so as there parted from their camp about six hundred horse and two thousand foot, who did overrun the government of Caçorla, sacked Peal of Hesero, took many prisoners, and brought away a great number of cattle: but as they returned with this prey they were encountered about Linueça by Diego Garcia of Padilla, Master of Calatrava, 
The Moors defeated.  Don Henry Henriques Governor of the frontier, and Men Roderiques of Biedma, captain of the Bishopric or territory of jaen, who put them to rout, killing and taking many of them, the rest saved themselves in the rocks.  
The year following 1362. 
An. 1362.  the Christians, encouraged which this victory, entered the Moors country, and presented themselves before Guadix, where there were six hundred horse Moors, and about four thousand foot, which King Vermilion had lodged there, being advertised of the Christians design. These Moors kept themselves close, making no show nor offering to sally forth, so as the Christians, thinking the garrison to be weak, divided their forces, 
Christians defeated by the Moors.  leading a part of them towards the valley of Alhama: which the Moors discovering, they sallied forth upon the remainder, and defeated them easily, where (among others) D. Diego Garcia of Padilla master of Calatrava, was taken prisoner, who being led to Granado, was not only well enertained by King Mahumet Aben Alhamar, but also set at liberty without ransom, and presented with many rich gifts: the King desiring to make him his friend, and by his means to purchase some favour with the King of Castille, and the Noblemen of his court; among the which D. Diego Garcia (as brother to Donna Maria of Padilla, and uncle to the children which the King D. Pedro had had) was in great credit and authority. Being returned into Castille, the King was glad of his liberty, but he did not much esteem the bounty of the Moorish King: for D. Pedro was cruel and implacable by nature, and reproached the master, that by his indiscretion he had been the cause of the rout of his men, and of his own imprisonment. The King entered afterwards in person into the country of Granado, and took Isnaiar, Cisnaiar, Ambra, Benamexir and Zagra, and then returned unto Sevile: but King Mahumet the Vermilion brought his army presently to Zagra, and assaulted it in such sort, as Fernand of Gadillo, captain of the garrison, was forced to leave it: whereat the King D. Pedro was so moved, as (notwithstanding that he had defended it as much as he could and ought, according to the reasons of war) he caused his head to be cut off: 
Rigour of the King D. Pedro.  and to restrain the Moors, he returned instantly into their country, where he took Hardeles, Turon, Cuevas and other castles: king Mahumet the old being also in field. As this war was long, and hard for the Granadins to maintain, against so great a power as that of Castille: so it began to be troublesome to most of the knights Moors: so as in Granado, and in the court, there was nothing to be heard but murmuring, & words of discontent; whereupon King Vermilion grew very doubtful of his subjects, who objected continually, that, for the quarrel of two men, the towns and forts of the realm were made a prey unto the Christians. King Vermilion being in this perplexity, and fearing lest they should recall his competitor Mahumet the old, and that he should be ignominiously chased away, or slain, was advised by his chief and most confident friends (especially by Ezdriz allen Balua who had greatly favoured him in getting the crown) to quit Granado, and to retire himself to his enemy the king of Castille, thinking, that having showed himself liberal & courteous unto Diego Garcia of Padilla, he should also find some favour in the court, and (at all events) that the King of Castille would be glad to be judge and arbitrator betwixt him and Mahumet the old; and that this assurance and confidence which he showed, coming to yield himself unto him, would avail him something. This was a foolish and rash resolution of his, knowing what a monster in nature the King D. Pedro was, how greedy he was of revenge, and how glad to shed blood. This il-aduised king came to present himself with four hundred horse, and about twenty hundred foot, before Baena, where as D. Guttiere Gomes of Toledo Prior of Saint john commanded, who wondering much at this unexpected chance did accompany him unto the court at Sevile, where as the king D. Pedro received him very graciously at his arrival, and heard the oration that was made unto him in this king's behalf quietly, tending that he would be pleased to take knowledge of affection which had moved him to come and yield himself unto him, grounded upon the remembrance that his ancestors had been vassals to the king of Castille, the which he would never have contradicted, had not the favour which he had seen done unto his adversary Mahumet Lagus, or the old, driven him into distrust: notwithstanding having in the end considered that he should find equity and justice in the king D. Pedro, not willing to persist (for his part) in any rebellion, he had resolved to come and yield himself unto him, and to refer unto his good judgement, the controversies which were betwixt him and his adversary, to the end that he might determine them according unto reason: That as for himself, being of the blood of the first Kings of Granado, whose royal seat the race of Farrachen had usurped, he thought he had done nothing against the duty of a man of honour, to have sought to recover his grandfathers Kingdom, beseeching him to have regard thereof: and if he should find it good to deprive him of his crown (the which he could not believe) he besought him to give him, and his, means to pass into Africa, into the Moors country. The King D. Pedro made show to hear these reasons without any passion, and assured him that he would reconcile him with his competitor, causing his lodging to be made in the jews place of the city of Sevile; but being displeased with the practices which he had made to his prejudice, with the Kings of Arragon and Maroc, he burned with a desire to be revenged. Being afterwards advertised that this King Vermilion had brought many jewels, and great store of gold from Granado, he was so far transported with a desire to spoil him of this treasure, as without any further deliberation, he commanded Martin Lopes of Cordova, his chamberlain, to go and take him prisoner, with all those that were with him, and to put them into the Ataraçana, or Arçenal, then seeking an occasion to dispatch him, he caused his process to be made, for that he had been an actor in the death of King Ishmael, 
Cruelty, covetousness a●● infidelity of 〈◊〉 Pedro King of Castille.  brother to King Mahumet the old, and condemned him to die, with seven and thirty other Knights, which were taken with him; according to which sentence he caused him to be drawn out of the Ataraçana, and the seven and thirty knights with him, who we led to the field of Tablada, and there executed, in a great assembly and concourse of people from all parts. This miserable King Mahumet Aben Alhamar, being brought upon an ass, clad in a robe of scarlet, was the last which suffered: but he had this consolation, that D. Pedro himself, was his executioner, who reproaching him with the alliance he had had with the King of Arragon, thrust him through with a lance, at which blow Mahumet cried out in his own language. Ha Pedro, thou hast done a poor exploit, and purchased a shameful triumph this day: afterwards he made an end of him, and cut off his head: This was the second year of the reign of this Moor, and the 745. of the Arabians. King Mahumet Lagus, or the old, being assured by this death, returned to Granado, joyful to be thus freed of his enemy, whose head the King D. Pedro sent unto him: The Granadins received him without contradiction, in the year 1362. And he to recompense the King of Castille for he goodly present he had made him of his Competitors head, delivered all the Knights and Castillans which had been taken at the encounter of Guadix, without any ransom. Ezdriz Aben Balua chief councillor to King Mahumet Vermilion, remained prisoner with the King of Castille, with many others, whereof some were redeemed for money; others were exchanged for other prisoners in after times, and some died miserably in prison. The truce betwixt Castille and Granado was renewed, and new homage sworn by Mahumet the Old to the King D. Pedro, paying the tribute which had been paid to the kings his predecessors. These things thus ended, the king of Castille stayed not long to begin war against Arragon.  
14 For the effecting whereof, with greater advantage, he sought to engage the king of Navarre in this war, being newly come out of France, 
Navarre.  into his own realm, in 1361. much desired, and well received, as one that had been long absent. He rewarded the Noblemen and knights, which had served and succoured him in his affairs of France, bountifully, among the which the most remarkable were, D. Roderigo of Vrris who had for his good services, the government of the jurisdictions of Sanguesse, Olite and Tudelo: The Baron of Garro was recompensed in an other sort, being a wandering knight, and sought employment in the wars, so as being loath to stay in Navarre, he returned into France. As all things had been resonablie quiet in Navarre until that time, there was an occasion offered to trouble all, by the coming of Inigo Lopes of Orozco, and Arrias Gonçales of Valez, Ambassadors for D. Pedro king of Castille, who came in their masters name, 
Charles King of Navarre practised by him of Castille.  to congratulate king Charles his coming, to seek his friendship, and a new league, and to procure an interview of these two kings. King Charles was glad of this embassage, and as he had always an intent to have war with the French King, unill that he had restored him the lands which he pretended to be his, he did much esteem the friendship of Castille, to make use thereof at such a need. He therefore promised the Ambassadors to come to Soria in Castille, and having first concluded with the Ambassadors a kind of peace, he went thither in the year 1362. having in his company his brother Lewis, Captal of Buche (a great Nobleman of Guienne) the Abbot of Fescain, and others, as well Navarrois as French. The King of Castille came to the place assigned, and received him with great demonstrations of love, where for the first act they confirmed the Articles of peace, containing an offensive and defensive league against all men. After some days spent in feasts, sports and exercises of arms, the King of Castille having invited the King of Navarre to a great banquet, he told him, that he had some thing to say unto him: whereupon being retired into a gallery, the King of Castille used these words, in the presence of D. Garcia Aluarez of Toledo, master of Saint james, Inigo Lopes of Orosco, Martinianes of Sevile, high treasurer, Martin Lopes of Cordova, great Chamberlain, Matthew Fernandes Chancellor of the privy seal, all of his privy council, and of the chief Noblemen and Knights which had accompanied King Charles; Brother (said he) seeing we have made an oath to aid one an other against our enemies, I will let you understand, that the peace I have with the King of Arragon, was made against my will, and to the prejudice of mine honour: for Aben Alhamar King of Granado, being confederate with him, spoiled my country of Andalusie, which made me yield unto a peace that I might punish this Moor: and now that I have had my revenge, I am not bound to observe this peace, unless the places which I yielded up be restored me again, and the charges of the war, caused by the King of Arragon, paid: wherefore according to the promise which you have made me, and sworn, I summon you to aid me with your forces, and person, in this war. The King of Navarre was much amazed at this speech, being thus surprised, and knew not what to answer: for he presumed the King of Castille had not had any enemies, when he swore this peace and league. In the end he seemed desirous to do what the King of Castille would have him but he demanded time to confer privately with his councillors which attended him, All were of opinion he should obey the King D. Pedro, else it would be dangerous, that being in his power he would do him some affront, being rash, cruel, and without respect: besides, the country of Navarre being then unfurnished, and the forces of Castille round about them, it was to be feared, that if he seemed unwilling to do that which he required, with his detention, he would cause his men to overrun his country, to the great prejudice both of himself, and the Navarrois his subjects. He believed them, and made answer to the King of Castille, that both himself and his means were at his commandment; provided, that he yielded the like unto him, if he received any discommodity by making himself an enemy to the King of Arragon, his brother in law. The alliance of Castille which he so much sought, to make use thereof against the French, brought him into this error, that he made no difficulty to put himself into the hands of the most disloyal Prince living.  
In the peace made betwixt Castille and Arragon, 
Castille.  there had been propounded, that D. Pedro King of Castille, should marry D. jeanne second daughter to the King of Arragon: for D. Constance the eldest had been married to D. Frederic of Sicily; but the Ambassador of Castille by his masters commandment, made a motion for the marriage betwixt D. Alphonso son to D. Maria of Padilla, and D. Leonora the youngest daughter of Arragon, the which was concluded upon condition, that the king of Castille should cause his son D. Alphonso to be declared lawful heir of the Realms of Castille, Leon etc. and that he should give him presently the Siegneury of Molina, with the towns of Almaçan and Medina Celi, whereof D. Garci Aluares of Toledo, master of St. james, and his high Steward, should be put in possession, and that the pretended marriage betwixt the king, and D. Maria of Padilla, should be proved by him to have been done after the decease of Queen Blanch the King of Arragon promising for himself and his successors, that if after the decease of Don Pedro King of Castille, there should be any question made unto D. Alphonso his son in law, touching the succession, he should aid and assist him with all the forces of Arragon. Don Pedro King of Castille, to have this declaration made, and his son Alphonso acknowledged for lawful heir, had called the Estates to Sevile, and there the fact being propounded by him, it was received, & allowed, & future obedience sworn unto the Infant, by the Estates, as heir after his father: consenting that Donna Maria of Padilla deceased, should be called Queen, and her daughters D. Beatrix, D. Constance, and Donna Izabella, Infants of Castille: but neither of the marriage, nor of any thing thereon depending, was there any account made, after the interview of the kings of Navarre and Castille at Soria: but without all respect of accords, promises or oaths; assoon as these two kings were parted, 
Peace broken by the Cast●●a● with Arragon.  he of Castille came with a great power into Arragon, and took Ariça, Ateça, Terrer, Mros, Cerina and Alhama, and laid siege to Calatajub, the which he took, and put to rout many knights which came to secure it: by reason whereof, Aranda with other towns and castles yielded. Then having left Don Garci Aluares of Toledo, Master of the knights of Saint james, upon the frontier, he returned to Sevile.  
On the other part, the King of Navarre, because he would not fail of his promise made at Soria, sent to denounce war against the king of Arragon, his brother-in-law, for that during his affairs and imprisonment in France, he would not succour him: 
War declare 〈◊〉 by the king 〈◊〉 Navarre against Arragon.  whereunto the king of Arragon offering to satisfy him with good reasons, he would not hear any. Having therefore assembled his forces, he came to besiege the town of Sos, and took it; then Saluaterra running by the valleys of the Pyrenees, unto the town of jacca, where as the king of Arragon had placed Peter of Pomar for Governor. The king Don Charles being returned into his country, he had soon after a supply of two thousand men at arms sent him out of Castille, which he disposed with his Navarrois upon the frontiers of Arragon, whereas they did spoil, burn, and murder. In the mean time the Infant D. Alphonso of Castille, who should have been son-in-law to the king of Arragon, died. 
An. 1363.  In the year 1363. the king of Castille doubting that the French would be revenged for the death of Queen Blanch of Bourbon, whom he had caused to be poisoned, after that he had entreated her unworthily many years, seeing also a peace made betwixt them and the English, he sent Ambassadors to Edward king of England, and to the Prince of Wales his soon, to demand their alliance and friendship, the which they willingly granted.  
The king of Arragon understanding well that the war which the king of Navarre made against him, was forced, he sought by subtle means to divide him from his alliance with Castille. And knowing that king Charles had always been in quarrel with the French king, for the Duchy of Bourgogne and other lands, he sent Don john Fernandes of Heredia, in embassage to King john, who being come into avignon, and having had many conferences with the Lords of the French kings Council, he prevailed so much as they were content to refer all controversies to the arbitrement of the king of Arragon his Master, and to six Cardinals: for which cause the kings of Navarre and Arragon, began from that time to have secret intelligence one with another, to the prejudice of Castille. Notwithstanding the army of Castille returning into Arragon, the king of Navarre sent his brother Lewis, with many Navarrois and Gascons, among others Don Martin Henriques of Lacarra, Standard-bearer of the Realm, and Captal of Buch unto them. Siege was laid to Tarraçone, and the place taken, in the which was Albert a Knight of S. john. Boria was also taken, and john Ximenes of S. Piren, with other Knights which were within it: the castle of Vaguena was burnt, with the Captiane which defended it, called Michael Barnabas, whose son, carrying the same name, was for this cause made noble by the king of Arragon, with all his posterity, by a decree made by the Body of the State. Cariniena was also taken, where as Don Pedro King of Castille used horrible cruelties upon the inhabitants; for those that he left alive, were afflicted with torments more grievous than death: of some he cut off the hands, of oaths the feet, and of some the noses and ears. Magallon and the Viscount of Isle which defended it, Teruel, castle Habib, Ademus, Villel, and the town of Segorue were also made subject to the king of Castille. Don Pedro Maca was taken in the castle of Segorue, and Ximen Doriz at Xerica. After which the K. of Castille took Mormedro, Almenara, Bugnol, Macasta, Benaguazil, Alpuche, with many other places and forts, even to the gates of Valence, where as Don Alphonso of Arragon, Earl of Denis commanded. There the king of Castille and Don Lewis camped, and had many skirmishes: but hearing that the king of Arragon, and Don Henry and Don Tello brethren to the king of Castille, (being banished) came with three thousand horse, to fight with them, they dislodged, and retired to Moruiedro, refusing a battle, for that the army of Castille was much lessened, having left garrisons in as many places, as they had taken. Don Gil Fernandes of Caravallo, Master of Saint james of Portugal, was in that army.  
After this retreat the Abbot of Fescan, 
Navarre and Arragon.  Legate for the Pope, laboured to make a peace betwixt these Princes, and obtained of the king of Castille, that D. Lewis of Navarr should be employed, who went to confer with the king of Arragon at Burriana, and brought Don Alphonso of Arragon, Earl of Denia, to the king of Castille, being at Moruiedro: he was afterwards made Constable of Castille, and Marquis of Vilena: with him came Don Bernard of Cabrera with others, but all their endeavours were vain. For the King of Castille would not hear speak of peace, 
The perfidy of Don Pedro of Arragon against the earl of Transtamara  unless the king of Arragon would promise to kill Don Henry Earl of Transtamara, and Don Tello his brethren, with Don Fernand of Arragon, the which he refused to do in the beginning, seeming to have horror of so wicked an act, as to betray them which had fled to him for protection, and had served him: yet afterwards he made no conscience thereof, seeing himself pressed, and his country so spoiled by the King of Castille, but agreed with the king of Navarre to kill Don Henry, the which God would not permit; for he had appointed him for the Realm of Castille and Leon, and to be an exemplary scourge for the tyrant Don Pedro, who promised to give the town of Logrogno to Charles king of Navarre, if he would assist him in this murder.  
For the effecting hereof, the two kings of Navarre and Arragon concluded an interview at Sos: King Charles pretending that he would quit the alliance of Castille. For assurance and guard of the town, where these two kings should meet, there was chosen for Governor, Don john Ramires of Areillan, a knight of Navarre, Chamberlain to king Charles, who took for his Lieutenant his brother Ramir of Areillan, with thirty men at arms, thirty Lances, twenty Crossbows, and other soldiers. The kings entered into Sos, either of them with two men: whither Don Henry and Don Tello had been sent for to come: Don Henry came accompanied with eight hundred horse; the which having left without the town, he entered with two more as the kings had done. There entered also the Abbot of Fescan, but ignorant of what was intended against Don Henry. The kings having treated long of their affairs in show, thinking it a fit time to dispatch Don Henry, they talked secretly with Don john Ramires, persuading him with great promises to execute this murder: but this knight who was noble and virtuous, would never yield unto it, saying, that he had rather die an hundred times, then to blemish his good name with so execrable a crime.  
The kings seeing that their hopes were vain to make him the minister of their treason, they knew not what to do, but to dissemble their enterprise, and retire into their countries, imposing silence to D. john Ramires; who merited immortal commendation for this generous act: besides, that God did greatly honour him afterwards, having directed him into Castille, at such time as D. Henry reigned, of whom he was beloved and cherished, and obtained from him the Segneurie of los Cameros. From him are descended the Earls of Aguilar of the family of Areillan. This business ill attempted, and not able to be executed, was for that time dissembled. There had past many former treaties and accords betwixt this. Pedro king of Arragon, and his brother D. Fernand Marquis of Tortosa, to the prejudice of D. Henry, for that they found him desirous to reign in Castille, of which Realm D. Fernand was the lawful heir, if D. Pedro the cruel died without children begotten in lawful matrimony: but the king of Arragon had never any intent to do good unto his brother D. Fernand, nor to procure him any honour and advancement: but as he was a man full of disdainful envy, and without love or respect of any that did him service: so he spared no man, and dissembled with all men for his present commodity.  
Don Henry who knew him well, could also dissemble for his part, and stand upon his guard: he could handle him so cunningly, as by the means and forces of Arragon, he made himself a way to attain unto his designs.  
16 Soon after there was a new and strict League made with him, whereupon Don john Fernandes of Heredia, and Francis of Perillos', Captains to the king of Arragon, were went with money into France to levy men.  
During these treaties and practices, there was no cessation of arms, 
Castille.  at what time it fell out, that the king took four galleys of Castille, their king being at Moruiedro, from whence he parted to come into Castille, at which time there was a soon borne him at Almaçan, of a Lady called Donna Izabella, which soon he named Don Sancho: soon after returning to the war, more enraged then ever against the king of Arragon, he marched into the country of Valence, having always in his company Mahomad the Moor, king of Granado; he took Alicant, Xixona, Gandie, Olive, and other places, but he was in danger to have been suddenly surprised, and defeated in his retreat by Don Henry Earl of Transtamara, had he not been advertised by one of Castro of Ordiales. Having escaped this danger, this religious king went in pilgrimage in his shirt, with a halter about his neck to place called our Lady of Puch.  
The king of Castille entered many times into Arragon and Valence: neither could the king of Arragon hinder him from forcing of many places, the which he left manned with good garrisons of Castillans; and at sea he had not always the worst, although the Arragonois were the more expert mariners: from whom the Castillans took in the year 1364. five galleys, which were carried to Carthagena, and the captains, mariners, and soldiers (for the most part) put to death by the king's commandment.  
17 The king of Arragon being desirous to be freed from this war, 
Arragon.  sought all means by the king of Navarre, to draw the king of Castille to some good accord, but it was labour lost: wherefore the kings of Navarre and Arragon resolved to make a league betwixt them; for confirmation whereof, they concluded a marriage betwixt the Infant Donna jeanne sister to king Charles, and Don john Duke of Girone, the heir of Arragon, being then fourteen years old. And moreover, the king of Arragon bound himself to give lands and revenues to Don Lewis brother to king Charles, and to provide him a wife, and to give fifty thousand florins to ungage certain towns, which king Charles had pawned to Gaston Phoebus' Earl of Foix his brother-in-law, and to entertain him a certain number of men against any enemy whatsoever: namely, six hundred horsemen of the country of Navarre, if it were against Castille; but if it were against France, then to entertain him a thousand, and to aid him at need with all his forces both by sea and land: and moreover he quit unto him for ever, and to remain to the Crown of Navarre, Saluatierra, and the place called the Term of Real. For assurance of these things which were very honourable for the king of Navarre, he of Arragon promised to lay in deposito the town of jacca, Vncastilla, Sos, Exea, and Thermael, which should be committed to the fidelity of Raymond Allemand of Ceruillon, a knight of Arragon, who for this effect should be discharged of his oath of homage and vassalage, which he ought unto the king of Arragon; and should swear fealty to him of Navarre, to deliver him the places put into his hands, if the abovementioned accord should be broken by the king of Arragon. The king of Navarre promised for his part to quit the alliance of the king of Castille, and to make war against him and his children: and for his part he laid in pawn the town and castle of Sanguesse, Gallipienço, Vxué, Aybar, Caseda, Pitellas and Penna, and moreover the person of Arnaud Lord of Luse, his Chamberlain, who was much favoured by him: which articles were sworn at Vncastillo, in the presence of the Earls of Transtamara, Ribagorça, and others, whom the Kings commanded to keep this league secret. It was not sufficient for these two Kings to fortify themselves against the attempts of the king of Castille, 
Division of the Realm of Castille before they had conqueredit.  for their safeties and defence, but they would also divide the bears skin before they had taken him, sharing the Realm of Castille in such sort, as the king of Navarre should have the city of Burgos, with all old Castille, all the country of the mountains of Oca unto the limits of Navarre, and the Ocean sea: comprehending therein the Provinces of Guipuscoa, Alan, and Biscay, and moreover the towns of Soria and Agreda: And for the king of Arragon were assigned the Realms of Toledo and Murcia. They did also conspire the death of Don Pedro king of Castille: the king of Arragon offering to him of Navarre 200000. florins, and the propriety of the towns and castles of Sos, Vncastel, Exea and Tiermas, if he slew him, or delivered him prisoner unto him, and without it he offered him presently the city of jacca, with the territory and valleys. The better to dissemble these practices, they ordained that Don Lewis the king of Navarres brother, should make a road into Arragon, but he should suffer himself to be taken prisoner by Don Alphonso Earl of Ribagorça; the which was done: but Lewis of Navarre was soon delivered, and the king of Navarre did so dissemble his intentions, as the king of Castille could not discover any thing.  
This last design was thus plotted betwixt the two kings without the privity of any man, in regard of Don Henry Earl of Transtamara, with whom the king of Arragon had other practices. For Don Henry affecting openly the Realm of Castille, upon hope of the favours which he attended from France, promised unto the king of Arragon, that if he assisted him, he would give him to hold in Sovereignty, the sixth part of the lands he should conquer by his aid in Castille, whereunto the king of Arragon gave ear, being always unjust unto his brother Don Fernand, Marquis of Tortosa, to whom the Realm of Castille did belong by right, if Don Pedro the cruel died without lawful heirs. These bargains were not so secret, but the Infant Don Fernand had some notice thereof, for the which he was so transported, and made such a stir, as the king of Arragon, and the Earl of Transtamara resolved to dispatch him, of which council was Don Bernard of Cabrera, the which was soon after executed: for the Infant Don Fernand seeing that himself was no more secured in Arragon then in Castille, 
Death of Don Fernand of Arragon.  and therefore desiring to retire himself into France, the King of Arragon his brother found means to stay him, and to kill him in the castle of Buriane, in the territory of Valence.  
In the year 1363. john the French king died, being returned into England, 
An. 1363.  for to deliver the hostages which he had given, not being able to induce the States of the kingdom to accomplish the capitulations with the English. Charles King of Navarre hearing these news, he made preparation to pass into France; to which Realm Charles the fift his brother in-law had succeeded, but this war of Arragon had so entangled him, as he could not: so as his affairs prospered not well on this side the Pyreneé mountains.  
In the year 1364. 
An. 1364.  the two kings of Navarre and Arragon, renewed their league, but with some alteration, 
King of Navarre open enemy to the king of Castille.  the King of Navarre having already discovered himself an enemy to the king of Castille. To this end they met at Sos, where they agreed to continue this war against Castille, and that it should not be lawful for the one to make any peace or truce without the consent of the other. That the king of Navarre should make no accord with the French king, but he of Arragon should be comprehended. They gave hostages one unto another for assurance of their conventions. The king of Arragon gave his son D. Martin. and he of Navarre a son of. Lewis his brother, and the children of Don john Ramires of Areillan, of Don Martin Henriques, of the Lord of Grammont, of Don Bertrand of Guevara, Fernand Gil of Asian, Martin Martin's of Oriz, and of Michael Sanches of Vrsua. These articles were sworn by the chief knights and towns of either part: and for that the sums of money promised to the king of Navarre, at the capitulation of Vncastello, were much augmented, it was said, that the K. of Arragon should deliver him 50000. florins presently in Sos, and for the rest he should have delivered him in pawn the city of jacca, Sos, Vncastello, Tiermas, and Exea. Another private accord was made betwixt the king Don Charles, and Don Henry of Transtamara, in whose hands the hostages should remain. The king of Navarre promised to enter in person into Castille, and there to make war, and to be assured of Don Henry, he would have in hostage for his part, his daughter Donna Leonora, who was afterwards Queen of Navarre, and a base son of his called Don Alphonso Henriques. The Earl promised, that if at any time he should get the realm of Castille, he would suffer the King of Navarre to enjoy the lands of the ancient patrimony of Navarre, usurped by the Kings of Castille, with divers others.  
These treaties betwixt the king of Navarre, and Don Henry Earl of Transtamara, were secret and unknown to the king of Arragon, 
Arragon.  who governed himself for the most part, by the advice of Don Bernard of Cabrera, a wise Knight, and of great experience, by whom he was often persuaded from that which the other would have him yield unto▪ for the which he was hated by the king of Navarre, and Don Henry: besides, being a privy Councillor, and of greatest authority, he was envied by the other Noblemen of Arragon, who were less favoured: wherefore these Princes being again assembled at Almudear, the king of Navarre, and the Earls of Transtamara and Ribagorça, conspired to deprive the King of Arragon of this Councillor, 
D. Bernard of Cabrera in disgrace with his King.  and wrought so, as they brought him into disgrace with the king. Don Bernard, being advertised that they meant to apprehend him, sought to retire himself, and flying came into Navarre to Carcastillo, the inhabitants whereof, seeing that he was poursued by Garci Lopes of Seize, shut their town gates: but being summoned by Garci Lopes in the name of the two kings, to deliver Don Bernard, they stayed him, attending the king's commandment, who willed them to deliver him unto Garci Lopes, who conveyed him to Murillo, where he remained some time in hope to be delivered▪ by which he was so hated by the king of Navarre, and Earl of Transtamara, as they never ceased by importune accusations, until they had put him to death.  
This Bernard of Cabrera has before the year 1346. being forced to come to Court, and to employ himself in great affairs of State, wherein he was very judicious, when as (weary of the world) he had resolved to become a Monk. The king had cherished and advanced him, and received many good counsels, and profitable services from him, as well in the civil wars within his own Realm, as in that of Sardinia and Castille. But as Courtiers, the more they seek the greatness and honour of their Prince and are by them the more honoured and beloved, are the more subject to envy, so fared it with him; for having been faithful to the king his master, he purchased the hatred of all the Princes and Noblemen of the Realm: so as when he was taken by the practices of the king of Navarre and Earl of Transtamara, there was not any one that did favour him: but as it were by a common conspiracy, his process was made, and the Infant Don john Prince of Girone, whom he had bred up, made his judge, where sitting in justice, and having for assistant Dominicke of Cerdagne, chief justice of Arragon, (who by his charge and office should defend the oppressed) pronounced sentence of death against this poor decrepit old man.  
They writ, that his sentence being read by Don Berenger Apilia, and james Monelia Vice-chanchelor, he complained greatly, that he should be condemned without hearing, or in a manner any form of process: but Apilia answered him, that he ought not to hold it strange, seeing that by his own Council, that custom had been brought into Arragon: and that he should remember the process which was too summarily made against john Ximenes of Vrrea, and Raymond Marquet, accused to have slain Raymond of S. Vincent; who, 
Bernard beheaded.  by the king's commandment, and in a manner without any form of process, had been put to death. He was led unto the ma●ket place of Sarragossa, and there beheaded, and his head was carried unto the king, being at Barcelona. Such rewards many times have the most faithful Councillors, of their ill advised Princes. Thus miserably died one of the greatest personages in nobility, judgement, and virtue, which had been of long time in Arragon, who without the king his master had executed great matters, and the king without him did never any thing of worth. All his goods were confiscate to the king, whereby he pourchased great dishonour, and rightly, both for his death, and for that of his brother Don Fernand. Bernardin of Cabrera, son to Bernard, had married Marguerite of Foix, daughter to the Viscount of Castelbon, by Constance of Luna, sister to D. Lope, a Lady of the blood royal of Arragon: for she was daughter to Artal of Luna, and to D. Constance Perez, who was daughter to Don james Perez, base son to the king Don Pedro the third. At that time the Prince Don john did not much exceed fourteen years, yet he was employed in great affairs within the Realm, as well for war as justice, with a dispensation for his age, being assisted by Don Pedro Earl of Ribagorça, (who having renounced the world in his old age, had taken upon him the habit of Saint Francis) and moreover, by Don Pedro of Vrgel, soon to the Infant D. james the King's brother, and by the Viscount of Cardona for the war: and for justice and other affairs of the Realm, he had for his Councillors Berenger Apilia, Bernard Sous, William Guymerand, and Thomas Marzan of Cattelogne.  
During this last war betwixt Castille and Arragon, D. Pedro king of Arragon, priest by necessity, took the revenues of many benefices, without demanding leave from the Pope, and the more inconsiderately, 
Revenues of Churches tak●n in without the Pope's leave.  say they, for that urban then reigning, had never refused him any thing: wherefore he was in great danger to be excommunicated, and dejected from the rights of his Realms, especially from that of Sardinia, which he held in fee of the Church: the sovereignty whereof many of the Cardinals were of advice to give to the judge of Arborea. The king for this cause sent his uncle D. Pedro, sometimes Earl of Ribagorça, and then a Friar, and Gaspar Tregure, Doctor of the laws, unto the Pope: who declared in open Consistory, That in like necessities and miseries, as the Realm of Arragon was then in, it had been lawful for kings, not only to use the temporal revenues, but also to lay hands upon the relics, and holy vessel of the Churches: adding, that the Ecclesiastical Estate was no less bound to the preservation of the commonweal, than other Estates: and that kings might freely use their means in such extremities, so as he promised to make them restitution in a convenient time. Whereupon the Pope considering of the cause, did not pronounce any sentence. The judge of Arborea, having either practised the favour of the Consistory, or else moved with a desire to reign, attempted thereupon to make sharp war against the Arragonois is Sardinia, a turbulent Island, which continually bred new matter of charge and loss to the kings of Arragon, who had a little before ended all quarrels with the Genovois, and by the means of john Marquis of Montferrat his ally: but to leave a mark of punishment of the Rebels of Sardinia, he had suppressed the name of Galluri, the which was wont to be one of the members thereof, with the title of a judge, ordaining that from thencefoorth that country should be confused, betwixt the Cap of Cailleri and of Lugudori.  
To return unto the promises and capitulations made betwixt the two kings of Navarre and Arragon, there was no due execution thereof, 
Navarre.  neither were the hostages, which had been promised, delivered: for it is no ordinary thing in such treaties, to have deeds follow words, these Princes being in continual jealousy and distrust one of another●wherfore the King of Navarre, 
Princes in continual distrust  receiving no money from the king of Arragon, he did not furnish him with men to oppose against the army of Castille, which was entered into the territories of Valence, beginning withal to think of many desseins, nothing favourable for the king of Arragon. If the king of Navarre, having deceived the king of Castille, sought to do the like unto him of Arragon; the king of Arragon for his part did no less unto the king of Navarre: for he had sent his ambassadors into France, who treated a league at Tholousa, with the Deputies of Charles the fifth the French king, and with Lewis. D. of Anjou his brother, by the which the French promised to aid the king of Arragon to conquer the realm of Navarre, and to spoil K. Charles, and having conquered it, they bond themselves to furnish him always with 500 lances, against any one that should seek to dispossess him. The K. of Arragon promised also for his part to aid the the French to conquer Guienna, and to expel the English. These accords were made in the year 1364, Charles the fifth the French king, and Charles 2. king of Navarre being enemies. But as they were Frenchmen, and brothers-in-law, they were reconciled afterwards, & concluded a peace: so as the king of Arragon lost his pains, and the alliance which he had sought in France, served him to no use, yet the war continued that year betwixt the French, and the partisans of the K. of Navarre in France: but in the year 1365. 
An. 1365.  Queen jeanne wife to the king of Navarre, made haste to come to the French Court, to treat a peace betwixt the two kings; whereof the one was her husband, and the other her brother: for the K. of Arragon did importune the French king, to effect the league concluded the year before at Tholousa, especially for the conquest of Navarre; for which reason he had sent new ambassadors unto him that year. The k. of Navarre being advertised of all these things, priest the Queen his wife to go this journey, notwithstanding that she was with child. Her voyage for that time did produce nothing but a good truce, but afterward there was a peace made by the great care of the two Queens, jeanne wife to the k. of Navarre, and Blanch his sister, & by the dexterity, judgement, and wisdom of Captal of Buch, than prisoner to the French, for the factions of Navar. The Q. of Navarre being at Eureux in the year 1366. 
An. 1366.  she was delivered of a son called Peter, he had the title of Earl of Mortaing: after her uprising she returned into Navarre, carrying her eldest son Charles who was but four years old with her, and that which was newly borne.  
These kings of Navarre and Arragon, 
Arragon.  being thus busied, and irresolute in their desseines, durst not invade one another, and in the mean time he of Castille pursued the war, with all violence in the country of Valence, and there took Orihuela, where was slain D. Alphonso Perez of Guzman Lord of S. Lucar, son to D. john Alphonso of Guzman, and grandchild to D. Alphonso Perez of Guzman the good. To him succeeded him brother D. john Alphonso of Guzman. The Arragonois also for their part took Moruiedro, for want of victuals, D. Gomes of Porras Prior of S. john the Governor, yielded it, upon condition, that he and his should be safely sent into Castille: yet the Earl D. Henry who was at this siege, prevailed so by his honest persuasions and promises, as the Prior was content to stay with him, who by that means retained about 600. men, laying before them the fury of D. Pedro K. of Castille, who excused nothing, and punished as well those which had behaved themselves valiantly in the yielding of such places, as those which had showed themselves base and cowards. These were the last exploits of war betwixt Arragon and Castille.  
At that time there was brought into Spain the body of the Cardinal of S. Clement sometimes Archb. of Toledo, 
Castille.  & Legat à latere in Italy, who died at Viterbo, having governed the affairs of the Roman sea, to the great content of Pope Vrbon the 5. who did wonderfully grieve for him, and made all the shows of mourning which Popes are accustomed to do at the death of their faithful friends. This Prelate during his legation, prepared the Pope's access into the city of Rome, 
Return of the Pope's Court t● Rome.  and was the means to bring the papal seat thither again: for he suppressed many tyrants in Italy, and brought them to the obedience of the Roman sea, so as Gregory the 11. successor to urban, came to Rome in the year 1366. This Cardinal had ordained by his testament, that his body should be buried in the city of Toledo, if it might be suffered by the K. D. Pedro then reigning, or his successor, the which was executed, and his bones which lay in the town of Assisi, in the monastery of S. Francis, were carried by land to Toledo, many offering to carry the Beer whereon this dead carcase lay, in hope to get pardon of their sins, for that the Pope had granted unto them, that should employ themselves in this service, the like indulgences as are given unto them that do visit the churches of S. Peter and S. Paul, at Rome in the year of jubilee.  
The time approached when as the King Don Pedro should be punished for his excess and serve as a witness to the world, 
Expedition of D. Henry of Castille against his brother D. Pedro, and his victory.  that the fear of subjects, gotten by the cruelty of Princes, is a bad guard for their majesty, and a weak assurance of their Crowns. The death of Q. Blanch of Bourbon, whom the king D. Pedro had poisoned, after that he had entreated her a long time most barbarously, ministered the occasion of his ruin: for being for this cause odious to all the French, D. Henry, Earl of Transtamara, (who was vigilant to embrace all things that might serve him to revenge the death of his mother and brethren, & of so many injuries which he had received of this wretched king) found favour and help in France. And it fell out very fitly, that the wars being ended in France, as well against the English, and King of Navarre, as betwixt the Earls of Montfort and Blois, contending for the succession of Brittany: this Realm was then wonderfully overcharged with idle soldiers, which kept the fields, and committed many spoils and insolences, being gathered together in such great numbers, French, English, Britons, Flemings, and of other nations intermingled, as they were fearful to Princes, yea and to the Pope himself residing in avignon: so as they demanded but an occasion of some long voyage, to conquer and subdue Countries, or to be there defeated, being impossible without great danger and disorder, to be otherwise rid of them.  
Upon these continual complaints of the impieties and cruelties which Don Pedro King of Castille committed daily, being already pronounced by the Pope's Legate, and confirmed by him, an utter enemy to God and men: and at the instance and poursute of the king of Arragon, and of Henry Earl of Transtamara, Bastard of Castille, who (as some writ) were come to this effect in person, to avignon; the French King, Pope Vrban, and other Princes, thought good to have these people dealt withal, (whom they commonly called Malandrins) to go and make war in Spain against Don Pedro surnamed the Cruel: 
Malandrins.  and Bertrand of Guesclin, a valiant and hardy Knight of Britain, (who was then a prisoner of war; for the factions of Montfort and Blois) was chosen to lead them, who for this cause was put to ransom, and delivered. Bertrand wrought so, as these companions were willing to follow him: whereupon some of their Captains came to Barcelona, did capitulate, received money, and promised to serve Don Henry, whereof Bernard Bastard of Bearne, son to Gaston Phoebus' Earl of Foix, was one of the chief: which D. Pedro King of Castille understanding, he retired his troops, and came to Burgos, where he called a general assembly; whither came the Lord of Albret, a knight of Gasconie well accompanied, who assured him for a certain number of ducats, to draw away a good part of those soldiers which D. Henry and the king of Arragon had entertained▪ and wrought so, as they should abandon them, and come to serve him: but it grieved the king to spend his treasure, which notwithstanding was very great: wherefore rejecting the Lord of Albrets' good counsel, he sought other povisions, which served him to small purpose. These men passed into Spain, 
Malandrins pass into Spain.  being esteemed to be 10000 horse, and an infinite number of foot, besides those soldiers which the Earl and the king of Arragon had: to whom were joined many great personages, both French and others, among the which the French History names john of Bourbon Earl of March, cousin to the deceased queen Blanch of Castille, Anthony Lord of Beavieu, Arnold of Andreghen Marshal of France, Begue of Villenes, Eustace of Aubercourt, Hugh Caurelee, Gualther Huet, Matthew of Gournay, and Perducas of Albret, who with many other famous men, made this voyage: Bertrand of Guesclin being chief leader of them all, by reason of his valour and great experience. The K. of Arragon with these succours did presently recover all that the king of Castille had taken from him, the Castillans' having abandoned their garrisons. The body of the army which D. Henry should lead, was made at Sarragossa, from whence they marched directly to Calao●ra, and entered without resistance, in the month of March, this year 1366; D. Henry being received by D. Fernand bishop of that place, and by D. Fernand Sanches of Tobar, upon condition they should be entreated as friends: for the town was not strong. There he was solicited by D. Alphonso of Arragon Earl of Denia and Ribagorça, and by the Arragonois, 
D▪ H●●ry takes the title of K. of Castille.  to take upon him the title of King of Castille and Leon, which at the first he did refuse: but being priest and importuned, in the end he yielded, so as from that time he had more need of a bridle to restrain him, than a spur. Being thus proclaimed king, and having advanced his royal Standard, the Knights which were there present, began to demand gifts & recompenses in the country which they had not yet conquered, but were in good hope, to whom he gave contentment with many promises. Passing on, they tried Logrogno, which place they found strong, and well manned: wherefore not to lose time, they marched on, and having seized upon Navarret and Birbiesca, they came to Burgos, whereas the king D. Pedro was, who made all the hast he could to dislodge. The inhabitants seeing him parting, besought him not to abandon them, offering him all the money that was in the town, and their-people with great fidelity; but this king being terrified, there was no means to stay him: and in truth we seldom see valour and cruelty lodge together: wherefore the inhabitants of Burgos protested to provide for the safety & preservation of the city the best they could: so as he was forced to quit them of the oath and homage they ought him, and presently took his way to Toledo, where having left a good garrison, he went to Sevile. The inhabitants of Burgos seeing themselves abandoned by their Prince, opened the gates to Don Henry whom, in the capitulation they made, they called Earl, promising to title him king, when he should be entered into the city.  
Don Henry parting from Birbiesca, some eight leagues distant from Burgos, he made his entry into the city, to the great contentment of many, who hated the violent disposition of the king D. Pedro: where he caused himself to be crowned king of Castille and Leon, in the royal Monastery of Huelgas, this year 1366; and within five and twenty days after his coronation, almost all the towns of Castille and Leon put themselves under his obedience and protection: saying, that according to the example and ancient custom of the Gods, they might retire themselves from a tyrant king, and choose another: without having any regard unto the succession, nor his family whom they should leave. Then began D. Henry to distribute towns, castles, offices and dignities, unto the Noblemen and Knights which had followed him. He gave to D. Alphonso Earl of Denia and Ribagorça, the Marquisate of Villena, the patrimony of D. jeanne Manuel his wife: to Bertrand of Guesclin the Lordship of Molina; D. Tello brother to the new king, was maintained in the Segneurie of Biscay, 
Bounty of D. Henry the new King.  the inheritance of his deceased wife D. jeanne of Lara, and moreover he gave him Aquilar del Campo, and to his other brother D. Sancho, all that which had belonged unto D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque, adding thereunto the towns of Haro, Briones, Villorado, Cerezo in Rioja, and the town of Ledesma. To other knights he gave gifts, and confirmed and augmented the ancient privileges of towns which yielded willingly unto him. Thinking himself now to be in sure possession, he caused his wife D. jeanne, his son D. john, and D. Leonora his daughter, to come out of Arragon into Castille: and having disposed of the affairs of Burgos, of Castille the old, and of Leon, he went to Toledo, where he found some opposition, yet in the end he was received and saluted as king: and after the example of this stately city, many other towns of that Realm yielded unto him. The King D. Pedro seeing himself abandoned, put a great quantity of money, and other treasure into a galley, and retired into Portugal: but fearing his cousin D. Fernand, Infant of that Realm, who loved him not, he passed in great doubt unto S. james in Gallicia, where he caused D. Suero of Toledo Archb. of that place, and D. Pedro Aluarez of Toledo, Deane of the same church, to be slain, and adding sacrilege to this murder, he spoilt their houses, and carried away their goods, which was the chief cause why he slew them. Being doubtful what to do, he resolved in the end to go by sea to Bayone in France: wherefore parting from the Groin with 22. ships and one galley, carrying with him his three daughters, Beatrix, Constance, and Izabel, he came to S. Subastians' in Guipuscoa, where he had some thousands of double ducats, and other riches, the which he took with him, 
Flight of the king D. Pedro out of Spain.  and set sail towards Bayonne. A galley which followed him, in which was Martin janes' his Treasurer, with much money, & other precious things was stayed by the Inhabitants of Sevile, which city being greatly affected unto D. Henry, put themselves under his obedience, soon after the king's departure; and the city of Cordova did the like. So hateful was the king D. Pedro, and so pleasing was the mild disposition of Don Henry, as in a short time he found himself King of a great and mighty Kingdom, almost without striking stroke, the people striving who should be first received.  
Don Henry being at Sevile, he confirmed the peace with the Kings of Portugal and Granado: but he was deceived in this prosperity, being too confident of his new subjects, so as although he knew well that his enemy was retired to the English, with great store of treasure, and that he might well conjecture, that he would draw succours from thence, to trouble him in the possession of this Realm newly conquered, yet he dismissed his strangers well satisfied which were all his force, and retained only Bertrand of Guesclin, and Bernard bastard of Foix with some 1500. horse French and English. The country of Gallicia opposed itself most against D. Henry: that being pacified and subdued, he assembled the Estates at Burgos, the which (besides that they did swear fidelity unto his son D. john as heir unto the Crown) did grant unto him the tenth penny of all the merchandise they should sell within the Realm, and so much the more willingly, when as they understood that the king D. Pedro prepared to return into Spain with a great power of English. D. Henry to gratify the city of Burgos, gave unto it in that assembly, the town of Miranda of Ebro, the which did belong to the Church of Burgos, it did also serve to recompense the town of Birbiesca, belonging to the city, which he had given to D. Pedro Fernandes of Velasco his great Chamberlain. To the Church of Burgos in recompense of Miranda, he gave a pension of sixty thousand maravidis, upon the tenths due from the sea, to be employed in the ordinary distributions for the service which is done there day and night.  
Don Dominicke was then Bishop of Burgos, the eight and twentieth Pastor in number, who obtained this Bishopric after a manner worthy to be related: for the Chapter being divided and at controversy about the election of a new Bishop, after the death of Don Fernand the third who had newly left and abandoned that seat, and not able to agree and determine upon two chief persons propounded in that assembly, they concluded to refer the nomination to Dominick, than Chanoine of that Church, being held a man of a good and holy life. This good Chanoine having accepted the nomination, bethought himself of a means to displease neither party: saying merrily unto them, 
Bishop of Burgos chosen by himself.  that if it were their pleasures he should name a Bishop, he was of opinion, that himself should be the man, the which he delivered with so good a grace, as the Chapter could not take it ill: wherefore Dominick the Chanoine became presently Bishop, having never before once dreamt to aspire to that dignity: and his election was soon after confirmed by the Pope. This Bishop was a good servant To D. Henry. At that time D. Tello brother to Don Henry married a Gentlewoman which was called Donna jeanne of Lara, as his first wife, who was Lady of Biscay: by reason whereof many did believe it was the same that was daughter to Don john Nugnes of Lara, who (they say) had been slain by the King Don Pedro: and this persuasion continued among the people of Biscay some time, being nourished by Don Tello. Donna jeanne Manuel, wife to Don Henry, was sent him into Castille by Don Pedro king of Arragon, who would that Donna Leonora, Infanta of Arragon, future wife to Don john the eldest son of D. Henry, should accompany her. But before he dismissed them, he caused Donna jeanne Manuel (who entitled herself Queen of Castille and Leon) to swear, to do her best to cause Don Henry her husband, to give him the cities of Soria and Cuenca, the towns of Molina, and Medina Celi, and the Realm of Murcia, as they had agreed, and he had promised before this Conquest. And moreover, he demanded rembursement of certain sums of money which he had lent him: whereunto Don Henry (who had news of the army which was preparing by the English, in favour of Don Pedro his competitor) made an honest answer: for it was reasonable, said he, to attend the end of this great preparation, which was made against him.  
The King of Navarre in this first war had not showed himself a favourer to either of 
Navarre.  these contending Princes: but knowing that the King Don Pedro was retire to Bayone, dispossessed of his Realm, he came to see him, and was there present at the accord and promises which passed betwixt Edward Prince of Wales and him. The Princes supping together, held this order: the King Don Pedro was on the right hand, and next to him the Prince of Wales, and on the other side was the king of Navarre alone: who being returned into Navarre, he was much solicited by Don Henry, to be of his party, but he was already engaged by promise to Don Pedro king of Castille, and to the Prince of Wales, to give them free passage through his country. The k. of Arragon advertised of all these things, priest the French king by his ambassadors, to make war against the English, and also against the king of Navarre, promising to join for his part, to divert the storm which was coming upon Don Henry the new king of Castille, whom he ought to have received into this league: and in the mean time there was continual war upon the frontiers of Arragon and Navarre. Notwithstanding these things abovementioned, D. Henry did so labour the king of Navarre, as he made him forget the promises he had made at Bayone, to D. Pedro king of Castille, and to the English, coming to meet with D. Henry at Santa Cruz of Campeço, where he promised and swore to be of his side, and to do his best to stop the passage of the English army through Navarre, which would have availed him much to break the desseines of the dispossessed king▪ for in the passage of the Pyreneé hills, he had nothing to favour him, but the Towns of Saint Sebastian and Guetaria in Guipuscoa.  
At these promises solemnly made by the king of Navarre, unto Don Henry, there assisted Don Gomes Manrique Archbishop of Toledo, D. Lopes Fernandes of Luna, Archbishop of Sarragossa, Don Alphonso of Arragon, Earl of Denia, and Marquis of Villena, Bertrand of Guesclin, and many other great personages of Castille, France, and Arragon. And a league was concluded betwixt the kings of Arragon, Navarre, and Don Henry, for their common defence against all men. And the king promised to be ready with the forces of his country, and to be in person at the Battle which they thought would be given, for assurance whereof there was delivered into the Archbishops hands of Sarragossa the castle of guard, and that of S. Vincent to Bertrand of Guesclin, and that of Buradon was given in guard to D. john Ramires of Areillan.  
In recompense of the good offices which D. Henry expected from King Charles, he promised to give him the town of Logrogno, to him and his for ever. It was likely that D. Henry's affairs should succeed better than those of Don Pedro, and therefore K. Charles made choice to hold with the stronger, as he thought. The dispossessed king of Castille, and the Prince of Wales understanding of this league, found it very strange: and the English being more familiar with the king of Navarre, he complained much unto him, and sought to reduce him to his first promises, the which he did: making him again, with the note of great inconstancy, to quit the party of Don Henry, and of the king of Arragon, in regard that they had promised to give him, besides Logrogno, the city of Victoria, which did yet hold for the king Don Pedro: for the which he bond himself by oath, to give them passage, and to be in person with his troops, in the battle, in their favour: excusing his lightness, for that the Realm of Castille did by right belong unto the King D. Pedro: and withal he had a desseine to make use of the friendship and forces of the English in the quarrels and pretensions he had with the French King, who did much trouble his affairs.  
The conditions which D. Pedro king of Castille made with the Prince of Wales, were these: He gave him from that time the Segneurie of Biscay, & Castro of Ordiales, 
Conditions betwixt D. Pedro and the Prince of Wales.  & promised to pay the soldiers which he led into Spain, leaving his three daughters in hostage with the English: he promised the city of Soria to john Chandos, Constable in Guienne for the English, and to many other Noblemen and knights other places and towns in Castille. Upon these accords, being full of good hope, seeing they had the king of Navarre their friend, they marched with a great and mighty army in the Spring time 1367. 
An. 1367.  to repossess the king D. Pedro in his Realm. King Charles whether troubled in conscience for the oaths which he had so often broken, or for some other consideration, would not be in person at this encounter betwixt the king D. Pedro and D. Henry, as he had promised, but under colour of going a hunting, he caused himself to be taken prisoner, by a plot and accord made with Oliver of many or Maulny a Britton Knight, who held the castle of Berja for Bertrand of Guesclin, who had it by gift from the king of Arragon, in the which he was shut up: and for that he would not show himself altogether disloyal, he left Don Martin Henriques of Lacarra, the master of his horse, and his Standard-bearer, at Pampelona with three hundred Lances, commanding him to join with the English army, and to fight in it.  
The English army arrived at Cuenca, or Comb of Pampelona, 
Castille.  about the beginning of March this year 1367. from whence it passed into Alava: besides, the Prince of Wales, and Don Pedro king of Castille, there were in it john Duke of Lancaster, brother to the Prince; D. james of Maiorca, son to the king Don james, who had come for refuge to this English Prince being at Bourdeaux. john Chandos Constable of Guien, Robert Felton great Seneschal, Richard of Angle, and Stephen of Consentone Marshals of Guien: moreover, the Earl of Armaignac and Albert, who offered and brought to this war a thousand complete lances of his subjects and friends: but they were reduced (to his great grief) to two hundred by the Prince, being so advised by some other, or of his own proper motion, and for envy: which vice some write did often blemish the great virtues that were in him. For even some affirm, that this voyage which he undertook into Spain, was not for charity, nor any love he bore to the dispossessed king D. Pedro, but for that the honour and reputation which Bertrand of Guesclin hand gotten, to have made D. Henry K. of Castille, would not let him sleep. Besides, the above named, there did accompany the Prince of Wales in this expedition, the Earls of Perigort and Cominges, the Vicont of Carmain, Bernard and Perducas of Albert, Captal of Buch, the Lord of clisson, the Seneshals of Xaintong, Rochel, Querci, Limosin, Agenois, and Bigorre, with many other Noblemen, and renowned knights of England, Poitou, Britain, Gasconie and other countries, and among them some which had a little before served D. Henry, under the command of Bertrand of Guesclin: which Guesclin did not fail at need, but came to D. Henry's army with a good number of Knights and soldiers, to aid him to maintain his conquest.  
Upon the news of this mighty army, D. Henry had gathered together all his good subjects: so as according to the French Authors (it may be exceeding in their computations) he made account to have 7000. men at arms, 20000. light horse, and 40000. foot, whereof many were armed with slings, much feared in those days: with these forces he came to encounter his enemy, and lodged betwixt S. Dominike of Calçada and Bagnares, the enemy being camped about Saluatierra, who approaching towards Logrogno, he came to Calderan. The Captains were of opinion, that D. Henry should not fight, but only coast the enemy, and keep him in continual fear, cutting off their victuals and other commodities, whereby they should be soon forced to break of themselves: & so had the French king advised him to do: but he (who was a Prince of great spirit, and more resolute in such actions, than was fit for the head of an Estate, and encouraged by some small advantage gotten of the forerunners of the English, by D. Tello and D. Sancho his brethren, who had taken Thomas Felton, 
Prince of Wales writes to D. Henry.  a knight, and some others) governed himself after his own humour; who raising his army, came to Nagera, seeing the English approach to Nauarre●. From hence the Prince of Wales did write unto D. Henry, terming him Earl of Transtamara, which letter was full of courtesy and good words, persuading him to quit the title of King, and to yield unto his brother D. Pedro, the lawful K. of Castille, assuring him he would be a means that he should have a good composition: and above all, that he should avoid to come to a battle, the event whereof must needs be his ruin, seeing they did much exceed them in number, their soldiers invalour, and their Captains in leading. To the which D. Henry made answer, that he could not hearken to any accord with him, 
D. Henry's answer.  who had against the law of Nature taken delight to murder so many of the blood royal, and other great personages of Castille: who had no respective regard of the laws of the country, and much less of God, falsifying his oath and promises, having no other rule in his actions, but his tyrannous passions: and with his excuses, he gave many good words in regard of the Prince of Wales, protesting that he came with grief to fight, and that the would willingly have avoided the effusion of Christian blood, which he prepared to see.  
These Princes being thus disposed, 
D. Henry defeted in battle.  the armies presented themselves one before another betwixt Nagera and Navarret; where they encountered with such fury about Aleçon, near to the Bourg of Açofra, as after great effusion of blood, D. Henry's men we put to flight, the disorder beginning on D. Tellos side, and many were taken prisoners by the English, French, and Navarrois: against some of which the K. D. Pedro being incensed, did execute his rage, causing them to be murdered in his presence: among others, the first master of the Knights of S. Bernard, & the last also, being taken in this defeat, had his head cut off by the king's commandment. It was a military order sprung up in Biscay, to which knights should be assigned the lands called Beetries, which lay near: but it was suddenly extinct by reason of these wars, and by this excess of the King D. Pedro. Many were reconciled by the mediation of the Prince of Wales, of which number was D. Sancho, brother to the Earl D. Henry: others were straightly imprisoned, among which were Bertrand of Guesclin, Arnold of Andreghen, and Begue of Villains. D. Henry escaped from the battle, and posting towards Nagera, his horse being tired and out of breath, he met with a Squire of the Province of Alava, called Ruy Fernandes of Goana; who knowing him, mounted him upon a good Jennet, with the which he came into the K. of Arragon's country, to whom he would not go, remembering the miseries which follow afflicted Princes fallen from their fortunes, and the small faith that is in friends in such extremities, every one drawing back, and seeking to excuse himself unto the Victor, to please whom, many times the unfortunate is delivered up to sacrifice. Wherefore he passed the mountains, and retired into France, leaving the towns and Noblemen of Castille, which had followed his party in great perplexity, 
D. Pedro of Luna, a knight of Arragon, future Pope.  with him there retired that D. Pedro of Luna a Cattelan, who of a knight as he was then, carrying arms, became a Clergy man, was a Cardinal, and in the end Pope, during the great Schism, which did so much trouble the Church of Rome.  
After this great victory which happened the third day of April 1367. the king D. Pedro entered in great pomp into Burgos, from whence D. jeanne Manuel, called Queen of Castille, wife to D. Henry, her children, and daughter-in-law, were a little before retired, and fled in all haste into Arragon, where they were received, but not so cheerfully as before: for the king of Arragon studied how he might recover the favour of Don Pedro King of Castille, being therein assisted by the Prince of Wales, and advised to abandon D. Henry, who was vanquished. D. Romero Bishop of Lerida, D. Pedro Earl of Vrgel, the Vicont of Cardona, D. john Fernandes of Heredia, and others, were of this opinion, who were sent Ambassadors to D. Pedro King of Castille▪ and Reymond Pegnera, and james Elfaro went to the Prince of Wales.  
Some say that the Prince of Wales beginning to descover the ingratitude of D. Pedro King of Castille, there was in this Negotiation a plot laid betwixt him and the king of Arragon to divide the king of Castille betwixt them, and to give some part of the booty to the kings of Navarre and Portugal and so wholly to reject the tyrant D. Pedro.  
The King of Navarre hearing of the victory which the King of Castille had obtained, 
Navarre.  thought it now time to creep out of his deene, pressing Oliver of Maulny to set him at liberty: but the difficulty was, this knight would be paid for his good service, having taken the king prisoner. King Charles gave him D. Pedro his second son in hostage, assuring him that if he would come to Tudelo, he would give him all that he had promised, and more. This good knight took the Infant D. Pedro, and put him into the castle of Borja, delivered the king, and soon after, through his great simplicity, followed him to Tudelo: 
Oliver of Maulny delivers the King of Navarre, and remains prisoner himself.  but he was no sooner arrived, but they laid hold of him, and put him in prison, until hat he had yielded the hostage. A brother of his should have been taken with him by the king's commandment, but seeking to fly away over a house, he was slain by them that pursued him. King Charles did write presently to the king of Arragon, complaining of the wrong which the Britons (holding the castle of Borja and Magallon) had done him, and that they detained and withheld his son, whom he had been forced for to give them in Hostage, hearing that they meant to carry him into France, the which he entreated him to prevent, setting good guards upon the passages of his country. He said moreover, that he threatened to invade his country of Navarre, relying upon the support they had of Arragon: wherefore he entreated him not to give them forces, nor any aid in such enterprises, and not take it ill if he led an army before Borja, to deliver his soon from prison. Garci Sanchez Prior of Ronceval, was sent of this embassage into Arragon, who not only executed his charge, but also entered into a treaty of marriage betwixt Charles the eldes son of Navarre▪ and D. Leonora daughter to the King of Arragon. The King of Arragon who had no need of any enemies, for that he feared the King of Castille, caused the trouble of Borja to cease, and commanded the Britons to deliver the Infant D. Pedro, who being carried to Tudelo, Oliver of Maulny was also delivered. As for the marriage, although the King of Arragon did much desire it, yet the King of Navarre, having retired his son, did not much care for it, meaning first to see what should become of the broils of Castille.  
21 The King D. Pedro the cruel, 
Castille.  victorious, but insolent and treacherous as of custom, could not contain himself within the bounds of modesty and reason, neither to his subjects, nor to strangers, English, French and others, who had seated him in his Kingdom: There were great controversies amongst them for prisoners and ransoms, 
D▪ Pedro King of Castille discontents the English and other strangers.  and the soldiers pay, yet after much disputing there was some kind of agreement. D. Pedro King of Castille sent D. Pedro Fernandes Peres of Ayala, with the Deputies of the Prince of Wales, to put them in possession of the Lordship of Biscay, and Castro of Ordiales, according unto their accords: but the biscain's being advertised that what the King did, was only to content the Prince of Wales, and to show that he had a will to perform his promise, but not that he had any meaning to maintain it: besides that of their own dispositions they did abhor the command of strangers, they would never receive these Deputies, nor consent that they should be put in possession of their country, which was the cause of great troubles. The King seeming to be much discontented at these difficulties, made a solemn oath in the chief Church of Burgos, that he would put the Prince of Wales in possession of the Siegneuries of Biscay. D. Pedro seeing himself restored to his Realm, he desired to know what the destinies did promise him, and therefore he demanded advice of a councillor to the King of Granado, called Aben-Hatin, a great and learned Astrologian and Philosopher, who sent him a letter full of learning, saying, that he must look unto his own carriage, and how he governed his subjects, for thereon depended the continuance of his reign, 
Holy advertisements of a Philosopher Moor to D. Pedro.  either long or short, and the continuance of the sceptre in his family: adding many precepts, the which if he had duly observed, without doubt he had reigned securely in peace: but he fell into his frenezies and cruelties, the which did so estrange the hearts of those, which abhorred his forepast tyrannies, as his fall must needs be miserable. He parted from Burgos, and went to seek means to content the English, commanding that as soon as he should be out of the city, they should put to death Ruy Ponce Palomeque and some others, whom he had caused to be put into the castle of Burgos. Being come near unto Toledo, he would have hostages of the Inhabitants for his assurance, and there he put to death seventeen of the chief of the city; then he went to Cordova, from which place he sent to Sevile, that they should put to death Gil Bocanegra, D. john Ponce of Leon Lord of Marchene, and Alphonso Aluares of Quadros, with an other called Alphonso Fernandes: He caused many to be disparched at Cordova before he came to Sevile, where being arrived, he caused Donna Vrraca Osorio, mother to D. john Alphonso of Guzman, to be slain, and Martin james his high treasurer, taking great delight in his murders, and revenges upon these miserable creatures, for that he had not found them ready to follow his fortune, or for some other discontentment; forgetting that for such inhumanities' and tyrannies, he had been once cast out of Spain. He caused D. Martin Lopes of Cordova, master of Calatrava, 
A Moor more kind then D. Pedro a Christian King.  to be apprehended, and would have put him to death, but the King of Granado demanded him in gift, and did so much, as he saved his life. He had done more, if time and means had permitted, but God prevented him, for D. Henry stayed not long to deprive him both of realm and life.  
After the loss of the battle, D. Henry came into the country of Foix, where being well entertained by the Earl, and furnished with all things befitting such a knight, he went to avignon, whereas Pope Vrbain the fifth did reign, who did love, and esteem him much, and therefore he received him courteously, and dealt with Lewis Duke of Anjou, brother to the French King, and Governor of Languedoc, to give him means to raise a new army, to return into Spain, whether many friends recalled him, assuring him that the cruelties which the King D. Pedro continued, prepared him the way to recover his good fortune, and that now there was not any difficulty to settle him firmly; neither need they fear that D. Pedro should find favour or succours with the English, whom he had defrauded of their pay and recompenses promise, and sent home discontented. D. Iranne wife to D. Henry, and his children, finding themselves not very safe in Arragon by reason of the friendship that was betwixt the King of Arragon, and the Prince of Wales, they had passed into France, whereas they remained in the castle of Perapertuse, unto the end of the war, such was the diligence of D. Henry, and of his friends, as he obtained from the King five thousand pounds' starling in ready money, and liberty to levy soldiers within his Realm. 
D. Henry bastard of Castille aided again by the French.  He had also succours both of money and men from the Duke of Anjou, from Guy Cardinal of Bologne, and other Noblemen of France, being incensed against the King D. Pedro, the murderer of Queen Blanthe of Bourbon his wife: notwithstanding D. Henry found many great difficulties; an ordinary thing for those that are in adversity: for the French King feared lest the English should take it ill that he gave succours unto their enemy: and to make such a preparation for war, as was necessary, he had need of a great mass of money, which was the greatest hindrance of his affairs. Some thereupon writ that in one day he caused all the money to be seized on, that was in avignon, in merchants, and Bankers hands, the Pope giving his consent, and he promising upon the faith of a Prince to restore it. In the end he had means to raise a good army, but before he began to march, he had certain news that the Prince of Wales was returned into Guienne much discontented with the King D. Pedro: and moreover that all the Province of Guipuscoa, except Saint Sebastien and Guetaria, the towns of Biscay, Segobia, Vailledolit, Palence, Auila, Guadalajara, Salamanca, Medina del Campo, Toro, Almedo, Arevalo, Coca, Madrigal, Carrion, Sepulueda, Aillon, Atiença, Illescas with many other forts held his party.  
Whilst that D. 
Arragon.  Henry ptopares to pass into Spain, some of the English and French soldiers, returning from the service of D. Pedro King of Castille, by the pace betwixt Navarre and Arragon, spoiling the valleys, they attempted to enter into jacca. Against these men the Inhabitants of the country, both Nobles and Commons armed, so as after diverse skirmishes, whereas many were slain of both sides, these strangers being above fifteen thousand men, past the Pyrenes, and returned into their countries. The King of Arragon, before the Prince of Wales his retreat had sought by his means to recover Sauveterre, and Real of Rueste, which the Navarrois held since the war of Castille, but he could not.  
As for the King of Navarre, 
Navarre.  he recovered the places which he had left in deposito, when as he made a league with the King of Arragon, and D. Henry, wherein he was assisted by D. Pedro King of Castille, and through favour of the victory, which he had obtained: but yet he could neither get Logrogno from him, nor the town of victoria, which he had promised him; 
Integrity of D. john Ramires of Areillan.  neither could he retire out of the hands of D. john Ramires of Areillan (a Knight of honour) the place of Buradon, whereof he had been chosen Gardien, saying, That he did not follow the fortune, and passions of princes, but the equity of the faith, which was promised and sworn. This good Knight had retired himself into Arragon after the battle lost, when as D. Henry saved himself in France, to whose service he returned soon after.  
The Prince of Wales before he went out of Spain, 
League's full of infidelity of the Princes of those times.  had practised a firm league betwixt the Kings reigning then in Spain, and himself, but with diverse deseignes, wherein he assured himself that the King of Navarre would be faithful, and furnish him with a good number of soldiers. As for him of Arragon, he embraced the league as it seemed with great affection, thinking he could not then do better, then to join with the victorious King of Castille, and the English. To conclude this league, a day was appointed for he Deputies of all these Princes at Tarbes: in the mean time the treachries of D. Pedro King of Castille, were so hateful unto the Prince of Wales, as he returned to Bourdeaux discontented. The Deputies of the Kings of Navarre and Arragon, and of the Prince of Wales, came to Tarbes, at the day appointed, where there also arrived some from Castille. The dispositions of these Princes were such, as the King of Arragon would willingly have joined with D. Henry, if he had durst, but he followed fortune: he of Navarre was more inclined to the Prince of Wales, but whatsoever it were, every one sought to make his profit of these troubles, and to draw some thing from Castille: the King of Arragon would have Murcia, and some other towns: he of Navarre demanded the provinces of Guipuscoa, and Alava, namely Victoria, Saweterre, Trevigno and many towns in Rioja: the Prince of Wales pretended Biscay, Castro of Ordiales, and many other places, all promising to bandy themselves against D. Henry, and to stop his passage into Spain, if these things were performed by D. Pedro: if not they were as ready to enter into league with D. Henry, if he made them the like pormises. Thus the Realm of Castille was set to sale. On the other side King Edward, father to the Prince of Wales, and the King of Arragon, had their practices apart, to divide the realm of Castille and Leon betwixt them, and to give some part unto the King of Navarre. Thus these Princes laboured to divide that betwixt them, which God had appointed for an other, and their propositions and disputes at Tarbes, were such and of so many things, as not able to conclude any thing, they referred their assembly to Oleron, where they did less.  
22 During these Negotiations, D. Henry entered with his French army into Arragon, 
Navarre.  which made every one to think of his affairs, with D. Henry was Bernard bastard to the Earl of Foix, who had been taken in the battle of Nagera, 
Second Entries D. Henry bastard of Castille, into Spain.  and redeemed from the English: and although that the King of Arragon sought to divert this passage, yet D. Henry went his course, and by Navarre also, finding not any opposition. Having past the river of Ebro with his whole army, marching in the country of Castille, he fell on his knees, and making a cross upon the sand, he swore, that no toil nor misfortune should ever make him go out of Castille. He entered into Calaorra without contradiction, the eight and twentieth of September, this year of our Lord 1367. whether many Knights, squires and other men, came unto him, flying the fury of the King D. Pedro. Being assured of Calaorra, he came to Logrogno, where he found great resistance, wherefore he passed on by Rioja and Bureba, and came to Burgos, where the Inhabitants received him with great affection, and although the castle and the jews place made some resistance, yet he brought them to obedience and took within the castle D. james of Majorca, who defended it. He was son to the last King of Majorca, and had escaped from a hard prison, where he had been long detained in the new castle at Barcelona, since the year of our Lord 1362. then being come to Naples, he had the hap to marry Queen jeanne of Naples, whom they called Duke of Calabria, and not King of Naples.  
Many towns yielded unto Don Henry in fewes days, and about the beginning of the year of our Lord 1368. he got the city of Leon: wherefore having much blemished the name and authority of his adversary in old Castille, he marched with his army towards Toledo, which city he besieged making a bridge of wood over the river of Tayo, to pass and repass his army, as occasion should serve. The Inhabitants were desirous to receive D. Henry, but for that Don Pedro held many of their men in hostage, fearing lest he should kill them, they durst not declare themselves. At this siege, the French Kings Ambassadors prevailed so with Don Henry, as he swore to compromit the controversies which he had with the King of Arragon, having that charge from their master, who desired to reconcile these two Princes: at this promise there were present Don Pedro of Arragon, the King's uncle, the Archbishop of Toledo, Don Pedro Fernandes of Velasco, Fernand Peres of Ayala, Diego Gomes of Toledo, Gonçal-Messie of Pont, and others. Don Pedro King of Castille having fortified and manned the town of Carmona, parted thence, to come to Eccia, having in his company Mahumet King of Granado, 
Army of the King D. Pedro.  called the old, with all the forces of his Realm, consisting of seven thousand horse, and four score thousand foot, whereof twelve thousand were Crossbows, or a some writ thirty thousand, to whom the King Don Pedro did join fifteen hundredth horse, and six thousand foot, of his subjects and partisans Spaniards; and with this army he came and laid siege to Cordova which had revolted: but not able to take it, after some sallies and encounters, the Moors returned to Granado, and the King Don Pedro to Sevile. Yet the King of Granado stayed not long before he returned to jaen, the which he took and burned, and came again and camped before Cordova, but he dislodged soon, and went towards Vbeda, where he did as he had done at jaen, and making his profit of these revolts, he took many other places, did great spoil in Andalusia, and carried away an infinite number of Christians prisoners. 
Towns in Castille yield to the King of Navarre.  Whilst that Don Henry priest Toledo, the towns of Victoria, Saluatierra, Alava, and Logrogno, which held for the King Don Pedro, being tired wi●h the continual war which the Guipuscoans, and others of their Neighbours (which held Don Henry's party) made against them, they yielded to Charles King of Navarre.  
In this reddition the King of Navarre was much assisted by Don Tello, who held Biscay, and was then in bad terms with his brother Don Henry. They say that the Inhabitants of these towns having acquainted the King Don Pedro with their necessities, entreating him that he would not take it ill, if they put themselves into the hands of the King of Navarre, who was his friend and ally, he willed them to hold out as long as they could, and when as they should be no more able to defend themselves they should rather yield to Don Henry his brother, without dividing themselves from the crown of Castille, then unto the King of Navarre, who would dismember them from that body: moreover that he had no reason to gratify him, for he had not received any assured succours from him. But it fell out otherwise, and the King of Navarre was seized thereon, who to make money at that time, sold many previledges to the towns of Navarre, and among others to the town of Viana he sold the duty called Fousadera, and sold them moreover the place called Agoncillo, and the Borroughs of Vrllicilla, and Lacagurria, with their appurtenances, for a certain sum of money, by letters granted at Olite, the seventh of August, this year 1368.  
In the mean time D. Henry continued his siege to Toledo, the loss whereof D. Pedro fearing, he resolved to come and secure it and to raise the siege. Having therefore left D. Sancho and D. Diego, his base sons in Carmone, with great store of money and precious stones, and a good garrison, he marched against the beseegers. Being upon his march, he received letters from Aben-H●tin the Moor, who foretold him of his approaching death: yet for all this he stayed not, 
The King D. Pedro foretold his death.  leading in his army three thousand horse, whereof fifteen hundred were Moors, which the King of Granado had sent him. Being come to Montiel, and there making some stay, he was abandoned by many of his men; whereof D. Henry being advertised, he thought it time to come to his last trial, which of them two should reign in Castille: wherefore ●e left at the siege of Toledo D. Gomes M●●riques, Archbishop of that city, with most of his forces, and he with three thousand horse went to encounter the King D. Pedro, being resolved to give him battle. He was overtaken upon the way in the town of Orgaz, by Bertrand of Guesclin, who being newly redeemed from the English, fortenne thousand pounds' starling, which the French King had paid, came to serve him in this conquest with six hundred lances. Being fortified with this troop, D. Henry marched with all speed, and came to Montiel, whereof the King D. Pedro (who had no good spies) did not dream, 
Defeat of the King D. Pedro's men.  where as his men making a show of fight, being in tumult and confusion, (as men surprised) they were by the council of Bertrand of Gueselin, suddenly charged with such fury, as they were all put to flight, abandoning their King, who seeing himself reduced to that extremity, shut himself into the castle of Montiel, which stands upon the side of a hill, above the town.  
Martin Lopes of Cordova, captain of the men which were within Carmone, was upon the way to come and succour the King D. Pedro; but hearing of the defeat of those that were with him, and that he was shut up into the castle of Montiel, he returned. The Earl D. Henry did presently cast a ditch about the town and castle of Montiel, that his prey might not escape; but D. Pedro being besieged, and in want of all things sought to corrupt Bertrand of Guesclin, by the means of Men Rodrigues of Sanubria, promising him the towns of Soria, Almacan, Atiença, Montagu, Beça and Seron, and moreover two hundred thousand doublons of gold, if he would undertake to set him in a place of safety: where unto Bertrand seeming to consent, he advertised D. Henry; then having given an hour and place to Men Rodrigues (who was borne at Transtamara) to bring forth the King, he came out of the castle in the night, having in his company D. Fernand of Castro, and D. Diego Gonçales of Ouiedo, and went all armed towards the lodging of Bertrand of Guesclin, who came to meet him, and said unto him, that it was time to spur; but as he was ready to go to horse, 
Bertrand of Guesclin be trays the King D. Pedro.  he was stayed by some that followed Bertrand, and forced to come into his tent, where he found D. Henry his brother, armed, who at the first sight did not know him; and being advertised by them that were about him, that it was the King D. Pedro, his enemy, yet was he in doubt, for he had not seen him in many years. The King D. Pedro seeing himself betrayed, transported with fury, began to cry out aloud, I am, I am in deed D. Pedro. Then D. Henry drawing out his dagger stabbed him in the face, the King graspled with him, and they both fell to the ground, but D. Henry underneath; who being helped by Bertrand of Guesclin, and others, freed himself, and got the King D. Pedro under him, whom he slew with his dagger. Thus D. Pedro King of Castille ended his days miserably, for his excess and tyrannies; 
D. Henry bastard of Castille kills the King D. Pedro.  fulfilling the prediction of the Monk of St. Dominike of Calçada, whom he caused to burned, and of the Philosopher Aben-Hatin. His death was in the year 1368. the two and thirtieth of March, for the which many blame Bertrand of Guesclin, as having falsified his faith and pormises to set him in a place of safety: others discharge him, saying, that the King D. Pedro despairing, came and put himself rashly into his enemy's hands. His body was interred in the Monastery of Saint Dominike the Royal at Madrid. He had reigned nineteen years, and died beginning the five and thirtieth of his age.   

D. Fernand alone of that name, ninth King of Portugal.  
23 During the wars of the two Princes of Castille brethren, 
Portugal  we do not read that D. Pedro king of Portugal took part with either of them. He died in the year 1367. the seven and forty of his a●●, having reigned almost eleven year. To which Realm succeeded D. Fernand his son, being at his coronation six and twenty year old, and some months, in whom the direct and lawful line of D. Henry of Besançon, or of Lorraine, failed, as shall appear. He was present in the town of Estremos, when as his father died, and was there acknowledged, and proclaimed King, taking an oath from such of his subjects as were then present.  
D. Pedro King of Arragon, 
Arragon.  hearing the success of. Henry's victory, began to fear him, sending Francis of Perillos' and james Elfaro Ambassadors into France, who procured an offensive and defencive league, the French King promising to aid him of Arragon, in his wars of Sardyina, yea and against D. Henry, if he did not refer unto him the question for the realm of Murcia, and other lands promised, as he had informed him. And for that the wars betwixt the French and English were revived, Francis of Perillos' being held the best captain at sea in his time, was granted unto the French king, who entertained him, notwithstanding that the King of Arragon his master, had great need of him, for the wars of Sardynia, the which was continually entertained, by Marian judge of Arborea, who this year had taken many places from the Arragonois, and defeated in a sally which he made, being deseeged in the castle of Oristagno, the army of Arragon, commanded by D. Pedro of Luna and his son, the which did so disquiet the King, as he resolved to go thither in person: but new affairs hindered him, for he was invaded from the county of Rossillon by some Frenchmen, who notwithstanding were but vagabond troops, running up and down the country without warrant: and he was also kept back by the controversies which he had with the new King of Castille: wherefore he sent D. Berenger of Carrozo, Earl of Quirra, thither with an army, yet giving it still out that he should go thither himself, keeping the Standard royal displayed on the top of the castle of Barcelona, after the accustomed manner, in sign that the King would go to the war: the which kept these seditious people somewhat in awe. He caused an Edict to be published, by the which he granted respite to all that were indebted, and repeal for banished men that were of Sardynia. Being come to valence, he made his son D. Martin Seneschal of Cattelogne, who commanded over all arms, uniting unto that dignity that of the Constable of the realm, as well on this side, as beyond the seas: and then it was decreed, that from that time the children of the Kings of Princes of Arragon should be called to that degree.  
The end of the fifteenth Book.    

SEMPER EADEM THE SIXTEENTH BOOK of the General History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 Done Henry the second of that name the 15. King of Castille, and 36. of Leon. The continuation of his conquest of the Realm of Castille, and the contentions betwixt the Castillans, Portugals, Navarrois and Moors.  
2 Peace betwixt Castille and Portugal.  
3 Parliament at Toro, and the laws made there.  
4 Contention betwixt the Kings of Castille and Navarre, their agreement. Bad offices of Charles King of Navarre, to the King of Castille, in favour of the English against the French, and the constancy and fidelity of D. Henry the new King.  
5 Unfitting and unlawful marriage of D. Fernand King of Portugal, with D. Leonora Tells of Meneses, and the tumults which ensued.  
6 War renewed betwixt Castille and Portugal.  
7 Order of Monks of Saint jerosme in Spain.  
8 Preparatives for war made by john duke of Lancaster, pretending the Realm of Castille against D. Henry.  
9 Treaty of peace betwixt Castille and Arragon.  
10 Affairs of Navarre: death of D. Roderigo of Vrriz.  
11 Session of the rights of Rossillon and Cerdagne, to the house of Anjou.  
12 Travels of the King of Navarre: detention of the Prince his son in France. Rash enterprises of the King of Navarre against him of Castille, war betwixt these potentates.  
13 Schism in the Church of Rome.  
14 Death of D. Henry King of Castille, and some testamentary laws made by him.  
15 D. john first of that name, the 16. King of Castille and 37. of Leon.  
16 Treaties of marriages ill managed, and donations betwixt the Kings of Castille and Portugal.  
17 Practices of D. Leonora Tells of Meneses Queen of Portugal against the Nobility, and the troubles and calamities which followed.  
18 The King of Castille acknowledgeth, in the Schism of the Roman Church, the Pope of avignon.  
19 War betwixt Castille and Portugal, procured by the Earl of Oren pacified, a marriage betwixt D. john King of Castille, and D. Beatrix Infanta of Portugal.  
20 Rebellion of the Earl of Gijon.  
21 Regency of D. Leonora Tells of Meneses in Portugal, pursuit of Don john King of Castille, of the Realm of Portugal, in the hereditary right of D. Beatrix his wife. D. john Master of A●iz, called to the Government, and the exploits of war betwixt the Castillans, and Portugals.  
22 Bad deseignes of Charles King of Navarre, to free his son, being prisoner in France: his liberty by the bounty of the princes of France.  
23 Continuance of the war of Portugal▪ Election of D. john Master of Auiz to the crown of Portugal▪ battle of Aljubarote, and defeat of the Castillans.   
In this sixteenth Book mention is made of the Kings.  

15 D. Henry of Castille,  
16 D. john his son,  
36 of Leon, second of that name.  
37 of Leon, first of that name.   

D. Henry, called de la Merced the fifteenth King of Castille, and six and thirty of Leon.  
AFter the death of the King D. Pedro, the Realms of Castille and Leon, 
Castille.  remained to D. Henry, without any great difficulty. He got by his virtue and mildness, what his brother had lost by his pride and cruelty. He was a friend to the virtuous, nobly minded, bountiful, 
D. Henry surnamed the Gracious.  valiant, and strong of his person, although he were but of a small stature: He was surnamed the liberal, or gracious, by reason of the bounty he showed to them that had served him. The greatness and good fortune of this King was suspected unto the Kings of Navarre and Arragon, who made a league this year, restoring one unto an other certain towns and castles, that is, Arragon delivered to Navarre, Herrera of Moncayo: and Navarre to Arragon Saluaterra and Real, they pacefied the controversies which were betwixt them of Sanguessa and Real, by a definitive sentence of Merins and Governors of Tudelo and Saragossa: Queen jeanne governing the realm of Navarre, and dealing in all these affairs, in the absence of King Charles her husband, who was gone into France, upon the reviving of the war betwixt the French and English, that same year. Navarre and Arragon, began then to make many practices with the Kings of Portugal and England to dispossess the King D. Henry of his new conquest, in the which Carmona in Andalusia, Zamore and Ciudad Roderigo in Castille, with a good part of Galicia, refused to obey him, all the rest acknowledging him for King. For Toledo, as soon as D. Pedro's death was known yielded: Sevile opened her gates, the castle of Montiel was delivered him, where and in other places, he found great store of treasure, jewels, silks, tapstries & other rich movables of the deceased king. The towns of Logrogno, Victoria, Saluatierra of Alva, and St. Cruz of Campeço, were yielded to the king of Navarre▪ & he of Arragon had seized on Molina, Cagnet & Requegna, having corrupted Garcia of Vera, and Aluar Ruis of Espejo, captains of these places. D. Henry sought to make some accord with them of Carmona, demanding fridenship and offering a truce to the King of Granado, 
Truce offered by the King D. Henry, and refused by him.  the which the King of Castille had never done, but he could not effect it. Mahumet the Old, King of Granado, answered, that he would be a friend to the King D. Pedro dead, as he had been in his life time: wherefore the King leaving good order upon that frontier, and appointing D. Gonçalo Mexia, master of the knights of Saint james, Governor thereof, with other Noblemen and Captains, he parted from Sevile, to come to Toledo. Then he caused a certain coin to be made, called croysez, of the value of a maravedis, and an other kind called rials, 
Money currant in Castille.  of the value of four maravidis. Every maravidis in those times being worth ten of the lesser at this day.  
The first that began to quarrel with him for the succession of the realm, 
Portugal.  was D. Fernand King of Portugal, who pretended to be lawful heir, as Grandchild to D. Beatrix of Castille, daughter to D. Sancho the Brave: he was animated, in this ambition, by the Inhabitants of Zamore and Ciudad Roderigo, frontier towns of Portugal, 
Zamore and Ciudad Roderigo contrary to the King D. Henry.  who would not acknowledge D. Henry, but called in D. Fernand to reign over them, as it seemed all the country of Galicia had the like intent, the town of Corunna (commonly called the Groin) having voluntarily subjecteth itself to the king of Portugal. To prevent which inconveniences, the king D. Henry marched with a great army towards Zamore, to besiege it, but finding it strong and well manned, he passed on into Galicia; D. Fernand finding himself inferior, both in number of men, in valour, and in experience of war, unto D. Henry, would not attend him, but embarked, and returned into his country by sea, leaving a good garrison in the Groin. 
〈…〉  The King D. Henry, accompanied by Bertrand of Guesclin, entered into Portugal, betwixt the rivers of Duero and Minio, where he took Braga and Bragança, and overrun all that country, in view of the enemies, who durst not present themselves in battle, and had done worse, if he had not been called back, by the news which he received of the Moors attempts, and of the taking of Algezire, by the King of Granado, who having intelligence with the King of Portugal, had besieged, taken and razed this place, even unto the ground, in hattred of the great losses, which the Moors his predecessors and their confederates had received by reason thereof. 
Moors take Algezire.  At that time there reigned at Fez, in Africa, and in Algarue, or the plains of Africa, a prince of the race of the Merins, called Abayfer Abdelaziz, to whom the Kings of Arragon and Granado (having conspired against D. Henry) sent their Ambassadors, 
An. 1370.  in the year 1370. to treat a peace, and league with him, the which they did for five years: and in the mean time the King of Granado ceased no to annoy the country of Andalusia, and to do all the spoil he could, giving it out that it was in favour and aid of D. Pedro's children, who were in Carmona well manned and fortified.  
The King D. Henry went to field against this Moor, 
Castille.  who in passing attempted Ciudad Roderigo, but he could not take it. Being come to Medina del Campo, where the Estates were assembled, he was assisted with great sums of money, wherewith he contented strangers which had served him: and withal he received for the ransom of D. james of Majorca, who had been taken in the castle of Burgos, 70000. ducats, paid by Queen jeanne of Naples his wife. They hold, that Bertrand of Guesclin and others received there above six score thousand doublons, besides the towns and places which he gave them; as to Guesclin the towns of Soria, Almaçan, Ariença, Montague and Seron, and moreover the Siegneury of Molina, which the King of Arragon held, that he might breed a jar betwixt them. There Bertrand of Guesclin took his leave, and returned into France, where he was made Constable, and managed the war against the English. The King D. Henry being come into Andalusia, he was to arm himself against the Moors, against them of Carmona, & against the galleys of Portugal, who did trouble that coast, stopping the mouth to the river of Guadalquibir, so as the town of Sevile was much annoyed. The King was nothing well provided of galleys & ships of war, yet he gave such order, as in a short time he had a good army made ready in Biscay and Guipuscoa, whereby the sea was assured; the General of this army, was called Pero Gonçales of Aguero. During these actions, D. Tello the King's brother, being reconciled, and left by him in Galicia, to make head against the Portugals, died, and was buried at Saint Francis of Palencia, the Siegneuries of Biscay and Lara held by him, were afterwards given by the King unto his son D. john, who being come unto the crown, did incorporate them unto it for ever.  
In the year 1371. 
An. 1371.  Carmona was straightly besieged, and after many assaults, yielded by D. Martin Lopes of Cordova, master of Calatrava, upon certain conditions. During the siege there was so furious a sally made, as they came unto the King's tent, 
Carmone yielded to the King D Henry.  where he was in great danger, wherewith being incensed, and at many other bad offices of this master, he caused him to be slain afterwards at Sevile: passion surmounting the religion of oaths and promises. There was great store of the deceased D. Pedro's treasure, found by the King. And at the time of this siege D. Pedro Fernandes of Velasco, great Chamberlain to the King, took Zamora; and in Galicia many rebels were subdued, by D. Pedro Manriques, governor general of Castille, and D. Pedro Ruis Sarmiento governor of Galicia.  
2 This good success made the King of Portugal yield to the will of God, 
Portugal  who showed plainly that D. Henry must reign: wherefore these Princes made a peace at Alcantin, treating a marriage betwixt D. Fernand King of Portugal, and D. Leonora of Castille, daughter to the King D. Henry: although it took no effect, no more than two others, which D. Fernand had contracted two years before, with the house of Arragon: when as this King of Portugal, with those of Arragon, Navarre and Granado (jealous of the greatness of the new King of Castille) had made a league together. For confirmation of this league, the King of Arragon had sent D. john of Villaragur, and Bernard of Miragle Ambassadors to these Princes, who being in the court of Portugal, propounded a marriage betwixt the Infant D. john of Arragon, Duke of Girone, and D. Maria sister to the King of Portugal, the which was so pleasing unto the King D. Fernand, as for a final conclusion thereof, he sent D. john Alphonso Tello, Earl of Barcellos, his greatest favourite, into Arragon, with a good number of galleys, and many jewels and rich presents.  
The Earl treating with the King about this marriage of the Infants, he entered also into speech to marry the King D. Fernand his master, with D. Leonora of Arragon, his daughter: whereunto the King D. Pedro gave ear, and upon this hope, their league against D. Henry King of Castille was the more confirmed: as these marriages were for some considerations delayed, in the end, they were by this peace betwixt Castille and Portugal quite broken: and in like sort that which was concluded at Alcantin, betwixt the King D. Fernand, and D. Leonora of Castille, was disappointed by the disordered passions, whereunto the King D. Fernand did abandon himself, to enjoy D. Leonora Tells of Meneses, his own subject, wife to D. Laurence Vasco of Acugna, a knight of Portugal, taking her from her husband, and kept her to himself, like unto Ocatuius Caesar, who took Livia, the wife of Tiberius Nero, with whom he was in love.  
3 By the peace made betwixt Castille and Portugal, the King D. Henry recovered all the towns of Castille and Galicia, 
Castille.  which had been held by the Portugal faction. The Estates were then assembled at Toro, 
Estates at Toro.  where they were about to make many laws in this new reign. Among others, the jews and Moors inhabiting in the towns of Castille, were enjoined to wear a mark upon their garments, to distinguish them from others. 
Orders for Jews apparels.  About that time, D. Philip of Castro, being of the blood royal of Arragon, was slain by his own subjects, striving to get the possession of the Siegneury of Paredes, belonging to his wife D. jean sister to the King D. Henry, 
Murder of D. Philip of Castro.  daughter to D. Leonora of Guzman. D. Philip left one only daughter for his heir.  
Upon the good agreement which was at the time betwixt the French Kingt and him of Arragon, 
Arragon.  there was a marriage concluded betwixt. D. john duke of Girona, and D. jean of France, daughter to King Philip of Valois, whom he had in his latter days by Queen Blanch his second wife, daughter to Philip of Eureux King of Navarre. At that time there was a confederacy made in Cattelogno: all the Nobility of that Province taking arms, against the Earls of Vrgel and Ampurias, and the Viconts of Cardova and Castlebon; who pretended to be the chief and Lords of the Nobility in Cattelogno, and maintainned that all the rest of the Nobility were their subjects: but the King taking the quarrel in hand, said, that the Nobility did not acknowledge any superior but himself, and suppressed their deseignes.  
The Arragonois affairs in Sardinia, 
War in Sardynia.  being almost ruined, were somewhat repaired by Bienvenu Graphie, a captain of some Sicilian galleys, who passing upon occasion along that shore, relieved Cailleri and Alguer, and gave means to the Earl of Quirra, Governor for the King of Arragon, to victual joyeusegarde, Aquafredda, Saint Michael and Quirra. Then was Brancaleaon of Oria brought under the King of Arragon's obedience, and opposed to Marian judge of Arborea, who notwithstanding was so fortunate, as had he been any thing assisted by the Genevois, he had quite chased the Arragonois out of the Island, but that state having made a peace with the King of Arragon, they maintained it faithfully, Dominike of Campofregoso, being Duke of Genova.  
D. Pedro King of Arragon, thinking his honour much interresssed if he did not punish this judge Marian, who troubled him so much, entertained a great number of English, and other strangers, both horse and foot, to send into Sardynia: for the payment of which troops and other necessary charges of this war, he imposed great tributes upon his subjects of Arragon, 
Complaint of the Arragonois.  Valence, and Cattelogne, by a decree of the Estates, wherewith the people found themselves grievously oppressed, by reason whereof there were complaints and murmuring throughout the whole realm: What a miserable thing, say they, was the gift of this cursed island to our Kings, of this barren and now unmanured soil, bearing no fruit, full of woods and marshes, under a pestilent and unwholesome air, inhabited by savage people, treacherous, and full of vanity, which hath consumed and swallowed up so many brave and valiant men of Arragon, and wasted so much treasure? let the King leave it with a mischief to the Genevois for a perpetual subject of quarrels and war, both among themselves, and with their neighbours, and so he shall take a large revenge for the Realm of Arragon, both of them, and of the Sardyniens. Notwithstanding these discontentments of the people, the King D. Pedro did what he could to keep the Island.  
As for the affairs betwixt Castille and Navarre, the new King D. Henry found many difficulties, 
Navarre.  by the absence of the King of Navarre, Queen jeanne his wife, who governed the country, refusing to conclude any thing touching the restitution of the towns of Logrogno, Saluaterra, Alava, Victoria, and Santa Cruz of Campeço, usurped from the crown of Castille, for the King D. Charles, knowing since the year 1370. that the English and French would fall again to arms, thinking it a fit occasion to recover the lands and rights which he pretended to be of his ancient patrimony, and held by the French King, he passed the mountains, and went to Cherbourg in Normandy, not once approaching near the court of France, having no confidence in his brother in law King Charles the fifth. At his departure he had left Queen jeanne his wife Governess of his Realm, and for council he had given her D. Bernard Foucault Bishop of Pampelone, and D. john Crusat Deane of Tudele. The towns of Saluaterra and Real, were restored by the Queen Governess to the King of Arragon, and a league treated with this King, having sent Doctor john Cruzat, with others to Tortose.  
Their accords tended to the prejudice of Don Henry King of Castille, with whom afterwards the Kings of Portugal and Granado joined, as we have said, all which things were ratified and confirmed by the King Don Charles, who was in France: who being somewhat peacefied by the French King, made a peace with him, which continued about five years: by reason whereof he prepared himself to return into Navarre, in the end of the year of our Lord 1372. 
An. 1372.   
Attending whose return, the Queen his wife being solicited for the towns of Victoria, Saluaterra of Alava and others, which had yielded themselves to the King of Navarre, could find no better expedient to content the King Don Henry, then to consent that Pope Gregory the eleventh, who had newly succeeded Vrbaine the fifth, should be judge of this difference, and that until he had sent a Cardinal with sufficient authority to determine, the towns should remain in the hands of D. john Ramires of Areilan, a Knight of great virtue and esteem, who should keep them in deposito, in the Pope's name.  
This the Queen yielded unto, to the end the Realm might be in quiet at her husband's return: but notwithstanding this accord the King Don Henry sought to get these places by force: so as Saluaterra of Alava and Saint Croix were reduced under his obedience: but Victoria and Logrogno remained in the custody of D. john Ramires of Areillan. King Charles complained to Pope Gregory the eleventh, at avignon, of this excess done by the King D. Henry, than he came with all speed into his Realm of Navarre, to defend it against the army of the King D. Henry, who threatened to enter into his country, if he did not restore him the towns of Logrogno and Victoria. King Charles gave him to understand, that seeing it had been agreed to put their controversies to compromise to the Pope, who had sent a Legate into Spain, which was Cardinal Guy of Bologno, Bishop of Portuense, that (for his part) he was well content he should determine thereof, the which the King D. Henry did also yield unto: wherefore the Legate being come to Saint Dominike, and having been made acquainted with the rights and pretensions of both Kings, he made a peace betwixt them, upon these conditions: 
〈…〉.  That the the towns of Logrogno and Victoria, should be restored to the King of Castille: That the Infant D. Charles, eldest son to the King of Navarre, should take to wife Donna Leonora Infanta of Castille, daughter to D. Henry, with a dowry of a hundred thousand doublons at the celebration of the marriage: and moreover besides the said sum, King Henry should pay at the same time, twenty thousand doublons to the King of Navarre, for his charges during the time he had held the said places: That for assurance of the accomplishment of this marriage, the Infant D. Pedro, the younger son of Navarre, should remain in hostage in Castille, in the hands of the Queen D. jeanne, until that the Infant D. Charles should be of sufficient age. These things thus determined, the two Kings met at Briona, where they did confirm what had been formerly concluded; being come into Navarre, he presently sent his son D. Charles to be made sure to the Infanta D. Leonora, who came to Briona, well accompanied by the chiefest Noblemen of Navarre, where this ceremony was done with great pomp: the towns of Victoria and Logrogno, were restored, and after the return of the Infant D. Charles, D. Pedro his brother was sent unto the Queen of Castille, to remain there in hostage, according to the accord.  
The King of Navarre having given order for this business, he examined their actions, which had governed his Realm during his absence; and having found that some faults had been committed by the Bishop of Pampelone, and the Dean of Tudelo, who● he had left for councillors to the Queen his wife, they fearing to be punished, absented themselves. The Bishop took his way to Rome, where he arrived safely, and there ended the remainder of his days; but as for the Dean, who sought to save himself in Castille, he was pursued, and taken near unto Logrogno, and there slain by the King's commandment. Soon after Queen jean returned into France, where she lived not long.  
4 About the end of this year 1373. the King D. Charles and his eldest son, came to Madrid to see the King D. Henry, whom the King of Navarre let understand, that to avoid a great trouble in his affairs, 
The King of Navarre seeks to draw the King of Ca●tile from the friendship of France to join with the English.  which might grow by the means of Edward King of England, and Edward Prince of Wales his son, he should embrace their friendship, the which he had charge to offer him, upon condition he should break the league he had with the French king, their enemy, in regard whereof they promised to give no aid unto the daughters of the deceased King D. Pedro, who were in England, making great suit unto King Edward, and to the Prince of Wales, to restore them to their father Inheritance: and moreover that john Duke of Lancaster had married D. Constance the one of them, by reason whereof he pretended the Realm of Castille to belong unto him, as holding the place of the eldest, being declared lawful, and received in that quality by the Estates of the realm, her sister, D. Beatrix being dead. All which pretensions should be relinquished by the English, if he left the alliance of France, & paid a certain sum of money unto the Prince of Wales, the which the D. Pedro his brother did owe him. The King of Navarre propounded these things, as having charge from the English Princes, who were enemies to France, whose party he had always held, for the wrongs which he pretended had been done him by the French King his brother in law: giving many reasons, to induce the King D. Henry to incline to this party; but he (who held not the crown of Castille of any other after God, but of the French) would not show himself unthankful, but answered resolutely, that he would never quit the friendship of France: but if the question were to disburse money to content the English, tha● he was well content to do it: 
Don Henry K. of Castille persists in the amity of France.  the which the King of Navarre fayd was not sufficient, and that he must of necessity break the League he had with France; but if he held it not fit to do, he entreated him not to take in ill part what he had said unto him, seeing he had it in charge from the King of England, to whom he was bound to do all good offices. The king Don Henry thanked him for the pains he had taken, to come so far into Castille, saying, that he could not take that ill which he had spoken, but (for his part) he would persist in his first resolution: so as the King of Navarre returned into his Realm, and the king Don Henry into Andalusia.  
The king of Navarre advertised the English Princes of the answer he had received, the which did much discontent them: for the king of Castille did much balance their affairs, by the succours he gave by sea unto the French, having sent a good number of ships of war, under the command of Ambrose Becanegra a Genovois, his Admiral, who stopped the passage in such sort betwixt France and England, as besides many small prizes which he had taken, he defeated a fleet of English, about that time, and took six and thirty of their vessels near unto Rochel; by which victory Rochel came under the obedience of the French king, 
Rochel yielded to the French.  and the greatest part of the prey and prisoners were carried into Spain; among the which was the Earl of Pembroke General of the army. Besides which succours, the king Don Henry being come from Burgos to Saint Ander, he sent Don Ruy Diaz of Rojas into the Province of Guipuscoa, to make ready a new army of 40. ships, the which he sent soon after under the command of the same Ruy Diaz to the French K. who came to Rochel, and having joined with a French Captain called john Calais, who had about twenty Barks, all together came and set upon another fleet of English, whom they likewise put to rout, and then Don Ruy Diaz returned a victor into Spain: so as the English had reason to seek to divide the king of Castille, from him of France, and to draw him unto their party. Pope Gregory the eleventh presumed to interpose his authority in these Prince's quarrels, the which did not please them. Having made an accord betwixt the Kings of Castille and Navarre, he would also reconcile the controversies that were betwixt Castille and Arragon, and to this end he sent the Cardinal of Cominges into Spain, who priest the two Kings to send their Deputies to debate their cause before him. Don Henry named for his part the bishop of Burgos, and Don Aluar Garcia of Albornoz Lord Steward of his house: the king of Arragon deputed the bishop of Lerida, and Don R●●mond Alam●n Ceruillon, who agreed that th● College of Cardinals should determine this controversy. But these Princes being better advised, that it was not fit their quarrels should be decided by the Court of Rome, they took a better course to agree betwixt themselves. The town of Tuy which had for many m●●eths refused to obey D. Henry, now submitted about this peace of Arragon.  
But the war was renewed betwixt Castille and Portugal, by reason of many prizes taken in the port of Lisbon, 
Portugal.  and at sea, of ships and merchants of Biscay, Guipuscoa and Asturia: and also for that the King Don Fernand gave a retreat unto the banished men of Castille, concerning matters of State; and also that he had contemned the marriage concluded betwixt him and Donna Leonora of Castille, to marry Donna Leonora Tells of Meneses, Niece to the Earl of Barcelos, a Lady of great beauty, but much inferior in quality to the Infanta Donna Leonora of Castille, and Donna Leonora of Arragon, whom he might have had with great profit to his Realm, and to himself honour. He contemned these marriages, 
Marriage unlawful of the king of Po●tugal, taking away his subjects wise.  which had been very beneficial to himself, and to his Realm of Portugal, to marry this Lady, offending God and all good laws: for he took her violently from her husband Laurence Vasques of Acugna, forcing him to fly into Castille, where he passed the remainder of his days in exile, carrying commonly horns of silver on his hat, to witness the lust and infamy of his Prince; yet some, to excuse this fact, writ, that the king caused this marriage to be dissolved by the Pope's authority, as unlawful, by reason of the nearness of consanguinity: of the which (notwithstanding) there was issued one son, called Alvaro of Acugna. The king was made sure unto her in the presence of the Earl of Barcelos, and a ●●ster of hers, called Don Mary, who had managed this marriage, and to whom the king had imparted his loves. When this marriage was published in Lisbon, the inhabitants incensed (that the king had left so profitable and honourable a marriage, 
Tumult at Lisbon for the king's marriage.  as that of Castille) began to mutiny, and having taken Fernand Vasques of Acugna for their Captain, they sent 300. armed men about the king's palace, and gave the king to understand in the behalf of the city, that he should leave this woman, else they would take her, and do unto her as their Predecessors had done to the king D. Sancho Capello in the like case. The king fearing the fury of this multitude, answered them mildly, that in what they did, they were good subjects, being jealous of his honour, and thanked them for their good will: but he let them understand, that D. Leonora Tells was not his married wife, and entreated them to retire until the next day, when he would talk to them more amply of that business, in the Monastery of S. Dominicke. This blast being blown over, the king parted by night out of Lisbon, and carried D. Leonora Tells with him into the country betwixt Duero and Minio: and retiring towards Porto, he lodged near unto it in the Monastery of Leza, where he married this Lady publicly, not caring how his subjects took it. He commanded that all men should acknowledge her, and call her Queen, and gave her the towns of Almadra, Sintra, Torresuedras, Atognia, Ouiedos, Alanguer, Abrantes, Villa viciosa, and many other places. All in the end yielded to it without murmuring, seeing it was the king's pleasure, and D. Leonora had the title of Queen given her by all men, but by D. Denis the king's brother, who would never kiss her hand, saying, That it was her duty to kiss his: whereat the King D. Fernand was so incensed, as if Don Denis had not retired presently by the means of those that were then present, he had stabbed him with his dagger: for this cause the Infant retired himself for ever after into Castille. When as D. Leonora Tells saw herself installed Queen, she made a diligent search who had been the chief motives of the mutiny at Lisbon, and understanding that they were of the family of Vasques of Acugna, she ceased not to pursue them with a deadly hatred, until she had forced many of them to fly into Castille.  
Of this marriage betwixt the king D. Fernand and D. Leonora Tells issued D. Beatrix, 
Genealogy of Portugal.  who was married to D. john the first King of Castille, borne at Coimbra, and afterwards a son and a daughter who died young: some Authors hold, that they were borne in adultery, committed by the Queen with D. john Fernandes of Andeiro, a knight of Gallicia, borne at Corunua. Moreover the king before this marriage, had a daughter called D. Izabel. The king D. Henry having these causes of discontent against the king of Portugal, he gave him to understand by his ambassadors, that he could not take it in good part, that he had retired his rebellious subjects, of which he demanded some: and moreover, that he should deliver the ships and merchants of Asturia, Biscay, & Guipuscoa with their goods, which he had taken and stayed: whereof the K. D. Fernand made no account, wherefore the king of Castille prepared to arms. Diego Lope Pacheco a knight of Portugal, was then in Castille, who was retired thither, by reason of the death of D. Agnes of Castro, flying the fury of the king D. Pedro: and had been so favoured by the king D. Henry, as he had got great revenues & honours. This Knight had left many friends in Portugal, by whose means he was advertised of all that was done in D. Fernands' Court: and as he was a most affectionate servant to the king of Castille, so he sought to draw unto him all those that were valiant in Portugal: and if any one were persecuted, he persuaded him to come into Castille, declaring unto them the bounty of the king D. Henry. He had had intelligence of all that had past touching the marriage of D. Leonora Tells, and of the discontent betwixt the K. and his brother D. Denis, and them of the house of Acugna, and the city of Lisbon: wherefore embracing these occasions fit for the war, which was like to grow betwixt these two kings, Diego Lope Pacheco wrought so, as he drew D. Denis to come and put himself under the protection of the king D. Henry, & entertained by all means such Gentlemen as were ill affected to their King, to be revenged of the wrongs he had done them. Matters being thus prepared, and the ambassador being returned, who had been sent to summon the king D. Fernand to deliver the banished men which he had in his Realm, & to make restitution of the prizes which had been taken by him, the king D. Henry entered into Portugal with an army, 
War betwixt ●●tile and ●●●ugal.  and having sent D. Alphonso his son to Coimbra (a castle in Gallicia where the banished men had fortified themselves) the place was taken.  
The king on his side seized of Almorda, Panel, Cillonico and Linares, and there Don Denis joined with him, with other Noblemen of Portugal, who were liberally entreated, and much honoured. Pope Gregory the eleventh residing in avignon, hearing of the troubles betwixt these two kings, was careful (like a good pastor) to send a Legate, which was Cardinal Guy of Bologno, with full authority to reconcile them. But before that he could draw the parties to any friendly composition, the king Don Henry made a new entry, took Viseo, and ran up the country as far as S. Iren, finding no resistance: for Don Fernand was not so able to maintain a quarrel, as he was ready to breed one: wherefore keeping himself within Saint Iren, the king Don Henry had the passage free and open to go unto Lisbon, where he spoiled and burnt the lower part of the town, 
Lisbon spoiled and burnt by the King of Castille.  as the new street, and some other places, for that he neither found walls, nor any resistance: the quarter called Sus, held good, being walled in, and well manned; for all the inhabitants were retired thither: during the which, the sea-army of Castille entered into the mouth of the river, which is large and spacious, where they did not only recover the ships of Biscay, and others which had been taken; but many vessels of all sorts, which were fit for service, were carried away by the Castillans, and the rest burnt. In the mean time the Legate laboured what he could to end these miseries, wherein he prevailed so much, as he reduced the two kings to a peace, the which was concluded to the great advantage of the king of Castille; 
Peace betwixt Castille and Portugal.  after which the kings met near unto Saint Iren, either of them in a bark upon the river of Tayo, where they finished their accord and capitulations: among the which there was a marriage concluded betwixt Donna Beatrix, sister to the king D. Fernand, and Don Sancho Earl of Albuquerque, brother to the king of Castille, and of Donna Izabella base daughter to the king Don Fernand, and Don Alphonso Earl of Gijon, base son to the king Don Henry. The marriage betwixt Don Sancho and Donna Beatrix was celebrated; the places taken were restored, the peace was proclaimed, and the king of Castille returned into his country, leading his daughter-in-law Donna Izabella with him, being but eight years old, who was afterwards married to the Earl of Gijon, to his great grief.  
The quarrels betwixt Castille and Arragon, 
Arragon.  being not well ended, they were forced to come to a new compromise, wherein the Duke of Anjou brother to the French king was a dealer, but with so bad success, as he became enemy to the K. of Arragon. At that time were celebrated the marriages of D. john D. of Girone, the heir of Arragon, and Martha daughter to the Earl of Armaignac, who had fifteen thousand pounds starling in dowry: and of Don Martin of Arragon, the king's youngest son, with Donna Mary, daughter to Don Lopes Earl of Luna, and Lord of Segorbe. The same year 1372. Don Pedro king of Arragon finding too late, how easy he had been to believe false reports, and repenting himself of the unworthy death of Bernard of Cabrera, he restored his Grandchild Bernardin, son to Bernardin of Cabrera, to all his goods, except the Earldom of Vic, which he kept to himself. The father of this young Nobleman died in Castille, in the service of the king Don Henry, notwithstanding, that he had sought his father's death. There were this year seen in Arragon horrible Earthquakes, with the ruins of mountains about Ribagorça, where as many villages were overthrown, and great multitudes of people perished.  
In Castille the king Don Henry was priest by Donna Maria of Lara, 
Castille.  Countess of Alencon, to do her right tfor the Lordships of Biscay and Lara: she had many sons which were all advanced in France: the first was Earl of Alencon, 
Biscay belongs to the house of Alenson.  the second of Estampes, the third of Perch, and two of the Church. The king Don Henry made answer, that she should send him two of her sons to remain in Spain, and that he would give the Lordship of Biscay to the one, and that of Lara to the other. He presumed that she could not do it: all her children being so well advanced in France, and for some other reasons.  
Edward king of England, and his son john Duke of Lancaster, (who entitled himself King of Castille and Leon, in the right of his wife Donna Constance, daughter to the king Don Pedro the Cruel) sent Ambassadors to the king of Arragon, 
1373. Pretensions of john Duke of Lancaster to Castille.  in the year 1373. to treat a League with him: being resolved to send a great army into Castille, to conquer that Realm, whereof the Duke of Lancaster should be General, as belonging to his wife: offering great conditions to the king of Arragon, if he would adhere to their party. The king of Arragon demanded the Realm of Murcia, the towns of Requegna, Otiel, Moya, Cagnete, the city of Cuenca, and the Segneurie of Molina, with other places upon the frontier of Castille, whereof he held some: but hoping he should have a better composition with the king D. Henry, he kept himself betwixt both, being doubtful what to do, so as nothing was concluded for that time with the ambassadors of England.  
During these revolutions in Spain in temporal affairs, religion was managed by divers fects of Monks, especially by the begging Friars of Saint Dominick and Saint Francis, who this year incensed the people against a new Order which had risen in Spain in the time of the king Don Pedro, through the devout ignorance of certain Italians of Sienna, religious Hermits, who had heard one of their companions, called Friar Thomas, say dying, by a Prophetical spirit, 
Order of Saint jerom in Spain  said they, that within few days the holy Ghost should come into Spain, and that he had this by revelation: wherefore all these religious men thinking that the holy Ghost did not frequent much in Italy in those times, and that it was something which they must seek far off in a strange country: they left Italy, and came into the country of Toledo, hoping to get the grace of the holy Ghost, and thereby save their souls.  
The fame of these men being spread over Spain, a bishop of jaen called D. Alphonso Pecha, and Don Pero Fernand Pecha his brother, Chamberlain to the king Don Pedro, Hernando janes' Chanoine of Toledo, and chief Chaplain of the chapel of the ancient Kings, with many other Christians, commending the resolution of these Friars, and their ignorance, being desirous to live in that contemplation, joined with them, leaving bishoprics, Chanonries, Benefices and Estates, and choosing their abodes in caves and woods far from the society of men, where they began to live a wonderful austere life, saying, that it was according to the rule of Saint Paul, that they must suffer many discommodities, to live like Christians, and that it was the means to gain Paradise. This sect being in great esteem, the begging Friars began to blame the people for following of these men, who had no settled Order nor discipline among them, and (which did more import) had no approbation from the Pope. For these reasons the inconstant multitude began to retire themselves, and to abate much of their devotion, which these good Hermits finding, to their great grief, they took council among themselves to send unto the Pope, to get authority from him for a name, rule, profession, order, and abode. The messengers were Friar Peter Fernandez of Guadajara, and Friar Peter Roman of their company: who being come before the Pope, exposed their devotion unto him, their manner of life, 
Approbation of the Order of S. Jerome by the Pope.  exercises in religion, their means and merits, beseeching him that he would be pleased to approve their Order and profession, giving them for Patron the great Doctor Saint Jerome, to whom all were most addicted.  
The Pope made no difficulty to allow of them, having had some former information of that which they had said, appointing them to live under the rule of S. Augustine, he prescribed what manner of garment they should wear, and sent back these Deputies into Spain, with Bulls, in October, 1373. By this approbation from the Pope, these Monks crept into credit, and did build their first convent in a place called Lupiana, in the Archbishoppricke of Toledo, two leagues from Guadalajara, dedicating it to Saint Bartholomew, the which was since the chief of the Order: the Prior of which Monastery is General of the Order for three years, and is bound to reside in that Monastery during his charge. Since by the bounty of the Princes of Spain, these Hermits have built many convents, and have greatly enlarged their possessions. Their exercise is more in singing then studying, the which they do neglect expressly, to the end they might not be diverted from their simple contemplation, notwithstanding there have been some great Preachers found among them, and men of understanding in great affairs of State.  
Returning to politic worldly affairs, the king D. Henry being advertised of the practices betwixt the English and the king of Arragon, he sought to entertain the hope of compromise propounded by the Cardinal Guy of Bologne, who by the Pope's commandment, was a mediator to make this peace. In the mean time he had intelligence with Lewis Duke of Anjou, Governor of Languedoc; and concluded, that he should press the English towards Bayone, and the duke of Anjou upon the limits of his government, and then having joined their forces together, they should annoy them all they could in Guienne: for he had intelligence that john Duke of Lancaster had imparted his enterprises, and joined his forces with those of john of Montfort Duke of Britain, making preparation to enter into Castille: 
〈…〉 against D Henry of Castille.  the which he thought fit to prevent, and to assail him in Guienne, whilst that Philip the Hardy, Duke of Bourgongne, and brother to the French king, made war against the English in Artois and Vermandois: and to this effect the king D. Henry gave order to raise an army in Rioja. Whilst that the troops were levying, the Court being at Burgos, there fell a quarrel betwixt the servants of D. Sancho Earl of Albuquerque, the king's brother, and them of D. Pedro Gonçales of Mendoça for their lodgings, whether the Earl running to pacify this broil, (whereof neither he, nor D. Pedro were guilty) he was thrust through with a lance and slain, by one that knew him not. The king parting from Burgos, came to Rioja, where having mustered his army, he found 6200. horse, whereof 1200. were Genets, with the which he passed to Bayone, being assured by the Duke of Anjou, that he would come and join with him. And to keep the king of Arragon in awe, Don james Infant of Majorca, husband to jeanne Queen of Naples, was come to Narbone with good troops threatening to enter into Cattelogne.  
The K. D. Henry passing by Alava and Guipuscoa, entered into the territory of Bayone, 
D. Henry of Castille 〈◊〉 Gui●nn● wi●h an army against the English,  where he found no great resistance, for the army of English, which had been hotly pursued by the Duke of Bourgongne, being come to Bourdeaux, was much dminished. There he stayed some days for the Duke of Anjou, having sent Pero Fernandes of Velasco, his Lord Chamberlain, and Don john Ramires of Areillan, to hasten him: but they found him busied in taking of towns and castles from the English, some by force, some by composition, so as the king Don Henry returned with his army into Spain, having done no great exploit.  
Passing through Guipuscoa, Don Bertrand of Guevara, Lord of Ognate, who had done him great service, made suit unto him to give him the town of Mondragon, whereof the Inhabitants being advertised, they sent their Deputies to inform the king what wrong he should do himself, if he should alienate such a place from the Crown, the which (besides the great commerce, by reason of the forges of Iron and steel, which were continually set a work thereabouts) was a fort of great consequence, upon the which there might be many desseines made: for the castle (which was then entire) was impregnable: beseeching him to be an eye witness, and to pass by the place, remembering that the Inhabitants of Mondragon had been always faithful unto him, and that during the wars betwixt him, and the King Don Pedro, they had always followed his party. The king promised to pass by their town, wherefore the Inhabitants thereof, and of the country thereabouts began to make the lower way, which goes from that town to Ognate, whereas before they were forced to pass the mountain called Bacue, to the end the King should not be tired with passing over it. This passage is at this day called Euripide, a corrupted word, in stead of Erreguevide, the which in that country language signifies a way for the king.  
The King Don Henry having viewed the situation of the town and fort, with the commodities thereof; and considered of the Inhabitants reasons, he would not yield unto the petition of Don Bertrand of Guevara, but he gave him in recompense the valley of Leniz, with all jurisdiction, both civil and criminal. This valley was wont to depend upon Mondragon, but than it was taken from it, and the said Bertrand, and his successors have enjoyed it for the space of an hundred, fourscore, and two years, or thereabouts, unto the year 1556. when it was united unto the Crown, by a decree of the King's Council of Castille. The king parting from Mondragon, returned to Burgos, from whence he passed to Leon, and then to Sevile.  
Whilst that the king of Arragon was attentive to the war against the English, the Infant Don james of Majorca, 
Arragon.  husband to the Queen of Naples, entered into Cattelogne with fifteen hundred lances, being assisted by the Kings of France and Castille, and by the Duke of Anjou, where he did much harm. On the other side Bernard bastard of Foix, first Duke of Medina Celi, and Geoffrey Rechon, a Knight of Brittany, Lord of Aguilar del campo, allied, and friends to the Infant of Majorca, spoiled the country of Arragon, by Medina Celi, the which did wonderfully trouble the King of Arragon, and made him study how he might speedily end the controversies which he had with the king Don Henry.  
The Infant Don james of Majorca having spoiled Cattelogne, passed into Arragon, to do the like: but he was forced to retire for want of victuals, leading his army into Castille, where he fell sick and died in Almaçan, in the beginning of the year 1375. His troops returned into Gasconie, with john of Malestit, their chief leader. In this army was jeanne of Majorca, marquess of Montferrat, sister to the deceased Don james, who passed also into Gasconie.  
Some were of opinion, that this attempt of the Infant of Majorca, was not without the intelligence of some great men of Arragon, who had drawn him into the country, whereof the king made diligent informations. At that time there was so great a dearth in Arragon, as they were forced to beg a passage for corn out of Africa and Mauritania, the which did warrant the country from this invasion, more than any resistance that the king D. Pedro could make.  
This year 1374. the King of Castille redeemed from Bertrand of Guesclin, Constable of France, 
An. 1374. Castille.  the town of Soria, and the rights of Molina, which he had given him, paying him 240000. doublons, and moreover he gave him the Earl of Pembroke, an English man, who was a prisoner, and set at 10000 pounds sterling for his ransom, and the Lord of Piene for 3400. pounds, with many other knights and Captains English, or their partisans, as well for this redemption, as for the remainder which was due to him & his troops. And holding always good correspondency with the French K. during the war against the English, he sent him a good army by sea, whereof D. Fernand Sanches of Tovar was Admiral, the which being joined unto the French, did much annoy the English coasts.  
The practices of a peace betwixt Castille and Arragon being continued, the ambassadors of both kings met at Almaçan, whether came to Queen of Castille, and her son D. john. There were for Castille, the Bishops of Plaisance and Palence, and D. Pedro Gonçales Of Mendoça Lord Steward to the Infant of Castille, with his brother D. john Hurtado of Mendoça Standard bearer also to the Infant, & Pedro Fernandes of Velasco, Chamberlain to the king. For the king of Arragon came the Archb. of Sarragossa, and D. Raymond Alaman Ceruillon, who treated of the differences betwixt the two kings, with great eagerness, in the presence of the Queen of Castille. The king D. Henry demanded, that the Infanta D. Leonora, daughter to D. Pedro king of Arragon, should be delivered to the Infant D. john his Son, to whom she was made sure. The king of Arragon answered, that the king of Castille must perform that which he had promised and sworn, when he came first out of France into Castille, by Arragon, which was to give him the lands often before mentioned: whereunto he of Castille replied, that he was no more bound, for that the king of Arragon had been since in League with the Prince of Wales his enemy, and had had many treaties with other Princes to his prejudice: Moreover, that returning the second time out of France he had not given him free passage through Arragon. Besides these main articles, there were others of less consequence, all which were reconciled by these Deputies.  
The accord was made the twelfth of April 1374. 
Accord betwixt D. Henry King of Castille and D. Pedro king of Arragon.  in the Monastery of Saint Francis of Almaçan, as followeth: That the Infanta Donna Leonora of Arragon should be given to the Infant Don john of Castille, as his lawful wife, with a dowry of two hundred thousand Florins of the coin of Arragon, which sum the king Don Henry should hold for received, for the charges which the king of Arragon might have been at in the first passage which he made through Arragon into Castille. The King of Arragon should restore Molina, Almaçan, and other places which he had gotten during the troubles of Spain: and to avoid all future controversies betwixt the parties, Don Henry king of Castille should pay unto him of Arragon an hundred and eighty thousand Florins, at days appointed.  
For assurance whereof the forts of Requegna, Otiel and Moya should be left in deposits in the hands of the Archbishop of Sarragossa, and of Don Raymond Alaman of Ceruillon. These things thus concluded, the King D. Henry came to Soria, with the Queen his wife and children, whither the Infanta D. Leonora of Arragon was sent: thither also came Don Charles Infant of Navarre, so as there were two marriages celebrated in that city, betwixt Don john of Castille, and D. Leonora of Arragon, and betwixt Don Charles of Navarre, and D. Leonora of Castille, but there was a months respite betwixt the one and the other. Spain being at peace within itself, by these accords and alliances made betwixt Castille, Arragon, Navarre, Portugal, and Granado, it were fit to treat of the employments of the Princes and people of those countries, touching arts, sciences, laws, and civil government, but the records of such things are very defective. We read briefly, that the king Don Henry appointed companies, which they call Hermandades, which are assemblies of Commonalties in the Province of Guipuscoa, where they treat of affairs and negotiations concerning their Prince's service, and the preservation of the country.  
As for the King of Navarre, 
Navarre.  who was turbulent and an enemy to rest, he forged and invented a new quarrel against the King Don Henry, upon the payment of an hundred and fifty thousand Doublons which he had promised for the marriage of his daughter Donna Leonora: for the King of Navarre refused an hundred and fifty thousand Reals of silver, which was part of this payment, saying, that the king of Castille was bound to pay him the sum in gold. These Reals remained long in the town of Logrogno, and in the end were lost for the king of Navarre, by reason of the quarrels and tumults which ensued.  
The Infant Don Pedro, the second son of Navarre, who had been in hostage, was delivered. At that time the king of Navarre was advertised, that Don Rodrigo of Vrris, a knight which had done him great service in all his affairs both in France and Spain, had secret intelligence with Don Henry, king of Castille, who had a desire to seize on Tudele upon Ebro, and upon Caparoçe, notwithstanding the accords and alliances contracted with him. Of which places Don Rodrigo was Governor, 
Treason of D. Rodrigo of Vrris discovered and punished by the king of Navarre.  who being solicited to this end, had a promise from the king Don Henry of a great recompense in Castille, and to give him his own Niece to wife, being daughter to one of his brethren, with other great advancements: an usual thing in Princes, when they seek to draw any one unto their service. King Charles informed hereof, was much grieved, for he loved Don Rodrigo: who to divert him from this treacherous practice, ill befitting a knight of honour, he let him understand, that he had intelligence of the marriage which he treated in Castille, advising him not to give ear to it in any sort, without the consent of his Council: this message was delivered unto him by Martin of Vrris his brother, and john Renaud Captain of Tudele, and by Don Sancho of Vrris, one of the king's Council.  
Don Rodrigo thinking that the king was ignorant of his other practices, but had only some intelligence of his marriage, neglected what they had said unto him, and went on his way, as it were, to be married: being come to Pampelona, he was stayed by the king's commandment; where being examined upon the treason, and not able to disprove what was averred against him, he was condemned to lose his head, the which was executed, yet secretly, to preserve the honour and estimation of his family and kinsfolks, to whom the body was delivered, and interred by them in the Monastery of Saint Augustine at Pampelona.  
Many other knights of Navarre were so terrified with this death, to whom the carriage and behaviour of king Charles was neither pleasing nor profitable, as they left their Country, and retired themselves, some into Castille, some into other places, where they were well received and entertained. Such were the effects of the peace and concord betwixt the Princes of Spain then reigning. This happened in the year 1376. when as D. Bernard Foucault Bishop of Pampelona, dying in Italy there succeeded him D. Martin of salva, a great Doctor in the civil and canon Laws, equalled in that knowledge, yea preferred by the Spaniards to Baldus, who lived in his time. This bishop was a defender of the ecclesiastical rights, & did much good to his church, retiring the lands belonging thereto, out of the hands of many laymen which had usurped them: namely, those of Villa Toro, Villa Major and Montreal, with other tithes. This year the towns of Pampelona, Puente la Reyna, Gatde, S. Vincent, Arcos, and Saint john of Pie de port, allowed of the marriage betwixt the Infant Don Charles, and D. Leonora of Castille, with the oaths and ceremonies used in those times, acknowledging for their Prince, and heir to the Crown, the first borne son of that marriage, the which king Charles did procure, that he might the better confirm the future succession.  
The affairs passing after this manner in Spain, the king of Arragon, who thought himself freed from all troubles by the peace made with Castille, 
Arragon.  and the decease of the Infant D. james of Majorca, found himself entangled in new crosses, and of greater consequence than any of the precedent: for D. jeanne marquess of Montferrat, sister and heir to the Infant of Majorca, being passed into France, after the decease of her brother, had made session unto Lewis Duke of Anjou, the French kings brother, of all the rights which she pretended to the Realm of Majorca, 
Session of the rights of Rossi●●on, Cerdagne, etc. to the house of Anjou.  County of Rossillon and Cerdagne, Colibre and Valisper, which Segneuries the duke pretended to recover by arms, seeing that the king Don Pedro would not come to any friendly composition: so as he stayed only for the conclusion of a peace, which was treated with the English, before he entered in hostile manner into Cattelogne, with the forces which he had under his charge and jurisdiction, which were four thousand Lances: wherewith the King of Arragon being much troubled, he called a general Assembly of the Estates of Arragon, Valence, Cattelogne, Majorca, and his other Dominions and territories, at Monçon, to prevent this war, which did threaten him.  
The Estates made answer unto the King, 
Jews and Moors of Spain bore the extraordinary charges of the war.  who demanded money, that the subject could not contribute any more, being ruined by the great charges which they had borne some years before: and that the ancient custom was, that the jews and Moors which were subjects to the Kings of Arragon, should bear the extraordinary charges of the war, if need required: wherefore he should address himself unto those men. At the assembly the Viscount of Cardona took the title of Earl, by a decree of the Estates. The affairs of Sardinia did augment the king of Arragon's cares, for all went from bad to worse, so as the Governor of Cailleri was driven to that despair, as he was ready to set fire of the town, and to fly away by sea, being unable to resist Hugh the son of Marian, the new judge of Arborea, his father being lately deceased: who showed himself a more violent enemy against the Arragonois, than his father had been: the which was the more to be feared, for that the Genevois having broken the peace made and confirmed by john marquess of Montferrat, with the king of Arragon, had entered into the Island of Sardynia, and joining their forces with them of the judge, had attempted Pole near to Cailleri, and done many other acts of hostility.  
This year 1377. 
An. 1377.  Philip the Hardy, Duke of Bougongne, went in pilgrimage to Saint james of Galicia, passing, he visited the king Don Henry at Segobia, who received him honourably, and gave him many rich presents. About the same time D. Gomes Manrique Archbishop of Toledo being dead, this great and rich living was affected by many, by reason whereof the Court of Castille was divided into factions, every one favouring his kinsman or friend, that aspired to this dignity, not to be Ministers of the word of God, and to instruct the people in Christian Religion, but to be worldly great, rich and mighty, companions to Kings, and commanders over armies, according to the custom of that age. The King Don Henry did much favour D. john Garcia Manrique Bishop of Siguença, whose sister D. john Ramires of Areillan had married. Upon this election, where there were so many pretendants, D. john Ramires thinking he had need of the Pope's favour and authority, went to avignon well accompanied with Noblemen, his friends and kinsmen, but he did not obtain that which he pretended: for Pope Gregory the eleventh then reigning, declared Don Pedro Tenorio Bishop of Coimbra, Archbishop of Toledo. Thus these Pretendants lost this rich booty which they expected: much unlike unto Don Martin Martin's of Calaorra, archdeacon of Calatrava, in the church of Toledo, who being chosen some years before by the Chapter, and a general consent, to be Bishop of Calaorra, he excused himself, and would not accept of this dignity, which is one of the richest, and of greatest jurisdiction in Spain, next to Toledo. Don john Ramires of Areillan returning by Cattelogne, he was desirous to kiss the king of Arragon's hands, being at Barcelona, whither came the Viscount of Rueda, who in the king's presence accused Don john Ramires of certain crimes, offering him the combat if he should deny it: Don john Ramires regarding his honour, accepted of this challenge: for the performance whereof, the King of Arragon assigned ninety days, at which time Don john should present himself to the combat, or else they would proceed against him, according to the laws and orders of combats.  
Don john Ramires returned in the mean time into Castille, and made relation unto the King Don Henry how he had been challenged, and that he must present himself in Arragon at the day appointed, wheeras his enemy was much favoured by the king Don Pedro: the which the king of Castille having well considered, and fearing that Don john Ramires (whom he loved deavely for his integrity and virtues) should receive some indignity, in a country where he was not beloved, he resolved to send a gentleman to the King of Arragon, to let him understand, that no man living was better acquainted then himself, with the qualities and conditions of Don john Ramires of Areillan, and how that he had carried himself like a Knight of honour in all his actions, even when he was Chamberlain to the same king of Arragon, and employed by him in the war against Don Pedro king of Castille: wherefore he entreated him to cause this appeal made by the Viscount to cease: whereof the King seeking to excuse himself, the Ambassador replied: Sir, 
Ambassador's speech to the King of Arragon.  seeing it is your pleasure that this combat shall be fought, understand, that the King of Castille my Lord is resolved to send at the time you have appointed three thousand Lances, to accompany Don john Ramires, to the end that he may be no way inferior, neither for the safety of his person, nor for support, unto his adversary, seeing that the quarrel must be decided in a strange Country, where as the Prince shows himself partial. The King Don Pedro taking these words in ill part, fell into a great dispute with this Gentleman, who made him a discreet answer: wherefore fearing that this might kindle a new fire betwixt Castille and Arragon, after much consultation, he commanded the Viscount to desist from his challenge, declaring that Don john Ramires was a good Knight. Thus past the affairs betwixt Castille and Arragon in the year 1376.  
At which time Don Charles Infant of Navarre, 
Navarre.  being desirous to visit the Court of France, did so importune the King his father, as he got leave, from the which he was much dissuaded by the King of Castille his father-in-law, 
Detention of the Prince of Navarre.  who assuredly knew what reasons the French King had to hate the King of Navarre. For besides, that he had persuaded him to leave and abandon the league of France, and to adhere unto the English, as we have before showed, he had since engaged and delivered unto them the Town of Cherbourg in Normandy, and entertained many practices, to the prejudice and discommodity of France, whereof the French King was particularly advertised.  
Notwithstanding all this, the Infant Don Charles went on his intended and determined journey▪ presuming that he had not offended any way the King his Uncle, and that he would not make any question unto him, concerning the controversies and oppositions which were betwixt him and his father: and that whatsoever should happen beyond his expectation, he would retire himself to those places which the king his father had in the confines of Normandy, and not approach near the Court, without promise of assurance.  
With this resolution he left Navarre, very well attended on with a company of gentlemen, and men of council, among the which were Baldwin Belloferant, Captain of many places in Normandy belonging to the king of Navarre, the which he held by homage: james of Rue, a knight, and Chamberlain to the king, the Seigneur of Ortubia, Captain of the Infant's Guard, a Basque by nation, within two leagues of Fontaraby: Peter of Estampes, a Doctor of Divinity, and councillor to the king, with divers others. The French king being advertised beforehand of this voyage, as soon as they were entered into France, he caused james of Rue to be taken, who was found seized of certain papers and instructions, which did much augment the jealousy of the French: being put to the rack, he confessed that the king his master had plotted with the English, and that he had charge to say unto the King of England, that if he would promise the duchy of Guienne to the king of Navarre, and entertain him 2000 lances, he would make war against the French, and employ all his forces of Navarre, and of his lands in Normandy and other places: whereupon he was put into safekeeping. The Infant being much discontented at the taking of this knight, not knowing what he had confessed, came to the king at Senl●s, having a safe conduct, and besought him to deliver this prisoner: to whom the king answered, that he would not deliver him, but would cause his process to be made and his fathers also, meaning to confiscate all the lands he had within his kingdom: and moreover, he commanded him not to departed from Court without leave. He also called Baldwin Belloferant before him, 
The Infant of Navarre stayed.  and enjoined him to deliver into his hands, or of his captains, all the places and forts which he held for the king of Navarre: the which Baldwin, not able to avoid, promised to do, and took an oath: notwithstanding the king gave him a guard, until he had performed what he had promised, Fernand of Ayanes', a knight of Navarre, and Governor for the king of Navarre of his lands in Normandy, was also apprehended, with many others, who were sent to Paris, with james of Rue, and Peter of Es●ampes. Thereupon the king did write unto all Princes and Potentates strangers, touching these imprisonments, making great complaints of the king of Navarre his brother-in-law: and soon after he began sharp war against the Navarrois in Normandy: whereof Philip the Hardy, duke of Bourgongne, the king's brother, Lewis duke of Bourbon, and the Constable Bertrand of Guesclin were the chief Commanders, who in a short space took most of the towns and forts which the king of Navarre held in that country, there remaining nothing in a manner but Cherbourg; the which being held by the English, maintained the siege 7. months, and yet the French could not take it. In the mean time the king caused D. Pedro the second son of Navarre, and his daughter Mary to be taken at Bretevil, whom notwithstanding he kept in a free prison, and very honourably. At the same time there was a Secretary of the king of Navars', called Peter of Tertre, taken in the castle of Bernay, of whom by tortures they discovered many practices of the king his masters. He with james of Rue were condemned to die, and their bodies being quartered, were hanged in divers places entering into the city of Paris.  
These news heard in Navarre, the king D. Charles was wonderfully troubled, as well for the imprisonment of his children, as for the loss of his country, and the Infanta D. Leonora his daughter-in-law, was no less afflicted: and that which did most disquiet him, was, that the king to justify the imprisonment of his children, had informed all Christian Princes of his actions, and had incensed them against him, especially D. Henry king of Castille, against whom he had carried himself disdainfully in all his actions, notwithstanding the alliances and accords made newly betwixt them. And as he was of a harsh disposition, rash, and without government, he began to contrive many bad d●sseines, to prevent such as he feared: and now he repent the death of Don Rodrigo of Vrris, from whom he had drawn so many good services, and the banishment of many other knights, of whom he had then great need: but he hoped the English would be a good support for him at all events: and upon this ground he resolved to surprise the town of Logrogno, which was the Rampire of Castille against Navarre, presuming that he should amaze the king Don Henry by this exploit, 
Desperate disposition of Charles king of Navarre.  if it succeeded, or hinder him greatly, and let others understand that he was not altogether daunted: but seeing that the place was well manned, and carefully guarded by Don Pedro Manriques, Governor of that frontier, he sought to corrupt him with promises of great advancement in Navarre, and twenty thousand doublons in hand. Don Pedro who was a faithful servant to the king of Castille his master, and withal a Knight of honour, advertised the king Don Henry, who was then at Sevile, of all this practice: which news the king received at the instant when as the French kings ambassadors came to Sevile, to press him to make war against the king of Navarre: which made the king Don Henry more tractable to yield to that which they demanded: writing to Don Pedro, that he should entertain this bargain with the king of Navarre, and that he should seek to take him in Logrogno, and there to keep him prisoner.  
Don Pedro having received this answer, made all possible demonstrations, that he desired to satisfy the king of Navarre, and appointed him a convenient time to deliver him the town, receiving part of the double Ducats. In the mean time he drew secretly into Logrogno a good supply of soldiers: and the better to assure the execution of this enterprise, without hazard, the king D. Henry caused Don Pedro Gonçales of Mendoça, to enter into Navarret with six hundred Lances, who gave it out, that he had a quarrel with Don Pedro Manriques.  
Matters being thus disposed, there remained nothing but for the King of Navarre to show his indiscretion, and to enter into Logrogno: the which he was resolved to do, so blind he was in his desire, notwithstanding that all his Council had dissuaded him, assuring him that Don Pedro was not a Knight that would commit such a treachery against his King and Lord: and that of necessity he must believe he meant to deceive him; yea they did wholly oppose themselves against this enterprise, showing him the mischief which would ensue by his breach of peace with the king of Castille. Notwithstanding all this good advice, King Charles failed not to come at the time appointed to the bridge of Logrogno with four hundred lances, Martin Henriques carrying the Standard royal. Don Pedro Manriques came forth to meet him, and drew the king's men into the Town, without any brute, where their lodgings were already made, and expecting to bring in the king, he invited him very courteously: but suddenly bethinking himself of the mischief whereinto he run, and repenting that he had drawn so many men into danger, he retired from the bridge towards Viane, telling D. Pedro that he would not enter for that time in person, but it should be the next day, and that there were enough to execute that which they had concluded. This was a happy inspiration, for if he had entered, he had never returned with liberty nor Crown. Don Pedro Manriques seeing that the prey was escaped, caused all the Navarrois that were entered, 
The Naua●rois spo●led in Log●ogno.  to be stripped, whereof some were slain, and others prisoners; yet many escaped, leaping over the walls and rampires by the river, and other passages which they found: yea Martin Henriques, who carried the Standard, seeing the alarm, and how they were circumvented, keeping his Standard fast, he recovered the bridge, where he was environed round about by the enemy, but he descended himself very valiantly. In the end seeing he had no means to make his passage, he threw himself off the bridge into the river, with his Standard, and so escaped by swimming, as the Lord of Oloagui had also done, who came unto the king their Lord, and related the entertainment they had found at Logrogno: whereat he did not marvel, as having foreseen, though too late, what would succeed: notwithstanding he was much discontented, for he had lost many good men. By this attempt the peace betwixt Castille and Navarre was plainly broken.  
The king Don Henry being at Sevile, 
War betwixt Castille and Navarre.  was advertised of all that had passed, and dispatched his son Don john, a Prince in the flower of his age, desirous of honour and fame, who raised an army, to enter suddenly into Navarre. King Charles being advertised of these preparations, having consulted with his Estates, he passed to Bourdeaux, to crave aid of the English, 
The King of Navarre ●ath recourse unto the English.  who had then some suspension of arms with the French. Richard the 2. being newly come to the Crown, (the which fell out happily for him) who returned with 600. lances English and Gascons, under the command of Thomas Tre●et an Englishman, and the Seigneur of Berbecin a Gascon, to employ them in the war against Castille, 
An. 1378.  the which was very violent that year 1378. The king of Navarre had placed garrisons in all the fronter towns, the English at Tudele, with their Captain: the Gascons at Estella: the Segneur of Seres a Navarrois at S. Vincent: he put other good Captains into Viane, Arcos, Lerin, Sanguessa, and other places: the charges of which war were so great, as he wasted all his treasure, so as his son Charles coming to reign, he found not one ducat in his father's coffers. Thomas Trevet the English Captain, was slain in the town of Puente la Reyna, by the inhabitants, by reason of some insolences. D. john Infant of Castille, having drawn together about 4000 lances, and a number of foot out of Biscay and Guipuscoa, entered in arms into Navarre, being accompanied by D. Alphonso of Arragon, Marquis of Villena, and earl of Denia, D. A●phonso of Vruegna, D. Pedro Earl of Transtamara, Princes of the blood of Castille, D. Ruy Diaz of Rojas, Governor of Guipuscoa, with other Noblemen and Captains of note.  
They made a show to besiege Saint Vincent, but the place being strong both by nature and art, 
Exploits of D● Io●n and the Castillan a●my in Navarre  and well manned, they returned to make a muster at Logrogno, where as Don Pedro Henriques joined with them, and then all together entered into Navarre, where they found not any one in field to make resistance: for king Charles was retired on this side the mountains, and attended the success of the war at Saint john de Pie de port, standing only upon his defence: wherefore the Castillans burnt Larraga, Artaxona, with many other places, even unto the ports of Pampelona, before which city the Castillan army stayed a whole month, D. john being lodged in the village of Gorraiz: during which abode the castle of Thiebes was yielded unto Don Pedro Manriques, who burned it: It was a castle built by king Thibaud the first, as in a place of strength and great safety, they had kept the titles and records of the Realm, all which were now burnt, to the great prejudice of the Commonwealth. 
Records of Navarre burnt at Theb●s.  Wherefore is no wonder if many of the antiquities of this Realm be at this day unknown. Those which yielded this fort, were a knight called Berrio, Ruy Diaz of Torres, and Solomon Provoch, Captains to King Charles. The Castillans finding that they had not forces sufficient to take Pampelona, they dislodged and besieged Vianes; which place they took by composition, after many encounters, upon condition the defendants should have their lives and goods saved: Guard was also taken.  
Thus the Castillans' having done all the spoil they could in the country, Don john resolved to retire with his army into Castille, before that winter (which approached) should incommodate him. In a certain encounter which they had with the Gascons, Ruy Diaz of Royas was slain, which was the greatest loss the Castillans had in this expedition. Don john went to the King Don Henry his father, being at Toledo, to whom he gave an account of that which he had done, and then they came together to Burgos, where there was order given for a new army, to return into Navarre in the Spring. We find by some remembrances of those times, that the king of Navarre, complained much of many knights which had not showed themselves faithful in this war, yea having been called home by him from banishment, graced and restored to their honours and charges: among the which is named Don Ramir Sanches of Asiayn, and Don john Ramir of Areillan the younger: these with some more retired themselves one after another to the king of Castille, where they found a kind and gracious reception, in stead of the harshness and rigour of King Charles: so as in those days the Nobility of Navarre was much decayed, and in a manner extinct. King Charles being on this side the mountains, his Realm was governed by john of Presnay, a knight of France, and his Chamberlain, who advertised him of this new preparation of war which was made in Castille: whereon having duly considered, finding himself weak, and without money, and ill served by his own subjects, he resolved to pacify the king Don Henry, sending an Ambassador unto him to Burgos, to move him to some accord, the which he did not refuse, but answered, that if he sent him his Ambassadors and Deputies with sufficient authority to treat a peace, that he should not find him untractable to yield to any thing that should be held reasonable. Wherefore the king of Navarre did again employ D. Ramir Sanches of Asiayn, and sent him to Burgos, with the Prior of Roncevaux, men of learning and authority. These Ambassadors were heard by the king Don Henry, and entertained with great courtesy: where having discoursed, and somewhat debated upon the articles of the peace, in the end it was concluded, That there should be a perpetual amity sworn betwixt the kings and Realms of Castille and Navarre, without binding him of Castille to alienate himself in any sort from the league which he had with the French King. 
Peace betwixt Castille and Navarre.  That the strangers, Gascons, and English, should be sent out of Navarre: That the towns taken by the King of Castille from him of Navarre, should be restored; That the king of Castille should presently lend twenty thousand ducats unto the King of Navarre, to pay the soldiers which were to be dismissed: for assurance whereof, the King Don Henry should keep the town of Guard in pawn: That the king of Navarre for assurance of the entertainment of these Articles of peace, and that he should not break it in any sort, should leave twenty several places of his Realm of Navarre in pawn, in the custody and conseruance of Don john Ramires of the town of Areillan, namely, the Castle of Estella, the garrison whereof should be paid by the King of Navarre, and that Tudelo should receive a garrison of Castillans: that Larraga, Miranda and Saint Vincent should be of the number of those twenty places; the which should be thus held for ten years, and that expired, without any breach, all should be restored to the King of Navarre, or his successor. These Articles being concluded, and sworn, the war ceased, to the general good of both Kingdoms.  
During the war betwixt these two Princes, there grew troubles in the Church, to the scandal of all Christendom, 
Schism in the Church.  Pope Gregory the eleventh, had restored the papal seat to Rome, in the year 1376. seventy two years after it had been distracted by Pope Clement the fifth, who had been crowned at Lions. About two years and four months after this return, Gregory dying at Rome, he left the consistory of Cardinals in great combustion, as well among themselves, as with the people of Rome, who would have a Roman, or at the least an Italian chosen Pope, whereof there followed a most dangerous Schism, for all the Estates of Christendom for many years, were transported with passion, and not with any zeal of religion: for even then, and before, there was such corruption, as in the government of Clergy matters, there was nothing but ambition, covetousness, and deseignes for temporal commodities: Princes cherishing Popes, and Pope's being hirelings to Princes, to draw favour, authority and support one from an other, in their affections. After much contention, Vrbain the sixth came out of the Conclave, chosen by sixteen Cardinals, being before Archbishop of Bari, brone at Naples, his name was Bartholomew Prignan: whose election having been much contradicted by the French Cardinals, then allowed, and soon after rejected, in the end fifteen of them (not able to agree well with the Pope) being retired to Naples, through favour of Queen jeanne, they entered into the Conclave, and did choose an other Pope, whom they named Clement the seventh, called before Robert Cardinal of Geneva, or as some writ of Cambray, of the title of the twelve Apostles, who retired to avignon, and there held his seat, as Vrbain did at Rome.  
As Princes in acknowledging of these Popes, 
Castille.  were divided and carried away with their private passions, Vrbain the sixth seeing that his competitor was supported by the French King, sent Ambassadors to D. Henry King of Castille, to seek his favour, who finding him at Cordova, delivered unto him the reasons justifying the election of Vrbain, and condemning that of Clement, entreating him to believe that Vrbaine was the true and lawful Pastor, a friend to peace, and desirous of the good of all Christendom. To these words, they added a present of three pieces of fine scarlet, one for the King, an other for the Queen, and the third for the Infant D. john, giving presents also, in the Pope's name, unto many noblemen of the court, promising the King not to confer the benefices of Spain to any other prelates, then to such as were borne in the country. In the end they entreat him to disclaim the Antipope Clement. The King D. Henry having conferred with his council, Doctors, Divines, and other chief men of his Realm, upon the pretensions of Vrbain; he made answer unto the Ambassadors, that he would let them understand his mind at Toledo, whether he was then going, where being arrived, there came Ambassadors from the French Kidg, who being heard before he had made answer to them of Pope Vrbain, they crossed all: for having given the King of Castille to understand, that the election of Vrbain was forced, by the importunity of the Romans and the partiality of the Cardinals, and that Clement had been chosen with the better title as they pretended. 
Castille acknowledgeth no Pope.  King Henry resolved not to acknowledge any of them for Pope, sending Doctors into France, to inform themselves of the matter, and to report unto him what they should find, being wonderfully perplexed in mind, not knowing how he should govern himself, with a good conscience, in this Schism: but he was somewhat pacified, upon the determination which should be made by a General council, 
Profits of the court of Rome stayed in Spain.  and in the mean time he commanded that all the money due for Annates, or other profits, belonging, or accustomed to be received by the apostolic sea of Rome, in Spain, should be laid in Deposito, until it were declared by the Catholic church, who was lawful Pope, with this answer the Ambassadors of either part returned: The like resolution was taken in Arragon, touching this Schism. From Toledo the King of Castille came to Burgos, where a peace with Navarre was concluded, as we have said: after which the King of Navarre came to Alfaro, to visit the Infant D. john of Castille, and there he accomplished some part of the capitulation. The King of Castille being come from Burgos to Saint Dominike of Calçada, he was also visited by Charles King of Navarre, with great shows of love, of either side, and there they finished that which remained of their accord, the which was very prejudicial for the King of Navarre, reaping the fruits of his turbulent spirit, as he had done in France. The King D. Henry never parted from Saint Dominike, for he was poisoned by the treachery of Mahumet the old, King of Granado. This Moor seeing that the King of Castille was at peace with all other Kings his neighbours, and knowing him to be warlike, and a great undertaker, he was in fear lest he should invade his country of Granado: wherefore he sent a captain to his court, saying that he was banished. This Moor seeming to fly his Prince's wrath, came and presented his service unto the King D. Henry, and offered him in gift many pearls and precious stones, with other goodly presents, 
D●ath of the King D. Henry by poison.  amongst the which there was a pair of rich buskins, infected with poison, the which were so pleasing unto the King, as he would presently put them on: but soon after he began to find himself ill, and within few days died. He commanded his son to entertain the amity of France, whilst he lived, and to follow the French in that which concerned the Schism of the church. He was interred in the same chapel which he himself had caused to be built, it the great church of Toledo, the which since hath been augmented with revenues, by the Archbishop D. Alphonso of Fonseca, in the time of our fathers, and they call it the chapel of the last Kings. It is worthy observation, that this King having alienated from the crown, many towns and other places, to recompense the services which he had received from Noblemen and Knights of Castille, and others, in the conquest of the Realm, he put a clause in his will, which did afterwards breed many complaints and controversies in Castille: which was, that such donations made by him should go unto the eldest, 
Clause in the King D. Henry's will touching fees, which they call Maio●azgos.  the which is called in Spain Majorazgos, the which they have interpreted, as if no collateral heir might inherit them: according to the which in such controversies many decrees have been made in the Chancery, and the King's council, anexing such lands unto the crown. D. Alphonso bishop of Carthagena, saith, that this King died of the gout, making no mention of any poison, whereof it may be this author was ignorant. Being near his end, he desired to be attired in the habit of Saint Dominike, and to die in it. He reigned ten years and two months, and was six and forty years old.  
If this King of Granado practised his death, 
Granado.  he did not long enjoy this content, for the same year 1379. the same Mahumet called the old, and old in effect, died the nine and twentieth year of his reign, and 762. of the Arabians.   

D. john first of that name, the sixteenth King of Castille, and seven and thirtieth of Leon.  
THe happiness which did accompany the King D. Henry the second, father to Don john, 
An. 1379. Castille.  did not continue in his posterity: for God, to let men understand that it is he which doth raise and pull down at his pleasure, having from nothing advanced D. Henry to the Sceptre of Leon and Castille, and confounded the forces of that Realm, allied to the English and Moors; he did in a manner overthrow this greatness in his sons time, by the forces of the petty Estate of Portugal, to the which he advanced a bastard, without any humane support; notwithstanding that the arms of France were joined with the forces of Castille, as shall appear by the discourse of the History. By such examples the mighty are admonished not to trust in their forces, and the weak not to despair, especially if he be unjustly pursued.  
D. john who succeeded his father D. Henry, descended by the mother's side, from the Infant D. 
Genealogy of Castille.  Fernand de la Cerde, eldest son to Don Alphonso the Philosopher: for of Don Fernand came D. Alphonso and D. Fernand: Of the younger D. Fernand, and of D. jeanne of Lara, his wife, issued D. Bl●noh, who was married to D. john Manuel (who had had to his first wife a Countess of Savoy) son to D. Manuel, brother to D. Alphonso the Philosopher, of which marriage was borne D. jeanne Manuel, Queen of Castille, wife to the King D. Henry, and mother to this King D. john, the first of that name, who was two and twenty years old, or there abouts, 
Disposition of Kign john.  when he began to reign: a Prince of a good disposition, and religious, according to the time, but unfound of his body, and unfortunate in war.  
He was clowned after the example of his Predecessors, in Burgos, in the Monastery of Saincta Maria de las Huelgas, where to solemnize his coronation, did arm above a hundred Knights, which were of Noble families, and gave many gifts and previledges to commonalties, and to private persons, to make his first entrance more remarkable and pleasing: He gave unto the city of Burgos the town of Pancoruo in Bureva: he caused Villa-Real of Saint Nicholas of Orio in Guipusdoa to be walled in, giving in the previledges of Saint Sebastian; with many others. When he was Infant, being in possession of the Siegneury of Biscay, he united it for ever unto the crown, at his coming to it.  
He remembered his father's charge, to entertain a strict league of friendship with the house and crown of France, the which he sent to confirm by his Ambassadors: And having sent his galleys this year of our Lord 1379. in favour of the French; commanded by D. Fernand Sanches of Tovar, they took from john of Montfort duke of Briton, the castle of Roche Gaze at Cap de Late, for that he held the English party, by a decree of the court of parliament at Paris, and his Duchy with all his goods declared forfeited to the King, until that time the jews dwelling in Spain, had the previledge to take knowledge of crimes committed by them of their sect: but this year a jew, called joseph Pitch, dwelling at Sevile, having been slain in the jews place at Burgos, being a man of great reputation, for his wealth, and the services which he had done unto the deceased King D. Henry, as treasurer general, the new King took from them this prerogative, and forbade them to deal in any crime, where there was murder, cutting off any Limb, or effusion of blood. In the beginning of his reign, God gave him a son, by his wife D. Leonora of Arragon, who succeeded him.  
As soon as the Infant was borne, D. Fernand King of Portugal, who had in the year 1378. made his daughter D. Beatrix, sure unto D. Fredrick duke of Benavent, 
Portugal.  base son to the deceased King Henry of Castille, by D. Leonora Ponce, repent himself, and sent unto the King D. john, entreating him to consent unto a marriage betwixt his son newly borne, and his daughter D. Beatrix, with certain conditions which did nothing displease King john, so as this other marriage was accorded betwixt them, which proved the fire-band of future war betwixt Castille and Portugal: for among other conditions, these two princes made a mutual donation of their Realms unto the suruivor, in case they died without lawful heirs of their bodies, the which was concluded and sworn in the year of our Lord 1380. but it was not executed, 
An. 1380.  for God had otherwise decreed. This Infanta D. Beatrix, was daughter to D. Leonora Tells of Meneses, of whose unsortable marriage, we have before treated, and whose proceed were as unreasonable: for this woman being exceeding fair, and provided of arms fit to sway a disposition that was faint and weak, 
Art of D. Leonora Tells of Meneses.  could make such use of her allurements, as she kept the King her husband always subject, and a slave to her affections: so as he refused unto any thing that was pleasing unto her, forgetting often his rank and royal dignity. All which had disliked of her marriage, or had in any sort displeased her, were by her practices pursued, chased away, or utterly ruined: her friends and kinsmen were advanced to the greatest honours and dignities of the Realm: and as she was cunning in all her actions, so she could find means to reconcile unto her, those who through their greatness, wealth, or alliance within the Realm, seemed hard to ruin; binding them unto her by her bounty and favours, making them of enemies to become her friends. She gave the government of the castle of Lisbon, to her uncle D. john Alphonso Tello, Earl of Barcelos, Lord Steward of the King's house. She also advanced a brother of his called Don john Alphonso Tells, to be Admiral of the Realm: an other brother called D. Gonçalo Tells, was at her request made Earl of Neyva. To the Earl of Barçelos son, she procured the suruivance of his father's Estate, in the same county or governm the of Barçelos: a brother of hers was made Earl or Governor of Viane, and D. Henry her brother in law, Earl of Seaa. To D. Lope Diaz de Soze her Nephew, son to Donna Maria Tells her sister, and to Aluar Diaz de Soza, she caused to be given the dignity of great master of Christ.  
Don Henry of Albuquerque, whose sisters were married to the brethren of this Queen D. Leonora Tells, was by her favour master of Saint James. She caused D. jeanne Tells of Meneses her bastard sister, who was commanderesse of Sanctos, to be married to D. john Alphonso Piment●l, and Bragança to be given unto him: She married D. Agnes Botello, one of her gentlewomen, and her kinswoman, being of a Noble family to Pero Rodriguez of Fonseca giving him the castle of Olivencia: She also concluded the marriages of D. Mencia Vasquoz Coutina, with M●rtin Gonçales of Tuy; and of D. Theresa of Meyra, with Fernand Gonçales of Soça, giving unto the last the castle of Chaves, and to the other that of Portel: She made D. Atuar Peyre of Castro, Castellan, Earl or Goveruor of Aroyolos, and procured many favours and graces for D. Fernand de Castro his elder brother.  
They say, that by her means the King on a time sent a present to john Alphonso of Muxica, being in the town of Ebora, of thirty horse, thirty armours complete, thirty mulets, thirty pounds of gold, a hundred and thirty marks of silver, and four mulets laden with tapestry, and other rich furniture, adding thereunto, as an hereditary gift, the town of Torresuedras. Such also was the favour she bore unto Don Fernand of Andeiro a Knight of Galicia, who was come to serve the King her husband, in his last wars against Castille, as besides that he was made an Earl, he had the nearest place next to herself, in the King's favour: so as by his means many Gentlemen were gratefied and advanced in Portugal: and moreover he lived in such familiarity, as he lodged in the same lodging with the King and Queen, and did often remain alone with her a long time, whereat many murmured, and grew jealous: saying that their conversation was not honest, and the Portugois did believe, that the children which she bore, were not the King D. Fernands (a Prince which was unsound, and of a weak complexion (but begotten by stealth by this Earl of Oren. Finally she wrought so, as all the dignities, honours and forts of Portugal, were in the hands of her kinsmen, friends and allies.  
But to what fury doth the desire of command thrust a woman unto? The Portugal authors write, that the Infant Don john, the King's brother, being in love with Donna Maria Tells of Meneses, the Queen's sister, who had managed the love betwixt the King and her, a widow woman, and mother to Don Lope Diaz Soça, but fair, and pleasing, he served her and sought her love, the which she could not refuse, Don john being a Knight in the flower of his age, goodly also and full of grace: yet she was thus far discreet, that before she would yield to that which he desired, he promised to marry her secretly, the which being afterwards made known unto the Queen, she was much discontented: it may be desiring that Don john (who was much beloved of the portugals) should marry Donna Beatrix her daughter: fearing that if the King her husband should die, he should be chosen King, and her daughter rejected, or that she herself did bear him some good will, and seeing her husband ill disposed, had an intent to marry him, if her husband died, that she mought reign still: 
Policy cruel and detestable of the Queen D. Leonora Tells.  wherefore being transported with these passions, she began to practise the death (by a notable cruelty and detestable stratagem) of her who had raised her up, conspiring with Don john Alphonso Tells her brother, Admiral of Portugal, to persuade the Infant Don john, that Donna Maria Tells, who said she was his wife, abandoned herself to other men, to his great dishonour, in whom they wrought such an impression, as this simple and ill advised Knight, transported with extreme jealousy, came in a morning to Coimbra, where this Lady did remain, where entering furiously into the house after that he had forced her chamber door, finding not any signs of that which had been told him, he slew his miserable wife most barbarously, who called to God for aid, but in vain, holding up her hands to her enraged husband.  
This was the reward which Donna Maria Tells of Meneses had, having been the broker of that unfortunate marriage, and as it were the Gardien of the Queen Donna Leonora's loves, who not content therewith came to complain unto the King of Don john, for the death of her sister, and prevailed so, as he was forced to absent himself from court, and to keep himself secret in places of hard access, for his safety, yet finding not himself well secured, he retired into Castille: for Gonçal Tells, brother to the deceased, and her son D. Lope Diaz de Sosa, the Earl of Barcellos, and his brother the Earl of Viana, with other of her kinsfolks, sought to kill him, to revenge the death of Donna Maria. Besides these excesses, 
Treachery of the Queen D. Leonora against the master of Auiz.  the Queen Donna Leonora attempted the death of D. john master of Auiz, the King her husband's base brother, a Knight of great valour, who had never offended her: but only in conceit, that he only did cross her deseignes. To effect her wicked intent, she caused letters to be counterfeited in the name of the master, and of a gentleman called Gançalo Vasques of Azebedo, his cousin and very familiar, being of the King's council, whom she would also draw into this danger These letters were directed to the King of Castille and did treat of matters against the service of the King D. Fernand, whom she did advertise that they had been surprised upon the frontiers.  
The King giving credit to her malice, that he had taken council of his wife, and of D. john Fernandes of Andeyro, 
Imprisonment of the master of Auiz and of D. Goncal Vasques.  he commanded that the master of Auiz and Gonçal Vasques should be apprehended, and put into the tower of the castle of Ebora, where they were kept rigorously in chains, the master being ignorant of the cause of this his misery. As for D. Gonçal Vasques, he remembered that he had given ear unto his wife, telling him that on a time D. Gonçal Tells the Queen's brother, and D. john Fernand of Andeyro her mignon, entering into her chamber all sweeting, she gave them a kerchief she had upon her, to wipe themselves withal; and that D. john Fernandes approaching near unto her spoke certain lascivious words, which being heard by the wife of Don Gonçal Vasques, and reported by her unto her husband, he was so indiscreet as to tell the Queen thereof, advertising the Queen of the Earls small respect unto her, and of his impudence, whereof she, who wished him well, did not seem to care: wherefore D. Gonçal doubted that this was the cause of his imprisonment, and that the Queen would dispatch him before the King should be advertised thereof.  
Being thus imprisoned, the Queen did counterfeit letters from the King, unto Vasco Martin's of Merlo, captain of the castle of Ebora, by the which he was commanded to murder these two personages: but being a discreet man, and considering the quality of the prisoners, thinking that he must not proceed so lightly to the execution thereof, he forba●e, until he had spoken with the King, to whom he went the day after this charge, to know if it were his pleasure, that the master of Auiz and Gonçal Vasques should be put to death. The King answered that he knew not of it, commanding him not to touch them, and so he sent him back, enjoining him to keep it secret, and soon after he went from Ebora, whereas the Queen remained; who seeing that her deseignes did not succeed, she took a milder course, and sought to be reconciled to these two personages, who were freed from their irons, and within few days after set at liberty. Some time after, the Queen being at mass, she caused them to come unto her, showing them the best countenance they could desire, and invited them to dinner, the which they did unwillingly accept, fearing she would cause them to be poisoned: 
Impudence of the Queen D. Leonora.  yet they did eat in the Queen's lodging, in the company of the Earl of Oren, to whom after dinner, discoursing of her rings and jewels, she gave (in their presence) a Ring, set with a rich ruby, pressing him to take it, although he excused himself, to the end she might not forget any thing to be held very impudent.  
Amidest these tumults, D. Isabel the King's bastard daughter, who had been made sure by the last treaty of peace, to D. Alphonso of Castille, Earl of Gijon, base son to King Henry, was married at Burgos, whereat the Earl was much grieved: an unfortunate marriage, of which there was one son borne, who was called D. Henry. But the marriage which was made betwixt D. Beatrix sister to the King D. Fernand, and D. Sancho Earl of Albuquerque, was blessed of God: so as a daughter which they had, called D. Leonora, the sole heir of her father's great Estates, was married to D. Fernand Infant of Castille Lord of Lara, and Duke of Pennafiel, son to the King D. john the first, then reigning, which D. Fernand came afterwards to be King of Arragon and Sicily. She was Queen of these realms, and mother of five children, renowned by the Histories of Castille and Arragon, of whom we shall hereafter make mention. This King Fernand of Portugal being in good peace with his neighbours, considering what had happened in the city of Lisbon, 
Buildings made by D. Fernand King of Portugal.  in the last war of Castille, for want of good walls, he caused it to be fortified and walled about from Saint Catherins' gate unto Saint Vincents. And as he was careful of this public work so he did gratify the Franciscan Friars of Saint Iren, causing the quire of their church to be built, with other works of devotion. This is all we find in Histories of the affairs of Portugal, unto the year of our Lord 1380. 
An. 1380.  that the above mentioned marriage betwixt Don Henry son to King john the first of Castille, and Donna Beatrix the daughter of Portugal, was concluded with the above named conditions, for the succession of the two Realms, by the suruivance of the two Kings.  
About the end of this year, 
Castille.  Donna Leonora Queen of Castille was brought in bed, at Medina del Campo, of her son D. Fernand above named, who came to be King of Arragon, as we will show.  
At that time Spain was a Neuter, in regard of the obedience which the two Popes pretended, 
The King of Castille acknowledgeth the Pope at avignon.  and did affect in the Christian common weal, continuing some time in this Neutrality, by reason of the disagreement of the Prelates, who were assembled for that cause only, at the instance of the Ambassadors of the two Popes, Clement and Vibain: but soon after it was declared by a sentence given by the King of Castille, and his council, that his countries should acknowledge Clement the seventh, for Pope, and Christ's Vicar, he being resident at avignon, the King D. john inclining therein, as in other things to the French. The devotion of men in Spain, and other places, in those days was contrary to that of more ancient times: for whereas before they thought they could not give sufficient to the Clergy, to augment their houses and revenues, now every one sought to spoil them, and to usurp their lands and revenues: whereof the Abbots and convents of the Order of Saint Benet in Spain, having complained, they had a notable sentence by judges deputed by the King for that business, against many Noblemen and Knights which detained their goods: yet they still encroached upon them all they could.  
In the year of our Lord 1381. died D. jeanne Queen of Castille, 
An. 1381.  mother to the King D. john, who through great devotion had in a manner all her life time carried the habit of Saint Claire, and died in it, and appointed she should be buried in it: A great argument of the religion of that time. She lies at Toledo, in the Chapel of the last Kings.  
The peace betwixt the Kings D. john of Castille, and D. Fernand of Portugal, was broken, 
Portugal.  by the bad council of a Knight, who had been accustomed to be often shut up with the Queen of Portugal, and was her favourite, he was Earl of Oren. To give some colour and beginning to this war, the King D. Fernand sent to john Duke of Lancaster, persuading him, that as husband to D. Constance, daughter to the deceased King D. Pedro of Castille and Leon, 
Mignon of Queen Leonora's puts Castille and Portugal in war.  he should pursue his right which he pretended to those Realms. The English Prince relying upon the favour of Portugal, with the consent and aid of King Richard his Nephew, raised a thousand men at arms, or Lances, and a good number of foot, whereof he gave the charge to his brother Edmond of Langley, Earl of Cambridge, who led them into Spain, for that the Duke could not go in person to this war. The English army arrived upon the coast of Portugal, whereas the war was already violent; for the King of Castille being advertised of this practice, had let his army into the country, and taken the town of Almoyda: And at sea, even upon the arrival of the English army, Fernand Sanches of Tour Admiral of Castille had taken twenty galleys of Portugal, with their Admiral D. Alphonso Tells, Earl of Barcellos the Queen's brother, the which fell out unhappily for the King Don Fernand, who being suddenly transported with battered against Castille, received this Prince Edmond, with all shows of love and royal pomp: and the more to gratify him, he made a promise of a future marriage, 
King of Portugal makes and breaks his daughters, marriage at his pleasure.  betwixt Donna Beatrix his daughter (who had been twice before contracted) and Edward his son, a young child, which he had had of Donna Isabel his wife, the third daughter of the deceased King Don Pedro of Castille, there present; yea he made them to marry and lie together, and to confirm this marriage, they performed all accustomed ceremonies, except the consummation, which could not be, by reason of the tender age of both parties, the Bridegroom being not full six years old. During their stay, the English (before they were led to the war) spared not the Portugals, but made spoil of their goods, as if they had been in the country of Castille: So as the Protugals in steed of one war, found themselves engaged betwixt two enemies, having the Castillans abroad, and the English within their houses.  
In the year of our Lord 1382. the King D. Fernand went to field, 
An. 1382.  with the Earl of Cambridge, and came and lodged his army at Yelbes: On the other side the army of Castille camped at Badajos, whereas having continued some days without any exploit of arms, a peace was concluded, and Donna Beatrix Infanta of Portugal was the fourth time promised to Don Fernand the younger son of Don john King of Castille, the King of Portugal being glad this marriage should take place, to the end his Realm should not be united to the crown of Castille.  
In the mean time Doona Leonora Queen of Castille died, in the town of Cuellar, 
Castille.  being brought in bed of a daughter, which died also. The Queen's body was carried to Toledo, and interred in the chapel of the last Kings. This Princess is honoured for her upright and good conscience above all the Ladies of her time, whereof some authors bring this example: Certain jews deputed from the Synagogues of them of their sect, dwelling upon the Queen's Lands, being come for some affairs unto the court, 
Integrity of the Queen D. Leonora.  being moved with good will unto their Lady, by reason of her virtues, and good behaviour, came unto her Confessor being an Arragonois, a very religious man, of a good life, and told him, that they understood the Queen had occasion for to use a certain sum of money, and knowing how much the jews, dwelling in her country, did honour her, they entreated him to let her understand that she should demand what money she pleased of their Synagogues, being assured it should be very willingly furnished; and that withal he should certify her, that the jews desired to do her this service, for that since the time she had been their Lady she had never employed them. The Confessor thinking to bring pleasing news unto the Queen, made report of the jews speech, and persuaded her by all means for to make use of their kind offer, assuring her that she might take with a good conscience that which they did willingly present unto her. But the Queen answered him, that she would never do any such thing, and that God forbid that she should exact money, or any other thing of any person, for the which the King, she or their children might be cursed: And notwithstanding any reply the religious man could make she would not yield unto it, but willed him for to thank the jews.  
Don Fernand King of Portugal, 
Portugal.  hearing of the death of Donna Leonora Queen of Castille, he began to practise a fifth marriage for his daughter Donna Beatrix, with the King Don john himself; sending suddenly unto him, being then at Pinto, three Leagues from Madrid, to know his mind therein. The King Don john made no delay, but (with the advice of his good servants) entered presently into capitulation with the Ambassadors of Portugal, who were therein duly instructed: Amongst other Articles it was agreed that the children issuing of this marriage, should be Kings of Portugal.  
And some days after he married Donna Beatrix Infanta of Portugal, 
D. john King of Castille marries the Infanta of Portugal.  having escaped many other parties of less preferment. The marriage was celebrated, at Badajos, or at Yelbes, according unto some, in the year of the Incarnation 1383. the Queen Donna Leonora Tells de Meneses her mother being present, the King Don Fernand remaining at Lisbon very sick, 
Deatho● D. Fernand King of Portugal.  where within few days after he died, having reigned but ill sixteen years and nine months, the three and fortieth year of his age. His body was buried at Saint Iren, in the Franciscans church, where as D. Constance Manuel his mother is also interred.  
After the marriage betwixt Don Alphonso Earl of Gijon, and Donna Isabel of Portugal, 
Castille.  against the liking of Don Alphonso, he did never love the King his brother, some times he rebelled, and caused revolts, and then was reconciled, but it lasted not long. At this second marriage of the King Don john, he was in the Asturiaes, where he put all into combustion, against whom the King sent some companies of men at arms.  
This year of our Lord 1383. Rebellion of D Alphonso Earl of Gijon▪ was held a general assembly of the Estates at Segobia. And for that unto that time they had accounted the years according unto the Aera of Caesar, 
Aera of Caesar what it was.  which differed eight and thirty years from the accounts which was then in use in other Christian Kingdoms, it was ordained that the Castillans should take the beginning of their years from the nativity of Christ: the which was more fit for Christians, then to retain this memory of Caesar Augustus. This manner of accounting by the Aera had been long before left in Navarre and Arragon, but was retained for some time in Portugal. The cause of this name of Aera is diversly related, but the most probable is, that the ancients having accustomed to write these words. Annus erat Augusti centes. or some other number, by abreviation thus, A. E R. A. C. the vulgar people joining these letters together pronounced Aera. C. the which was afterwards used unto that time. They say that the last letters which were dispatched in the court of Castille, where the Aera of Caesar was observed, were two previledges granted by the King Don john, the one to the town of Santa Cruz of Ceston; the other to Villa Real of Vrrechua, which was in the year of our Lord 1421. of the Aera, answering to that of our Lord 1383. from the birth of Christ.  
The King Don john, before his departure from Segobia, did celebrat the funerals of his father in law, 
Portugal.  in which Realm, by an Article made in the treaty of marriage of the Infanta Don Beatrix, Queen of Castille, and heir proprietary thereof, the Queen Donna Leonora Tells her mother should remain Regent. The chief of the Nobility of Portugal were of diverse humours touching the succession of the Realm: for some (amongst which was the master of the Knights of Auiz, base brother to the deceased King) would maintain the right of Donna Beatrix, and called Don john King of Castille her husband, 
Disposition of the Noblemen of Portugal.  to come and take possession of the Realm, which did belong unto him: others did abhor the Castillans' command, and could not endure that Portugal should be united to Castille. The King Don john solicited by many letters and messages to come into Portugal took advice of his council, whether he should enter in hostile manner, or peaceably. The worst council was followed by him, which was, force: Wherefore he speedily gathered together all the forces he could, and first of all he stayed Don john of Portugal, one of the brethren of the deceased King Don Fernand, who having retired himself out of Portugal, by reason of the murder of Donna Maria Tells of Meneses, and the malice of the Queen Donna Leonora, had served the crown of Castille faithfully. But fearing lest he should cause some troubles in Portugal, he caused him to be put prisoner in the castle of Toledo, from whence he was afterwards removed to Almonacid, three leagues from the city. He also caused Don Alphonso Earl of Gijon to be imprisoned, 
King of Castille cators arme● 〈◊〉 P●●tugal, is not 〈◊〉 well 〈◊〉.  who stirred up seditions in Castille: and then with those small forces which he had, he marched to La guard, where he was received by the Bishop of that place; but the captain of the fort would not acknowledge him, knowing the diverse dispositions of the Nobility, and understanding all the troubles which had happened at Lisbon since the King's death.  
The Queen widow did reside in this chief City of the Realm, being assisted by don Henry Manuel, Earl of Sintra, Uncle to the deceased King by the mother's side; by Don john Master of Auiz, and others which did favour the Queen Donna Beatrix, and had set up the arms of Castille and Portugal quartered, as the Don john had taken them: but the jealousy which was bred in the hearts of the Noblemen, and people, by the too great familiarity which was betwixt the widow Queen and Don john Fernandes of Andeyro Earl of Oren, moved the master of Auiz (who remembered still his imprisonment) to enter into quarrel with him, 
Earl of O●en the Queen of Portugals Mignon slain.  the which proceeded so far, as the Earl was slain in the Queen's lodging, which was at a place called Limonero: and instantly (as if it had been a thing premeditated) the people of the city fell in such a mutiny, as not any one durst bury of the Earl Don Fernandes body, in the day time, but they were forced to stay till night, to put him secretly in the ground at Saint martin's, Queen Leonora being so amazed, 
Mutiny at Lisbon.  as she sought all means to fly out of Lisbon: And the rage of this multitude was so violent, as they fell upon Don Martin their Bishop, who blaming them for their insolences and rebellion against the Queen, they chased him into a tower of his church, into the which this poor prelate had fled to save himself from the rage of the people, where they besieged him, and entering into the tower, cast him down headlong pouring forth a thousand injurious words against the Queen Donna Leonora, 
Bishop of Lisbon slain by the mutines.  the Earl and the Bishop: whose body being stripped, they dragged it by the heels to the place of Rusio, where this miserable spectacle lay all that day, and the next night following, and then they buried it in the market; the furious multitude not suffering in to have Christian burial.  
In the mean time the Queen Donna Leonora got away, and leaving this mutinous city, retired to Alanquer, and from thence to saint Iren, where as she understood that many other towns, especially Ebora had done the like, taking arms tumultuously against her and her faction. At Ebora the heads of the multitude were Vincent janes' a Tailor, and one called Gonç all janes', who committed strange insolences, as it is the custom of a mutinous multitude. Amongst others, knowing that the Abbess of Saint Benet was allied to the Queen Donna Leonora, they entered into her Church and pulled her from the Altar, holding that which keeps the Host in her arms, imploring in vain the aid thereof, and the mercy of the commons, and so drew her into the marketplace, where they murdered her most cruelly.  
The Portugal authors write, that in that city, a little female Infant being in the cradle, in the house of one Stephen janes', did rise three times out of her swaddling clothes, and stretching out the arms, 
Prodigy at Ebora.  cried, Portugal, Portugal, for the King Don john; the which was then ambiguous, but afterwards (by reason of the event) was applied to the master of Auiz, who was also called Don john. The King of Castille being advertised of all these disorders, went to Saint Iren, to his mother in law, about the beginning of the year of our Lord 1384. where to free herself from trouble and danger, and to gratify the King her son in law, 
An. 1384.  she yielded unto him all the right she had to the Government of the Realm. Hither came many Noblemen and Gentlemen holding the party of the King Don john, to do him homage: who by this good beginning conceived great hope that all would succeed well and wishfully, and that he should restore his mother in law to her dignity. Don john of Portugal master of Auiz, a young Prince, but virtuous, having been provoked by the dishonest conversation of the Queen Donna Leonora, 
D. john master of Auiz alpires to the government of Portugal.  with the Earl of Oren, to the arms, knowing the nature of this woman, by former experience, with the hazard of his life; he would no more fall into her power, but aspired to the regency of the Realm, and wholly to deprive both her and the King D. john her son in law of all government.  
In this design he found such favour and support of the Nobility and towns, who had long detested the manners of the Queen, and the deceased King her husband, as he had means to resist the attempts of the king of Castille, and to make himself a way to the crown. 
Act of the master of Auiz to make the Castillant odious.  And to make the name of Castille more ordious to them who desired not the union of these two Realms, he caused a standard to be made, in the which was painted D. john of Portugal his brother, a prisoner, standing at a grate in the Castle of Toledo, causing it to be displayed in the city of Lisbon, in view of all the people, who were already mutined, which made them to arm with great resolution against the forces of Castille, who soon after came and presented themselves before the city, in which army there were one thousand lances complete, and great store of foot led by D. Pedro Fernandes Cap. de Vache master of Saint james, Don Pero Fernandes de Valasco, 
Lisbon besieged by the Castillans.  Chamberlain to the King, and D. john Pero Ruis Sarmiento Governor of Galicia, and soon after the King came thither in person: where they laid siege, and planted their batteries, but without any great effect, for the besieged made no ●allies.  
In the mean time they of Ebora, who were of this rebellious faction, received into their town Don Nugno Aluares Pereira, a valiant captain, being but four and twenty years old, 
Castillans' defeated by them of Ebora.  under whose conduct they came and affronted D. john Alphonso of Guznian, Earl of Niebla, D. Diego Gomes master of Alcantara, and D. Fernand Sanches of Tovar high Admiral of Castille, being sent by the King D. john with great troops against them, but they put them to rout, and slew the master of Alcantara, and many men of mark. The King bearing of these news, sent supplies with D. john Pero Ruis Sarmiento, Governor of Galicia, to whom they of Ebora, with their captain D. Nugno Aluarez, presented battle again courageously, but they retired themselves, fearing the like should happen unto them as had done to their companions, and came unto the King, who thinking that he might seize upon Coimbra without any contradiction, in the castle whereof was Gonçal Tells, Earl of Neyva the Queen's brother, and Gonçal Mendez of Vasconcello, her uncle, he marched thither, leading with him D. Beatrix his wife, and the Queen Donna Leonora: but the Castillans' name was so hateful unto the Portugals, with the behaviour of the widow Queen, as they were not only kept out of the town, but also they of the castle shot at them, whereas the King and Queens were in great danger of their lives.  
The King Don john being discontented with the Queen Donna Leonora, 
King john and the Queens of Castille and Portugal repulsed from Coimbra.  for that her nearest kinsmen holding the fort of Coimbra, had so shamefully repulsed him, he great jealous that she had soon intelligence with them: wherefore he caused her to be taken, and sent into Castille to the castle of Tordesillas, from whence she never returned more into Portugal, yet she by commandment from him was served and honoured there as a Queen ' and dying was buried at Vailedolit, in the Monastery of the religious of the Order of the Merced. The King being returned to the camp before Lisbon, he priest it all he could, both by water and land, but by reason of the infection which crept into his camp, and the coming of the sea army of Portugal, which approached near unto the city, together with the resolution of the besieged, who then made many sallies upon the Castillans, he advanced little. There were some propositions of as accord made; but Don john master of the Auiz being resolute to have the sole government of the Realm of Portugal, and Agarbe, until that the King of Castille had children by Donna Beatrix his wife, there was nothing concluded.  
The Infant Don Charles, heir of Navarre, came to the King Don john at this siege, to aid and fortesie the King his brother in law: but the plague continuing with great loss of the Nobility, which died miserably at this siege, the King Don john was constrained to rise and to return into Castille, having put good garrisons into those places which had received him. The loss of his men in this voyage was very great, and therefore he had reason to give some rest unto the remainders, and prepare for the raising of a great army for the next year.  
Before we return into Portugal, it is expedient to make mention of the affairs of Navarre, 
Navarre.  and show how the Infant Don Charles (who came newly to the camp before Lisbon) was delivered, whom we had left prisoner in France. During the life of Charles the fifth, the French King, there was no means of reconciliation betwixt him, and his brother in law Charles King of Navarre, wherefore his son Charles continued prisoner unto the King's death, which happened in the year of our Lord 1380. leaving his son Charles the sixth of that name, successor to the Realm, being young and under the government of john duke of Berry, and Philip duke of Bourgondie his uncles, who showed themselves so opposite to the King of Navarres poursutes, for his reconciliation and the delivery of his son, which made them resolve to poison them both, wherefore having found an Englishman, fit for his intent, 
Detestable enterprise of King Charles the bad.  they sent him to the French court with poison, to kill these princes, promising him many great rewards, if he did effect it giving him also good store of gold in present.  
This English man did what he could, to execute his charge, but his often coming and going into the duke's kitchens, being also an Englishman, made him to be suspected: so as being taken with his powder, and having confessed that he was sent to kill the dukes of Berry and Bourgongne, for that they opposed themselves agaisnt the delivery of the Infant of Navarre, he was beheaded. This error did very much displease Charles King of Navarre not knowing by what means to recover his son.  
During the King's discontent, there fell out a quarrel betwixt fillot of Gramont, Lord of Gramont, on this sides the mountains, and Don Ramir Sanches of Asiayn, 
〈…〉 Sanches of Asiayn.  for matters concerning their Prince's service: Don Ramir was accused by the Lord of Gramont, to have attempted against the Kings own person: so as coming to the trial of arms, by the order of judges, deputed by the King, and these Knights appearing to fight at the day appointed, the importunity of the kinsmen and friends of either side was such, as the combat was stayed, and they both remained at the King's pleasure, who caused them to be put in prison, the Lord of Gramont in the castle of Saint john of Pie de Port, and the other in Tafalla. The Lord of Asiayn having been some space prisoner in this town, being guarded by certain soldiers Picards, he found means to corrupt them, so as he seized upon the captain of the castle, and the place itself.  
This accident being bruited through the town, the Inhabitants went presently to arms and besieged the castle, the which by the reason of one of those soldiers which had betrayed the captain and the place, was recovered, with Don Ramir Sanches of Asiayn, and his confederates, whose head the king, as well for this, as for many other former offences, caused to be cut off, and forfeited his goods, and the soldiers were every one executed that had assisted him to seize upon the sort, or castle of Tafalla. As for Fillot of gramont he continued three years in prison, and then was delivered.  
In the mean time the King Don Charles being in great care for the detention of his son in France, he caused Don john King of Castille to be solicited by Donna Leonora his daughter in law, who was retired into Castille to the King her brother, who was strictly allied and a friend to the French, 
Delivery of Prince Charles in savour of the King of Castille.  to be a meadiator for the delivery of the Infant Don Charles. The King of Castille desirous to gratify his sister, employed his best means to the young French King and his Governors, and did so importune them by messages, letters and Ambassages, as they set the Infant Don Charles of Navarre at liberty. As for Don Pedro his younger brother, and Donna Maria his sister, they had been released before. Don Charles soon after his delivery he went into Navarre, to the great content of all the Navarrois. It was a great hatred and malice in the King Don Charles the Father, for to attempt such a wickedness against the princes of France, who showed their generosity, in consenting to the delivery of the Infant, who was not guilty of his father's offence, who in all his actions was of so sour a disposition, 
Disposition of D. Charles King of Navarre.  as he could not pursue his rights, nor treat of any affairs with other princes, but in choler, and disdain: and whereas he could not obtain and bring to pass what he pretended, he had recourse to synister and unlawful practices, desiring to revenge himself of those that did him any injury, by what means soever.  
He had one sister called Donna Agnes, married unto Gaston Earl of Foix, called Phoebus, who for the wrongs he had done unto her husband, was very ill entreated by him, so as she was forced to leave his company, and to retire into Navarre, who was soon after followed by a son she had by him, called Gaston, where both being received, and honoured by King Charles, conferring often with his sister of her husband's bad usage, he conceived such a hatred against the Earl Gaston, as he drew young Gaston their son to poison his father and gave him a venomous powder to that end, telling him that it was a remedy to make him change the hatred he bore him and his mother, into love. This young Nobleman being simple and ill advised believing what the King his uncle had said unto him, he returned into Foix, to his father, with an intent to season him some meat with this powder, 
Miserable death of young Gaston of Foix.  but he could not so play his part, but casting the powder into the meat, it was perceived by the cooks, or otherwise discovered: wherefore the Earl commanded his son and only heir to be taken, causing him to die miserably in prison, so as after him he left none but bastards, which did not succeed in the Earldom of Foix: one of them was Bernard, who served Henry the second King of Castille, in the conquest of the realm against the King D. Pedro, and was rewarded by him, and endowed with lands and Estates in Castille, from whom descended the dukes of Medina Celi, or Zelim, who by the mother's side belong to the blood of Castille, according to the order which followeth.  
D. Fernand de la Cerde, 
Beginning of the house of Celi or Zelim.  eldest son to D. Alphonso the Wise, or the Philosopher, left two sons, D. Alphonso and D. Fernand: of D. Alphonso, married into France, came D. Lewis Earl of Clermont, and D. Charles, or john, according unto some, Constable of france, and Earl of Angoulesme. D. Lewis Earl of Clermont married in Andalusia, Don Leonora of Guzman, daughter to D. Alphonso Peres of Guzman, and was Lord of Hulua, and of Port Sancta Maria, and other lands in the right of his wife: of which marriage issued Don Lewis, Don john, and Donna Isabel de la Cerde. This Donna Isabel was by the King Don Henry the second, being settled in the realm of Castille, married to Bernard bastard of Foix, and had in dowry Medina Celi, with the title of an Earl; of them came D. Gaston, surnamed the la Cerde, leaving the name of the house of Foix, and Bern. He was the second Earl of Medina Celi, and married Donna Mencia of Mendoça, daughter to Don Pedro Conçales of Mendoça, a great Nobleman in Alava: by her he had one son called Don Lewis, who was the third Earl of Medina Celi, and married with Donna jean Sarmiento, daughter to Diego Peres Sarmiento, from whom came Don Gaston de la Cerde the second, and forth Earl of Medina Celi, who married Donna Leonora of Mendoça, daughter to Don I●igo Lopes of Mendoça, Marquis of Sentillana, from whom descended Don Lewis which succeeded him in the Earldom, in whose time it was made a Duchy, D. Lewis married Donna Anna of Navarre and Arragon, base daughter to D. Charles, Infant of Navarre and Arragon. This is the Genealogy of the house of the dukes of Medina Celi.  
Such, as we have said, were the actions of Charles King of Navarre, whom in the end God struck with a Leprosy, 
King Charles a Leape●.  which made him to leave all care of the affairs of this world, and to give himself to works of piety, according to the manner of those times, which was to build chapels, to ordain Masses and Anniverssaries for his deceased parents, and to add rents and give entertainment to Clergy men and Priests which did the service: but above all he laboured to live in peace with Christian Princes.  
The Infant Charles being come into Navarre about the beginning of the war betwixt Castille and Portugal, the King Don john demanded some supplies of soldiers out of Navarre, to lead with him, whereunto the King of Navarre consented willingly, remembering the good Offices he had done with the French for his sons liberty, whom he sent well accompanied to this war, being unable to go in person, by reason of his indisposition. The Infant made some stay with his wife Donna Leonora, who was in Castille, and then passing on, he came to the King being encamped before Lisbon, where he stayed not long, the King Don john being forced to raise the siege by reason of the plague which ruined his army, and return into Castille, as we have said, dismissing the Infant his brother in law, with all love and content.  
The year 1385. being come, 
Portugal. Affairs of the King of Castille succeed well in Portugal.  the King D. john preparing to return into Portugal, having already sent some ships and galleys against Lisbon, he had news that the soldiers which he had left in Saint Iren, had defeated some troops of Portugal, whose leaders were the master of the Knights of Christus, and the Prior of Saint john, by reason of which victory, many places within the Realm had planted the Standard of Castille: werefore he made all the hast he could to enter into Portugal, being loath to let slip this occasion. Before his departure, he propounded in council to put his brother the Earl of Gijon to death: but he was persuaded by many grave reasons and examples to forbear.   

Don john Master of Auiz, a bastard, the first of that name, and tenth in number, chosen King of Portugal.  
IN Portugal his adversaries lost no time, but provided for all that was necessary for a future war: 
Assembly in Portugal for the election of a king.  for the better managing whereof, they were of advise to choose one, who should have sovereign authority among the rest: for the effecting whereof, the noblemans and Knights of the Realm, who rejected the government of Castille (among the which the most eminent were, Don john Master of Auiz, and Don Nugno Aluarez Pereira) assembled in the city of Coimbra, and there held a king of Parliament, whither also came the Deputies of the towns of their party: there it was debated whether they should choose a Regent or a King. Many were of opinion they should choose a king, and gave their voices, some to Don john Master of Auiz, base son to the king Don Pedro: others said, it was more reasonable to make Don john lawful son to the king don Pedro, king, who was prisoner in Castille.  
Many considering the wrong they did therein to the Queen D. Beatrix, were of opinion, that it was better to seek some good accord with Don john king of Castille her husband: whereunto some did oppose, saying, that the Queen D. Leonora Tells De Meneses could not be lawful wife to king Fernand, having taken her by force from her husband Laurence Vasques of Acugna: and therefore D. Beatrix was no more legitimate than the Master of Auiz, and that being both base, it were better to acknowledge him for king, than her: that as for the Infant D. john a lawful son, to whom the crown of Portugal did rightly belong, that his delivery was uncertain, and therefore they must not stand upon it, the Portugals having then need of a free king, to oppose himself against the attempts of Castille who sought to oppress them. 
D. john master of Auiz chosen king of Portugal.  This opinion prevailed, and they all consented to choose D. john Master of Auiz, for king of Portugal, and so he was proclaimed eighteen months after the interregne, in the Monastery of Saint Francis of Coimbra, in April, this year 1385. the people crying out, that it was that king which was prophesied by the Infant at Ebora, whereof mention was made.  
This king is called by the Portugals (of happy memory) for that he freed the country from the Castillans, whose government was exceeding hateful unto them: he was also surnamed the Bastard, for that the king D. Pedro begat him out of marriage. He showed a great courage and generosity in the reception of this great charge, to defend a Realm divided, against the power of the king of Castille, being allied to France and Navarre: but a Royalty, and the liberty of his country, did sufficiently requi●e the peril and danger which he did undergo. The king D. john being advertised of that which the Portugals had done at the Estates at Coimbra, he sent D. Pedro Tenorio Archbishop of Toledo, a Portugal borne, with some troops, to retain in their fidelity such as followed his party in Portugal. This Prelate entering the country by Viseo, made a miserable spoil where he passed, 
Castillans' defeated at Troncoso.  for which he smarted soon after, being encountered and defeated by the Portugals near to Troncoço. On the other side, the inhabitants of Algarbe, following the new king's party, had seized upon the town of Mertola, and as they bettered the castle, they were suddenly charged by them of Sevile, and put to flight: the leader was D. Aluar Perez of Guzman, Governor of that city, a young Nobleman of 18. years of age: and in a manner at the same instant the Castillans took a great quantity of victuals and munition, which they of Yelbes and Estremos kept in Ronchez. The king of Castille resolving to besiege Lisbon again, had prepared many vessels both for war, and to carry victuals, the which came near unto Lisbon, and kept the mouth of the river, so as no man could go in, or come out from Lisbon. 
Exploits of the new king of Portugal.  All this did not daunt the new king of Portugal, but having speedily assembled his forces, he went to assail Guimaranes, the which was valiantly defended by Arias Gomes of silva a Portugal, who was affected to the king of Castille, yet it was yielded upon a good composition: after which he took the city of Braga, pont de Livan, with other places and forts.  
Whilst these things passed in Portugal, the king of Castille, burning with desire to see himself king of this other Realm, made great preparations, and notwithstanding that his Councillors upon his return into Portugal were of divers opinions, yet he yielded to those that persuaded him to enter: wherefore leaving Donna Beatrix his wife at Auila, he marched towards Portugal, and laid siege to Cillorico de la vera, where during his stay, considering the doubtful events of war, especially against Rebels, the usurpers of Realms, who show themselves always violent, he made his will, and sent it to the Archbishop of Toledo to keep, by the which he ordained many things, the which shall be specified in the life of his son and successor Don Henry, which bred much trouble within the Realm, for that he gave out, whilst he lived, and after the making of this will, that he meant to alter many things, and yet he made no other will, whereof the chief witnesses were Don Pedro of Arragon, son to D. Alphonso the first Constable of Castille, and Marquis of Villena, D. john cap de Vaca Bishop of Coimbra, Peter Gonçales of Mendoça, Lord Steward of the king's house, Diego Gomes Manrique great Governor of Castille, Pedro Lopes of Ayala, Standard-bearer of the Order of the Band, with Tello Gonçales Palomeque, and other men of mark. The Castle of Cillorico was taken, from whence the army marched towards Coimbra, burning all the villages thereabouts, and so passing on by Leyra, they came and camped at Soria, whereas a messenger sent by Don Nugno Aluarez Pereira newly created Constable of Portugal, came unto the king, entreating him in his master's name, to avoid the battle, which should besoone presented unto him, and that it might be there would be means to come to some good accord, if it were earnestly sought.  
This was but the Constable's policy, to stay the king of Castille, for that the king of Portugall's armies was not strong enough to encounter their enemies: whereunto the king made a gracious answer. The new king of Portugal was in Arbantes very pensive, seeing himself much inferior to his enemy, who besides the Castillans, which were in great numbers, had many Noblemen of Portugal in his army, the which being within a league and a half of that of Portugal, there were many things propounded, to end their quarrels without a battle, but they were all without effect: for the king of Castille finding himself strong, had a desire to fight, promising unto himself all advantages, and yet his captains were of another opinion; and among others, Monsieur de Rye, Chamberlain to the French king, and his ambassador with the King of Castille, a Gentleman 70. years old, and a captain of great experience, saying, that his men were weary, and it was late, and that the Portugal army, in the which were 2200. men at arms, and 10000 foot, were camped in a place of strength from whence, if he would have patience, he should see them soon dislodg for want of victuals, being advertised that they had not any meat, but for that night: that upon their dislodging he should have better opportunity to fight with them: & if they went to affront them in the place where they were, it was likely they should reap more shame than honour. But notwithstanding all these reasons, he would needs fight: 
Battle of Aliubarot and the Castillans defeated.  wherefore the Castillans' having put their armies in battle, they were received courageously by the Portugals, along the mountains of Maos, in the fields near unto the village of Aljubarot, where at the first charge, notwithstanding all the endeavour of the Portugal forward, they gave ground to the Castillans: but the new king of Portugal flying thither with his squadron, not only fortified his men, but also charging the enemy with great courage (who thought they had won all, and fought without order, & carelessly) he broke them, and put them to a shameful flight with great slaughter, the king of Castille himself being in danger, who fled 11. leagues that night unto S. Iren, where he arrived at the break of day in great perplexity, and then recovering the sea-shoare, he caused himself to be carried to Sevile.  
Polydore Virgil in his History of England, fails in the discourse of his battle, saying, that Edmond Earl of Cambridge was there with good troops of English for the new king of Portugal against him of Castille, and gives the honour of the battle to the English: but it appears by all the Spanish Writers, (more credible in matters of Spain then strangers) that the coming of the Earl of Cambridge into Portugal was not at that time, but in the life of g Fernand. Neither were there any French troops for the king of Castille, as some Authors make mention. Upon the place of battle there was an Hermitage built to S. George, who is held to be the patron and protector of Portugal, as also of Arragon, as S. james is of Castille: and this victory is more celebrated by the Portugals, than any they ever had: for that by reason thereof they were freed from the subjection of Castille: 
Noblemen of Castille slain in the battle.  it is called the battle of Aljubarote, or of S. George. In this battle there died many Noblemen of Castille; and among others Don Pedro of Arragon, son to the Constable of Castille. D. john of Castille, Lord of Aguilar del campo, son to D. Tello, L. of Biscay, D. Fernand of Castille, a young Prince, son to D. Sancho, Earl of Albuquerque, Peter Dias Damas' Prior of S. john, D. Diego Manrique, Governor general of the fronter of Castille, D. Pedro of Mendoça, a Lord Steward of the king of Castile's house, Don john Fernandes of Tovar high Admiral, D. Diego Gomes Sarmiento Governor of Galicia, Pedro Carillo Marshal of Castille, D. Aluar Gonçalis of Sandoval, and his brother Fernand Gonçales, D. john Ramir of Areillan, john Ortiz of Cueva, Gonçalo of Cerbantes, Ruy Brave, and Fernand Carillo: and of the Portugals following the party of Castille, D. john Alphonso Sello, 
Portugal's slain of the Castillans' side.  Admiral of Portugal, brother to the Queen D. Leonora, D. Pero Aluarez Pereira, Master of the Order of Calatrava, and his brother D. Diego Aluarez Pereira, brothers to D. Nugno Aluarez Constable of Portual, Gonçal Vasques of Azevedo, with Aluar Gonçales his son, and others. There died also in this defeat Monsieur de Rye Ambassador for the French king, and his Chamberlain. Great was the spoil of the Castillans' camp, & many prisoners carried away by the Portugals, who hung up their ensigns & other spoils for trophies in the Monastery of Alcovaça, and in the chief church at Braga, and at the carmes at Lisbon, the which were afterwards founded by the Constable D. Nugno Aluarez Pereira, and among others the royal Standard of Castille was taken. As for those which escaped the battle, some gathered themselves together in S. Iren, and some of them recovered Castille, as well as they could. They of S. Iren having past the river of Tayo, with D. Gonçal Nugnes of Guzman, Master of Alcantara, (who was since made Master of the Calatrava) they joined with the forces of Navarre and France, which the Infant Don Charles of Navarre brought to the king of Castille his brother-in-law, but too late: wherefore they returned all together into Castille, having made all the spoil they could in the Realm of Portugal: the which by this battle of Aljubarote remained assured for the king Don john the tenth in number, and the first of that name, having attained to that royal dignity, to the which in the beginning he did not aspire, and that with the consent of the Nobility and States of the country.  
The end of the sixteenth Book.    

SEMPER EADEM THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK of the General History of Spain.  

The Contens.  
1 Done john Master of the Knights of Auiz, chosen king of Portugal, the tenth in number, and the first of that name.  
2 Continuation of the war betwixt Castille and Portugal, in the which the English assisted the one, and the French the other.  
3 Whence the title of a Prince in Spain grows.  
4 D. Charles the third of that name, and 31. king of Navarre.  
5 Marriage of Prince Henry of Castille, and Katherine of Lancaster.  
6 Exploits of D. john King of Portugal in Castille, and a truce betwixt the two Realms.  
7 Tyrannous privileges of the Nobility of Arragon. Troubles in Sardynia, Estates at Monçon: policy of Sybile Queen of Arragon: authority of the justice Maior.  
8 Contention betwixt the Arragonois and Angevins for the rights of Majorca Adoption of Lewis of Anjou by Queen jone the first of Naples, who sold avignon to the Pope, and what followed.  
9 D. john the first of that name, and 14. King of Arragon, his acknowledgement to the Pope in avignon, during the Schism, Estates in Arragon.  
10 Marriage of Don Martin of Arragon, son to the Infant Don Martin, with the heir of Sicily.  
11 Lisbon made an Archbishopricke.  
12 Estates of Castille at Guadalajara. Orders concerning soldiers and justice. Erections of Dukedoms and other Decrees.  
13 The stay of D. Leonora Queen of Navarre, wife to D. Charles the third in Castille, disliked: and the causes thereof: her excuses, and the King's instance to have her return.  
14 Institution of the Order of the holy Ghost in Castille.  
15 Farfanes, a race of Christian Africans, and the death of the king D. john.  
16 Coronation of D. Charles king of Navarre, and the ceremonies thereunto accustomed.  
17 D. Henry the third of that name, 17. king of Castille, and 38. of Leon Carriage of D. Pedro Tenorio Archbishop of Toledo.  
18 Marriage concluded betwixt D. Fernand brother to the king of Castille, and the heir of Albuquerque.  
19 A testamentary Decree made by the deceased king D. john, and the resolutions taken by the Noblemen of Castille, for the quiet of the Realm.  
20 Troubles among the Lords of the Council, procured by the Archbishop of Toledo.  
21 Seditious Preachers, incensing the people against the jews.  
22 Continuance of troubles in Castille, and means made by the Pope to pacify them.  
23 Persecutions, thefts, and murders committed upon the jews, by the instigation of Preachers.  
24. Confusions in Castille, entertained by great men, for private respects.  
25 Troubles in Guipuscoa against Collectors. Assembly in that province, and Articles of their union, and preservation of their privileges.  
26 Means to reconcile the disordered passions of the Noblemen of Castille, but of small effect.  
27 Treaties betwixt Portugal and Castille, and the practices of Don Frederic Duke of Beneuent  
28 Mutiny at Zamora.  
29 Treaty of peace betwixt Portugal and Castille: practices to pacify D. Frederic. Factions, partialities, etc.  
30 Truce for 15. years betwixt Castille and Portugal.  
31 Troubles continued in Castille by the Archbishop of Toledo, and a peace mediated by the P rinces' allies.  
32 D. Henry the third is declared of full age at 14. years.  
33 Discovery of the islands of the Canaries.  
34 Estates of Castille at Madrid. Marriage of the Infant D. Fernand. Discontent of D. Frederic Duke of Beneuent.  
35 Means to make D. Leonora Queen of Navarre return to her husband. Her practices with the Noblemen rebelled, Contemners of the King's young years.  
36 A foolish trial of the truth of Religion by arms, and what succeeded.  
37 Means held by the king D. Henry to draw the Princes and Noblemen rebelled, to their duties. The Queen of Navarre subdued. War against the Earl of Gijon, and accord betwixt the king and him.  
38 D. Pedro de Luna chosen Pope at avignon, who by his obstinacy continued the Schism.  
39 The Queen of Navarre sent to the king her husband.  
40 jeanne Countess of Foix, wife to Matthew of Castelbon, rejected by the Arragonois from the succession of the Realm of Arragon.   
King's ruling in Spain mentioned in this seventeenth Book.  

Portugal.  
10 D. john Master of Auiz. 1. 31   

Navarre.  
D. Charles 3. 14   

Arragon.  
D. john 1. 17   

Castille and Leon.  
D. Henry 3. 83.   
SUCH as are to rule over Nations, and especially where there is great store of Nobility, must be careful how to govern their affections, left by their too great liberty they force their subjects, either in regard of their honours, or for their just defence to have recourse to arms. For it is often seen when a war is kindled, and that they which are termed Rebels, have gotten any advantage, they do no longer contain themselves within the bounds which at the first they had propounded, but they proceed, and seek a total change of the Estate, thinking they cannot be otherwise assured: or that the superior whom they would make their equal (which is the true effect of arms) can ever be a true and perfect friend. Such are chief possessed with this jealousy and distrust, as are to contend with men that are given to revenge, and of base dispositions, as women and effeminate persons, who seek to maintain their excess by the name and credit of a Sovereign degree wherein they are placed, thinking that this greatness doth purchase them a privilege in any thing they do, and give authority to their cruelties and impieties, wherein they please themseules, although they be many times deceived. It is most certain, and verified by infinite examples, that neither force, nor greatness can avail a Prince, whose bad life makes him hateful to his subjects. And on the other side, there is no such guard, as the love of subjects, the which is conceived by the opinion of virtue. Opinion follows the effects: and therefore a Prince should be always careful what opinion men should have of him, and remember still the precept of the wise: That a man must be always such as he would be esteemed. If he be given to injustice and voluptuousness, with the oppression and ruin of his subjects, let him assure himself, that good men will hate and detest him and his actions, and estrange themselves from him: so as he shall remain engaged among flatterers, where many times he is smothered, but at the least he is for ever infamous. The name of Rebel is justly detested, but the common people judge by the events, and the wife and well-aduised according to the causes.  
And there is nothing more certain, whatsoever the flatteres of Court say, that never any Conspiracy against a sovereign Magistrate was durable, or could take root, if the hearts of the subjects were not formerly distracted by the Princes own guilt and excess. But if it pleaseth God to strirre up some noble courage, who embraceth the public cause, then shall a tyrant hardly avoid his due punishment, whereof Spain affords us assured proofs in Don Pedro King of Castille, and D. Leonora Tells of Meneses, widow to king Fernand, and Regent of Portugal, who by her unchasteness and tyranny, as we have formerly related, ruined herself, and did frustrate Donna Beatrix her daughter of that Crown, setting it upon the head of Don john the Bastard, Master of the Order of the Knights of Auiz her enemy, who had no lawful right, and (it may be) neither thought nor hoped to attain unto it, but when he saw himself armed and followed.  
This King notwithstanding his victory, was always called the Master of Auiz, by the Castillans, 
Portugal.  who would not advow him for king, to the prejudice of their Queen Donna Beatrix and the king D. john his adversary entitled himself king of Castille, Leon, Portugal, Toledo, Gallicia, Sevile, Cordova, Murcia, jaen, Algarue, Algezire, and Lord of Lara, Biscay and Molina, some few days after this great victory won by the Portugals. S. Iren yielded, with all that country, there remaining not any place on this side the mountains, that held for the king of Castille. At Saint Iren D. Nugno Aluarez of Pereira Constable of Portugal, was made Earl of Oren, in recompense of his valour and faithful service: and the new King D. john used great bounty unto all the Castillans that were prisoners, 
Liberality of the new king of Portugal.  sending them home free without any ransom. After that time, leaving the conduct of the war to his Constable, he employed his time in works of piety, and giving thanks to God for the victory which he had given him, that is, he went in pilgrimage on foot to Saint Mary of Olivera of Guimaranes, which is four days journey from S. Iren. In the mean time the Constable passing Guardiana, entered into Castille with two thousand lances, comprehending the light horse and genets, and good troops of foot, where he got another victory against the Castillans: whereof the king his master was advertised being at Porto; who to reward the Constable, and to encourage him to do better, he gave him the title of Earl of Barcelos. This Constable, besides that he had in him the chief parts and ornament which make Nobility, he was issued from one of the noblest families in Portugal: for his father Don Aluar Gonçales had been Prior of S. john, or of Crato, as the Portugals say, being at the battle of Salado or Tarriffa, won against the Moors, in the year 1340. by the kings D. Alphonso the 12. of Castille, and D. Alphonso the fourth of Portugal, he founded our Lady's Church of Fleur he Rose, and the strong castile of Ameyra, with the palace of Bonjardin.  
This Prior besides many other children (for some say he had 32.) had this Don Nugno Aluarez of Pereira, Constable of Portugal, a great and famous Captain, the founder of the house and state of Bragance: whose mother was called Heira Gonçales of Caruahal, he being borne in the year 1360. At the age of seventeen years he married the widow of Vasco Gonçales Barosso, a chief Nobleman in Portugal: of which marriage besides two sons which died young, issued one daughter named D. Beatrix, who was heir to her father's Estate, and was married to D. Alphonso of Portugal, base son to this king Don john, who was borne whilst he was Master of Auiz, of a mistress of his called D. Agnes, she being afterwards made commandress of Santos. This Constable's Grandfather was D. Gonçalo Pereira, Arch bishop of Braga, a Prelate of a royal magnificence in his manner of living, and exceeding bountiful. The Constable having charge to continue the war, whilst that the King D. john was otherwise employed touching the government of the realm, he passed into the Provinces beyond the mountains, where he reduced to the new king's obedience, Chaves, Bragance, Almeyda, and other places, which held yet for the Queen D. Beatrix, and her husband the king of Castille, so as there remained few which were not made subject, and brought under the jurisdiction of Don john king of Portugal.  
But for that such quarrels are not determined by one or two victories gotten by the weaker, 
john King of Portugal calls the English into Spain.  against one more mighty, the new king duly considering all this, and with good counsel, thought it necessary, that D. john king of Castille should be quite ruined, that he might the better maintain his new conquest, and to this end he called the English with the pretext of apparent right: for as we have said, the Duke of Lancaster, Uncle to king Richard the second then reigning, having married D. Constance daughter to the deceased king D. Pedro of Castille, pretending that the Realms of Castille and Leon did belong to him, and carried the title and arms. Wherefore Ambassadors were sent unto him, to summon him to come into Spain, with assurance and promise, that he should be assisted with all the forces and means of Portugal, protesting that if he let slip this goodly occasion, besides the loss, he should reap dishonour, and be scorned of all the world. On the other side, D. john king of Castille, having been visited by the Infant of Navarre, who came expressly to Sevile, and received letters from Pope Clement at avignon, full of consolation, he came to Vailledolit, and there held a general assembly of the Estates of his Realms, 
D. john King of Castille calls in the French.  from whence he sent Ambassadors to Charles the sixth iof French king, entreating him to send him succours to recover his Realms of Portugal and Algarbe, his wives patrimony, which were detained from him by a bastard rebel. Thus these two princes called in strangers to the prejudice of Spain.  
The Duke of Lancaster passed into Portugal with fifteen hundred Lances, and as many Archers on foot: and Lewes Duke of Bourbon the king's uncle, was sent out of France with two thousand Lances in favour of D john king of Castille. The English army running along the coast of Galicia, took six galleys of Castille, and came to the Groin on Saint james day, in the year 1386. In the mean time the king of Portugal had led his army into Castille, and besieged the town of Coria, but could not take it. It was then that he said, He had need of the good Knights of the round table, to which he was answered by Men Rodrigues of Vasconcellos, that they had also need of a king Arthur, who could distinguish and reward good Knights: the which the king. john turned to a jest and would not seem to be touched.  
At this siege he had news, that the Duke of Lancastets army was landed: wherefore he presently dislodged, and came to receive and entertain them at pont du Maure, near unto the Town of Porto: The Duke had brought with him his wife Donna Constance of Castille, and two daughters, the one by her, whose name was Katherine, the other by his first wife, called Philippe. At this interview, a marriage was treated betwixt the King Don john and that Lady Philippe, who was then delivered into the hand of the King, her future husband, and soon after they were married, with such pomp as consorted with their persons and dignities.  
Having consulted concerning the war, they began to spoil the Country of Galicia, where they took some places: but the heat of the plague, which consumed both the country people, and the English army stayed the course of these conquests. The King of Castille bade fortified and manned city of Leon, Benavent, and other places in Gallicia with good Garrisons, until he went to field, upon the coming of those succours which he expected from France and Navarre. In the mean time he caused the Duke of Lancaster to be dealt withal about an Accord, but he continued constant in his demands to have the Realms of Castille and Leon: Whereupon the King sent Ambassadors unto him, to let him understand publicly, that should content himself with that which he had done, and not to vex the Country any more: and that if he pretended any wrong were done unto him by him, he defied him to the combat, man to man, and he that vanquished should be King of Castille: but under hand the Ambassadors had charge to propound other conditions unto him, whereupon they came to treat of a marriage betwixt the Infant Don Henry of Castille, and Catherine the Duke's daughter, by Donna Constance, with many offers, which were not accepted, at the least it did not then appear so● for the Portugals having joined with the English army, they marched farther into the territories and jurisdictions of Leon, 
An. 1387.  in the year 1387. and besieged Benavent in vain, they passed by Villalobos, Pialas, and Valderas, the which they took: from whence returning by Ciudad Roderigo, they retired into Portugal, wanting victuals, and being pressed with the plague: and moreover they had news that the French supplies had passed Navarre, and were entering into Castille: the which advanced the conclusion of a peace betwixt the King of Castille, and the Duke of Lancaster, the which was made at Troncoso with these conditions.  
That the Infant Don Henry the eldest son of Castille, 
Accord betwixt the king of Castille and the Duke of Lancaster.  should marry Catherine, the daughter of the Duke of Lancaster, and of his wife Donna Constance of Castille, for whose dowry the king D. john should assign certain places: That the city of Guadalajara, with the towns of Medina del campo, and Olmedo should be given to the Duchess D. Constance, to enjoy the revenues thereof during her life: That the king should pay sixty thousand pounds sterling to the Duke, and to D. Constance his wife at certain days: and moreover, four thousand pounds' pension during their lives, and the longer liver of them. In consideration whereof, of the Duke of Lancaster and Donna Constance should renounce all rights, actions and pretensions which they challenged to the Realms of Castille, Leon, and their dependences, and that the places taken in Gallicia should be restored. This accord being thus concluded, the Duke retired himself into the town of Porto, where he made his accord also with the King of Portugal: to which treaties it seems the Duke had been forced by the plague, which had consumed two third parts of his men. The duke of Lancaster then having for the fruits of his voyage married his two daughters to two kings, he returned into Guienne in the year 1387. not very well satisfied with the King of Portugal, nor the king with him. Of the marriage of Don john king of Portugal, and of D. Philippe, there came this issue: first, they had a daughter called D. Blanch, which died young in Lisbon: 
Genealogy of Portugal.  then the Infant D. Alphonso borne in the year 1391. at S. Iren, who lived not above two years: their third child was Don Edward borne in the Town of Viseo, and succeeded in his father's Realm. Moreover, they had the Infant D. Pedro, borne at Lisbon in the year 1392. he was Duke of Coimbra, and Lord of Mont Major the old, and of Amero: then the Infant Don Henry, of whom the Queen was delivered at Porto, he was Duke of Viseo, and Master of the Knights of Christus, and it was he which first discovered the islands of Madera in the Ocean sea. Of this marriage also came Donna Izabella, borne at Ebora in the year 1397. who was Duchess of Bourgogne, and Countess of Flanders, wife to Philip Duke of Bourgondie: by her was built the Monastery of Prolonga near unto Sintra, of the Order of Saint Jerome. They had besides these the Infant Don john, who was master of Saint james, borne at Saint Iren in the year 1400. he was Constable of Realm, and being married with Donna Izabella daugther to Don Alphonso Duke of Bragance his bastard-brother, he was grandfafather by the mother's side to D. Izabella Queen proprietary of Castille and Leon. And in the end the king Don john and Donna Philippe his wife had the Infant Don Fernand, borne in the year 1402. at Saint Iren, who was Master of Auiz, a zealous prince to the Christian Religion, and full of charity.  
Before that the king Don john came unto the Crown, being but Master of Auiz, he had two bae children by a Geneltwoman called Donna Agnes, that is, Don Alphonso, who married the daughter and heir of Don Nugno Aluares Periera, Earl of Oren and Barcelles, and Duke of Bragance, called D. Beatrix: and one daugther named also Donna Beatrix, who was married to Thomas Earl of Arondel. This is the issue of the King D. john the first of Portugal, who had yet a quarrel for the Realm with the King of Castille, the poursuite whereof was deferred for a time: for the king of Castille being to perform his promise to the Duke of Lancaster, 
French succours fruitless for Castille,  and to pay him great sums of money, he made choice at that time to send back the French forces, and not to suffer them to stay in his country, giving them part of their entertayment, and good assurance for the rest. Then having held an assembly of the Estates at Birbiesca, by reason the plague was at Burgos, he propounded the need he had of money to pay the English Duke: and therefore he attempted to impose a general Tribute upon the Clergy, Nobility, and third Estate without exception, wherein he was croft, being forced to seek some other expedient. From Birbiesca he came to Soria, and then to Calaorra, where he heard the French Ambassadors, and sent others to Bayone, to the Duke of Lancaster, to confirm their accord: and then it was concluded anew, that from thencefoorth the Infant Don Henry should be called Prince of the Asturia's, and his wife Princess, 
Title of Prince first given in Spain to the King's eldest son.  after the manner of England, whereby the king's eldest son is called Prince of Wales: and then began the custom to call the eldest of Castille Princes, whom before they called Infants, and it is an error to entitle them Princes of Castille or of Spain: for they are not called Princes for any other occasion, but that they have the Asturia's for their portion and entertainment, the which was made a principality, first in this D. Henry, and his wife D. Catherina: to the patrimony of which principality, jaen, Vbeda, Bacça, and Andujar have been since annexed. It is an error also to think that this title of principality is given to the Asturia's of Ouiedo, for that in that region was the beginning of the recovery of Spain: for it proceeds not from any thing else, but from this marriage betwixt Henry of Castille, and Donna Catherina of Lancaster. Before the king Don john of Castille parted from Calaorra, Charles the third king of Navarre, brotherin law to king john, came to visit him, with the Queen Donna Leonora of Castille his wife.  
This prince had succeeded king Charles the Bad his father, 
D. Charles the 3. of that name and 31. of Navarre.  in the year 1386. being dead at Pampelona of a Leprosy, as the Spaniards say, and the French Histories, of a disease he got by his incontinency, whereof he languished long. It is he of whom they writ that the Physicians having him in cure, applying Aquavitae to restore him, they set fire of it, which took hold of the bed, so as he was burnt and could not be relieved: Others say, that he was sowed up in a sheet steeped in Aquavitae, and that the Surgeon seeking to cut the thread, holding a wax light, the sheet was suddenly set on fire and burnt the king: but howsoever, he ended his days in great sickness at Pampelona, in the year 1386, the five and fortieth year of his reign, having reigned 73. His body was interred in the Cathedral church of that city, where the heart of the Queen his wife lies, who died in France in the year 1378. his bowels were buried at Saint Maries of Roncevaux, and his heart at S. Mary's of Vxue. The same year he died, his daughter jeanne was first married to john of Montfort Duke of Britain, by whom she had four sons, and three daugthers, and afterwards to Henry King of England. Before his death he pacified the seditions which they of Pampelona had raised among themselves, causing the authors to be punished: among which, one of the chief was called Andrew of Turilles, who was executed.  

Charles the 3. of the name, the 31. King of Navarre.  
THis Charles succeeded to the Realm of Navarre, being called the Noble, for his bounty, affability, and other virtues, which made him to be esteemed by all Christian Princes his neighbours, and generally beloved of all men. He was 25. years old, when he came to the Crown. At the decease of his father, he was at Pennafiel in Castille, with the King D. john his brother-in-law, of whom he took his leave with infinite tears, upon the receipt of these news, And such was the love of singular affection which the k. of Castille bore him, as from the beginning of his reign he granted him full restutution of the towns and castles of Tudele, S. Vincent, Viana, Guarda, Estella, Miranda, Larraga, and other places, which were in deposits since the last pacification made with Don Henry king of Castille, although the ten years capitulated were not yet expired: moreover he forgave him 20000. doublons of gold, which had been lent to the decease king his father, and did discharge him of the promise of two thousand pounds sterling, which he had made for the liberty of Perlas of Tortui an Englishman being prisoner in Castille. Such and greater was the bounty of D. john king of Castille to Charles the third king of Navarre his brother-in-law, and likewise to the Queen D. Leonora his sister, and to their daugthers who were at that time in Castille: and moreover he caused the king to be accompanied into his Realm by the chief of his Nobility, who being come to Pampelona, 
King of Navarre during the schism adheres to the Pope of avignon.  and there received with great pomp and joy by the Estates of the Realm, the first act he did for the government thereof, was to resolve with his subjects and Councillors, to adhere to Pope Clement the 7. remaining at avignon, and to reject Vrbane the sixth, as the kings of France of Castille had done, yet with this protestation, that he would not separate himself from the holy apostolic church, but obey that which should be decreed by a general Council concerning the Schism. Then he sought the alliance of neighbour Princes, sending ambassadors unto them, especially into Arragon, where he made a league with the duke of Girone, the heir of Arragon, and treated the marriage of Donna jeanne his elder daugther, with D. james eldest son to the Duke of Girone, haunig an intent to unite the crown of Navarre to that of Arragon, for that he had no sons, but this marriage took no effect.  
In the beginning of the year 1387. 
Genealogy of Navarre.  Queen Leonora his wife fell into a long and languishing sickness, which bred much trouble betwixt them. He had by her these children following: D. jeanne the eldest, who was wife to john of Foix, son to Archambault: D. Maria who died a virgin at Pampelona, D. Blanch, who was Queen of Sicily and Navarre, D. Beatrix Countess of March, wife to james of Bourbon, and D. Izabella, who died also a maid. After these five daugthers they had Don Charles their son, who died a child, and Don Lewis which lived but six months. These be the lawful children of the king Don Charles the third. He had out of marriage one son called Godfrey of Navarre, who was Marshal of the Realm, and Earl of Cortes, and one daugther named Donna jeanne of Navarre, who was married to Inigo Ortiz of Estuniga, son to Diego Lopes of Estuniga.  
Of these children mention is made in this king's testament, the which is in the Cathedral church of Pampelona, in the which his brethren are also named: Peter Earl of Mortaing, and Leon a Bastard, and Donna Maria also a Bastard, married to the Earl of Denia.  
In the year 1387. the war betwixt Castille and Portugal being hot, the French troops, led by Lewis Duke of Bourbon to the succour of King john, passed through Navarre, where they were furnished with all necessaries by King Charles, who after their retreat and accord made by the king of Castille with the Duke of Lancaster, he came to Calaorra, as we have said, to rejoice with the King Don john, for this pacification.  
Returning to the treaty of this war, we say, that the Princess Catherine having followed her father into Guienne, 
Castille.  was after a new confirmation of the accord, sent by him to Fontaraby, and there delivered to the Prelates and Noblemen deputed by the king of Castille, to receive her, who conducted her to Palence, where the marriage betwixt her and the Prince D. Henry was solemnised, he being but ten years old, and she nineteen. The Duchess of Lancaster, mother to the Princess, passed afterwards into Spain, and came to the king D. john her cousin at Medina del campo, whom among other presents she gave a rich Crown of gold, saying, that the duke her husband had caused it to be made, hoping to be crowned king of Castille: but seeing they were agreed otherwise then he expected, it was his due, and therefore she presented it unto him. The king received it with great joy, and required the Duchess with other gifts of price, putting her in possession of the towns promised by the accord, whereunto he added Huete. The Duchess past afterwards to Guadalajara, having had a promise of an interview betwixt the king and the Duke of Lancaster her husband, at Fontaraby or Bajone. The king stayed not long to come to Victoria for this meeting, and the Duchess went before the draw her husband to Fontaraby: but he excused himself by reason of his apparent indisposition, and upon the sharpness of the winter, which made the passage of S. Adrian difficult. D. Pero Lopes of Ayala, Bishop of Osma, and Fernand of Illesca were sent unto him from the king to whom he propounded an allayance which he desired to make betwixt Castille and England, and to induce the King D. john to quit that of France, whereof the ambassadors excused their master. The interview being hindered by this occasion the king D. john came to Segobia, to give order for the war of Portugal, which had been somewhat quenched since the duke of Lancaster's retreat: for the pacifying whereof Fernando of Illesca, of the Order of the preaching Friars, and the King's Confessor, had laboured much, but could not conclude any thing.  
The King of Portugal falling sick in this palace of Cordal, gave some hope that matters would turn favourable for Castille: 
Portugal.  for his sickness was so violent, as all men despaired of his life: whereat the Queen Donna Philippe was much grieved, so as she was delivered of her first child before her time, which made them doubt she would not have any more: but midwives rules are not always true; for she had afterwards those children whereof we have made mention.  
Friar Fernand and others, who treated a truce betwixt these two kings, being not able to effect that which they pretended, 
Exploits of the K. of Portugal in Spain.  the King of Portugal being recoured, he entered into Galicia, and spoiled the country, and took Tuy by Intelligence, and Saluaterra: after which spoils the Confessor Fernand returned into Portugal, and renewed the treaty, where he wrought so, as he yielded to a truce for six years, in the year 1389. 
1389.  by the which Tuy, Saluaterra, and all the Portugals had taken from Castille, was yielded. By this pacification which continued long. Don john King of Portugal, had means to settle himself in his Royalty, and wholly to exclude D. Beatrix.  
As for the affairs of Arragon, we find that before that war betwixt Castille and Portugal, the king D. Pedro being very old, 
Arragon.  married the fourth time with D. Sibilla, widow to Artal of Fosses, whom he caused to be crowned at Sarragossa, in the year 1381. whether the Estates were called to the effect. At the which the Noblemen which had subjects that were no Gentlemen, maintained that they had sovereign power over them, their goods and lives, and that it had been long practised in Arragon. This action was begun upon the complaints made by the Inhabitants of Anzanego, against D. Pedro Sanches of Latras their Lord: but it was prohibited, and a sentence was given by way of provision, that the Noblemen should enjoy the rights which they had accustomed, although they were not according to the common law or written law: and although they could not show any privileges bgranted unto them in that behalf, yet should it not be lawful for the king to draw them into question, for any violence or bad usage done unto their subjects, but the punishment of any excess done by the superiors to their subjects, should be left to God, the which gave way to infinite wickedness. These Estates ended with trouble & confusion, for that D. Briande of Luna, having left D. Lopes Ximenes of Vrrea her husband, and married D. Lewis Cornel, these two Noblemen went to arms, and kept the field.  
As for the Estate of Sardynia, the Arragonois were in a manner reduced to despair, by the Sardynians and Genevois their adherents: but if falling out, that Hugh judge of Arborea had, 
〈…〉.  by reason of his tyrannies, been cruelly murdered by his subjects, the party of Arragon began to be in more esteem. Brancaleon of Oria came then to Monçon, to the king D. Pedro, having a passport. The Estates being there assembled, he was received and honoured with the title of Earl of Monçon: this Lord had married Leonora sister to Hugh of Arborea. In the mean time the Sardynians desirous to shake off the Arragonois yoke, and to submit themselves to the Genevois, held all the Ports of the Island: whereas Leonora of Arborea, wife to Brancaleon, joining with the Genevois, made herself head of the party: which made the king to stay Brancaleaon, notwithstanding his passport, whereupon he was sent into Sardynia, and kept prisoner in the castle of Cailleri, during the life of the King Don Pedro  
There was another assembly of the general Estates called at Monçon, 
Estates in Arragon.  in the year, 1383. where as the Infant D. Martin, Earl of Xerica and of Luna, in the name of the Estates, made complaint of many concussions and violences which had been committed throughout the Realm, being countenanced by the Duke of Girone, the king's eldest son, and Governor of the Realm: from whose counsel proceeded many unjust ordonances, charges and exactions upon the people, by the which the Estate was decayed. He said moreover, that some of the Duke's Council had secret intelligence in Castille, and other places, yea with the Rebels of Sardynia, with Lewis Duke of Anjou, the Genevois, and with the enemies to the Arragonois party in Sicily; and had favoured the attempts of the Infant of Majorca, who had some years before made roads into Cattelogne and Arragon: requiring that information might be made, and the offenders punished: the which the king ordained. Whereupon the Viscount of Roa, Gaston of Moncade, Americ Scintilla, john Bellera, and Fernandes of Heredia, Bishop of Vic, were commanded to leave the assembly, being suspected: the which bred great troubles and seditions, and some Noblemen were chased from Court, and from the Duke of Girones' house, who by reason thereof grew in bad terms with the King his father, and worse with the Queen D. Sibilla, his mother-in-law, by whom he was poursued, as the king D. Pedro his father had been by D. Leonora of Castille. The marriage with this Infant D. john Duke of Girone made then with Violant daugther to the Duke of Bar, against his father's liking, who desired he should marry the heir of Sicily, put him more into disgrace, and gave the Queen means to keep him out of favour: so as the government of the Realm was taken from him: and for that Don john Earl of Ampurias, with other Noblemen were discontented, the king sent to overrun the territory of Ampurias, and to besiege Chastillon, where the Earl was, who was forced to fly by sea into Provence. The Earl of Vrgel was for the same reason poursued in hostile manner: and such were the practices of Queen Sibilla, as the Prince with his wife D. Violant, were foeced to retire themselves far from Court, to Castelfolit, where as the Bishop of Vic, and the viscounts of Lisle and Roccabertin kept him company. Among other persons of the Duke's house, whom the king hated, was D. Constance, widow to D. Francis of Perillos', who was the guardien of all his secrets, and of the Duchess Violant his wife, wherefore the king did still command that she should be chased away.  
By reason of the Duke of Girones' absence from Court, Queen Sibilla had means to give many places, and to advance her friends, yea she got a promise, by oath, from the chief towns of Arragon, to defend her life and goods against the Duke; who, notwithstanding the king had forbidden him to meddle with the affairs, carried himself still for Governor of the Realm: and the King seeking to force him, he appealed to the justice Major of Arragon. 
Authority of the justice Maior of Arragon.  This Magistrate being of great authority, stays all matters of fact, until he hath given sentence upon the appeal or oppositions. In the mean time the Earl of Ampurias, who had fled to avignon, and had employed all his means and friends to levy men in France, arrived in the County of Rossillon with eight hundred horse, whereof john Earl of Boullen was the Leader: But the King being advertised of his desseins, had so well provided for all things, as the French seeing that all exploits of war would be very difficult, returned, and abandoned the Earl of Ampurias.  
This King D. Pedro being in peace with Castille, and other potentates of Spain, he was then to contend for the Island of Majorca, 
Pretension of jewis Duke of Anjou.  the country of Rostillon and Cerdagne, Colibre and Valisper, with Lewis Duke of Anjou, son to john the French King, who pretended a right to those Estates, by virtue of a session made unto him by the marquess of Montferat, sister and heir to Don james the last King of Majorca; but they came not to arms for these things, the Duke of Anjou being diverted by the affairs of Italy, having being adopted by jeanne Queen of Naples, and crowned King of Naples, by Pope Clement the seventh, in avignon. Who passing into Italy with an army, died there. So as Don Pedro King in Arragon, was freed from the fear of war, which he expected from France.  
About that time, or little before, Frederic the third King of Sicily, whom they surnamed the Simple his son in law, died, without any heirs male, who leaving but one only daughter, 
Pretensions of the King of Arragon to the realm of Sicily.  called Donna Maria, he pretended that the Realm belonged to the crown of Arragon, according to the testament of Frederic the second King of Sicily, who was of the house of Arragon, and also for other rights which he pretended. By this Testators will, if there were no issue male of the direct line, the women were excluded from the succession of the Realm, willing that it should be united to the crown of Arragon, upon these pretensions the King Don Pedro made great instance in the court of Rome and in the end made Session of the right which he pretended to his son, Don Martin of Arragon, Earl of Xerica and of Luna, and afterwards duke of Momblane. The quarrels and troubles which threatened Sicily, were afterwards ended by accord, in the time of King john his son, upon condition that Donna Maria, heir of the realm, should marry the son of Don Martin, called also Don Martin. This D. Martin the father was Constable of Arragon. King Frederic had had diverse quarrels with joane Queen of Naples who pretended the realm of Sicily to belong unto her: but there was an accord made in the year of our Lord 1372. and since their accords were ratified and confirmed by Pope Gregory the eleventh, in avignon, by whose authority the two realms did for many years after continue divided.  
The King D. Pedro being come to the fiftieth year of his reign, 
Exactions up the Clergy.  in the year of our Lord 1386. for the which there were great feasts and joy at Barcelona, he would also give the prelates and churchmen cause to remember it: for contrary to all custom, he exacted throughout his realm great sums of money upon the Clergy. Afterwards this King being afflicted with grief, by reason of the seditions of his own, being charged with years, and wholly governed by his wife Queen Sibile, he died: whereupon the Clergy, to the end they might terrify Kings, 
Death of D. Pedro King of Arragon.  that should that should attempt to impair their revenues, said, that he having violently usurped the patrimony of Santa Tecla of Tarragone, by the persuasion of Queen Sibile, he was cited by the proctor's of that church, to appear before the Tribunal seat of God, within three score days after, to give an account for that fact, and that the last day of the assignation he died: But it is to be presumed that it was time for him to leave this world, for he was above three score and twelve years old, and had reigned fifty one. He died at Barcelona in the year of our Lord 1387. where he was laid in the Cathedral church, and was afterwards transported to the royal Monastery of Santa Maria of Poblete.   

D. john the first of that name and fourteenth King of Arragon.  
TO the Realms and sovereign Estates of the deceased King, succeeded his son D. john, 
D. john King of Arragon acknowledgeth the Pope at avignon.  the first of that name, the eldest of his brethren, the which Queen Sibile his mother in law, sought by all means to hinder, and had almost persuaded the King Don Pedro her husband, to reject him from the crown: but being given to understand that such an injustice procured by a mother in law, against his eldest son might cause great troubles after his death, he gave way to the Order of nature, and Don john was King of Arragon. It is remarkable that at the same time both in Castille and Portugal, there were Kings reigning of the same name. The King Don Pedro his father was a lover of learning, he entertained the university of Lerida, and erected one in Huesca. Having given to his son john the town of Girone with the title of Duchy, than began the custom, that the eldest of Arragon are called Dukes of Girone, as the eldest son of France is called Dauphin of Vienne.  
The new King Don john began his reign with the persecution of his mother in law, who like unto Donna Leonora of Castille, was retired from Barcelona, seeing the death of the King D. Pedro approach, and had put herself into Zaroca, where she was soon besieged, and taken by Don Martin of Arragon the King's brother. And for that the King Don john lay languishing in his bed, and could not be eased by the art of Physic, this widow Queen was accused to have caused him to be poisoned, whereupon she was strictly examined, and all those of her household. All the goods the deceased King had bestowed on her, were made for faite, and given to the Queen reigning Donna Violant. The Regency or Government of the realm was given to don Martin, who also was made duke of Montblanc, by letters given at Grenoillez near to Barcelona. The previledges, laws and statutes of that city were confirmed by him at his coming to the crown, 
Pope Clement at avignon acknowledged in Arragon.  and he did advow Pope Clement at avignon, by the council of the Cardinal Don Pedro de Luna, and the persuasion of the Queen D. jolant or Violant, and he of Rome was declared unlawful, as made by force.  
All grants made by the King D. Pedro since the year 1365. were revoaked. Such were the first acts of this King: a Prince weak both in body and mind, given to idleness, hunting, dancing, music and poesy, with so violent an affection, as they say, having at his coming to the crown, sent a solemn embassage to the French King, to treat of the affairs of their Estates, the chief Article was to require the French King, to give him certain Poets of Provence and Languedoc which did flourish in those times in their vulgar tongue, not much differing from the Cattelan, whom he received as a singular favour, honoured them, and assigned them great pensions, instituting for the love of them schools of their poesies. And to fill up the measure of his imperfections, he had no care but to please his wife, unto whom he was wholly vowed and addicted. The General Estates being assembled at Monçon, the Deputies and charge to require the severity of the ancient manners, and the restoring of martial discipline, and that the honour of arms might be revived, whereunto the King had no inclination. But above all, 
Estates require reformation of the King and Queen's houses.  that the houses and courts of the King and Queen should be reform, and reduced to the fashion and manner of their ancestors, and that some base and vicious persons should be chased away. There were certain Articles presented against D. Carrocia of Villaragut, one of the Queen's Ladies, in whom she wholly trusted, and gave her so great credit with the Kings, as the honours & offices of the realm, were distributed according to her advice and will, without reason, measure, or regard of merit. The chief which sought this reformation, were Don Alphonso of Arragon, Marquis of Villena, D. james his brother bishop of Tortoça, D. james of Prages, D. Bernardin of Cabrera, Vicont of Lisle and Roa, D. Pedro Queralt, D. john Bellera, and Raymond of Bages; against whom their banded some of the King's Mignons, so as all the realm was in combustion and arms: but the King's weakness was at that time profitable; for it kept them from fight; and having granted a safe conduct to D. Alphonso, D. Lopes Ximenes of Vrrea, john Ximenes of Vrrea, and other their complices, they met with Don Martin the King's brother, had conference upon the reformation, and agreed upon many Articles. Amongst others Don Carrocia of Villaragut was chased from the Queen's court, with a prohibition never to converse with her, or any of the Princes or Princesses. During these contentions Bernard brother to the Earl of Armaignac entered into Cattelogne, 
Vagabond troops spoil Cattelogne.  with an infinite number of soldiers French and English, who foraged and spoiled all they encountered, Bernard their leader having no other reason, but that he sought means to entertain the soldiers. This danger forced the King to arm, and to march against these vagabond troops, whereof some being found scattered and out of order, were defeated, and the rest forced to repass into Languedoc.  
The affairs of Sardynia had been compounded about the time of the death of the King D. Pedro, so as the lands held by Marian judge of Arborea, were restored to Leonora his daughter, and Brancaleon of Oria her husband delivered out of prison; and betwixt the King of Arragon, and the common weal of Genova, there was such an order set down, as the Siegneury of Genova might not keep nor arm any galleys, but in the ports of Genova, Savona, Albenga, and Porto Venere, in the river of Genova, and the Ligustike sea, and in other seas at Pera, Capha, Famogosta and Scio, Valencia, Majorca, Monorca, juiza, Caillerij and Alguer; so as a peace was entertained in the Island of Sardynia, about the year of our Lord 1389. when as the marriage was accomplished betwixt D. Martin son to the Infant D. Martin duke of Momblanc, and Mary, daugther to Frederic the third King of Sicily; a subject of new war, 
Marriage of D. Martin with Mary the heir of Sicily.  by reason of the factions and partialities which were in that Island, amongst the Noblemen, some allowing and others disliking this marriage of their Princess, who according unto some, had been taken out of the castle of Cattane, where by the will of the deceased King her father, she was entertained in the guard of Artal of Alagon, and conducted as it were by stealth into Cattelogne, by them of Clermont.  
The new Kings being come into Sicily, with the duke of Momblanc, who served as a Tutor, being accompanied by D. Bernard of Cabrera, Don Artal of Luna, allied to the King, and many other Noblemen of Cattelogne, Arragon and Valencia, and with a good army, they were received by them that held their party in the town of Trapani, from whence they sought to reduce the factions, some by mildness, and others by rigour. The town of Palermo was yielded, unto him by the Earl of Modica, and there they were crowned; from whence they made a progress, so as they were acknowledged throughout the whole Realm, yet there were often troubles renewed through the natural lightness of that nation.  
This year 1389. died Pope Vrbain, 
Portugal.  residing at Rome, in whose place the Cardinals of his faction did choose Boniface the ninth, called before Peter Tomacel, a priest, Cardinal of the title of Saint Anastasius. In the year of our Lord 1390. the city of Lisbon was made an archbishopric by him at the request of the King D. john, who followed the Pope at Rome, 
Lisbon made an archbishopric.  and not him, at avignon. To it was given for Suffragan the bishop of Coimbra for that time: and in process of time the church of Portalegre was made a Bishop's seat by Paul the third.  
The same year the King of Castille having assembled his Estates at Guadalajara, 
Castille.  being thrust on with a continual desire to be King of Portugal, whereunto he was animated by the Queen Donna Beatrix his wife, he propounded to his council, that he had resolved in that assembly to give over the Realms of Castille and Leon to his son Don Henry, together with his other Lands and Siegneuries, except Sevile, Cordova, jaen, Murcia, 
Estates of Castille,  and all the Moors frontiers: reserving also for himself the third part of the revenues of the church, granted unto him by Pope Clement, saying, that he was advertised, that upon this renunciation the Portugals would receive him for their King: for they had no other reason to oppose themselves, and to reject him, but for that they could not endure to see the realm of Portugal united to that of Castille. But his council did advise him not to do a thing so dishonourable for himself, and not profitable for his country, in quitting his father's realms, to think to get a strange one, which was held by a resolute enemy: showing him by reasons and examples that he did hazard the loss of both, and to be a fable to the world for ever: He did willingly hear and believe his councillors, and suppressed this desire, enjoining them silence. In this assembly he granted a general pardon to all those that had offended him during the last wars, except the Inhabitants of Tuy, who had yielded to D. john King of Portugal, and to his brother D. Alphonso Earl of Gijon, to whom he would show no mercy. The Estates granted him a greater subvention of money then ever any King before him had. Being required the Deputies of the Provinces he reform the expenses and superfluities of his court, and reduced his ordinary troops of horse, for the guard foe the realm, to four thousand Lances, fifteen hundred Genets, and one thousand crossbows one horseback: he ordained that every lance should furnish two horses of service, and the Genets in like manner. To the Launciers and Genets he assigned fifteen hundred Maravidis by the year, and six hundred to the crossbow men, a coin which was then very currant: granting them moreover many great previledges and immunities. There also it was decreed, that the King should send unto Pope Clement, to entreat him that in the provision of the benefices of Spain he would not admit any that were not borne in the country, by reason of the great inconveniences which did grow thereby: upon the complaints made by the Clergy especially of Guipuscoa, Biscay, Alava and Galicia, by the Bishops of Calaorra and Burgos, 
Usurpations upon the Clergis.  for that many lay men, under colour of right of Patronage, had seized upon many lands, tents and other goods of the church, by reason whereof the divine service was ill attended in many places of those Provinces, and buildings were ruined, and there were not Ornaments necessary for the places and persons dedicated to holy works.  
The king being not well instructed of those rights, left matters in the Estate they were, lest he should cause some tumult before it were justified. Besides this, the subjects complained that many Noblemen having jurisdiction presumed to carry themselves in a manner like Sovereigns, both in civilland criminal causes: it was therefore ordained, that it should be lawful for any one of what estate or quality soever, finding himself grieved by the Chastellans, or other subalternal judges, to appeal to the judge, royal. In the behalf of the Bobility it was required, 
Lands of the crown given in recompense of services.  that it would please the King to take away the clause mentioned in the testament of the deceased King Don Henry, touching the succession in the collateral line to lands of the crown, given by him to Noblemen and Knights which had followed and served him in the conquest of those Realms: whereunto answer was made▪ that every one should enjoy that which had been given him by the deceased King his father, but he would in no sort revoke that clause.  
In this assembly of Guadalajara the truce was confirmed with Granado, the Moors Ambassadors being come thither, who brought unto King john many rich presents. There also the King gave unto the Infant Don Fernand his son, who was Lord of Lara the title of Duke of Pegnafiel, having a ducal crown set upon his head, with great solemnity, the which was made like a band round the united, without any flowers surpassing one an other, which did belong only to Kings, though now it be otherwise used, every one seeking to countenance his authority, by usurping of title and mark beyond their due. He also gave arms to the said Don Fernand, that is, a castle and Lion with the royal Bands of Arragon, for that he had him by the Queen Donna Leonora of Arragon his first wife. 
Duke of Benavent the first, duke in Castille.  He was the second Duke in the Realm, for that he of Benavent was the first. These and other things were decreed at Guadalajara, whether Ambassadors came from Charles the Noble, King of Navarre, to summon The Queen Donna Leonora, sister to King john, to return into Navarre, to the King her husband, but they could not prevail.  
This Princess being two years before fallen into a great sickness, and finding no help by physic, 
Navarre.  she was advised to change the air and to go into Castille, hoping she should recover her health sucking the breath of her native soil. For this cause the King Don Charles her husband, who loved her much, conducted her himself unto the King Don john her brother; with whom she had continued some days in feasting and sports in the town of Navarre, and then he returned and left the Queen Donna Leonora to remain there, until she had recovered her health.  
The Queen was not only well entertained by the King of Castille her brother, but her whole household was defrayed, and she was bonoured as much as might be. Being thus at her ease, she soon recovered her health again: but as her body was in better disposition by this change of air, so her mind was much impaired; for were it for the commodities and delights she received in this stately and magnificent court of Castille, or for some other occasion, she resolved to remain and keep there still, 
D. Leono●a Queen of Navarre light and unkind.  and to return no more into Navarre, grounding this unreasonable resolution upon the bad usage she said she had received from the King her husband, who did not love her said she, but was hard unto her; that her revenues were not well paid her: that the Knights and other Castillans which did serve her, were not respected in Navarre, with other such womanish excuses, with whom vanity in an other place was of more esteem, than honesty in her own house: the which the King Don john did hear with a brotherly affection, but with great discontentment, knowing, or at the least doubting, that they were but colours without truth. King Charles hearing that she was in good health, he wrote diverse times unto her, to have her return, but she excused herself, finding sometimes one let, sometimes an other: so as in the end knowing her intention, he employed the Cardinal Don Pedro de Luna a Cattelan, but without effect: for the Queen seeking to capitulate with the King her husband, she propounded such unreasonable conditions, as they were forced to take an other course.  
She had continued two years in Castille, the King her husband using all friendly means to draw her home, forbearing to cause himself to be crowned King of Navarre, for the desire he had to celebrate this ceremony in her company, and to have her crowned with him: but seeing that he lost time in writing and sending messengers, he sent Don Ramires of Areillan and Don Martin of Ayvar, Ambassadors to the King of Castille, being at the Estates at Guadalajara, to entreat him to interpose his authority with his sister Donna Leonora, that she might return into Navarre, and live with the King her husband, as God and honesty did require. The King gave a courteous audience to the Ambassadors, and offered to do his duty therein, the which he performed: for going the day following to his sister's lodging, 
Admonition of the King of Castille to his sister the Queen of Navarre.  he let her understand that it was just & reasonable, seeing she was in health, and her husband required it, that she should go unto him; and the better to persuade her he promised that if she had not entertainment fit for her royal State in Navarre, he would impart some of his unto her, and give her a good company of Knights and Ladies to conduct her into Navarre, with that honour which did belong unto her. She having no just reason to contradict the King her brother, answered him in these terms Sir I am much bound unto you for many respects, 
Excuses of the Queen of Navar.  besides the good council it pleaseth you now to give me, wherein I know you seek my honour and profit. The King my Lord and husband, must also be mindful of your bounty and brotherly love, used towards him in many matters of great consequence, for my sake: for if you had not employed yourself, at my request to the French King, who held him prisoner, it may be he should have found greater difficulties in his delivery. Being come into Spain he knows what honours, and what gifts he hath received from you during the life of the King his father: And when he came to succeed in the Realm of Navarre, all the world hath seen how liberally you have restored him the places, which you might justly have retained in Navarre, being left in deposito at the peace made betwixt you fathers: Moreover you have discharged him of twenty thousand doublons of gold, and of his promise for the English Nobleman, who was a prisoner taken in war, being two thousand pounds' starling: presently after the death of the deceased King his father, you caused me to go out of your Realm, into his country, whether I carried whatsoever I had good and precious, to appear the more honourable amongst the Navarrois, with the Ladies and Gentlewomen of my train, borne of great families, all things tending to the honour and profit of the King my Lord: But in steed of acknowledging all this (it greeeves me to speak it, and I cannot speak it without blushing) he hath not received me, nor entreated me as he ought. He appointed me certain provisions monthly, for the entertainment of my house, my state and attendants, whereof I have been always so ill paid, as I have been often forced to engage my jewels, to content my servants, who complained often unto me. Besides falling dangerously sick in Navarre, and almost dead, I was duly informed, that my languishing proceeded from certain hurtful herbs which were given me by a physician a jew, sent by the King my Lord to cure me. I do not think that these herbs were given me by the commandment of the King my Lord, or with his privity, and God forbidden it should once enter into my thought: but I find it very strange that having complained, he did not vouchsafe to punish this bad physician, as he deserved. Seeing my indisposition to continue I entreated him to give me leave to come into Castille, to your court, whereas God be thanked and your good reception, I have recovered my health. But during my abode here, in this ease, I have been advertised, that many flatterers and bad servants to the King my Lord and me, have charged me with many slanders, the which hath much incensed him against me, so as I know not how my Estate, or my life can be well assured in Navarre, if I return as you persuade me: wherefore I beseech you Sir in the name of God, and for the brotherly love you bear me, that you would be pleased to consult with your good and faithful councillors, upon my return to the King my Lord and husband, whom I love and honour, and to provide for the safety of my life and honour: for if I should fall into any danger, or receive any indignity, you should have interest therein.  
These words accompanied with a mournful countenance, did much move the King D. john, who promising his sister that he would have a care of her affairs, he conferred with his council, imparting unto them the speech which the Queen of Navarre had used, causing them all to swear that they should give him good and faithful council touching her return to the King her husband. The council having duly consulted of this business they came unto the King, and told him, that they had found it expedient, that he should cause King Charles his brother in law, to swear to use the Queen Donna Leonora his wife well and honourably, and for assurance thereof he should leave some places of Navarre in deposito, in the hands of some Knights that were not suspect whereby they thought the Queen might be well assured to return into Navarre, and to live freely with her husband. The King of Castille allowed of this advice, and having caused his sister Donna Leonora to he called, he acquainted her therewith, exhorting her to follow it, the which seemed nothing pleasing unto her, yet she yielded, having no just cause of contradiction: wherefore the King D. john having caused the Ambassadors of Navarre to be called, he would have returned them home with this answer; but they replied that the King their master would take any oath, but to deliver places into a third man's hand, he would not do it: giving many pertinent reasons, why he should not yield to it.  
After many allegations and disputes hereupon, the Queen said, that if it pleased the King her husband to swear and promise to Pope Clement, the French King, and to the King her brother to use her well, she would return. The Ambassadors answered, that the Cardinal D. Pedro of Luna had already propounded such an oath, and that the King their master had answered, that it was not needful the French King should meddle with any controversies betwixt him and his wife, and that for the rest he would make no difficulty. These disputes increasing more and more, to the great grief of the King of Castille, who knew well that the Queen his sister was stayed for some other consideration, and that the objections made against her husband were mere slanders, he was much perplexed: for he both loved Charles King of Navarre, and the Queen also. The Ambassadors being out of hope to work the Queen's return; they demand the Infanta D. jeanne, the King of Navarres eldest daughter, to whom the succession of the Realm did belong for want of heirs males, to be delivered unto them, to carry her into Navarre, to the King her father, seeing he might not hope for any more children by the Queen, persisting in her unreasonable resolution, to live from his company. The Queen excusing herself, said, that it was not her intent to live separated from King Charles but she desired to be assured of her life: And the King her brother (who always persuaded her to be well advised, and to believe what he said unto her) was forced to send Alnar Nugnes of Villa Real, Precedent of his Chancery, into Navarre, to take information of these venomous herbs, which she said had been given her by the physician a jew, and to bring the depositions of the witnesses, whom she named: but this was an information made without any adverse party, to the great scandal of Queen Leonora's marriage: so as by the advice of the royal council of Castille it was suppressed. The Queen remaining obstinate, not to return to her husband, the King of Castille prevailed so with her, as she yielded to send Don Leanne her eldest daughter, for he gave her to understand that it would somewhat pacify the King of Navarre.  
Besides it was to be feared that if she stayed her, he might in despite institute his brother Peter Earl of Mortaing heir of his realm. It did much import the Navarrois, to have this daughter in the father's power, fearing lest the mother should marry her to some Castillan, against the father's will, and to the prejudice of the liberty of the Realm: The daughter was delivered to the Ambassadors, with one of her sisters, being royally accompanied from the town of Roa, whether the King and his sister came to send her into Navarre, where she was received with great contentment to the King and the Navarrois, yet he was much discontented at the rebellion and contempt of the Queen his wife.  
This business being ended, 
Castille.  the King of Castille came to Segobia, where he did institute the Order of the Knights of the holy Ghost, causing collars of gold to be made like unto the sun beams, at which did hang a white dove. This collar he himself did wear, and gave it to many Knights that were most familiar with him, showing them a certain book of Orders, which they must observe. Moreover he would also institute an other device, which he called Reason, the which Esquires, which carried themselves valiantly in jousts and Tournayes, and did any commendable act, should carry: yet he being dead these things died likewise with him, which follwed the same year 1390.  
He was resolved to pass into Andalusia, 
An. 1390.  to order the affairs of that Province, and administer justice: passing in the month of October by Alcala of Henares, thither came unto him fifty Christian Knights borne at Maroc in Africa, who being sent for by him had passed the seas with leave from their King, and were come to do him service: He received them graciously, and promised them pensions and lands in Castille. They were of the most ancient families of Maroc, 
Farfanes-Christian affy ikans.  having always held the Christian, religion, and were called the Farfanes. The King desirous to see them manage their Genets (for they had the report to be good horsemen) went to horseback, and going out at the port which is called of Burgos, he entered into a ploughed field, and beginning to gallop his horse over the furroes, he stumbled in the medest of his course, and fell upon the King, who was so bruised as he died, being but two and thirty years old, whereof he reigned eleven and three months; his body was carried to Toledo, and buried in the Chapel of the last Kings, where his father and mother lie. A Prince endowed with good parts but unfortunate, and too sharp to his brother the Earl of Gijon, the which did somewhat blemish the lustre of his virtues: he was a friend and rewarder of valiant men, and religious according to the time. He was founder of three of the chief Monasteries in Spain, and gave them great revenues; that is, the Carthusians at Valdelo çoya in the territory of Segobia in Rascafrie, the which is commonly called Paular: the royal Monastery of the Order of Saint Benet at Vailedolit, the chief of the Religion in the Realms of Castille, Leon, Arragon and Navarre, built whereas the old fort did stand. And moreover he founded the church and house of Santa Maria of Guadalupe, whereas he put religious men of Saint jerosmes Order, and took away the Chaplains which were wont to be there; are which place there is an Image, which they hold doth miracles.  
This King was very pitiful to Princes and men of mark that were strangers and afflicted, as it appeared by the delivery which he sought with great affection of Leon King of Armenia, who was prisoner with the Sultan of Egypt to whom he sent an honourable embassage to that effect. And afterwards this Prince being retired into Spain, he gave him convenient revenues and pensions upon the town of Madrid and other places in Castille. It is he whose tomb is in the Celestins church at Paris where he died mediating a peace betwixt the French and English.  
The King of Navarre having laboured in vain for the have the Queen his wife return unto him, 
Navarre.  desiring to have her crowned with him, like unto other Queens, he resolved not to delay his coronation any longer: wherefore he assembled the Estates of his realm in the city of Pampelone, whereas the solemnity of his coronation was made, as followeth: The Deputies of the Clergy, 
Ceremony at the King of Navarres coronation.  Nobility and third Estate being assembled, with the Ambassadors of foreign Princes, in the great chapel of the Cathedral church; the Bishops being in their Pontifical habits; Don Martin of salva Bishop of Pampelone, who was afterwards Cardinal, spoke the words unto the King: O King our natural Lord, it is fit before you receive the Sacrament of the holy unction, that you take the oath unto your people of Navarre, which hath been accustomed to be taken in this Realm of Navarre, by Kings your predecessors. Whereunto the King answered, that he was ready to swear: then a cross being presented unto him, and a book; laying his hand thereon, 
Form of the King oath to his people.  he pronounced these words with a loud voice We D. Charles by the grace of God King of Navarre, Earl of Eureux etc. Do swear unto our people of Navarre, upon this cross and upon the holy Evangelist touched by us, and to you the prelates and rich men of the cities and good towns, and to all the people of Navarre, for all your rights, laws, customs, freedoms, liberties and previledges: that every one of them, as they now are, shallbe maintained and kept, to you and your successors all the time of our life, without corrupting them, bettering, and not impairing them in all or in part: and that the violence and force which hath been done to your predecessors, whom God pardon, or to you, by Us or our Officers, we shall hereafter command it to cease, and satisfaction to be made, according unto right, as they shallbe made manifest by good men and of credit.  
After the King's oath, 
F●●m● of the subjects oath unto the King.  the Deputies of the Estates, according to their degrees, standing up, did also swear after this manner. We N. N. Barons of Navarre, as well in our own names, as for all the Knights and Gentlemen of the realm, swear unto you, our King and Lord, upon this corsse, and these four holy Evangelists, handled and touched by us, to guard and faithfully to defend your person, and our country, and to aid you to keep, maintain and defend the laws and customs with all our power. After this manner did the deputies for the cities and towns swear, every one according to the rights, laws, customs, previledges, freedoms and liberties, which they did enjoy. This oath being taken of either side, except by the Clergy, who swear not, the King retired himself into Saint Stephen's chapel, of the same church, where he put off his robes, and took one of white taffety, 
Unction foe the King of Navarre.  which was usual in such ceremonies, and then was brought back by the Bishops of Tarrasone and of Dax, to the great chapel, where as all things necessary were prepared for this unction. The King being there environed by the Bishops, he was anointed with oil by the Bishop of Pampelone, with the prayers and suffrages usual in such actions: and the King having instantly put off that white robe he was richly attired in other royal habits, and so approached near unto the high altar, where there was a sword, the royal crown glistering with precious stones, and the royal Sceptre, he put on the sword, and then drew it forth, holding it up on high in sign of justice, and then sheathed it again, than he took the crown, and set it on his head, and last of all he took the sceptre in his hand, and in the mean time the prelates continued their prayers. These things being done the King mounted upon a target, on the which were painted the arms of Navarre, 
King of Navarre carried upon a traget.  the which was borne by the Deputies of the Nobility, and them of the city of Pampelone and the three quarters thereof, Bourg, Peuplement and Bavarre, as well in the name of the said city, as of other cities and towns of the realm, as it had been appointed by the King: whereupon public protestation was made by the Deputies of Estella, Tudela, Sanguessa, Olite and other towns, which could not set to their hands to support this target, on the which the King was, that it was without prejudice at that time, or hereafter, to their commonalties. Thus the King was raised up by the deputies, who cried out thrice, Real, Real, Real.  
The King being thus carried after the manner of the ancient French, he cast money unto the people, which done, he was taken from thence by the Cardinal Don Pedro of Luna, the Pope's Legate (who assisted at this ceremony) and by the Bishops of Pampelone and Tarrasone, and led to a royal throne in great state: the prelates and other Clergy men continuing still in their prayers and ending with a Te Deum.  
These things thus performed, the King's Attorney General, called Garcia of Leach, in the King's name, the Bishop of Pampelone for himself and all the Clergy of the realm, with the Deputies of the Nobility, towns and commonalties, demanded an act of Peter of Godeille apostolic Notary, of Peter of javariz Clarke and apostolic Notary for the Diocese of Pampelone, and of john of Ceilludo Notary, and Secretary to the King, the which was formally done. For the last act of this follemnity, mass was sung by the Bishop of Pampelone, whereas the King, according to the custom of his predecessors, offered scarlet, gold and silver. This coronation was the fourth year of this Prince's reign, in February in the year 1390. and to make more particular relation of men of quality, which were at this assembly, deputed for the Estates or otherwise, First of all there was D. Pedro of Luna Cardinal, 
Men of account at the King of Navarres coronation.  of the title of Santa Maria in Cosmedin, Legat a Latere in Spain, to Pope Clement residing in avignon: Don Martin salva Bishop of Pampelone, D. john of Calaorra and Calçado, D. Pedro of Tarrassone, Don Fernand of Vic of Ossona, D. Pedro of Ampurias, D. john of Dax, D. Garcia of Eugni of Bayone, Confessor to the King, all Bishops. Moreover the Abbot of Irache, the Dean of the Collegiall church of Tudelo; the Abbots of the Monasteries of Saint salvator of Leyra, Olivia, Yrançu Hitero and Saint salvator of Vrax: the Prior of the Order of Saint john of jerusalem, the dignities, Chanoins and Clergy of the church of Pampelone, for the Estate of the Clergy. For the Nobility and military Order were Don Lionel of Navarre, the King's base brother, D. Arnaud Raymond Lord of Grammont, D. Arn●nd Sanches Lord of Luse, D. Pedro Lord of Laxaga, D. Martin Henriques of Lacarra Marshal of the realm, D. Ramir of Areillan, D. Martin Lord of Mearçan, and of Saint julian, D. john of Vcara, D. Fernand of Ayanc, D. Martin of Ayvar, D. Bertrand of Lacarra, D. Aluar Diaz of Medrano, D. Ximen Garcia Vicont of Baigner, D. Pedro Sanches of Corella, D. Pedro Ynigues of Vxue, D. Martin of Artieda, D. Pedro Arnaud of Garro, D. john Gaston of Vrroz, D. Garcia Ramires of Asiayn, D. john of Bern, the young Don Pedro Sanches of Licaraçu, D. john Rodrigues of Ayvar, D. Raymond of Esperça and Don Pedro of Ayanc: these were accompanied with many other Noblemen and Gentlemen, as it was fit for the Majesty of such an act. The were also the Deputies of the commonalties, and good towns of the realm of Pampelone, Bourg, Peuplement and Navarriere which were three quarters, or countries, of the city, every one having a several judge, the which kept them long in division, and bred lamentable mutinies and seditions: but this King by wise council reduced them all into one body, and suppressed the cause, to the good and quiet of the Inhabitants: Moreover there were present the Deputies of Estella, Tudela, Sanguessa, Olite, Puent la Reyna, Arcos, which at this day belongs to Castille, Viana, guard, which is also of Castille, of Saint Vincent, of Saint john of Pie de Port, of Montreal, Roncevaux, Lumber, Willafranca of Aguilar of Bernedo, at this day united to the crown of Castille, and of Lans. Besides these deputies, there were many Barons, Knights and others of quality of Castille, France and England, which did honour this coronation, with the Ambassadors of foreign Christian princes. Namely john Vicont of Fussensaguet, Raymond of Beruat, Lord of Castlenau, D. Alphonso of Luna, Archdeacon of Girone, Doctor john Fernandes of Arana, D. Diego Lopes of Estunina, high Treasurer, Diego Lopes of Lagran, Steward to the King of Castille, Francis of Pau of Arragon, Sicart of Montagu, Bernard of Rostaing a Basque. These with many others. were witnesses of all that past at this ceremony, as appears by the acts and writings which are in the chamber of accounts of that realm. In july following the choir of the church fell, where these things were celebrated, for the reedefying whereof, the King and others did contribute very much. The death of D. john King of Castille, fell out then unfortunately for the King of Navarre: for besides that he loved him, and was beloved of him like a brother, he was a fit instrument to tame the wilfulness of the Queen Donna Leonora, who did afterwards much trouble him, before he could made her leave Castille, and return to him.   

D. Henry the 3. of that name, the seventeenth King of Castille 38. of Leon.  
WHen as the King Don john had this mortal fall, 
Castille.  Don Pedro Tenorio, Archbishop of Toledo, a wise man, knowing the alterations which do commonly follow such accidents, to the prejudice of States, he suddenly caused a Pavilion to be pitched in the place whereas the King's body lay, and having set guards about it that it mought not be seen, he dissembled his death, giving it out that he was sore hurt, but without any danger of death: and the better to conceal this business, he caused his physicians to come unto the Tent, to whom he imposed silence, then at a convenient time, he caused the King's body to be brought into the town, and laid it in the Chapel of the Archbishop's lodging.  
In the mean time he made such dispatches as he thought fit to the cities and towns of the realm, and to the Prelates and Knights who he knew were affected to the deceased King, and to his son D. Henry. The Queen Donna Beatrix was at the time of this unfortunate accident, at Madrid, where she received letters from the Archbishop, advising her to go to Alcala, the which she did, leading in her company D. john Serran bishop of Siguença Chancellor of the King's privy seal, and others, who were very sorrowful for these lamentable news: but especially the Queen Donna Beatrix, who had not any children by the King her husband, and was now dispossessed of her realm of Portugal, without any hope ever to recover it. Being come To Alcala, the Archbishop having comforted her, and left her there for the guard of the body, he went to Madrid, where he did set up the Standards of Castille and Leon, for the new King D. Henry, who was then at Talavera with his wife Donna Catherina, and his brother the Infant Don Fernand, whereas their father had left them when as he meant to go into Andalusia: but having received letters from the Archbishop, he came presently to Madrid. The Archbishop gave such order for all things, as there was no alteration. The funerals for his death were performed throughout all Spain, with great heaviness, the which was followed with great demonstrations of joy, 
D. Henry the third proclaimed King of Castille.  for that D. Henry was proclaimed King in the same town of Madrid, wehther the Deputies of Provinces, and the Estates of the realm began to come; the first were D. Laurence Suares of Figueroa master of Saint james, D. Gençalo Nugnes of Guzman master of Calatrava, and some others, who did not meddle with any affairs, nor with the government of the King (who was not yet eleven years old) by reason of the absence of Don Frederic duke of Benavent, of Don Alphonso of Arragon, Marquis of Villena Earl of Denia and first Constable of Castille, and Don Pedro of Castille Earl of Transtamara, Princes of the blood royal, who were sent for, and it was fit to attend them. Notwithstanding the Archbishop of Toledo thought it fit to conclude a marriage which was of great importance, and very prejudicial for the Duke of Benavent, which was of Donna Leonora daughter and heir to Don Shancho of Castille, brother to the King D. Henry the second, Countess of Albuquerque and Montalban, and Lady of many other towns and castles: to which rich marriage Don Frederic pretended, the which was thought fit an convenient, both for that he was of the blood of Castille, as also to recompense him in some sort for the marriage which had been concluded, betwixt him and Donna Beatrix of Portugal, whom the King D. john did afterwards marry, 
Marriage betwixt the heir of Albuquerque and the Infant D. Fernand.  whereby he had been undoubtedly King of Portugal. But the Archbishop thinking that the marriage of Donna Leonora would be more fit for D. Fernand duke of Pegnefiel, brother to the new King, he did work it, and concluded it, with the King's consent and the Ldays, upon condition that it should be consommated when the Infant were fourteen years old. She being sixteen years old, promised it, but not the Infant, for that by the marriage betwixt Don Henry and Donna Catherina, the Duke of Lancaster her father had reserved, that if Don Henry should chance to die without consommating of the marriage with hid daugther, then D. Fernand his brother should marry her. The Noblemen, Prelates and Deputies of the town of Castille and Leon, being not yet assembled, the Archbishop of Toledo demanded of Peter Lope of Ayala, a worthy Knight and learned, if he knew whether the deceased King had made any will, to whom he answered yea, and that he himself being present with others, the King had made his will at the siege of Cillorico in Portugal, the one and twentieth of july in the year of our Lord 1385. and that he had sent his will to him being Archbishop of Toledo. The Archbishop remembered this, but he said that he had since delivered that up to the King. By this testament it was ordained, that the King dying, leaving his son D. Henry under age, the government of the King and realm should remain in the hands of D. Alphonso of Arragon, Marquis of Villena, 
Ordonances made by the King D. fohn in his testament.  of the Archbishop of Toledo, D. john Garcia Manriques Archbishop of Saint james, D. Pedro Nugnes master of their Calatrave, D. john Alphonso of Guzman Earl of Niebla, and D. Pedro Gonçales of Mendoça Lord Steward of the King's house, and with them one or two Bourgeses of either of the six towns: that is Burgos, Toledo, Leon, Sevile Cordova and Murcia.  
But afterwards the King did show by actions, that he had changed his resolution, not meaning that this should be received for his last will and testament, whereupon there grew such debate, as it was hard to pacify it. D. Frederic duke of Benavent, D. Pedro of Castille Earl of Transtamara, the Archbishop of Saint james, with some others, being arrived, having kissed the King's hands, as their natural Lord, the Estates began to confer concerning the government of the King and realm, and having first propounded the abovenamed will, it was concluded that the Archbishop of Toledo, the Masters of Saint james and of Calatrava, the Duke of Benavent, the Earl of Transtamara, and Pero Lopes of Ayala, should enter the chamber where the King kept his papers, to find out this will. The chamber was opened by Ruis Lopes of Aualos, who afterwards was Constable, and john Martin's of Castille, gardiens of those writings, where this will was found: It being read in the presence of the abovenamed, and they all disallowing of that which the King had ordained, they commanded him that read it to cast it into a fire which burned in a chamber near unto the Bishop of Cuencas, one of the household to the deceased King, to avoid all contention and trouble, yet he durst not do it, but laid it under a bed, whereas the Archbihop of Toledo took it, saying, that there were some clauses which did concern his archbishopric of Toledo, and so carried it away.  
After some great contention betwixt the Noblemen and Deputies assembled, in the end it was concluded, that without any regard to the Kings will, or any other writing whatsoever, the government should be managed by a set council, wherefore they named the duke of Benavent, and the Earl of Transtamara Princes of the blood royal of Castille, 
Orders for the Government of the realm of Castille.  the Marquis of Villena, and the Archbishops of Toledo and Saint james, the masters of Calatrava and Saint james, with some other Knights: and it was said, of the Deputies of sixteen cities of this Realm, eight should assist at this council by six months, with this clause that not any Prelate, Knight, Master, Deputy or any other should have any voice or authority, but when they were resident in the court. This resolution pleased them all except the Archbishop of Toledo, who refused for to swear to certain good Articles concluded by the council, answering with the Bishop of Cuenca, that he did it for that he would not infringe the laws of the realm, which said, that the King coming to the crown in his minority, the father having appointed him no Tutors, in that case the Realm should choose one, three, five, or seven to govern. Wherefore if they would hear what he had to say therein, for the discharge of his conscience, and that they would afterwards proceed otherwise, he should be contented with that they should conclude. His answer being allowed by the council, he was willed to present himself the next day in the castle, where he should be heard. The council was of opinion that the Archbishop would not be so rash, as publicly to contradict a general accord which they had made, else they prepared to give him a bad reception.  
The Archbishop being advertised by one of the Deputies of the resolution of the council, he joined with them the next day in a church, and swore the Articles, to avoid the scandal which had happened, if he had done otherwise. This being thus repaired, the Archbishop desired to be discharged of the guard of Don Alphonso Earl of Gijon, brother to the deceased King, who had been a long time prisoner in the castle of Almonacid: whereupon he made such instance, and so great protestations, as the council (not able otherwise to pacify him) decreed that the prisoner should be delivered into the hands of the master of Saint james, who should take charge of him, and he caused him to be conducted to the castle of Monreal, belonging to the order of Saint James.  
Some days after the council being assembled in the church of Madrid, whereas it was often held, 
Archbishop of Toledo turbulent.  certain Gentlemen belonging to the duke of Benavent entered, having shirts of mail, whereat many were amazed, especially Don Pedro Tenorio the Archbishop, who thereupon took occasion to dislodge from court, and in all places where he passed, he published that they had made a council contrary to the will of the King don john: writing to all the chief towns of Spain, and to the Noblemen that were absent, who had been named Tutors by the Kings will: He did moreover write to Pope Clement, and to the consistory of Cardinals, and the French King, and him of Arragon, entreating them not to allow of, nor receive the dispatches of this council. This did much trouble them of the council, who incited by this disorder to a greater, would begin to divide the charges, offices, places and forts of the Realm betwixt them. The duke of Benavent was the first, 
Division among the Lords of the council.  who demanded the office of high Treasurer, or Superintendent of that treasure, for john Sanches of Sevile, an infamous man by reason of his great usury, being also indebted to the King in great sums of money: whereunto the Archbishop of Saint james opposed, saying, that it was not fit that he who ought to be arraigned, should be advanced to an office which had jurisdiction: whereupon there grew great troubles, and scandals, and the Noblemen of the council began to fortify themselves with arms, causing their servants and vassals to approach near to Madrid, so as the Inhabitants of the town set guards at their ports: by reason whereof the Duke went out of the town, and retired to Benavent, leaving his companions in great fear lest he should join with the Archbishop of Toledo.  
As this man was moved with zeal for the affairs of state, 
Sedition against the jews, caused by D. Fernand Martinez.  so at the same time Don Fernand Martin's of Eccia, Archdeacon of Sevile, was moved for religions cause against the jews, dwelling in Spain, inciting the people against them, not only in his sermons, but also in market places and streets: so as the jews seeing they intended to spoil and murder them, they had recourse unto the Lords of the council at Madrid, who deputed judges to prevent this disorder at Sevile, Cordua, and other towns of Andalusia: but the people were so incensed against this sect, as notwithstanding all the diligence of the judges, many were slain, and their goods spoiled: An indidirect course to draw Infidels to the religion of jesus Christ.  
The King Don Henry who grew in years and judgement, did much apprehend the troubles, wherein the Noblemen of the council did engage the Realm, and therefore he did write unto the Duke of Benavent, and the Marquis of Villena, who had not been present at all these things, that they should come, or send presently to Madrid, men with full authority: complaining by his letters which he did write to Don Frederic Duke of Benavent, for that he had gone from court without leave. The Duke sent Aluar Vasques of Losada, a Knight of honour unto him, who gave him a good account of his actions. The Marquis of Villena excused himself upon the dissension of the Council, who wrote in the beginning of the year 1391. to the Archbishop of Toledo, 
An. 1391.  complaining greatly of the innovations which by his occasion did threaten Spain, protesting for their parts, to yield unto all that should be ordained by the Estates of the Realm: and as for the last will and testament of King john, they would always refer it to his oath, if he had not declared before his death, that he meant not it should be of force.  
The Archbishop when he received these letters, was at Alcala with the Duke of Beneuent, the Marquis of Villena, D. Martin janes' of Barbuda, Master of Alcantara, and D. Diego Hurtado of Mendoça, with other discontented Knights, by all their advice, having made a league together, answer was made unto the messengers, that having resolved among themselves they would make a fit answer: to whom the messengers that were sent from the King and the Council replied, that in the mean time the Archbishop should forbear to assemble forces, and should not employ the revenues of the church to levy soldiers: whereunto they answered, That whilst they of the Council did govern to their prejudice, they could do not less then to seek a remedy. During these broils in Spain, D. Domingo Bishop of S. Ponce, Legate to Pope Clement residing at avignon, came to Madrid, with letters to the King, condoling for the death of the deceased king his father, 
Pope Clement sends a Legate into Castille.  and congratulating his assumption, who also brought letters from the Pope to the Council, by the which, like a good pastor and father, he did exhort them to do justice, and to govern the Realm well; the Legate making a long speech to that end: to whom Garcia Manrique Archbishop of S. james, answered. After which the Council entreated the Legate to be a means to pacify the troubles which had been raised by the Archbishop of Toledo, and that he would take the pains to look into the will and disposition of both parties, to the end he might make report thereof unto the Pope. The Legate offered to employ himself in any thing they should think fit for the public peace: wherefore the Council having thanked him for his good will, they deputed Peter Suarez of Quignones, Governor of Leon, a wise and discreet Knight, Garcis Alphonso of Sahaghun, and Doctor Anthony Sanches of Salamanca, an Auditor, who did accompany the Legate. Being arrived at Talavera de la Reyna, where as the Archbishop was, he entreated him very earnestly to hearken to the peace and quiet of Spain, giving him many Theological reasons, being a great learned Doctor, especially upon the wasting of the goods and revenues of the Church, which was the patrimony of the poor, propounding unto him in the behalf of the Council, the just conditions which they had delivered unto him, and promised to perform; persuading him and his associates to come upon his faith and assurance, unto the castle of Buytrago, belonging unto D. Diego Hurtado of Mandoça, to consult with them of the Council, of the means how to accommodate all their divisions. The like request and offer was made by Peter of Quignones in the behalf of the Council, signifying unto them, that if they lost this opportunity, they might afterwards desire it in vain: and of all this he protested and demanded an act. To all this the Archbishop answered upon premeditation, and excused himself, as well upon the testament of the deceased king, as upon the laws of the Realm which were infringed, persisting in the answer which had been made at Alcala, pretending other lets, so as they could not go to Buytrago.  
In the mean time ambassadors came from France, to the new king Don Henry, to condole the death of the deceased king, 
Ambassadors from France to Castille.  and to perform such ceremonies as are usual at the coming of new kings, the Bishop of Landresi, chief of this embassage, offering to the king Don Henry all friendship and aid, in the name of the king his Master, and to confirm the league made betwixt their predecessors. To which embassage the Archbishop of S. james made answer in the king's name with great applause: the king did then renew and swear the league betwixt France and Castille, and so did the Ambassadors. They being dispatched, and honoured with many goodly presents, they were accompanied with other Ambassadors, whom the king Don Henry sent into France, for the confirmation of this league: within few days there came also to Madrid, Ambassadors from the Kings of Navarre and Arragon: from the Duke of Lancaster, and other Christian Princes, upon the same subject. They of Navarre particularly entreated the young King, that he would so work with the Queen Donna Leonora his aunt, as she might return into Navarre, and live with the King her husband; wherein they of the council employed themselves with great affection, 
Queen of Navarre will not return to her husband.  but they prevailed not, for she used the same excuses, which she had done to the deceased Kign Don john, so much she was pleased to live in the court of Castille. The King of Arragon's Ambassadors, besides their general Legation, had charge to persuade all the councillors in particular, to govern the realm with such care and loyalty, as the young years of the king his nephew required. And they of the Duke of Lancaster demanded, that the league made with the deceased king, at the conclusion of their peace, should be renewed. All these received courteous answers, and were sent back with content.  
In the mean time the Archbishop of toledo levied forces, and made great practices throughout all the chief towns, and with the Nobility of the Realm. And on he other side, at the incitation of the seditious archdeacon Don Fernand Martin's, the people of Sevile, 
Cruelties and murders committed on the jews.  Cordova, Toledo, Logrogne, and other towns, of Castille, had fallen upon the jews, making a horrible butchery of this miserable people, and spoiling their goods, forcing by this means the rest, who escaped the present fury to become Christians, or at the least to feign themselves so: What can poor Infidels think (seeing such cruelties practised by Christians, and such greediness in them to imbeazle other men's goods) but that their religion is bloody, desiring nothing less than the health of those whom they entertain in their ignorance, by such detestable courses, and devilish covetousness? With the like fury were the neighbour country's infected: for they of Valencia and Barcelona did the like, yea the rage of these zealous men had extended unto the Moors dwelling in Castille and Arragon, if they had not feared that the king of Granado would have massacred many Christians that were his prisoners, and that it should cause some new war with the Arabians.  
This worldly consideration respecting the commodity of this life retained them, not the zeal and honour of jesus Christ, which consists not in murders and spoils, but to do good to all men, and to pray for their enemies. The King Don Henry was advertised of all these disorders, but by reason of his youth which was contemned, he could not apply fit remedies. Yet he did somewhat pacify the mutinue against the jews: But as for the Archbishop of Toledo, and his Confederates, they had need of a sharper restraint. The Council sent twice unto him: that is, the Master of Saint james, who came unto him at Illesca, and afterwards at Talavera de la Reina, D. john of Velasco, Lord Chamberlain to the king, and Peter Fernandes of Villegas Merin Mayor of Burgos, who admonished him to forbear to assemble forces, and that he should be content to undergo with them, the resolution of the Estates, upon their differences, but they had no other answer, but what he had formerly made.  
Amidst these tumults there fell out a new occasion to increase them: 
D. Pedro of Castille demands the office of Constable.  for having been propounded in the Council of the deceased king D. john, to take the office of Constable from D. Alphonso of Arragon, Marquis of Villena, for certain reasons: being now in division with the Council, and not greatly beloved of the young King D. Henry, D. Pedro of Castille Earl of Transtamara, came to demand this office, who had yearly for his diet and entertainment 70000. maravidis. The Council did let him understand, that the king at the beginning when the Estates assembled at Madrid, to gratify the Marquis D. Alphonso, had confirmed him in the dignity, and that there were no reason thus to degrade him, without some apparent cause, the which might be a means to increase the troubles which were but too great: wherefore they were of opinion, that he should for that time forbear and content himself with a pension, equal to the Constable's entertainment, the which they promised him in the mean time: but they said, that they must proceed against the Marquis by the course of justice: for the effecting whereof, they would procure the king to cite him to come to Court, and if he did not obey, they promised to give him his Estate. D. Pedro was satisfied with this answer, and D. Alphonso janes' Fajardo, Governor of Murcia was sent by the King unto the Constable, to cause him to come to court: but he excused himself from coming presently, promising to be there soon after, notwithstanding it was far from his thought: for he had intelligence with the Archbishop of Toledo, and others of the league, who drew men together from all parts, to come to the Court in arms, to the end they might have the testament of the deceased king D. john, put in execution, and chase away the Council.  
The Archbishop of S. james, the Earl of Transtamara, the Masters of S. james and Calatrava, john Hurtado of Mendoça, Lord Steward of the king's house, & others (whereof some were named Tutors by the kings will, and some not) knowing that this was not the cause which drew the Archbishop of Toledo, but only a colour pretended by him and his confederates to retire from Court, and to take arms; they also provided for their parts, and called all their friends to aid them: they drew D. Leonora Queen of Navarre, unto their league, binding themselves by oath one unto another, 
Queen of Navarre entangled in the troubles of Castille.  and they wrought so, as the king Don Henry continued unto the Queen his Aunt the pensions which the deceased King D. john was wont to give her with an increase: By whose persuasion, and others of the Council, he took the office of Constable from Don Alphonso of Arragon, who had enjoyed it nine years, and gave it to the Earl of Transtamara, who was son to D. Frederic, Master of Saint james, and cousin to the king. hereupon they fell to arms in Castille, committing great spoils, robberies, and murders of all sides, dividing the Realms, Provinces, Cities, and Towns, especially Sevile, whereas Don Aluar Perez of Guzman, great Admiral of Castille, and D. Pedro Ponce of Leon, Lord of Marchena, Governor general of that city, held the Concells' part: and Don john Alphonso of Guzman, Earl of Niebla and others, that of the King's testament.  
he Archbishop of Toledo with the Master of Alcantara were about Auila, to whom they of the city of Burgos made many protestations, offers and prayers in vain, for a peace; the like they did to the Duke of Benavent, and then they sent unto the King, who was come to Cuellar, beseeching him to give ear unto a peace, and to end the troubles by a convocation of the Estates; the which if he thought good to hold in their city, they offered to deliver all their children in hostage, for their assurance that should come. The King moved with the love and willingness of them of Burgos, sent the Legate and others to the Archbishop and his confederates, but they answered, That when they should be near the place where the king was, they would declare their intentions more at large. The Duke of Benavent, and the Archbishop of Toledo, were already joined with their forces, consisting of fifteen hundred men at arms, and 3500. foot, unto whom the Queen of Navarre came, entreating them, that before matters grew worse, they should be satisfied with the resolution of the Estates: and whilst that she laboured with the confederates, the king went to Vailledolit, whither came about sixteen hundred men at arms, with some other forces. The confederates little regarding the Queen of Navarre, came to lodge at Simancas, where as she was more amazed then before, and employed all her endeavours to make some accord: In the end she obtained that there should be a conference at Perales, whereas at divers times, in the presence of the Queen and Legate, the parties met and conferred. Once among the rest, the Archbishop being demanded by him of Saint james, if he had any true intent, that the deceased kings testament should take place: he made him no answer, for that the Duke of Benavent, who was not named in it, was present, whom he feared to offend: an infallible argument, that private respects did move him more, 
Archb. of Toledo respects not the public good.  than any zeal of the public good, or the King's service. It was concluded in Perales, that the King's testament should be of force, and that the tutors named therein should govern: and to the end a peace might be the better entertained, and that all emulation and jealousy might cease, there were added unto them Don Frederic duke of Benavent, Don Pedro Earl of Transtamara, and the Master of Saint james: and for the better strangthening of this accord, the general Estates were held at Burgos, john Hurtado of Mendoça, 
Estates at Burgos for a peace.  Pero Lopes of Ayala, Diego Lopes of Estuniga, and john Alphonso de la Cerde, either of them giving one of his sons in hostage, for the assurance of such as should come to Court.  
Thus the Estates were called at Burgos; which city was at great charges for that cause, and for the king's service. But before any proceeding, the Council pretending to bind Don Alphonso Earl of Gijon unto them, being prisoner in the hands of the Master of S. james, they decreed his delivery, and procured the king to restore unto him all the lands which he had enjoyed in the Asturia's. 
D. Alphonso the king's uncle delivered out of prison.  There came unto the assembly at Burgos, the king with Queen Catherine his spouse, the Infant Don Fernand, and his future wife D. Leonora, who lodged in the Castle, whereof Diego Lopes of Estuniga was captain. The Estates beeign entered into conference, there grew a new tumult: for some of the Noblemen not satisfied with that which had been concluded in Perales, would have D. Alphonso Earl of Gijon admitted to council, besides the abovenamed, wherewith the Duke of Benavent his brother, the Queen of Navarre, nor the Master of Saint james, were not contented, saying, that his delivery had been without their consents, with an intent to make use of him to the prejudice of them three, and others that were of their opinion. Such was their inconstancy, as they which before would have the kings will take effect, demanded now the accord of Perales. In the end they made choice of two of the greatest Doctors in Spain, to be arbitrators, and to give their advice therein; which were Don Gonçal Gonçales Bishop of Segobia, and Aluar Martin's of Villareall, but they made their controversies more obscure, with their importune subtleties and obstinacy.  
Whilst that great men contended for the government of the Realm, the King's Officers who had charge to recover his rights, 
Exactions caused tumults in Guipuscoa.  and to receive his revenues exacted upon the people, according to an order which had been set down by the Council, pressing an imposition which is called Pedido, wherewith the country was charged, in the time of the King Don Pedro, from the river of Ebro unto the sea, without any regard of the Privileges or exemptions of the Nobility, namely, of the Inhabitants of this Province of Guipuscoa; which tribute had been contradicted in the time of the said King D. Pedro, and since in the reigns of Don Henry, and D. john, who had caused such exactions to cease, in consideration of the ancient immunities of the Guipuscoans: but in the time of this king the Council being divided, and all things in combustion, the Treasurers had revived this receipt, whereof the Inhabitants of the country complained in vain. For this cause there was an assembly of the town and commonalties of the Province of Guipuscoa in the parish Church of Saint Mary, in the town of Tholousa, in August this year 1392. whither came the Deputies of Tholousa, Segure, Mondragon, Motrico, Gueraria, Villafranca, Vergara, Salmas, and Sarauz, to advise what was expedient for the defence of their immunities, who decreed, That for as much as the Province of Guipuscoa had first been peopled by Gentlemen, and in all degrees free, and that by reason of the barrenness of the country, they had never been charged with any tributes, they besought the King, and the Council, established by the Estates of Castille and Leon, to forbid the Collectors, or any that have to deal with the king's treasure, to exact any more money of them. And attending the Counsels resolution upon their petition, the said Tribute should not be paid, being assured that it was both the King and the Counsels intention, not to lay any undue charge upon them: they ordained by way of provision, as followeth:  
First, 
Articles made in the assembly of Tholousa in Guipuscoa.  that the Collectors and receivers coming to exact money, there should not any thing be paid them but the said Collectors should be apprehended, and led to the assembly at Vsarraga, there the Council to determine of them according unto reason and equity.  
2 That if any of the Collectors should arrest one of the Inhabitants of the country, by reason of the said tribute, he crying out, and demanding aid, the neighbours without exception, shall be bound to go forth in arms, and poursue the said Collector, and having taken him, present him to the assembly at Vsarraga.  
3 If any Collector having levied a pawn of one of the Inhabitants of the country, shall escape, and cannot be apprehended, the value of the pawn shall be taken out of the kings ordinary revenues, with all costs, damage, and interest, for the indemnity of the pawn.  
4 That all the people of the country shall justify the petition presented unto the king, tending to this, that he shall provide a necessary remedy for this mischief, and they shall be bound to contribute towards the damages which may happen.  
5 That if the merchandise or wares, which they of Guipuscoa are accustomed to send towards Victoria, Saluaterra, Trevigno, Argançon, and other parts of Alava unto the river of Ebro, shall be arrested and stayed by any commonalties, towns, Lords that have justice, or by any person whatsoever, in regard of these tributes and impositions, whosoever shall have the loss, shall make it known unto his superiors, and to this end the Council shall assemble at Vsarraga, and the towns shall be bound to send, that is to say, Tholousa ten men, Mondragon ten men, Segura ten men, Psalms two men, Vergara five men, Motrico three men, Guetaria three men, Villafranca ten men, and Sarraux two men, of the most sufficient among them, who together shall ordain of the restitution of those things thus seized, with the charges and fines, to the end the owner may not be damnified.  
6 And for that the Merins Majors, and rulers of the country, were accustomed to make their circuits in great troops, so as the people were charged and damnified, to the prejudice of the laws and liberties of the country, it was ordained that he that should have this Office, were he Knight or Esquire, should be received as a Knight or Esquire, in all towns and places, so as his force should always remain in towns, in the which if the said Merins, or their men, did commit any insolency or violence, for what cause soever, every man should be bound to take arms, and oppose himself against the said force, appealing to the Council and assembly of the said towns, and work so as the liberties and privileges of the country might remain unviolated, and he that was wronged undamnified.  
7 Item, that if by reason of the said imposition and tribute called Pedido, some seazure hath been made either of men or goods, by the said Collectors, receivers, judges, or any other within a town, and that the said town did consent thereunto, or wink at the said seazure, and that it hath been transported to some other place, and there received and detained, and the party interressed can get no restitution, in this case the other towns being required by him, or some other for him, shall be bound to go with force, to the place where such persons or goods are detained, and there take so much of the Inhabitants goods as shall be needful to satisfy the intertessed, and themselves also, who are come thither for this cause, for all their costs and charges, and for every man that hath been carried away, they shall take two, and detain them until the delivery of the first, withfull satisfaction of their damages.  
8 If by reason of these things any of the Inhabitants of the said towns or jurisdictions should be cited or adjourned before the Provost of the King's Court, or other judges, or otherwise called in what manner soever; they shall not be bound to appear, but the said towns shall take his cause in hand, and send their Attorneys to appear, and defend him that is cited, without any cost and charge unto him, but at the charge of the said Towns.  
9 That there shall be a firm friendship and brotherhood, sworn betwixt the said towns, and the Inhabitants, such as in the time of the king D. john, upon the pains ordained, and they shall be bound to aid one an other, so as where any wrong is done, they shall employ both body and goods one for another, and maintain themselves in justice.  
10 And for that in former times the towns abovenamed had a league with other towns of Guipuscoa, not mentioned in this accord, their meaning was, that it should not hereafter take place, but with the consent of the king and his Council, and that at the instance of all the towns of Guipuscoa, the said brotherhood and ordinances thereto belonging, were confirmed by the king D. Henry their Lord.  
11 If any Bailiff, or other Magistrate, or Governor, should give assignation to all the abovenamed towns, enjoining them to their Attorneys or chief men of the said towns, they shall name their Attorneys, and send them to the place appointed, upon condition that he shall neither do, nor suffer any displeasure to be done unto them by his Ministers, for the which they shall give caution. And if the assignation be given out of the abovenamed towns, if it were in the town of Saint Sebastian, the Deputies of the confederate towns shall assemble at Tholousa: if it were to appear in the town of Miranda of Yraurgui, called Azcoitia, or at Saluaterra, called Azpeytia, or a Blgoybar, that they shall assemble at Guetaria, or Motrico, to consult what is fit to be done, both for the king's service, the preservation and increase of the said towns, and of their Immunities and Nobility.  
12 That in two assemblies which were made yearly in the name of the said brotherhood, the said towns should be bound to appear by their deputies, as had been accustomed in precedent times but at extraordinary convocations which should be made by the other towns of Guipuscoa, they shall not be bound to go nor send, until their general association be confirmed by the king, at the suit of them all in general.  
To these Articles the said towns bound their goods and persons for ever, upon pain of fifty maravidis of money than currant to be paid by him that should infringe them, and appliable to the Council of the rest, which should maintain the contents thereof, to dispose according to their wills: and the town which hath failed, shall be forced by the rest of pay the fine, by all ordinary and extraordinary means, with all charges, damages and interests.  
It is credible that the other towns of Guipuscoa made the like associations, in regard of their privileges and liberties. Upon this question they pleaded against the King's receiver, and there are letters found granted by the King Don Henry upon the same, by the which he did abolish these tributes and exactions in favour of the towns and places of Saluaterra of Iraurgui, Miranda of Iraurgui, Vilamajor of Marquina, called Elgoyvar, Val of Mendaro, Monreal of Deva, S. Andrew of Ayvar, Placenzia, Elgueta, S. Cruz of Cestona, the Chastelenie of Sayas, S. Nicholas of Orio, Bellamount of Vsuruill, with Aguinaga, Astigarraga, Aynduayn, Vrreota, S. Peter of Asteauçu, the quarter of Larraul, Ichaço, Ciçurguil, Gaviria, Ataun: the country of Lescano of Aduna, the Chastelenie of Aiztondo, that of Areria, Curnatraga, the parish of Beasain, Arama, Alcega, Echasonda, Saldibia, Gainça, Legorreta, Goyas, Vidania, Beyçaina, Rexil, Aya, and the territory of Azgoytia, whereof there are letters found given in Saint Marie of Pelajos, in the year 1399. and confirmed at Vailledolit 1401. and by other kings. Thus the Guipuscoans defended their freedoms and liberties against the King's Officers, who made their profit during the confusions and troubles betwixt the Noblemen and the Council. Afterwards all the Towns, Boroughs and places of this Province of Guipuscoa were united and made one body, and have maintained themselves so unto this day, to the great good and general commodity of the Country, and the service of the sovereign King.  
The Estates of Burgos continued with little concord, by reason whereof in the beginning of the year 139●. the Deputies of the Estates, 
Union of all the towns of Guipuscoa.  with the consent of the parties contending, propounded every one to write his voice in bulletins, 
An. 1392.  upon that which was in question: Whether they should follow the testament of King john, or not, and the said bulletins being cast into a coffer and then opened, the party that had most voices should carry it: but without coming to this trial, ●he Queen Donna Leonora, who always laboured to reconcile these differences, made another accord, and brought so many reasons, as Don Frederic duke of Benavent, and D. Alphonso Earl of Gijon, were received into the government and council: so as the Council should consist of ten spiritual men, besides the Deputies of the six towns, whereof five should reside six months: and these were thus divided: the Duke of Benavent, the Archbishop of Toledo, the Master of Saint james, and john Hurtado of Medoça for one six months: the Archbishop of Saint james, the Earls of Gijon and Transtamara, and the Master of the Calatrava for the other: the Marquis of Villena, and the Earl of Niebla should make up the ten, but they would not come to Court. It seemed by this expedient, practised by the Queen of Navarre, that the affairs were in a course of peace: but the death of Diego Sanches of Roja a knight of the Earl of Gijons' faction, who was slain near unto Burgos by two horsemen of the Duke of Benavents house troubled the whole assembly again, and had like to have caused great slaughter in the city: he that was slain was interred, and the murderers escaped. For which fact the Deputies of the Estates were so much discontented, as they neglected all that had been decreed and done, touching the establishing of a Council, and took the way of writing their voices in bulletins, the which being put into a coffer & that opened, it was found that all did jointly require to have the will of the K. D. john in force. Whereupon the Duke of Benavent, who was not mentioned, went from Court much discontented. 
Accord betwixt the Noblemen of Castille.  The Archbishop of Toledo seeing him retired, agreed with them of the adverse party, upon these conditions: That whensoever the Marquis of Villena and the Earl of Niebla should forbear to come to Court, he should supply their places, and that a moiety of the king's revenues should be delivered to him, to be distributed as he should think fit; that the should be satisfied for the charges he had been at in seeking the execution of K. john's testament. These things thus concluded, the next day the king with the knights and deputies of the Provinces being present, it was decreed, that the testament of the deceased king D. john should be observed, and that six tutors with the Deputies of Burgos, Toledo, Leon, Sevile, Cordova and Murcia, should govern. There were then present of the tutors, the Archbishops of Toledo and S. james, the Master of Calatrava who was successor both in the dignity and tutelague to D. Pero Nugnes, and D. john Hurtado of Mendoça, representing in like manner in this charge D. Pero Gonçales of Mendoça, named by the will. And for that the Maquis of Villena, and the Earl of Niebla were absent, 
Order for the government of Castille.  the king sent for them to come to Court by a certain day. The Legate was very joyful of this accord, and absolved all them that had sworn to the contrary: and in like manner the king did pardon all those that had made any leagues or assembies. And to give some contentment to the Duke of Benavent, and the Earl of Gijon, who were excluded from the government, the tutors agreed to give to either of them a pension of a million of maravidis yearly, during their lives. In this manner the government of the realms of Castille began to take some form: but yet the factions died not, for every man sought rather his own advancement, than the public good, as well such as remained in Court, as those that left it: some with extreme ambition and desire to govern all, as the Archb. of Toledo, and others upon divers pretexts of discontents, they did for a long time entertain divisions and factions.  
During the troubles of Castille, D. john king of Portugal, did quietly enjoy his conquered realm, 
Portugal.  with whom the tutors of Castille sought to prolong the truce, which was almost expired. For the effecting whereof they sent unto the frontier D. john Serran bishop of Siguença, Garcia Gonçal of Herera, and Diego Fernandes of Cordova, Marshals of Castille, with Anthony Sanches, Doctor and Auditor: to whom upon proposition of a perpetual peace, or of a long truce, there were such unreasonable conditions demanded by the deputies of Portugal, as the Castillan Ambassadors were forced to return without effect. The K. of Portugal showed himself intractable in his demands, 
Treaty of marriage to the prejudice of Castille.  by reason of the new support he thought to find in Castille. For they treated a marriage betwixt a base daughter of his called D. Beatrix, and D. Frederic duke of Benavent, who gave willingly ear unto it.  
The Ambassadors having made their report to the king D. Henry their master, 
Castille.  whom they found at Segobia; he sent back into Portugal the bishop of Siguença, and Doctor Anthony Sanches, adding unto them Pero Lopes of Aiala, Alcaide Mayor of Toledo. They were much troubled concerning the marriage of D. Frederic, whereof the Q. of Navarre did advertise the king D. Henry, yea she did solicit in the name of the D. of Benavent, that either he might be allowed to marry the daughter of the K. of Portugal, or else they should give him the Countess of Albuquerque to wife, who was secretly accorded to the Infant D. Frederic. The K. desiring neither of these marriages, seemed to refer all to the Countesses will, who told the Archb. of Toledo in the presence of them all, that she would do all that pleased the king: wherefore there was hope given to the Queen of Navarre to have the marriage finished at Arevalo, and a dispatch was sent to D. Frederic, to advertise him of what was passed: but all this was but to divert the marriage with Portugal, being more pleasing to the Duke, then that of the Countess of Albuquerque, the which he made openly known unto the king: wherefore the king proceeding in the same manner, sent the Archb. of Toledo to him, to persuade him with reason, that neither of these two marriages was fit for him, and rather to offer him the Marquis of Villena's daughter, with a more ample dowry, then that which the king of Portugal could give to D. Beatrix his daughter. But he could draw no other answer from D. Frederic, but that many Noblemen about the king declaring themselves his enemies, he was forced to seek favour and friendship in Portugal.  
At the same time the Inhabitants of Zamora, growing jealous of the captain of the castle, and of the tower of S. saviour (being a gentleman called Nugno Martinez of Villaycan, 
Troubles in Zamora.  a devoted servant to the Duke of Benavent) put themselves in arms, and made trenches and barricado's against him, saying, that he had some bad desseine with the Duke of Benavent, whose men he received daily into those forts in great numbers, so as they sent to demand succours of the king, and of the Master of the Calatrava, who had been sent with some troops, to keep a garrison at Salamana, against the frontier of Portugal.  
The Master considering the consequence of this trouble, at this time when as the tru● with Portugal being expired, they expected war, would not send any succours, lest he should incense the Duke in showing himself partial; the which pleased the king, who sent the Bishop of Siguença speedily to Benavent, whereas the Archbishop of Toledo was yet, to the end they might so work with the Duke, as these troubles of Zamora might be pacified, the which they effected, and the Archb. came to Zamora, & brought the captain, upon assurance that the king would take it well to promise to deliver the fort of S. saviour, into the hands of Fernand Alphonso of Montnegro, Governor of Toro: the town also gave hostages: which things being thus ended, the Arch. returned to the king at Segobia.  
The Deputies of Castille appointed to treat a peace with Portugal, having met with the Prior of S. 
Portugal.  john of Protugal, and others appointed by the King D. john at Sabugal, & conferred often of that business, they could not yield to those hard conditions which were demanded: for the Portugals would have the towns of Miranda and Sabugal left free to them: that the king D. Henry should give 12. Gentlemen, 
Conditions of peace propounded by the king of Portugal.  and 12. good Burgesses in hostage for 12. years, for the assurance of the peace; which should be changed every four years, and others of the like quality delivered for them. And that during the said 12. years he should not give any aid unto the Queen D. Beatrix, nor to the Infants D. john and D. Denis, brethren to the deceased king D. Fernand, who were in Castille, nor to any other that should attempt against the Portugals: that all prisoners of either side sholdbe delivered, with other conditions, which seemed so hard unto the Castillans, as they durst not adventure to promise any thing, but only concluded a truce for two months, that they might confer more amply upon this pacification.  
In the mean time the king D. Henry came to Medina del campo, 
Castille.  to be near to Portugal, and to the duke of Benavent, who made show to breed some innovation within the realm, having drawn together above 500 lances and a great number of Gentlemen at Pedroço, and about Toro. By reason whereof, & of many other insolences, whereof complaints came daily to Court, the king sent the Archbish. of Toledo again unto him, with some Deputies of the cities which were of the Council, to let him understand, how unseemly it was for him to entertain the realm, whereof he was a member, in such jealousy, and to consume the people by the spoils and robberies of his men who kept the fields: to what end went he so armed? what feared he? whereon did he complain? what great benefit did he pretend by the alliance of Portugal, that he should disdain the favours of his king, who had dealt both bountifully and honourably with him, giving him a million of maravidis yearly, and might hope for greater matters, and seeing that he had such ample testimonies of the king's love, and the counsels, to persuade him to come to court, where he might purchase more favour than ever? The duke answered to all that which the Archb. had propounded unto him, that he had never given ear to a marriage with Portugal, but in case a peace or a long truce were concluded betwixt the two realms. As for that he went accompanied with soldiers, it was well known that he had enemies in Court, who had factions throughout the realm, which forced him to stand upon his guard, and therefore they should not hold it strange if he came not to court. Moreover, if he had received favours from the king, he was ready to employ them in his service, and his whole estate. The Archb. delivered many reasons unto him, in presence of the Deputies to pacify him, and then returned to Medina del campo, where having given an account unto the king and council of his employment, he held it fit to content the duke in some sort, for the marriage of Portugal was much advanced. Thereupon it was bruited (whosoever were the author) that the Duke approached near unto the town, and that he had intelligence with some, to be brought in with his forces, with caused a great mutiny among them, and every man began to gather soldiers together for his own assurance.  
The Archb. who a was friend to the duke (so farforth as he did entertain the troubles wherein he took delight) propounded a means which he held very convenient, to avoid the spoils which might follow these quarrels, which was, that he with the Archbish. of S. james, and the Master of the Calatrava should retire themselves to their houses, and that about the king there should only remain john Hurtado of Mendoça, and the Deputies of towns, and that the king should consult with them how to give content to the duke of Benavent, and to find him a party equal to that which was offered him in Portugal.  
By these factions, 
Miscries of civil war.  all the Realm was in combustion, and all sorts of insolences were committed both in town and country, justice was abused, and the treasure misgoverned. The city of Sevile was molested by D. Pedro Ponce of Leon, Lord of Marchena, and D. Aluar Perez of Guzman, Admiral of Castille, who seized thereon, in the absence of D. john Alphonso of Guzman, Earl of Niebla one of the turors, chase many of his servants and followers out of the city. On the other side Nugno Martinez of Villaycan, captain of the fort of Zamora, not satisfied with the accord which had been made by the means of the Archibsh. of Toledo, sent to the duke of Benavent to have him approach, and he would deliver him up the castle which he had in guard: the duke posting thither, could not effect this enterprise, for that the inhabitants of Zamora, being advertised by some of the duke's men, provided for it, whereupon the Duke returned, and many that followed him did abandon him▪ whereupon the king sent the Archb. of S. james, and the Master of Calatrava to assure the towns that were suspected, but they were shut out of Toro, the Inhabitants saying, that they would not receive any, if the king were not in person, but they entered into Zamora, where as many knights of the duke's train yielded unto them, and soon after the king came. But the Duke was advertised thereof at the castle of Majorga, belonging to the Infant D. Fernand, by john Alphonso de la Cerde, who having been high Steward of the Infant's house, and then displaced by the king's tutors, substituting in his place Pero Suarez of Quignones, Governor of Leon, had through despite fallen to the Duke of Benavents party.  
Whilst that these contended in Castille, the Deputies, 
Portugal.  appointed to treat a peace with the King of Portugal during the truce which had been prolonged, came to Extremos in the year 1393. 
1393.  the Portugal demanding for a final resolution, these Articles following. That they should give in hostage the base sons of the duke of Benavent, 
Demands of Portugal to Castille.  of the Earls of Gijon, and of Niebla, (for the great men of Spain had more base children then legitimate) the nephews of the Masters of S. james and Calatrava, of the Archbishops of Toledo, and S. james, of john Hurtado of Mendoça, and of Diego Lopes of Estuniga. But above all they demanded the Duke of Benavents son, thinking he would not give him, unless the king of Castille, would deliver the castle of Zamora into his hands, the which they desired, being assured that the Duke was wholly at their devotion: but when they understood, that he had failed to enter that fort, and that he began to be abandoned by many of the knights which had followed him, they became more tractable, and yielded to a turce for 15. years, so as they would give them in hostage, the Earl of Gijons' son, and eleven Knights sons more, with 12. children of the citizens of Burgos, Toledo, Leon, Sevile, Cordova, and Zamora: yet would not the Deputies of Castille conclude this truce, which was most beneficial for Portugal, but demanded some respite to advertise the king and his tutors. The king with his council having considered the danger wherinto the homebred toubles, together with a foreign war would draw them, they yielded to all the Portugals demanded, namely, not to aid nor assist D. Beatrix the window Queen, nor D. john, or D. Denis her Uncles. This a truce was concluded for fifteen years betwixt Castille and Portugal.  
The Court being in the city of Zamora, the captain of the castle refused for some days to deliver the place up to the king, 
Castille.  saying, that his father john Martin's of Villaycan lately deceased, being Governor of Zamora, and He had held it by fealty and homage, and that they might not deliver it up until the king were 14. years old complete: but the tutors sought him by so many means, and made him such promises, that he should be recompensed for his father's estates, which had been given to others, as in the end he delivered the place into their hands, for the which he was in effect recompensed. They had promised him the government of Ledesma, which did belong to the Countess of Albuquerque but they of the place refusing him, for that they did not trust him, he was otherwise provided for. The Court remaining at Zamora, the Archb. weary of too much rest, retired himself into his Bishopric, being not greatly affected to the king's service, but to take part and adhere wholly to the Duke of Benavent, he now gave them greater cause to suspect him, for that he grew in choler with them of the Council upon his departure, pressing them to give the Duke of Benavent contentment, and to pay him the Arrearages of his pensions: and that they should also give satisfaction to D. Diego Hurtado of Mendoça, touching the Admiralty which he demanded, and to john of Velasco, for the Office of Lord Chamberlain to the King, and to Don john Alphonso de la Cerde, touching the place of Lord Steward to the Infant D. Fernand, which they had taken from him, to give it to Pero Suarez of Quignones. Whereunto they answered mildly, that it was fit such men should be satisfied, and that they would resolve, according to justice and equity, and as their dignity required. Besides these importunities, and other presumptions, it was reported, that he had received the twentieth penny of all merchandise and goods which had been sold within the Realm, 
Archb. of Toledo and D. john of Velasco detained prisoners in Court.  with other unlawful impositions: whereupon the Governors gave order to stay him, and Don john of Velasco. Whereupon they were commanded to deliver unto the King or his Captains, the castles which they held: so as the Archbishop was constrained, notwithstanding any excuses, and allegations of his good service, to dispossess himself of the castles of Talavera, Vzeda, and Alcala the old, and john of Velasco of that of Arnedo. For the Archbishops imprisonment there was a general interdiction in the Dioceses of Zamora, Palence, & Salamanca, and in the court.  
Such things passed in Castille, during the minority of the King D. Henry, which did much grieve the confederate Princes their allies, to see a young Prince so ill entreated by his ambitious subjects; among which, the most remarkable were the great Prelates of the realm. Among others, Charles the sixth, the French king, did the office of a Christian Prince and friend, sending this year 1393. a solemn embassage to the king of Castille, the which came to Toro, where as the Court then remained, to condole for the disobedience of his subjects, especially of the Noblemen, offering the king, in their Master's name, all aid and support of the forces of France, if he had need. The French did also write to every one of the Governors, to the chief Noblemen of Castille, and to the principal towns, exhorting them by the duty which they did owe unto God, & to the crown of Castille, to obey their King, and to seek the peace and quiet of the realm. This embassage was received, heard, and sent back with great honour, as it was fit.  
To draw the Duke of Benavent to the king's service, the Archbishop of S. james went to him being at Tordehumes, a place belonging to the duke, having a safeconduct from D. Alphonso Henriques of Castille, son to the deceased D. Frederic, Master of S. James. This Aarchb. wrought in such sort, as he reclaimed the duke, promising him in the king's name a confirmation of his annual pension, and to give him 70000. thousand franks of gold, to advance him to some good marriage, so as he would leave the alliance of Portugal, and moreover, the King would pardon him all that was passed. After which the Duke came to Burgos to the king, without any distrust, yea he refused a son of D. john Hurtado of Mendoça, and one of D. Diego Lopes of Estuniga, with the Archishops nephew, which were offered unto him for hostages: at which his free disposition the king and the whole court did much rejoice. Being at Burgos, the truce concluded with Portugal was proclaimed, as it had been in like manner in Lisbon: thither came Ambassadors from the Duke of Lancaster, to demand two years arrearages of the pension which the deceased king D. john had granted to the said Duke, and to the Duchess D. Constance his wife, being fourscore thousand Frankes of gold, the which was willingly paid, and therefore the Duke did quit the interest which he pretended, for want of due payment.  
The King Don Henry growing to the age of fourteen years, when as he should take upon him the government of the Realm, 
majority of D. Henry king of Castille.  being riper of judgement then of years, he did anticipate three months to free himself of his tutors: and therefore having called the Noblemen and Prelates which did freely frequent the Court, with the Deputies of the towns, in the presence of D. Domingo Bishop of S. Ponce, Legat to Pope Clement, he declared that from thence forth he took the government of his realms into his own hands: wherefore none of them should any more style themselves Tutors, nor meddle with the government, unless they were called.  
In this assembly the Legate was a means to have the Archbishop of Toledo restored to those places and Castles which had been before violently taken from him, and the interdiction of the three abovenamed Bishopprickeses was taken away, the king making great submissions: There they also treated to reform many disorders within the Realm, by reason that Bishopprickeses and other spiritual livings were given to strangers, whereas they should be employed to entertain youth at school, 
Orders for the giving of spiritual ●iuings.  or to reward men of merit, and such as were borne in the Country, which was the cause that Spaniards did not study, for want of means, whereby the Realm was much damnified, not only in spiritual matters, but also in temporal. The redress must come chief from the Pope, who (being importuned by such as had been preferred to benefices, and by letters of favour from foreign Princes) decreed, that they should enjoy them, but after their deaths none should be preferred to any benefice in Castille and Leon, if he were not borne in the country. In this business the king carried himself afterwards as he pleased. Being free from his Governors, he had many weighty affairs, especially for the confirmation of the peace made with the Duke of Lancaster, and for the truce newly concluded with the king of Portugal, there being a reservation in both treaties of a confirmation when he should come to the full age of fourteen years. And moreover, it did behove him to send an embassage into France, to renew the League with king Charles the sixth. Besides, the ordinary expenses in the governors time amounted to five and thirty millions of maravidis then currant money, so as it was needful to cut off this excessive charge: for these considerations and others, he called a general assembly of the Estates at Madrid. Whilst that they assembled, he passed into Biscay, where he had not been since his coming to the Crown.  
The Companies and commonalties of the country, at his coming assembled in the field of Arechaalaga, according to their usual manner, demanding from the king a confirmation of their ancient liberties, rights, and privileges, the which he granted Moreover, 
Demands made by them of Biscay to the king of Castille.  they desired to be freed from all royal Prerogatives which had been imposed in that Province, since the death of King john, and that he should confirm the new societies erected among them, for the punishment of malefactors: and he did also grant the combat as it was used among Gentlemen in Castille: of all which things he granted then full power with the advice of his Council. There the King was received for the Lord of Biscay, where having kissed his hands, he was led to the church in the town of Larrabeçua, where according to the custom of his Predecessors Lords of Biscay, he took an oath upon the altar to maintain the rights of the country. Being afterwards come to Guernica, some Biscayens presented a petition unto him, to have all crimes which had been committed in the country since the death of King john pardoned, from the which he was dissuaded by the Noblemen of his Council, that loved justice to avoid the pernicious consequence thereof. He did also swear at Berneo, in Saint Eufemia's church, to maintain the freedoms and liberties of that Town, but not so amply as they desired. Being returned to Guernica, after much disputation touching the combat, which some demanded, and others denied, he granted it by plurality of voices, and then was this manner of challenge brought into Biscay, the King being set under a tree, in the usual place, and after the accustomed manner. Then he returned by Durango and Victoria to Burgos, and from thence to Madrid, where the Estates assembled.  
This year some Biscayns and Guipuscoans, armed certain ships at Sevile, at their own cost and charge, 
Discovery of the Canaries.  to seek their fortunes at sea, and came to one of the islands of the Canaries, called Lançarote, where being landed, they made prey of all hey found, against whom the Islanders with their King gathered together, and came to encounter them, but the Biscayns had the upper hand: they slew many of their enemeys, and carried away an hundred and seventy prisoners, with the King and Queen of the Island: having well observed these islands, with the number, greatness and situation, they returned into Spain with great store of hides, wax, and other things, whereof those islands abound. The king D. Henry was very joyful of this exploit, and from that time challenged a right of propriety in the islands of the Canaries, which they hold to be the ancient fortunate islands, whereof he afterwards gave the conquest to a French Gentleman, called john of Betancourt, reserving the fealty and homage thereof unto his Sovereignty.  
In the assembly of the Estates held at Madrid, the King's majority was confirmed, who also did avow whatsoever his Governors had done. The necessities propounded for the payment of great yearly sums, 
King of Castils majority approved by the Estates.  as well for the treaties of peace, payment of soldiers, ordinary pensions given to the Princes and Noblemen of the Realm: as also for the entertainment of the King's house, the Estates made a free offer of a contribution: yet they besought him to cut off his superfluous gifts and pensions; and to cause the military orders to be observed: for of 4000 Lances which were in pay, it was manifest there were not 2000  
They let him understand, that the revenues of the Crown being well husbanded, were great and sufficient for all expenses. They moreover besought him to dispose of his affairs by the advice of men of judgement and experienced in the government of the Realm. The king thanked them for their good advice, promising to order all things according to right and equity. And for proof, he cut off many pensions, and revoked the offices and gifts for life, out of the revenues, and other things ordained and assigned by his Governors, especially to D. Leonora his Aunt, Queen of Navarre, notwithstanding that some were confirmed by the means of his favourites. He gave to the Duke of Benavent a pension of an 150000. maravidis only: he disannulled all leagues, associations and homages done, by reason of the precedent troubles, and caused an absolution to be published by the Legate, with Apostolic authority of all oaths which had been formerly taken in that regard.  
During this assembly the marriage of the Infant D. Fernand, the king's brother, and of D. Leonora Countess of Albuquerque, which had been kept secret until that time, was published, and a present promise made, and then they began to call her Infanta: she was cousin, one degree above her husband: for D. Sancho her father, and the king D. Henry the second, Grandfather to this D. Fernand, were brethren: she reigned with her husband in Arragon. The Estates being dissolved, the king being come to Illesca, the Archbishop of Toledo came thither unto him, and was graciously received: but D. Frederic Duke of Benavent, being discontented for that they had cut off part of his pensions had gifts, retired himself about Leon, where he violently seized upon the King's money, and the revenues of the Infant D. Fernand: whereof the king being advertised, he sent a commandment unto him to forbear those courses, and that he old give order to his Treasurers to pay him that which was in equity due unto him; whereof he made no great account, but made show to treat a new league, and confederacies with the Queen of Navarre his sister, D. Alphonso Earl of Gijon his brother, and D. Pedro Earl of Transtamara his cousin: to whom the King sent Garci Gonçales of Herera, his Marshal, especially to the Queen of Navarre his Aunt, being in the castle of Roa with her daughters, entreating her instantly to forbear those tumults. Garci Gonçales of Herera told the Duke of Benavent, that he would proceed criminally against him, and others, if they continued to trouble the Realm, and would not be satisfied with that which had been decreed by the Estates at Madrid, for it was impossible to pay them that which the Governors had granted them before.  
Yet he offered to the Queen Donna Leonora, besides the Decrees of the Estates, an 100000. maravidis, for the entertainment of her daughters. The Duke sought to excuse himself, saying, that the king had been ill informed by his enemies, but if it pleased him to give him for assurance the son of john Hurtado of Mendoça, one of Diego Lopes of Estuniga, and one of Ruy Lopes of Aualoz, he would willingly come to Court, to give an account of his actions, and to purge himself of the blame which was laid upon him: The Marshal promised, and returning to the Court, he met with the Archbishop of Saint james in Amusco, who upon a counterfeit excuse retired himself from the Court, pretending to be sick, and therefore could not come: but in effect it was, for that he saw the Archbishop of Toledo began to govern all, and to be in greater favour than before.  
The King of Navarre hearing that his wife had given cause to the King Don Henry to be discontented with her, 
Navarre.  by reason of her turbulent practices in Castille, he thought it a fit and convenient means to draw her into Navarre, which she did contradict all she could: whereupppon he sent his Ambassadors to the King Don Henry which were Martin Ayvar Governor of Tudele, and a Doctor, who found the court at Alcala of Henares: They entreated the King of persuade the Queen his aunt to dispose herself to come into Navarre to live with her husband, as duty required: but if she could not be drawn unto it, that he would interpose his authority, that the Infants his daughters might be delivered unto them, to carry them to the King their father, who would hold it for a great favour. The king D. Henry was very desirous she should retire herself, being but a firebrand to kindle combustions in Castille: 
King of Na●●● sends for his wife.  but being of a mild and gentle disposition, he could not resolve to force her: wherefore he answered the Ambassadors, that his will was to please the King their master, both in this and in all other things, and that he would do what he might to persuade his aunt to return; so as he sent a messenger unto her, with persuasive letters: but she made answer touching that which concerned herself, as she had done often before. In regard of her children, she said, that seeing she had sent two unto the father, they might well leave her the other two, for her consolation. The King hearing this answer, willed the Ambassadors to return, and to assure the King of Navarre, on his behalf, that he would so deal, as the Queen his wife should return unto him; desiring him not to take it in ill part, if he first tried all mild courses, and befitting Princes so nearly allied: or at the least, if she continued obstinate, he would send him his daughters. The ambassadors after they had renewed the old league betwixt the two Princes, in the which many great men of Castille entered, they returend into Navarre, to give an account unto the King of their negotiation.  
The Marshal Garci Gonçales of Herera, who returned from the Queen of Navarre, Duke of Benavent and others, 
Castille.  reported unto the King that the Duke and Queen had met at Roa, and that they complained of his favourits, which were, D. john Hurtado of Mendoça his Lord Steward, D. Diego Lopes of Estuniga justice Major, and Ruy Lopes of Aualos, his Lord Chamberlain: and soon after the King was advertised that the Archbishop of Saint james had joined with the Duke, 
League treated to the prejudice of the king of Castille.  and that they treated a league betwixt them, the Earl of Gijon, the Infants of Portugal, and others, the which did much trouble him. The Ambassadors of Navarre stayed not long before they returned into Castille, which were the same Governor of Tudele, and the Bishop of Huesea, a Frenchman borne.  
The King having past the mountains was come to Vailledolit, where he was again, in the King of Naurres behalf, priest with his promise, whereupon he took two months' respite to send the Queen and her daughters, or at the least the Infantas, without any further delay: and having propounded it in council what assurance the Queen of Navarre might with reason demand of her husband, they gave their opinions, that the King D. Charles, with some of the chief Knights, & Deputies of the cities and towns of Navarre swearing that she should be well and honourably entreated, she had no cause to refuse to go unto her husband. He sent a gentlemen with the Ambassadors of Navarre, 
Resolution for the Queen of Navarres return to her husband.  to let the King their master understand what had been thought fit in council, and to receive the oath. To prevent the tumultuous troubles in Castille, and to break the league which the above named Noblemen with the Queen Donna Leonora had plotted, the King D. Henry drew together two thousand Lances, being newly incensed by the refusal which D. Alphonso Earl of Gijon had made to swear the truce made with Portugal, it being concluded that certain prelates and noblemen of Castille should swear it, and sign it with the King: the Earl excusing himself for that he had married a wife of the blood of Portugal, to whom there had been certain places and other things promised by the treaty of marriage, which had not been kept: the like refusal was made by D. Alphonso of Arragon, Marquis of Villena, saying, the truce had been made without his privity, whereof the Ambassador of Portugal, being sent to that end into Castille took an act. For this cause, and other signs tending to open rebellion, the King armed, and sent D. Diego Lopes of Estuniga, to the Archbishop of Saint james, to know his intent, and what cause he had to complain: The Archbishop answered, that these tumults grew, for that they had cut off these noblemen's pensions, and confirmed them to others: and that there was no better means of peace, then to give contentment to the duke and the rest. Don Diego Lopes advised him to come to court, to give his opinion touching these things, but he answered, that he would not come, whilst the Archbishop of Toledo was in court.  
With these intestine troubles, the King D. Henry was almost drawn into an unseasonable war, 
Moors.  with the Moors of Granado, by the vain overweening of D. Martin juanes of Barbuda, master of the Alcantara, a Portugal borne, who being entered into quarrel with joseph King of Granado, touching religion, would make trial of the truth of Christian religion by arms; of his person against the King of Granado, or of a hundred Christian Knights against two hundred Moors, or more, to that proportion, unto a thousand. The King being advertised of this other tumult, he commanded the master by his letters not to enter into this action; for that he would not by any means have the truce broken with the Moors: but the master not regarding the King's prohibition, marched to Cordova, with three hundred Lances, and one thousand foot, having a cross for his Ensign. They of Cordova, let him know that he should not undertake this enterprise, which was contrary to the Kings will and service, and the peace of the country, giving him many examples of their ruin which have caused unnecessary war: but he gave more credit to an Hermit, called john del Sesse, who had assured him that he should have the victory, wishing him not to give care to any that said the contrary: Moreover being much given to Astronomy, he thought he had foreseen some thing by the stars. The wisest men foe Cordova, namely D. Alphonso and D. Diego, Lords of Aguilar, seeing that no reasons could prevail with the master, would have slopped his passage at the city bridge: but he was so favoured by the superstitious multitude, under colour that it was dishonourable to hinder an enterprise of the cross against Infidels: so as he not only passed, but so augmented his troops, as being come to Alcala the Royal, he had above five thousand foot. At A cala D. Alphonso Fernandes of Cordova Lord of Aguilar, and his brother D. Diego Fernandes, came unto him, who did admonish him again, adding withal, that every one would hold it indiscreetly done of him, who was reputed a wise Knight, and Master of the Order of Alcantara, to go and defy the King of Granado, who was so near, as with in less than two days he might encounter him with two hundred thousand foot; 
Great power of the realm of Granado.  and fifty thousand horse, and that without doubt, besides the danger and hurt he might do unto the realm, by the breach of the truce, and defeat of his men, he should blemish his honour, and draw upon himself perpetual blame, amongst all men that professed arms as a rash and ill advised captain: but finding him obstinate, and pretending that it would be held cowardice and baseness in him, if having passed so far, 
Asores the bounds betwixt Granado and Castille.  he should now return: whereupon they wished him to lead his men to the river of Açores, which makes the limit betwixt Granado and Castille, and there attend the King of Granado a day or two: if he appeared, he should either fight with him body to body, or else a hundred Christians against two hundred Moors, as they agreed: But if the Moors came not to the confines, he should bring back his troops, and so he should preserve his honour and reputation. The Master who was confirmed in his desire to fight with the Moors, being moreover incensed for that the Granadins had entreated two Gentlemen ignominiously, whom he had sent unto their King, to carry this challenge; he answered bravely to these Knights, that he thanked them for their good advice, but he was resolved not to stay, until he saw the port of Eluira at the city of Granado, or fight with the Moors, if he met them upon the way, & that he did hope to let the world see a miracle within few days. Thus he entered unfortunately into the country of Granado, and did assault the tower of Excla, where he was hurt in the hand, and near unto him were three of his men slain by the defendants, whereas he began to be amazed, for the Hermit which followed him had told him, that he should not lose a man, 
Hermit an Impost●r.  and therefore he demanded of him what it meant, that they had already slain three of his men, to whom the Hermit answered, that it was meant, in battle, and not at the siege of places, the which the Master believed, as assailing the tower more furiously than before.  
The King of Granado seeing the rashness of this unadvised Master of the Order of Alcantara, sent Ambassadors to the King of Castille, to complain of the breach of the truce made betwixt them, and to demand if it were by his commandment or not. On the other side he assembled a good number of horse and foot, with the which he marched towards the fronter, he surprised the master, who was ill advertised, and charged him, with his troops so furiously, as without giving them time to arm, he slew the master, and all his horsemen, with most of his footmen, of the which about fifteen hundred saved themselves by flight. The master D. Martin juanes caused himself to be surnamed Without fear, and there is such an Inscription found upon his tomb in Alcantara, whether his body was carried by the permission of the King of Granado. The King of Castille had news of this defeat being in the Monastery of Santa Maria of Pelayos, near unto the town of Saint Martin de val d' Eglise, where in a manner at the same time arrived the Ambassadors from the King of Granado, who made their complaint, and demanded if the master of Alcantara were entered in hostile manner into Granado, 
embassage from the king of Granado to the King of Castille.  by his commandment, and what his pleasure was for the entertaining of the truce. The King answered, that what the master had done did much displease him, and that he had forbidden him by his letters to undertake such quarrels, it availing nothing to countenance religion by the breach of the truce, which he desired to entertain with the King of Granado his friend: but he had not obeyed him, for the which he had been punished, if God by his just judgement had not abandoned him to be slain by the Moors, and his men defeated, as they had well deserved, whereof he was newly advertised, to his great content. The Messengers were sent back with this answer, the which did increase the joy which the Moorish King conceived for his victory, by the assurance which they brought him of the continuance of the truce betwixt Granado and Castille.  
This trouble upon the Moors frontier, was a pretext for the Duke of Benavent and other of the confederates to arm, 
D. Henry reduceth the rebels to his obedience.  and to fortify themselves, every one in his quarter, saying, it was to be ready at the King's commandment, if the Moors did enter into Andal●sia. The King did cause D. Fernand Roderiques of Villadobos, to be chosen master of the Knights of Alcantara, in the place of the deceased Barbuda. D. Laurence Suarez of Figueroa master of Saint james, understood of this rout in Ocagne, where he was, and came presently to the King being at Pelayos; he advised him to have his forces in a readiness for all events, assuring him that he should easily supprsse the Duke of Benavent and the Earls of Gijon and Transtamara, with other Malcontents, the which he should not much regard, but rather be careful of the Moorish wars, if they grew hot. And to assure the frontier of Andalusia it was expedient that he were sent to Villa Real, with the Archbishop of Toledo, to join with the Master of the Calatrava, and that the King should come to Toledo: promising moreover that he would persuade D. Alphonso of Arragon Marquis of Villena to come and do him service. The King believed this council, and came to Toledo, whether D. Diego Lopes of Estuniga came unto him, and gave an account of the voyage which he had made unto D. john Garcia Manrique Archbishop of Saint james: but the King being otherwise advertised of the disobedience of the Duke of Benavent, and of his confederates, and how they continually levied men, he came to Illesca, being followed by the Archbishop of Toledo, the Master of Saint james, the Earl of Niebla, D. Diego Hurtado of Mendoça Admiral, john Hurtado of Mendoça Lord Steward, Diego Lopes of Estuniga chief justice, Ruy Lopes of Aualos Chamberlain, and other Noblemen, with about seventeen hundred Lances.  
here D. Alphonso of Arragon Mrquis of Villena, who had not approached near the court all the King's reign, came and kissed his hands, being accompanied with a hundred Knights and Squires of the country of Valencia, which he had adventured through the absence of the Earl of Transtamara his competitor, who was in disgrace with the King D. Henry. The Marquis having purged himself of such things as might be objected against him, 
D. Alphonso of Arragon received graciously by the king of Castille.  and made many excuses, for his not coming to court, he made suit to be restored to his Office of Constable of Castille, which had been taken from him by the governors, to confer it upon D. Pedro Earl of Transtamara, to the prejudice of his honour and dignity, to whom the King gave a gracious answer, assuring him that he would order his affairs with all equity and justice: then he entreated him to pass the mountains and to come with him into Castille the Old, but the Marquis excused him self, saying, that he was not come so well appointed as he desired to do him service, but if he gave him means he would return willingly to serve him. So he returned into his country, not well satisfied with the King D. Henry, who made no account to restore him to his office of Constable, but soon after, by the advice of the Archbishop of Toledo, he took from him the title of Marquis of Villena, for that it seemed not safe, nor profitable for the Estate of Castille, that a Marquisate frontering upon a foreign Realm, should remain in the hands of a Knight who had so strict an alliance as the Marquis D. Alphonso had with the Kings and Realm of Arragon. From Illesca the King passed to Vailledolit, where he was advertised that the duke of Benavent was at Cisneros with six hundred Lances, and two thousand foot; and the Archbishop of Saint james in Amusco, with other six hundred Lances and one thousand foot. Many were of opinion that the King's forces should be led against them, to fight with them: but the sounder judgement disswasded all fight, if it were possible, for the realm should lose of either side, besides the hazard where into the King should thrust both his Estate and life, by a battle, to the which a Prince must never come against his subjects, unless he be forced by inevitable necessity. This advice prevailed, and there were sent unto the Archbishop of Saint james, and at his request, john Hurtado, and Diego Lopes of Mendoça to Calabaçanos, with whom they wrought so, as they drew him to court upon assurance, whereas the Arachbishop did also obtain a safeconduit for the Duke of Benavent, to whom he went himself, and brought him to court. The duke being in the King's presence, 
Duke of Benavent comes to court, and seeks to purge himself.  sought to free himself of the accusations which were laid against him. First he maintained that he had taken none of the King's revenues within his jurisdiction, but what was due unto him, the which should not be held so great a crime, seeing that many prelates and others of less quality than himself, had often used it, and were not drawn into question. As for the men of war which he had gathered together, he had therein followed the general command, for fear of war with the Moors, after the defeat of the master of Alcantara: and if he had been at Roa, to see the Queen of Navarre his sister it was not prejudicial to the realm, nor contrary to the Kngs' service. These excuses were held neither good nor true by the king; who notwithstanding told him, that he would willingly forget all that was past, 
Conditions propounded to the Duke of Benavent.  so as he would from threnceforth live in peace and obedience, propounding unto him these conditions. That if it were found he had levied more money than had been assigned him at the last Estates held at Madrid, he should restore it unto the king, or to such as it did belong: that he should cause D. Pedro to come to court, whom the King pardoned, for that which did concern him, restoring to others their interests: that the duke should give his two base sons in hostage, and should leave in deposito the castles of Medina del Riosecco, and Tordehumos for four years; with this clause that if he raised any tumults, those places should come unto the King: That if he should fall from the King's service, certain Knights of his household should promise & swear to turn unto the king's party: that the pension of an hundred & 15. thousand Maravidis, granted unto the Duke at the Estates at Madrid, should be augmented to five hundred thousand: that for the seventy thousand franks of gold which had been promised him for his marriage, the King gave him the revenues of Valencede Campo, the which john of Portugal had till then enjoyed, and now he took it from him, for that he had been a practiser and confederate against his Estate. These things being thus ordered, the duke and the Archbishop went from court, and being come to Cisneros, the duke ratified all, and dismissed his troops, retaining only a hundred lances for the King's service.  
Within few days after D, Alphonso Henriques came unto the King being at Vailledolit, 
D. Pedro Earl of ●ranstamara comes to court.  with a letter of credit from the Constable D. Pedro Earl of Transtamara his brother, telling the King, that if it pleased him to give some assurance unto the Earl, he would come to court: whereupon the King assured him, and he came presently, freeing himself of many things whereof he had been accused: then he complained of D. Alhonso Earl of Gijon, who had forcebly taken from him the town of Paredes of Nava, which the deceased King D. john had given him in exchange for the town of Alva de Tormes, which he had taken from him, to give it to D. john Infant to Portugal.  
The King gave the Constable a good reception, promising to provide for all things according unto justice: and presently he went in person to Paredes of Nava, which place he delivered into the hands of Ruy Lopes of Aualos his Lord Chamberlain, and did summon his uncle D. Alphonso Earl of Gijon, to appear within threescore days, and to produce what right he had to this place, whereupon justice should be done him: but if he did not appear, it should be adjudged to D. Pedro. The King did also press him to swear the Articles of the truce of Portugal, as other Noblemen, Prelates and Knights had done according to the capitulation; the which the Earl would not do, but sought excuses and evasions, wherewith the King was very much discontented. This was a matter of great importance, for the Marquis of Villena and the Earl of Gijon refusing to swear the Articles, the King of Portugal pretended that the truce was of no force, and that the hostages were forfeited unto him: So as he refused the oath which the Marquis, after his refusal, would have taken when as he came to court, saying, that the time prefixed for such ratifications was past, wherefore they must capitulate a new.  
During these troubles in Castille, the King of Navarre did still solicit his wives return or at the least of his two daughters: and the King D. Henry had a great desire to see her dislodge, but he knew not how to send her honestly out of Castille: But she herself prepared the way: for when as she understood that the Duke of Benavent, and others of the league were reduced under the King's obedience, fearing some surprise, she procured D. Pedro the Constable to come to Roa, with two hundred Lances, and some footmen, and then seeing herself as it were assured, she sent unto the King, to demand assurance to come to court, to justify herself: but the King thinking that the Duke of Benavent, the Constable, his aunt, and all they of the league in General, did smother in their breasts the same wils they had before, he resolved to punish them, one after an other; and therefore he caused them, that the Queen of Navarre had sent unto him, to be stayed, and then being come to Burgos, he propounded in council, what was to be done. There were present the Archbishop of Toledo, the masters of Saint james and Calatrava, D. john Hurtado of Mendoça the Admiral, D. john Hurtado, D. Ruy Lopes of Aualos, and others, whereof some came armed to council, by the King's commandment. D. Frederic Duke of Benavent came also, notwithstanding that some of his friends had wished him to retire, telling him that they meant to take him: as he entered into the place where the council was kept, the King went forth, making show that he would go sup, and speaking aloud, that they must consider what answer to give to the Queen of Navarre.  
And soon after having sent them word, that they should speedily dispatch that which they had to do, 
D. Frederic Duke of Benavent a prisoner.  the Duke was taken prisoner, and put in the castle of Burgos, in the custody of the Master of Saint james, from whence he was afterwards transported to Monreal, and in the end in the time of the King. D. john to the castle of Almodovar del Rio near unto Cordova, where he ended his days.  
This is that famous prison of D. Frederic duke of Benavent, celebrated throughout all Spain. This done the King sent Diego Peres Sarmiento the Governor, to seize von all the Lands and goods, not only of the Duke of Benavent, but also of the Constable D. Pedro, and by the same means he seized upon the lands of his aunt. Donna Leonora Queen of Navarre, and he himself, being followed with some troops, went to Roa (where she was) to besiege her, and take her: whereupon the Constable who was with her, abandoned her, and went into Galicia, to provide for his own affairs. The Queen seeing herself forsaken, began to lament, filling all the castle of Roa with pitiful cries; 
Queen of Navarre daunted.  and the more to move them to pity, she attired herself, her daughters and women in mourning weeds, and sent her Confessor unto the King, to know his pleasure, seeing he came in that manner with an army. The King gave him some reasons, and marched on to Valera, from whence he sent john Hurtado of Mendoça and Ruy Lopes of Aualos to the Queen, to whom (being full of tears, and with a mournful habit and countenance) she complained much of the King her Nephew, saying, that he sought to take away her goods; and demanded assurance to ●●oe and speak with him. The Inhabitants of Roa, careful of their safeties, sent to offer the place unto the King, if it pleased him to receive them as his own, and not to alienate them any more, wherewith the King was content: whereupon they received the Archbishop of Toledo, john Hurtado, Diego Lopes and Ruy Lopes with their followers, and soon after the King entered, to whom the Queen being come, they entered into a church, and there had much conference. In the end the King granted her the revenues of Roa, Sepulueda, Mardrigal and Arevalo, retaining the justice unto himself and he commanded her to follow him to Vailledolit.  
This business being ended, 
Earl of Gijon seizeth upon Oueido.  the King marched towards Leon to make war against his uncle D. Alphonso Earl of Gijon, who was in the Asturia's, and had seized upon the city of Oueido, which did belong unto the King, the which he did fortify, with the town of Gijon, and other places. By the way he had conference with the Archbishop of Saint james, who was much moved for the imprisonment of the Duke of Benavent: for he had come to court upon his word and assurance. The King made him promise that he should not enter into any league, yet the grief he had for the Duke's detention, made him forget all the affection he had had to the service of the crown of Castille, which in the end he left, and retired into Portugal, making the Schism in the church his pretext, saying, that of his knowing the Pope reigning in avignon was not lawful, but he that held his seat at Rome: and for that the Portugals did adhere unto him he retired into Portugal, where he obtained the Bishopric of Coimbra, 
Archbishop of S. james retires into Portugal.  and then the archbishopric of Braga, where he ended his days. He was of the noble family of Manriques, a man of a small stature, but of an active spirit, full of courage, high minded, eloquent, liberal, apt to compound great men's quarrels, ambitious, and one that envied the Archbishop to Toledo. D. Pedro of Tenorio, who was of a different humour; severe, stately, ambitious also, 
His disposition.  but he covered his ambition with modesty, maintaining his dignity in such sort as he was respected and feared. He lost in Castille the archbishopric of Saint james, the office of Chancellor to the King, with many other livings. The King in passing caused the castle of Mansilla to be razed, and united the town (which had belonged unto the Duke) unto his domains. He then sent his men against Gijon, the which they did besiege both by sea and land.  
Being come to Leon, he made a declaration in a great assembly, in the chief church, of the rebellions and felonies of the Earl D. Alphonso his uncle, committed both against the King D. john his father and himself, 
War against the Earl of Gijon.  the favours he had done him since his enlargement by the Governors, and his Ingratitude, for the which he did confiscate all his goods to the crown, except the Siegneury of Noruegna, which he gave to the church of Ouiedo, as had been formerly ordained by the deceased King his father. The King having sent some troops towards Ouiedo the Earl's men were chased away, and the King was master of the city; so as the Earl was forced to shut himself into Gijon, where he was straightly besieged. One of his base sons called D. Hernando holding the castle of Saint Martin, delivered it unto the King, and came unto his service. The Constable D. Pedro Earl of Transtamara, seeing what had befallne the Duke of Benavent and the Queen of Navarre, and how they handled the Earl of Gijon, he found means to make his accord, and came unto the King at the siege of Gijon, by whom he was well received, and had given him the towns of Pont Ferrada, Villafranca and Varçarcell, which had been the Duke of Benavents. The year growing towards an end, and the country of Asturia being barren, not able long to maintain an army, the King resolved to make some accord with the Earl, 
Accord made with the Earl of Gijon.  who sought it: whereupon they concluded these Articles. That the French King should be judge of their controversies, who should judge within six months whether the Earl had offended, and if it were found that he should lose his lands, he was content, if not, all should be restored to him again: That until a definitive sentence, the town of Gijon should remain in the Earl's hands, upon condition it should remain in the Estate it was then, without adding any supply of victuals or men; and that the Earl should not go above three leagues from the town, if it were not into France, to solicit the judgement of this cause. In which case the King should give him thee hundred thousand Maravidis, to defray his charges: That the Earls other Lands should remain in the possession of D. Ruy Lopes of Aualos, Lrod Chamberlain to the King, who should hold them upon his faith; and that the Earl should give his son D. Henry for hostage. By this composition the Earl D. Alphonso was freed from siege.  
This year 1394. died D. john Alphonso of Guzman Earl of Niebla, a man of a peaceful spirit, 
Death of the Earl of Niebla.  yet was he somewhat engaged in the troubles of Castille, leaving his soon D. Henry of Guzman heir to his great possessions. Pope Clement died also that year in avignon, the sixteenth year of his Popedom, in whose place the Cardinals of that seat, meaning to proceed to the election of an other, 
Death of Pope Clement at avignon.  received letters from the University of Paris, to persuade them to defer it for some days, to know the intention of Pope Boniface the ninth, residing at Rome, touching the union of the church; yet notwithstanding they entered into the Conclave nine days after the funeral, and without regard of any letters written by the University, and King Charles, they gave their voices, and withal made a protestation in writing, that the future Pope should not hinder the rooting out of the Schism, and that he should be bound to give over his dignity if need were; they made choice of D. Pedro de Luna, carrying the title of Santa Maria in Cosmedin, a Cattelan and Doctor of the Canon law; a man of great authority, and well practised in worldly affairs, 
Election of Pedro de Luna to be Pope, called Benedict the 13.  whom they called Benedict the thirteenth. The French King yielding to that was done, sent his Ambassadors to avignon, to do the accustomed homage to the new Pope: but being afterwards solicited by some of the Cardinals, who repent themselves of benedict's election, he sought, by means of the protestation which had been made, to force the Pope to quit his dignity, under pretext to reconcile the Schism: but Benedict was loath to leave so sweet a morsel, which so many of his order had gaped after, resisting long, to the great prejudice of all Christendom, and the French king did in vain solicit by many Ambassages, D. Henry King of Castille, to join with him, in the displacing of Benedict from his Popedom, whom the Kings of Navarre and Arragon did also obey.  
The King D. Henry having proceeded, as we have said, against the chief authors of the troubles of his realm, 
Navarre.  he returned to Vailledolit, and knowing by good experience the disposition of his aunt; whom he had brought with him, he resolved to send her into Navarre, to King Charles her husband, the which (notwithstanding the Estate she was in) she did impugn by all means possible: wherefore the King fearing she would steal away, and put herself into some place of strength, which would be very troublesome to take, he commanded the prior of Saint john to set a guard about her lodging, and he himself went to Tordesillas. Then the Queen knew that she must of force return into Navarre, without any other assurances than such promises and oaths as the King her husband had given, and seeing no evasion, nor delay, she sent to entreat the King her Nephew to be well advised what he did, in seeking to force her to return into Navarre: and seeing that it did concern both her honour and life, she entreated him to propound it to the grave and learned men of his council, to resolve what was fit for her to do. The King was very well pleased herewith, and committed the business to the Bishops of Palence and Zamora, by whose advice it was concluded, that the Queen Donna Leonora should return to her husband, and that the King her Nephew should accompany her to the frontiers of Navarre, whereof she was advertised, that she might dispose herself to obey, but it was against her will: whereupon the King returned to Vailledolit, 
Queen of Navarre sent to her husband against her will.  and from thence they took their way towards Navarre, having sent the Archbishop of Toledo and him of Zamora, an Arragonois, and the bishop of Albi a Frenchman, with others, to Tudele, to advertise King Charles of his wives coming and to take a new oath of him, to entreat her well and honourably. The Archbishop of Saragossa came to meet the Queen, being accompanied by many Knights of Navarre, France and Arragon; to whom she was delivered, with her daughters, upon the confines of Castille and Navarre, to the great contentment of King Henry, to whom she had been chargeable many years, by her turbulent and adbitious spirit. The King D. Charles did show by the effects, that he was never ill-affected towards her; for he received her, with all that did accompany her, with great honour, and shows of love and joy: he entreated her courteously, and honoured her as much as she could desire: commanding there should be feasts and bonfires made throughout all the realm of Navarre, by reason of her coming. And for that they had not yet had any son, he would have the Estates of his realm) assembled to that end at Pampelone, some months after the Queen's return) swear the Infanta's his daughters for lawful heirs of the realm, and of his other Estates, who should succeed one after an other, unto the last liver. He caused his subjects to take this oath, as it was accustomed in Spain, and to avoid war and sedition, whereof they had fresh examples in the neighbour countries of Arragon and Valencia.  
D. john King of Arragon, 
Arragon.  son to D. Pedro the Ceremonious, having reigned nine years and three months, went about that time into the Island of Majorca, whether he had been drawn by the seditions of the Islanders, raised against the jews, which dwelled among them, whom they had slain, and spoiled, after the manner of the Castillans and Arragonois, incensed by a seditious Archdeacon, preaching at Sevile, with which mischief all the towns of Spain were in the end infected except Saragossa. The King having punished the chief authors of these hateful mutinies, in his return, he was driven by a storm, to Cap de Cruz, about Ampurias, from whence being come to Castillon, 
Death of D. john King of Arragon.  he was surprised by sudden death; some hold that it was in chase the Wolf in the woods of Foxa, others say, he fell and bruised his skull, in the year 1395. This Prince, 
1395.  as we have formerly said, had taken to wife a French Lady, called Martha, daughter to james Earl of Armaignac, who governed him quietly, by whom he had one only daughter called joane, married at the time of his death to Matthew of Castelbon, Earl of Foix, and Lord of Bearn, which was the cause of much war in Arragon. The Queen D. Martha being dead, soon after her delivery, the King D. john married Donna Violant daughter to the Duke of Bar, who brought him a soon, but of short life, and lies interred at Saragossa, and afterwards a daughter, carrying the mother's name, and married in her time to Lewis duke of Anjou, son to that Lewis which died in Italy, pursuing his interest to the realm of Naples. After the death of King john, Matthew Earl of Foix, who had married his eldest daughter, pretended, according to the custom practised in Spain, 
The Arragonois reject D. joane from the succession and choose D. Martin.  that the carowne of Arragon did belong unto his wife, and sought all means to botaine it: but the Arragonois would not then subject themselves under a strange Prince, and rejecting the woman's right, they did choose D. Martin for their king, who was brother to the deceased, and was then in Sicily.  
These quarrels rising from the succession in Arragon, and the rejection of the heir of that realm, which happened soon after the return of the Queen Donna Leonora into Navarre, it moved King Charles to take an oath of his subjects, that they should maintain the Realm to his eldest daughter, and successively to the rest.  
The end of the seventeenth Book.    

SEMPER EADEM THE EIGHTEENTH BOOK of the General History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1. PRroceeding of D. Henry King of Castille, against the Earl of Gijon in France.  
2. Actions of Mahumet Guadix, and other Kings of Granado, treacheries, poisonings, and other excess of that nation to reign.  
3. Deeds of D. Henry King of Castille, called the sickly. Examples of his justice, temperance and rigour, with other politic acts.  
4. john Pablo, a jew, a learned man, and his conversation with the honours and dignities, which he and his children obtained in Spain.  
5. Reformation of the Knights of the Calatrava.  
6. War betwixt Portugal and Castille, for the crown.  
7. The Duchess of Momblanc seizeth upon the realm of Arragon, in the name of her husband D. Martin, who was the 15. King of Arragon, and the first of that name, whereunto the Estates consented.  
8. Confirmation of D. Martin King of Arragon: his carriage in the government of his realm to foreign Princes and the Pope.  
9 Death of D. Pedro Tenorio, Archbishop of Toledo, his family, qualities, works and buildings, Vacancy of that sea four years.  
10. Ruy Lopes d' Aualos, and the beginning of the house of Aualos.  
11. Continuation of the Schism, friar Vincent Ferrier a great preacher.  
12. War against the Moors of Granado: the death of King Henry the 3.  
13. Marriage of D. Blanch Infanta of Navarre, with Don Martin King of Sicily. Accord made by the King of Navarre with the French King, for the Lands of his patrimony that were seized.  
14. D. john the second of that name, King of Castille, an Infant of two and twenty months old. Fidelity and modesty of D. Fernand the King's uncle: Castille governed by him and the Queen mother.  
15. War of Granado managed by the Infant Don Fernand: first use of Artillery in Spain.  
16. Superstitions, new sects and a third head in the church of Rome.  
17. War of Sardinia, troubles at Valencia, death of D. Martin, the son King of Sicily: Marriage of D. Martin the father, King of Arragon.  
18. War of Castille against the Moors.  
19 Death of D. Martin King of Arragon: Factions for the succession to that crown: The pretendants: Arbitrators named to choose a King.  
20. Duke of Bena●ent escapes out of prison. The jews and Moors commanded to carry certain marks, by the council of friar Vincent Ferrier.  
21 D. Fernand first of that name, and the 16. King of Arragon: opposition of the Earl of Vrgel, his imprisonment: the King's coronation.  
22. Retreat of Pope Benedict into Spain. Council of Constance, Estates at Sarragossa: Marriage of the Infant D. Alphonso of Arragon, with Donna Maria of Castille.  
23. D. Alphonso the fifth King of Arragon.  
24 Government of Castille under Donna Catherina the Queen mother.  
25 Proceeding of the Council of Constance against Pope Benedict, and his obstinacy.  
26 Conquest of the Canaries, by john of Betancourt.  
27 Family of Estuniga: death of the Queen Regent, and other affairs of Castille.  
28 Deeds of D. john King of Portugal: Monastery of the battle, and other works built by him. Taking of Ceuta in Barbary: descoverie of the Maderas. First search of the Portugals into the South and East seas.  
29 Marriage of the Infant D. john, brother to D. Alphonso King of Arragon, and of D. Blanch of Navarre, widow Queen of Sicily.  
30 Marriage pursued with violence by Don Henry master of Saint james, brother to the King of Arragon, of Donna Catherina, Infanta of Castille; and what followed.  
31 Causes of the war of Naples attempted by D. Alphonso King of Arragon: Estate of that Realm under Queen joane the second.  
32 Advancement of D. Alvaro de Luna, to be Constable of Castille.  
33 D. john first of that name, and 32. King of Navarre, in the right of D. Blanch his wife.  
34 Delivery of D. Henry master of Saint james being prisoner, Estates at Toro. Restitution of the Constable, being chased away: ambition of D. john king of Navarre, and of his brother D. Henry.  
35 New Order of Monks of Saint jerosme in Spain.  
36 Estate of the Moors of Granado under Mahumet the lefthanded, and other Kings.  
37 Troubles betwixt Castille, Navarre and Arragon.  
38 Marriage of Donna Isabel of Portugal, to Philip duke of Bourgondy. Institution of the Order to the golden Fleece.  
39 Proceeding by justice against the King of Navarre and his partisans in Castille.  
40 Peace concluded betwixt Portugal and Castille. D. Nugno Aluarez of Pereira first Constable of Portugal, and his last acts.   
Kings in Spain mentioned in this eighteenth Book.  

ARRAGON.  
15. D. Martin 1.  
16. D. Fernand 1.  
17. D. Alphon 5.   

CASTILLE and LEON  
18. D. john 2. and the 39   

NAVARRE.  
32. D. john 1.   
IN the reign of King Henry the third, it often appeared how vain the enterprises of bad subjects are against a virtuous and innocent Prince: for God did preserve this poor pupil, from the ambitious rage of his Tutors, Princes, Prelates and great Lords of Castille, ruining them by their own discord. And he did so much honour the royal Majesty, as when as this young Prince had taken upon him the government of the realm, at the age of fourteen years, he delivered them into his hands, to punish them, as their obstinate rebellion, and ingratitude had deserved. Being freed (as we have said) of the Duke of Benavent, the Queen of Navarre, and the Archbishop of Saint james, and having by their example reduced the Earl of Transtamara and the Archbishop of Toledo, to their duties: there only remained D. Alphonso Earl of Gijon his uncle, who was reduced to that extremity, as he was forced to undergo the censure of a strange Prince, in a cause which concerned his honour, his goods and his liberty: the which he might have enjoyed with reputation, yea much augmented his dignity, if he had contained himself with modesty, in the favour of D. Henry King of Castille his natural Prince.  
According to the accord made at the siege of Gijon, the King sent his Ambassadors to the French King, to debate the causes he had to dispossess D. Alphonso, who having stayed many days in the court of France, 
Proceeding against the Earl of Gijon.  the Earl of Gijon, nor his Attorney appearing, and the time of the assignation being expired, they prepared for their return, when they had news that their adverse party was come to the coast of Britain, and was coming towards Paris: wherefore to give more countenance to their cause, they attended. Being arrived, he spoke with King Charles, for his justification, accusing the King his Nephew, that he sought to take his portion from him, lying in Asturia, Leon and Castille, the which was asigned him by the deceased King D. john his brother, adding many other charges and excess, whereunto the Ambassadors answered pertinently, laying open the Earl's ingratitude, rebellion and conspiracy, against the King his Lord, and benefactor, who had drawn him out of prison, and restored him to all his goods, the which King john had justly taken from him, adding thereunto pensions, Estates and honours; and accusing him in particular of the violent usurpation of the town of Paredes of Nava, and other tyrannical actions done by him, having also refused to sign the truce of Portugal, with many others acts of contempt and felony: concluding that he ought to lose the Earldom of Gijon, and to be wholly left to the discretion and will of the King his Lord; so as in the proofs of these crimes, exhibited by the Ambassadors, in defence of their Prince's actions, having not any thing to reply publicly, he gave the Lords of the French Kings council secretly to understand, that the ill will which the King his Nephew bore him, incensed by his bad councillors, who were corrupt and mercenary, proceeded from nothing else, but that he had always opposed himself to the practices and secret intelligences which they had with the English, in league with whom they would draw the King of Castille, to the prejudice of the friendship and ancient alliance, which was betwixt the houses of Castille and France: wherefore he entreated them to deal so with King Charles, as he would judge favourably of his cause, causing his Estates and Lands to be restored to him again, promising, all his life time, to do him good and loyal service.  
The King desirous to reconcile Princes that we near in blood, caused the Ambassadors to be treated with about a prorogation of the assignation; for they had protested that the time prefixed being expired through the Earl's negligence and contempt, to whom the King their master had caused three hundred thousand maravidis to be delivered, for the charges of his voyage, and to take from him all excuse, that they could no more appear before him, as before their judge: yet they said, that seeing the King of Castille their Lord had submitted himself unto his judgement, for the brotherly love that was betwixt them, notwithstanding that many of his council had dissuaded him, holding it a disparragement for the sovereign Prince to contend with his vassal and subjects before a strange judge, and out of his country and jurisdiction.  
They were of opinion that if the Earl Don Alphonso did willingly deliver the town of Gijon unto the King of Castille, and submit himself to his will and mercy, that by his intercession the Earl should obtain a safe conduit and assurance to come into Castille, and so he should treat of his affairs more profitably then by any other course. They withal made a request unto King Charles in the name of the King their Lord, that for the league which was betwixt the two Kings and realms, he would be pleased to command D. Alphonso to departed his country, which the French King could not refuse, and therefore he caused notice to be given unto the Earl, that he should retire himself, commanding all Governors of Provinces, especially of port towns, not to give him any favour or aid, wherefore he went away in poor estate, & kept himself some days about Rochel. The six months of truce concluded betwixt the King and him being many days before expired, and yet the Ambassadors had not written any thing concerning the conclusion of this suit, there were some troops of horse and foot sent about Gijon, after which the King came with greater forces, both by land and sea, the which did so press the place, as the Contesse, Donna Isabel of Portugal, yielded it, compounding for her life and liberty, and of some Knights that were within it, and the delivery of her son D. Henry, whom the King held in hostage. In the mean time letters came out of France, from the Ambassadors, containing what had passed in this cause, wherewith the King was well satisfied. The miserable Countess Isabel, daughter to D. Fernand King of Portugal, being destitute of all means, went into France to her husband D. Alphonso, who was poor, 
Gijon yielded unto the King, and the Earl dispossessed and banished into France.  and without any help or favour, but from the Vicontesse of Tovars, in whose country he lived in the town of Marant. After the taking of Gijon, the King went to Sevile to treat a truce with the Moors, being solicited by King Mahumet then reigning in Granado, the third after the death of Mahumet the old, who was bruited to have poisoned the King D. Henry the second, and this was his succession.  

Mahumet Guadix the tenth King of Granado.  
MAhumet surnamed Guadix, after the death of Mahumet the Old his father, was settled King of Granado: 
Granado.  he only among all his predecessors, received this Sceptre peaceably, and left it quiet at his death. During this reign which began in the year 1379. and ended 1392. he had not any war against Christian Princes for all the time of his reign, the Estate of Castille under King john was so troubled with wars with D. Fernand King of Portugal, and afterwards with the master of Auiz, and besides with the Duke of Lancaster, as the Realm of Granado felt no trouble. This Mahumet Guadix was soon in law to the King of Tunis, whose daughter, named Hadisa, of the ancient lineage of the Almohages, he had married when his father lived, by whom he had joseph his successor to the Realm, and yet he had other wives, and many children by them, according to the liberty of the Mahumetists, in that point. During this calm, he fortified many places in the Realm of Granado, especially towards the frontier of Andalusia; by the which the Kings of Castille were accustomed to invade the Moors. He renewed the truce betwixt the two realms of Granado and Castille, with King john, in the year 1390. the which was sworn and confirmed by the Kings, and by their eldest sons and successors. The name of Guadix was given him, for the great love he bore to the town of Guadix, and that country, from his Infancy, the which he did frequent and beautify with many things whilst he lived. He died in peace, in the year of our Lord 1392. the thirteenth of his reign.   

joseph the eleventh, King of Granado.  
TO him succeeded this King joseph, of whom we have made mention, in the rout with he gave unto Martin janes' of Barbuda, master of Alcantara. Before there was some likelihood of war, during the reign of D. Henry the 3. king of Castille, but it was soon pacified, after an encounter near unto Lorca, whereas the Moors at the coming of this king joseph, beginning to fly, were defeated with great loss. If the father had reigned peaceably, as well among his subjects, as with Christian Princes his neighbours: his son governed with great difficulty & tumults: for besides the quarrels he had with the Christians, (which succeeded reasonably well) he was pursued by his own son, and in danger to lose both Crown and life. 
Son persecutes the father to reign.  This bad soon called Mahumet, as his Grandfather was, thrust on with ambition to reign, joined with a Nobleman among the Moors, called Aben Mohaya, who had long hated King joseph. These two together did what they could to put him from his royal seat, dispersing among the Moors all the slanders they could invent against him: but chief they did charge him with the vice of clemency, which he had used to many Christian captives, having set them free without ransom: an undoubted argument, said they, that he was a Christian in heart. There were great combustions throughout all Granado, by means of this perverse son and his confederates, the which were pacified by the mediation of an Ambassador from the king of Maroc, of the lineage of the Merins, who was then at Granado, for his Prince's affairs, who wrought in such sort, as the son and all that followed him, yielded obedience unto the king, to the good of the Realm, which for a time enjoyed a desired peace: for by reason of the troubles, many Christians had embraced these quarrels of the Moors, joining with either party, but all tending to the ruin of their estate. Besides this Mahumet, son to king joseph, who made war against him, Histories make mention of three others: that is, joseph the eldest, who reigned, but not immediately after his father, Cidi-Ali and Cidi-Amed. After this pacification, and the defeat of the Master of Alcantara abovementioned, king joseph was more respected among his subjects, and governed his Realm in peace the remainder of his days without any opposition: He kept friendship with the Princes of Spain his neighbours, and with the Kings of Africa, as much as he could: yet he grew into secret hatred with the king of Fez, whereof no man knows the occasion, neither did he discover it, until he felt the poison, which this treacherous king sent him: for among many rich presents, there was a cassock of cloth of gold, of great price, but infected with this mortal poison, which did not work suddenly, but by degrees: an art much practised among those damned creatures, to free themselves of their enemies, 
joseph king of Granado poisoned.  or to make States and Principalities void, as their ambitious appetites did drive them. King joseph having no cause, as he thought, to suspect any such treason from a king of his sect, whom he had not offended, received the presents: but having one day put on the cassock, he felt himself presently poisoned without remedy: the which was of such force, as having deprived him of all his natural faculties, 
Wonderful force of poison  his flesh fell away by piece-meal, with great horhor to them that were about him, and amazement of the Physicians, which had him in cure, to whom the true cause of his infirmity, nor the remedies we ever known. Thus this king died miserably, having reigned about four years in Granado, in the year of our Lord 1396. and of the Arabians 779.   

Mahumet the 9 of that name, and 12. king of Granado.  
MAHUMET his son surnamed Aben-Balua, who had so much desired to reign in his father's lifetime, usurped the Realm from his elder brother joseph, who yielding to the time, supported it as well as he could, being countenanced by some Noblemen, that were friends to his deceased father and him. The first entrance of this king Mahumet was pleasing unto the Moors, by the cruelty he suffered to be done to two Friars brethren, who moved with an inconsiderate zeal, would go and preach in Granado. Being forbidden by the king to preach their doctrine to a people ill prepared to receive it, they persisting in their resolution, the Alfaguis and Doctors of the Koran fell upon and having whipped them, they slew them most cruelly, so as these two poor Friars were held holy Martyrs, whereof some of their bones were gthered together, and carried to Sevile, and Cordova, to them of their Order, all men persuading themselves that they wrought miracles. This king thinking himself settled in his estate, he confirmed the truce with Christian Princes, especially with D. Henry king of Castille, who freed him of the tribute which the kings of Granado were wont to pay to the Kings of Castille. The King Don Henry showed himself tractable, 
D. Henry of Castille, called the siekly.  by reason of the indisposition of his person; who being the rest of his days ill disposed, purchased the surname of Sickly, and made him to desire peace with his neighbours, and to hate war. The friendship and familiaritte of these two Princes was very great, and continued long, visiting one another by ambassages, and sending presents, striving who should be more stately and bountiful: and King Mahumet desiring on a time to make demonstration of his love to the king D. Henry, sending him rich presents, he gave the charge of the embassage to one of his wives, the which gave great content to the king of Castille.  
But to return to this king Don Henry, after that he had subdued the Princes of his blood, and their confederates, 
Castille.  who contemning his youth, and thrust on by ambition, had troubled his Realm, he began to be sickly, and unfit for the actions of war, the causes where-of by the singular grace of God ceased. He had a great care of justice, and to ease his subjects, and being in that estate he sought all means to maintain his reputation and authority, fearing nothing more than to be contemned of his servants, to whom he sometimes seemed severe and rigorous, and sometimes was content only to terrify them: Whereof they produce this example. The king on a time having hunted late in unknown country, and ill followed, recovered his lodging, being ready to sit down to his supper, having a very good stomach, he found it ill prepared, so as he began to grow in choler with the clerk of his kitchen, saying, that he was negligent, and that he would punish him. The clerk who (it may be) sought for this occasion, excused himself upon the small means which were appointed him by his Councillors to furnish his table: so as, said he, besides the assignation which is very short, I recover it with such difficulty, as I am forced to pawn mine own, to supply it: wherewith the king was very sad, taking it for a great argument of the small esteem the Noblemen that ruled, made of him, by this dishonest sparing for a king's table, into whose coffers there entered of yearly revenue 70. millions of Maravidis, if Writers do not err. And therefore he began to study, how he might make them know it, giving to his Clerk one of his robes, called at that time Calandranas', the which he pawned for two shoulders of mutton, with the which, and some Quails which they had taken, the king supped, being served by the Clerk.  
Being returned to Burgos, he dissembled that which he had in his heart, and watched an opportunity to be revenged. He was advertised that the chief Noblemen of his train and Council, holding the greatest dignities in the Realm of Castille, the Prelates, the Masters of knightly Orders, the Duke of Medina Celi, D. Ruy Lopes of Aualos, Don john and D. Diego Hurtado of Mendoça, Diego Lopes of Estuniga, john of Velasco, Gomes Manrique, Peter Alfan of Ribera, and others having governments in the chief Provinces, should meet together one night at a stately and sumptuous banquet: wherefore he found means to enter disguised, to see their cheer, and hear their discourse: where he saw all things furnished in great abundance, and with more than royal state, where there wanted not any thing that might please the appetite, and as for their discourse and tabletalk, it was nothing but of the great and bounteous pension they drew from the King, of the profits and commodities of their Offices and governments, gifts, presents, honours, favours, and such like, which makes the Courtier's paradise. The King having observed all this, being returned unto his lodging, he secretly in the night, drew in his Guards, and many other soldiers: and when it was day, he sent for all these Noblemen of the Banquet, to come unto his Palace, to be witnesses to the Will which he would make, who flocking thither with all expedition, they stayed in the great Hall, until it was past noon.  
In the end the king came forth with a naked sword in his hand, setting him down in his chair, and then presently the hall was full of his armed guards, so as the Noblemen were amazed at this unaccustomed ceremony. The king addressing his speech to the Archbishop of Toledo, asked him, how many kings of Castille he had seen: he answered, that he had seen four; which were the king D. Pedro, D. Henry his grandfather, D. john his father, and himself. The like demand the king made unto the rest, and every one answered as he had seen, according to their ages, some three, some four, and some five. How can it then be, said the king, that I who am younger than any of you, can brag to have seen above twenty: The Noblemen replied, that they knew not what he meant thereby; for naturally with his corporal eyes he could not have seen so many kings. Yes truly, said the king, I have seen them, and all you here present are those kings, who dispose of my Realm, and manage my rents and revenues at your pleasures. I am king but in name, and as a shade, but you are the body and the effect, wasting my goods to my dishonour, and the contempt of my authority. I have seen, I have seen the pomp and abundance you live in at my charge, and have understood how you entreat my subjects, and abuse the power which I give you in your estates and governments: but you shall not live unpunished, I have convicted you all by your own confessions and brags, and judge you all to die, like bad and treacherous vassals. This speech being ended, the Ministers of justice appeared, & among them the executioner of the court, carrying an axe and cords, the which did much amaze all the Noblemen, thinking verily, that they should lose their heads: seeing themselves compassed in his guards, and considering that they had to do with a young king, who for want of judgement might give way to his choler, and revenge his wrong without regard to the consequence. Being thus amazed, looking one upon another, and not knowing what to answer, the Arcbishop of Toledo took courage to speak unto the king, who kneeling down, told him, that so severe a sentence was happily more just than honourable for a young Prince, or profitable for the realm of Castille, which for ever would feel the loss of so many great and worthy men, both for council and arms, as he meant to put to death, for that they had committed some faults which are common to all that live with kings, and are bred up in great charges of realms. Moreover, it was not reasonable to take that for a confession to convict one, which is spoken at banquets, and in wine, where men do usually talk, and brag, and oftentimes without truth, yet he spoke not these things to justify himself, or any of his companions nor to contend against his clemency, as being free from offence, the which they would rather implore and try, demanding with all humility, the lives of all these offenders, and his pardon, adding many other reasons, the which we allowed by the king, for he desired an occasion to pardon them, yet he would have them yield up all the forts which they had in guard, and he condemned them in pecuniary fines, so as he drew from them above an hundred and fifty millions of maravidis, for the exactions and concussions done upon his people, and the king's money: keeping them two months in the castle of Burgos, until the full payment and execution of these things.  
If he were moderate in this act of justice, 
Executions 〈◊〉 Sevile.  he used greater rigour at Sevile, where all was full of partialities, proceeding from the divisions and quarrels which his tutor had bred, which the Magistrates and kings officers could not suppress. Being declared of full age, he went thither and caused the Earl of Niebla, Peter Ponce of Leon, and other heads and chief authors of these seditions to be put in prison; and having examined every man's actions, he banished some, others he condemned in great fines, and loss of their offices, and caused many to be hanged, or lose their heads: so as there were above a thousand persons entangled in these punishments and executions of justice: one of the chief ministers whereof, was Doctor john Alphonso of Toro, to whom the government of Sevile was given for matters of justice: and the more to countenance him, the king stayed there many days.  
This king gave many other testimonies of his love to justice: he gave audience to all suitors indifferently, three days in the week, he heard all the complaints of his subjects, and provided for them: he could discern of men of judgement, which were fit for council, and the government of the commonwealth. The most esteemed, and of greatest authority about him, were Don Pedro Tenorio, Archbishop of Toledo, Friar john Henriques, and Friar Fernando of Illesca, with the Cardinal D. Pedro of Frias Bishop of Osma, and these for the Clergy 
El●etion of 〈◊〉 men to 〈◊〉 great off ●●res.  of Knights he made great esteem of Don Laurence Suarez of Figueroa, Master of Saint james, Gonçales Nugnes of Guzman, Master of Calatrava, Diego Hurtado of Mendoça, high Admiral of Castille, Ruy Lopes of Aualos, his Lord Chamberlain, and afterwards Constable, Diego Lopes of Estuniga chief jutice, Peter Lopes of Ayala, a knight of great learning, who came to be Lord Chancellor, john Velasco a Chamberlain, and other knights of his Council, which consisted of sixteen grave personages. Among others, that were very dear unto him, there was a Doctor, a jew by sect, borne at Burgos, who afterwards embraced the Christian Religion, called Don Pablo, who for his learning and good life, 
Doctor Pablo, a jew, learned, and of a good life.  was in time chosen Bishop of Carthagena, and in the end obtained the Bishopric of Burgos. He had many times oppugned the Christian Religion, as a jew Rabin, and Master in the jewish Law, but having received in gift of a Christian Doctor, the book of Saint Thomas Aquinas entitled de Legibus, he read it diligently, and was so moved with the reasons thereof, as he left his jewish religion, the which is not strange, say the Divines of Spain: for he that knows not Saint Thomas knoweth not any thing, and he that knoweth him, knows all things. This Prelate who was a great Preacher, a great Philosopher, wise and judicious in matters of State, and of the king's Council, wrote many books, whereof some are yet extant. Being a jew, he was married, 
Doctor Pablos children all learned.  and had three 'zounds all learned men, whereof the one was Deane of Segobia, and succeeded his father in the Bishopric of Burgos, he was called Don Alphonso of Carthagena, from whom we have the genealogy of the kings of Castille, written in Latin. Don Gonçalo another son of D. Pablos was Bishop of Palença, a Prelate of great learning: and the third was Aluar Garcia of S. Maria, a learned man also, D. Pablo their father being of the King Don Henry's Council, notwithstanding that he had been a jew, did advise him and his successors, 
Counsel of a jew against jews.  not to receive into their service, either of his households Council, or to any Offices of the Realm, any jew, although he were converted, and that for some special causes.  
The King Don Henry being endowed with these good qualities beyond the Ordinary of young Princes, had also some blemishes, like other mortal men: for he was noted to be sparing, and desirous to heap up treasure, and yet they say, that it was without the oppression of his subjects, the which is hard in a Prince: yet he gave many provisions and pensions to them that were near to him in blood, or allied to him by affinity: as to the Queen D. Beatrix, his mother-in-law, whom he maintained in the estate of a Queen, and to Don Fernand his brother, who showed himself always obedient to his will. His country's being in peace, he gave himself to repair and fortify the fronter places, and did build a new the castle of Carthagena. As for religious buildings, the church, and convent of the Carthusians at Burgos, called Mirefleurs, are his work: he was a great favourer of the Franciscans, to whom Queen Katherine his wife, had a particular devotion, who was a Lady of great piety, according to the instruction of that time, bountiful, majestical, wife, and discreet in her words, yet superfluous in her manner of living, and loving wine, whereby in her latter days she fell into a palsy.  
The King's infirmities which began at the age of seventeen years, did in time so undermine him, being incurable, as he became dry and lean, so as the proportion of his body was changed, and he seemed another man, then formerly he had been: moreover, he was so sad and melancholic, as most commonly he was alone, and would not admit of any company. Yet he was always careful of the government of the Realm. He always entertained Ambassadors in Princes Courts, as well Christians as Mahumetists, by whom he was advertised what was done in foreign countries, their manners, and manner of governments: a thing most profitable for him that sends them, 
Ambassador's discoverer the counsels and actions of Princes.  but not for them that receive them: for by Ambassadors which are resident, the Counsels and actions of Princes are discovered, to the great prejudice of their estates. Two of his Ambassadors sent into the East, the which we Pelayo of Soto mayor, and Fernando Pelasuel, fell into the hands of Tamburlaine, Emperor of the Tartarians, after the defeat of Bajazet; who entreated then graciously, and sent them back into Spain with an Ambassador of his, to demand friendship of king Henry.  
During his reign, in the year. 1397, the order to the Knights of the Calatrava, in steed of a black hood which they had worn until that time, 
Red cross the mark of the Order of Calatrava.  took for their mark a red square cross, which they carry at this day, the which was done by the Bull of Pope Benedict of avignon, at the instance of Don Gonçal Nugnes of Guzman, master of the Calatrava.  
The realm of Castille being at peace with all men it was engaged in new troubles by Don john King of Portugal, for that the Articles of the truce, concluded betwixt their Ambassadors for fifteen years, 
Portugal.  had not been signed and sworn by certain Noblemen of Castille, as had been agreed: with other light occasions, which drew him to field, being yet proud of his former victories, and contemning the youth and infirmity of King Henry his adversary, wherefore he suddenly brought his army before Badajos, which town he took, and the marshal Don Garci Guttiere of Herrera in it: whereat the King Don Henry was much incensed, and speedily provided for all things necessary, to suppress the boldness of this Portugal King, both by sea and land. One of the most remarkable exploits of this war, which continued three years, was the encounter of five Castillan galleys with seven of Portugal coming from Genoa, laden with arms and soldiers: the fight having continued very sharp some hours, in the end four of the galleys of Portugal were taken, one broken and the rest put to flight. 
Victory of the Castillansat sea  In this encounter the portugals lost above five hundred men, besides the arms and equipage of their galleys, the which were drawn to St. Lucar. Many noble men of Portugal at that time left King john, and retired into Castille, where they were entertained, and had lands and houses given them by the King D. Henry. Among others Martin Vasques of Acugna, and his brethren Giles Vasques and Lopes Vasques came also with an hundred lances, john Fernandes and Lopes Fernandes Pachecos brethren, Aluar Gonçales Camelo Prior of S. john, with many others. The king of Portugal entering by Gallicia, he took from king Henry the town of Tuy, and towards extremadura he laid siege before Alcantara, to whose succour was sent D. Ruy Lopes of Aualos, then made Constable of Castille, in the place of the Earl of Transtamara, who raised the siege, and entering into Portugal, spoiled and burnt the country, and took Pegna major, a place of strength, by force. On the other side, the town of Miranda of Duego was besieged by King Henry's captains, who priest it in such sort as it yielded. After some courses and prizes made at sea by the Admiral of Castille, the truce was renewed betwixt the two kings, and was so entertained, as it was the last war which the Portugals had with Castille until our days, so as these two Princes governed their Estates in peace and quietness the remainder of their lives.  
In Arragon whilst they contended for the right of the succession against Matthew of Castelbon Earl of Foix, 
Arragon.  and his wife D. joane eldest daughter to the deceased king D. john as we have said: D. Maria wife to the D. of Momblanc, being absent in Sicily, took upon her the title of Queen, by the advice of the council of Cattelogne, in the city of Barcelona, where there assisted D. Inigo Valterra, Archb. of Tarragona, Bernard of Pinos, Hugh Anglesole, Roger of Moncade Viceroy of Sardinia, Michael Gurrea, Francis of Aranda, who was held the wisest of his time, Bernard Michael, William Pujade, Gerard Paliol, 
Francis of Aranda a wise man.  and Bernard Zatrille. These were of opinion that the Regency of the realm should be put into the hands of D. Maria, until her husbands coming, to whom they had sent D. Hugh of Bage, Bishop of Tortosa, john Foulq son to the Earl of Cardona, Emanuel Ragiadel, Raymond Zaval, a Citizen of Barcelonet, and Peter Grimald of Perpignan, Ambassadors, to give him notice of his election, and to hasten his return. The widow Queen Violant, was in the mean time accompanied by four of the chief Ladies by order frm the Council, the which did never abandon her, and should have a care of her delivery, for that she said she was with child. And for that many men of state, and others having had charges & offices in the time of the deceased King, 
Officers called into question.  had abused them, their actions were now called into question during this Inte●egne, and some of them were committed at Barcelona. The Will of the deceased King, being opened in the Assembly of Cattelogne, they found that the same Duke of Momblanc, to whom the people's favour inclined, was there named heir and successor to the Crown, in case the King Don john died without issue male, the which was signified to the Countess of Foix.  
At the Estates assembled at Sarragossa, to give order that the realm should receive no loss in the absence of the king D. Martin, these chief men were present: 

D. Garci fernandes of Heredia, Archbishop of Sarragossa.  
D. john Martin's Murillo, Abbot of Montarragon.  
D. Pedro Fernandes of Ixar.  
D. william, and Raymond Allamans' Cevuillon.  
D. Pedro Ruis Morio, for the great Prior of Amposta.  
The Prior of Rota.  
The Abbot of S. Fides.  
D. Pedro of Ladron, Viscount of Villanova.  
D. Lopes Ximenes of Vrrea.  
D. Fernand Lopes of Luna.  
D. john Martin's of Luna.  
D. Alphonso Fernandes of Ixar.  
D. Pedro Fernrndes Vergua.  
D. Francis of Allagon.  
D. Pedro Ximenes of Vrrea, son to D. Lope.    
The Attorneys of D. Lewis Cornel, of D. Artal of Allagon, of D. john Ximenes of Vrrea Atrasillo, of D. Pedro Galcerand of Castro, and of D. Anthony of Luna. Moreover, john Ximenes de la Cerde, justice Maior of Arragon, with many other Noblemen, knights and Deputies of towns and commonalties, who without regard to the demands and protestations of Matthew Earl of Foix, and D. jeanne his wife, confirmed the Duke of Monblanc testamentary heir of the Realm, disannulling the conventions made by the deceased king D. Pedro, grandfather to D. jeanne, 
Articles of marriage broken by the estates to the prejudice of the Ea●le of Foix.  at the treaty of her marriage with the Earl of Foix, by the which it was said, that if Don john her father died without issue male, she should inherit the Realm: whereupon Matthew Earl of Foix sought to obtain his right by arms, seeing that justice was denied him. And having employed the aid of the Earl of Armaignac, of john Duke of Berry, the French kings uncle, and of other Noblemen of France, he passed with a thousand men at arms, three thousand light horsemen, from the Vicountie of Castelbon, beyond the Pyrenees, and by the valley of Ferriere at Villemur, he took Camaraça, and marched as far as Lerida, where he spoiled the country: against whom the Estates did chose Don Pedro of vrgel for General. And for that it was suspected that D. john Earl of Ampurias, had favoured these French troops at the passage of the mountains, he was committed to prison, but soon after delivered, having made proof of his innocency. Although the Earl of Foix did much annoy the Arragonois, yet the greatest loss fell upon himself, for being too weak a party to encounter the power of Arragon, he did nothing but spend his estate, engage himself, and strive for nothing, his army being forced to rise from before Barbastro, and to retire for want of victuals and other discommodities towards Huesca, and then to pass by Caparosso belonging unto Navarre, into Bearne, on this side the mountains, after which he never made any memorable attempt. The king D. Martin, notwithstanding all the importunity of the Arragonois, 
Andrew of Clairmont beheaded at Palermo.  was not resolved to leave Sicily, until he had seen his son peaceful king of the Island, the which he effected after a long and tedious war, by the ruin of the noble families of Clairmont and Alagon, and of other rebels, whereof Andrew of Clairmont Duke of Modica was beheaded at Palermo, after which Artal of Alagon was expelled Sicily, with all his family, by virtue of whose Predecessors, that Realm had been in a manner conquered for the house of Arragon.   

D. Martin the first of that name, and 15. King of Arragon.  
MAtters being thus brought to pass, D. Martin elect King of Arragon, leaving with the King his son, called also D. Martin, and his wife Marie, William of Moncado, Marquis of Malta, chief justice and Constable of the Realm, Peter Serra Bishop of Cattanea, Francis Zagarriga, Hugh Santapaz, and other Cattelans and Arragonois, for counsellors, he sailed towards the Island *** Corfica, whereas the Earl of Cinerche and others of the family of Istria, and of that of Rocca, held many towns and castles at his devotion. From thence the King passed into Provence, where he did visit Pope Benedict in avignon, receiving a rose from him on Palm sunday, having done him homage for the Islands of Sardinia and Corsica: then continuing his voyage, he arrived in Cattelogne in the beginning of May, in the year 1397. At his entry into the country, he found a stately embassage, where were the chief Noblemen of Arragon, and deputies of the city of Sarragossa, who entreated him, that without any stay he should go unto the Estates assembled at Sarragossa, and that he would not deal in any affairs of the realm, until (according to the ancient custom) he had taken and received their oaths, the which seemed something strange unto the King: yet he answered these ambassadors graciously, that being tired with so long a voyage, he had need of rest: wherefore after some little stay at Barcelona, he would come presently to Sarragossa: notwithstanding after his entry into Barcelona, which was very stately, sitting in his tribunal, he pronounced a sentence against Matthew Earl of Foix, and D. joanne his wife, 
Sentence against the earl of Foix.  being his niece, by the which he declared them rebels, and guilty of high treason, and fallen from all their rights: he did confiscate the Vicontie of Castlebon, and other lands held by them in the realm of Arragon and Cattelogne, adjudging them unto the crown. Moreover, he sent from thence ships and soldiers into Sardynia and Sicily, sending back D. Roger of Moncado into his government of Sardinia, and D. Pedro of Bage into Sicily. After which, he went to Sarragossa to the Estates about the end of October. The King presiding in this assembly, did much commend the virtue, fide litie, and valour of the Arragonois, seeking by good words to make them tractable and well-affected to him and his children: for after the oath taken by him for the observation of the rights and privileges of Arragon and other Provinces, and reciprocally by them, he entreated the Estates to acknowledge his son D. Martin King of Sicily, being absent, for lawful heir of that crown after him, the which was willingly done, the King of Siciles ambassadors having promised an union of the two realms for ever, and to cause the King their master to ratify it, and to take the oaths accustomed in such acts. There was given unto the King at these Estates 130000 florins of gold to pay his debts, and 30000 for his expenses. During the assembly, there was some tumult of war in the Mountains, there being entered by the pace of Sarazal some of the Earl of Foix troops, who took and sacked Thermes: but without any other exploit they returned. In the mean time Matthew of Castelbon Earl of Foix 
Death of the Earl of Foix.  died without any children, being in the year 1398. whereby D. Martin remained peaceable King of Arragon, who settled himself, and disposed of his affairs according to his desire.  
First of all knowing that the wisdom of a Prince consists chief in knowing well how 
Wisdom necessary in a Princeto choose men of valour.  to choose men of valour, whose service he must use in the government of his Estate, he laboured to draw unto him, by his bounty and favour, the hearts and affections of those which he knew to be such: namely, he gratified D. Alphonso of Arragon much, and honoured him with the Duchy of Gandia,; he made D. james of Prade Constable of Arragon, and to many other Noblemen and knights, he gave gifts and privileges: he restored Archambaud of Graille, who had been heir in the right of succession to the Earldom of Foix by reason of his wife, sister to the deceased Matthew of Castelbon, to the lands which he had forfeited: yet he made but a bare recompense to his Niece the Countess of Foix, who retired herself to Valencia, with 3000. florins of yearly pension, for her whole entertainment, where she ended her days. He married his other niece D. Violant to Lewis Duke of Anjou, chosen king of Naples, to whom he gave 160000. florins in dowry, so as she should renounce all rights and pretensions which she might have to the Crown of Arragon, and other lands of the deceased kind D. john her father, adding afterwards to this bond, an alliance which he made with Navarre, to be the better assured of the French. And not to forget the works of piety, covered with the vale of religion, seeing Pope Benedict greatly molested in avignon, although it were by the practices of the French king, he sent an army by sea, to assist him, and if need were to carry him away, the event whereof was miserable: for being come unto the mouth of the river of Rhosne about December, in the heart of a very sharp winter, the galleys not being able to go up the river, by reason the water was low, most of the slaves, mariners and soldiers died for cold. 
Statues sent by the Pope into Arragn●.   
The favour which the king of Arragon did show unto the Pope, did so far avail him, as it made the French king forbear for a time to oppose himself: to acknowledge the which, and in his love to his country, he sent into Arragon four statues of silver and gilt and enriched with stones, the which were kept in the city of Sarragossa, and therein were enclosed the relics of Valerius, Laurence, Vincent and Encratia, reputed by the Sarragossans for Saints, patrons and protectors.  
Thus the king D. Martin sought in the first years of his reign, to content the world by his human wisdom, and to purchase the fame of a politic and religious Prince: notwithstanding as human wisdom fail smost commonly, he could not keep such a mean, but in gratifying some, he discontented others, yea the Arragonois themselves: for the Realm being often in combustion, by reason of the old quarrels betwixt the houses of Luna, Vrrea, and Gurrea, and especially during the interregne many of these factions presumed to go to field, and did rob and spoil even to the town gates: whereupon the king raised some troops to suppress these thieves, giving the charge thereof to Don Alphonso, son to D. Alphonso of Arragon Duke of Gandia, making him as it were Governor of the realm, and his Lieutenant general: a great dignity, which was presently impugned by the Noblemen of Arragon, moved through envy, alleging, that that charge ought not to be given according to their ancient customs, but to one that was borne in Arragon: wherefore they appealed before the justice mayor, being an attempt against their liberties and freedoms: so thinking to prevent a mischief, 
Troubles in Arragon.  he augmented it, for the Realm was presently full of arms, which he was forced to remedy with great difficulties and severe means, it may be unworthy of his royal Majesty.  
The Schism which was in the church of Rome, 
Castille.  did somewhat trouble Spain: yet by the wise council of Princes, all past without any great alteration. The French king did greatly solicit him of Castille to join with him, to force Pope Benedict of avignon to submit himself to a compromise treated by the Princes, and according to the protestation of the Cardinals which had chosen him, to leave his dignity, until it had been determined who should be Pope, and head in the church of Rome. For the which the king D. Henry having called a great assembly at Salamanca of Prelates and Doctors, both Divines and Canonists, in the end he yielded after many difficulties: whereof D. Matrtin K. of Arragon being advertised, he was wonderfully moved: for he did much support Pope Benedict, a Cattelan by nation, and therefore sent to Salamanca before the king's departure; his ambassadors were Vidal of Blague's, and Raymond of France, to complain of this union which the king of Castille had made with him of France, without communicating any thing unto him: to whom an answer was made in friendly terms, which did satisfy them.  
In the assembly of Salamanca it was advised, that the two Popes should revoke all the proceed made one against another, and should have an interview in some place of assurance, where they should devise betwixt themselves how to free the church of this Schism, the which they should declare within a certain time: and during the delay they should give a certain pastor unto the church, but if they could not, or would not agree, that then they should both give over their pretended dignities: but this advice was of no force, for D. Pedro de Luna, or Pope Benedict, would by no means leave it, saying, that he would hold his Popedom, whereupon he was much afflicted by the French, yet by the means of the king Don Henry, he had some rest for a time, and the French king seemed neither to acknowledge, nor obey him, the which continued not long.  
At that time there sprung up a Sect of white coats: their author was a Priest of the 
Beginning of the white cote  mountains of Savoy. They were men moved with devotion, who began to run over Italy, as it were in procession, attired in white shirts, and wearing their hair long over their faces, demanding pardon of God, and mercy for their sins, with great and lamentable cries: and moreover in going they sung Hymns, as that which gins, Stabat matter dolorosa, and other such suffrages. Their troop in the beginning being but small, they grew to so great a number, there joining with them at all the towns where they passed, men, women, children, Clergimen, secular men, Gentlemen, peasants, poor and rich, so as they were forced to divide themselves into bands, which sometimes were not less than ten, twelve, or fifteen thousand persons: which made many Princes and Potentates of Italy to suspect, that under a show of religion they had some hidden enterprise to the prejudice of their Estates. The town of Luca gave them most credit. They ran until that land failed them, which was to the farthest point of Calabria, and then returned back. Their captain with a great multitude of his sectaries being come to Viterbo, Pope Boniface found means to draw him to Rome, where being examined of his intention, they found nothing in him but mere ignorance and superstition, whereby all the towns and families in Italy had been troubled: many men leaving their houses, wives, children, parents, with all public and private affairs, to follow this poor idiot, who for all the pain he had taken, was by the Pope's sentence condemned to the fire, who being burnt, every one retired to his home, and his followers were dispersed into divers parts.  
About the year 1399. died D. Pedro of Tenorio, Archb. of Toledo, being sorry he 
An. 1399.  could not attain unto the year 1400. to the end he might departed this world in the year of jubilee. The Spaniards speak much good of this Prelate: that he had been employed during the reign of three kings, 
Death of the Archbishop of Toledo.  in the weightiest affairs of Spain, with opinion to have been a wise and discreet Councillor, a learned man, and a lover of learned men: but he was wilful, and that which he himself bragged of, not very liberal (for the great revenues which he enjoyed) especially to his kindred, who never received any advancement from him, nor by his favour, from the king of Castille. His house was ancient issued from Galicia, but grown greater in Portugal: he himself was borne at Tavira, the son of a simple Gentleman, and but poor. He left many remembrances of him in his buildings in divers parts of Spain, as S. Martin's bridge in the city of Toledo, and the castle of S. Servant towards the port called Alcantara, the Monastery of S. Catherine of the Order of S. Jerome, and the Collegiall church of Chanoins in the town of Talavera, the chapel where his body lies in the great church at Toledo, and the cloister thereof, a stately and royal work. Besides these buildings, he repaired the castles of Canales, Alhamin and Almonacid. He caused strong castle to be built near unto Alcala the royal, to serve for a refuge for Christian slaves, which escaped the Moors that were near unto the fronter, and ordained a certain rent for the entertainment of a wonderful great lamp, the which should be a direction in the night for poor fugitives, giving light three great leagues round about. The town of Villafranca, the church and the bridge upon Tayo, betwixt Talavera and Guadalupe, were his work, it being called at this day, the Archbishop's bridge. By the death of this Prelate, the sea of Toledo was void four years, 
Sea of Toled● void for four years.  the Schism in the Romish church being the cause thereof. In the mean time D. john Bishop of Siguença had the government of the Church, who gave credit to the image of Saint Marie of Nieva, and began to build the Church thereof, the which was afterwards augmented by the Queen Donna Catherina. This image was sound by one Peter, who for that cause was furnamed, Of good adventure, who having found it, advertised the bishop. It is much reverenced by the Spaniards, who hold, that she doth wonderful and great miracles.  
The year 1400. at what time the jubilee was, the Spaniards going about to set up a 
An. 1400.  great Bell in the Church at Sevile, all the people being assembled, and the King D. Henry being in the tower, a sudden tempest with lightning slew many, scattered the rest and amazed the whole city.  
In the year 1401. 
1401.  there was some likelihood of an agreement betwixt the Kings of France and Castille, and Pope Benedict, attending the determination of a general Council. The Christian Princes which did acknowledge him besides these, were the kings of Arragon, Navarre, Scotland, Cypress, and the Duke of Savoy. The rest of the potentates did adhere unto Pope Boniface residing at Rome: but Benedict was not long in quiet: for the Cardinals and Clergy which were about him (whereof the chief was john of Novacastello, Cardinal of Ostia, borne in Burgundy) rebelled against him, being favoured and solicited by the French, yea there were sent to avignon by the duke of Orleans brother to king Charles, Robin of Bracamont, and William of Mollon, who set guards about the Pope's palace, 
●●ards set a●out the Pope's palace.  and kept him as it were prisoner, for that he would not voluntarily relinquish his Popedom. But the king of Arragon mediating for him, he sent Don james Prades his Constable, who procured him his liberty, and that he should be obeyed in the County of Venice. In this tumult there were only three Cardinals which shut themselves up with the Pope, which were Pampelona, Girone, and Saint Adrian: many men of account endured much, especially Navarrois, and above all Don Martin of salva, Cardinal of Pampelona, Don Bertrand of Gramont, Pronotary and Master of the sacred palace, and others. This Pope advanced to the Archbishopric of Toledo a nephew of his, son to his brother D. john Martin of Luna, being Doctor of the Canon law, and administrator of the church of Tarragone, he was also called D. Pedro de Luna, but he was not so soon consecrated.  
The affairs of Castille being reasonable quite, the Infant Don Fernand, the King's brother and Duke of Pegnafiel, was persuaded by some Noblemen, to take upon him the government of the Realm, pretending that the king D. Henry's infirmity and continual pain, was the cause he could not intend it: so as many things succeeded not well: but this was but a cloak to cover the envy which they bore to D. Ruy Lopes of Aualos, Constable of Castille, on whom the king relied, giving him great authority in all things throughout the Realm. 
Family of Aua● l●s issued ●ot of Navarre.  This Constable was borne at Vbeda, of mean parentage, but honest, whose ancestors came out of Navarre: he was a man of great courage, and singular judgement in matters of war, or in any other charge that was committed unto him. It therefore grieved these Noblemen of great houses to be commanded by him, seeking to thrust forward the Infant D. Fernand, to disturb the State. But D. Fernand was no fit instrument for their desseins: for if there were ever an obedient brother, and patiented in all things, it was he: besides, being of a slow spirit, affairs of great consequence did overcharge him, neither did he willingly undertake them. Finally, he was a lover of peace, and enemy to war and tumults.  
For these causes he rejected them that would have him govern, showing them the inconveniences and scandals which would grow by such enterprises: exhorting them that if his brother did not seem unto them very profitable, by reason of his infirmities, they should attend the remedy from the providence of God with patience. This Prince Don Fernand was, as we have said, married to D. Leonora Countess of Albuquerque, who was heir to many Estates in Spain. For besides the Earldom of Albuquerque, and the five towns of Infantazgo, the towns of Haro, Biron●, Cerezo, Vilhorado, Ledesma, Codesera, Azagala, Alconchel, Medellin, and Alconeta, were of her patrimony: besides the which king john had giver her Villalon, and Vruegna in exchange of other places. She was first called Vrraca, but she changed it: she was a virtuous Lady and noble in all her actions, having many children by her husband, as we will show, treating of the affairs of Arragon. In the year 1403. the river of Guadalquibir did so swell, as it came over the walls of Sevile, and covered the houses in the lower parts, with great loss of men and goods, To prevent which accident, the diligence of Alphonso of Toro, Governor for the justice of that city, is much commended.  
The year 1405. 
1405. Genealogy of Castille.  was happy and joyful to the Castillans, by reason of the birth of the Infant Don john heir of those Realms, in the town of Toro, Queen Katherine having had before D. Maria at Segobia, in the year 1401. who was Queen of Arragon. A while after she brought the king another daughter, called Katherine by the mother's name, and was future wife to D. Henry Master of Saint james, third son to the Infant D. Fernand. Pope Boniface the ninth being dead a little before, seven Cardinals did choose the Archb. of Ravenna called Cosmat, borne at Sulmona in the realm of Naples, being Cardinal of S. Cruz, 
Innocent the 7. chosen Pope in the place of Boniface the 9  whom they named Innocent the 7. So as the schism continued still in the Romish Church. His competitor Benedict passed the alpes, and came to Genova, to confer with some Potentates of Italy of the means how to cease the schism. Being there he did consecrate his nephew D. Pedro de Luna Archb. of Toledo, and Primate of Spain: and moreover, made another Archb, 9 Bishops, and 8. Abbots. He had in his train that famous Preacher Vincent of the house of Ferreres of Valencia, who then preached in the city of Genova, and since in many other places, and especially in Spain, with a great opinion of holiness. By the death of D. Diego Hurtado of Mendoça, high Admiral of Castille, which happened the same year, there was advanced to the place D. Alphonso Henriques, younger brother to the Earl of Transtamara, and to his lands and goods which were as great as any nobleman's in Castille, succeeded his son D. Inigo Lopes of Mendoça, a famous parsonage.  
D. john of Castille one of the base sons of the king D. Pedro had secretly married himself in prison, to the daugther of Bertrand Erillo his keeper, of whom he begat Peter and Constance. Constance was a Nun in the Monastery of S. Dominicke the royal of Madrid. Peter being condemned to perpetual prison escaped, and as the king D. Henry caused search to be made for him, Queen Catherine being newly brought in bed, begged his pardon: at the same time when as she entreated the king her husband, he was hidden in her chamber, and hearing that the king had pardoned him, he came forth presently in a Priest's habit, and obtained the Archdeaconship of Alava: being an Archdeacon he had two concubines, one an English woman called Izabel, and the other a Spaniard, whose name was Mary Bernard, by these he had eight children, sons and daughters: from one of which named Alphonso is descended the family called of Castille, reduced at this day to little  
About the end of this year the Moors of Granado began to stir, having no cause but only the king D. Henry's disability to war, by reason of his indisposition. They took the town of Ayamonte, 
Moors.  belonging to Don Aluar Peres of Guzman; whereat the king D. Henry being displeased, he sent to king Mahumet Aben-Balua, to have the place restored in the estate it was, otherwise he would provide by arms: the which the Moor promised, giving some excuses, but he did not perform it, but after some days entered again by Quesada with a great army, and did overrun the country about Bacça: for suppressing of whom, the king D. Henry sent troops of men at arms towards the fronter under the leading of D. Pedro Manrique the General, with whom there joined many noblemen and knights: and although the Christians forces were inferior to the Moors, 
Battle betwixt the Christians and Moors.  yet they offered them battle, in the which there was great slaughter of both parts, but no certain victory, in regard of the loss, but the Moors kept the field and the reputation. Of Christians of account there died Alphonso of Aualos, the Constable's nephew, Martin of Rojas, Garci Aluares Osorio, and john of Herrera, knights of valour.  
The king D. Henry seeing that he must enter into war, 
Castille.  he assembled his Estates at Toledo, to consult of the means to pursue it, and then he went to Madrid, where he received news of the battle. The Prelates, Noblemen, and Deputies of towns being assembled, and having consulted freely what was to be done (for the king had resolved to enter in person into Granado, requiring their advise and consent) he was forced, his infirmity increasing, to give the charge thereof to his brother D. Fernand, and to make him his Lieutenant general in this expedition, who spoke unto the Estates in the king's name, letting them understand, that his resolution was to make war with all violence, and with his greatest power against the king of Granado, for some reasons he gave them: and therefore he made account to put to field ten thousand men at arms, four thousand genets or light-horse, and fifty thousand footmen, besides the forces that were in Andalusia: to entertain which troops with all necessary provision for six months, he had need of a hundred millions of Maravidis then currant, paying to every horseman twenty Maravidis a day, and to every footman ten. He therefore entreated the estates, to provide and contribute that sum freely and speedily, 
D●m●nd of King Henry of 〈◊〉 flates.  seeing it must be employed for the defence and safety of all Spain. The estates were amazed at so great a charge at that season and besought the Infant to speak unto the King for the moderating of the sum, seeing he had so great a treasure lying at Segobia, whereof a small portion might ease the Estates. The Prelates and Clergy men above all others, made great difficulty for this contribution: the which in the end the King, after conference with his Brother, and other his familiars, ordered in this manner.  
That the Estates should presently furnish forty five Millions of Maravidis, which are valued at a Million of Crowns by the Authors of those times: and if the King should need any more, he might impose it without calling of the Estates. The condition to impose money upon the subjects without calling the States seemed hard, yet they all consented for that time, so as it might not be a precedent. Matters standing thus, the King's infirmity increased in such sort, as foreseeing his approaching death, he made his will, and instituted for heir of his realms his Son D. john, being but twenty two months old, leaving him for Tutors, until he came to the age of fourteen years complete, 
Testament of the King D. Henry.  the Queen D. Catherine his wife, and his brother the Duke of Pegnafiel. And if his heir should die, he did then substitute his daughter Catherine, and under the same tutors, to whom also he left the government of his realms.  
His will was to be buried in the habit of Saint Francis, and that his Son should be bred up under the discipline of Deigo Lopes of Estuniga, chief justice of Castille, of D. john Velasco his Lord Chamberlain and of D. Pablo Bishop of Carthagena. 
Death of King Henry of Castille.  Having thus disposed of his last will, he died soon after. Some Authors say, that he was poisoned by a Physician a jew, the which was known afterwards by the confession of other jews that were prisoners, for other disorders committed in derision of the ceremonies used in the Christian Religion, and were executed at Segobia. The King D. Henry the third having rained sixteen years and almost three months, died in the year 1406. in December, in the City of Toledo, being not much above twenty seven years old: he was interred in the Chapel of the last Kings in the Cathedral Church there. The same year died Pope Innocent the seventh at Rome having rained two years, in whose place was chosen Angelo Carairo a Venetian, Patriarch of Constantinople, and Cardinal of Saint Mark, by thirteen Cardinals of his faction, and was named Gregory the twelft by whom the Schism was continued.  
After the return of the Queen D. Leonora to the King of Navarre her husband, she was delivered of a Son in the city of Pampelone, 
Navarre.  who was called by his Father's name, but he lived little. The peace of this realm was great under this King Charles, who lived very contentedly with his wife, after her return, and made her Regent when he passed into France, which was in the year. 1397, for he had many great affairs to decide with King Charles the sixth, who detained many places from him, which had been seized on in his father's time, and had often solicited him in vain by his Ambassadors to do him reason: wherefore he was forced to go in person. Before his departure, he ordained there should be paid towards the building of the great Church of Pampelone, ruined some years before, the fort penny of all the revenues of his realm, for twelve years, wherewith it was built in the form we now see it. Hereof there were letters given by this King at Saint john of Pie de Port this year 1397. in May. His voyage into France did benefit him little, for besides that the French King was not counseled to yield up the places which he held, especially in Normandy; the friendship which the King of Navarre had with the English, was suspect and odious unto him, although this amity were not prejudicial to the French, but rather a Neutrality (to the end they might live in peace) than a league. Seeing therefore that he was not welcome, he returned presently into Navarre, from whence soon after he sent the Cardinal of Pampelone, who had retired himself into Navarre, after that he had endured many miseries in avignon, for Pope Benedict.  
He used such diligence and fit means, as he made the French King and his council willing to give recompense to the King of Navarre for his lands, wherefore he was constrained to repass the Pyrenees again. In the mean time died john of Montfort duke of Britain, husband to joane, sister to this King Charles of Navarre, who had by her husband four children, john who was duke, Richard, Arthur and Gyles. This Princess was afterwards married to Henry of Lancaster King of England, fourth of that name, he who deprived his cousin Richard of the crown: by him she had not any children. Charles King of Navarre, having caused his son Charles to be sworn his heir by the Estates of his realm, he married D. joanne his eldest daughter to john the eldest son of Archambaud, who had succeeded in the county of Foix and Bearn, but the death of Matthew of Castelbon: his second daughter called Donna Maria died a Virgin: and as for the third, Marry Queen of Sicily, being a little before dead, who by her testament had left this realm to D. Martin her husband, son to D. Martin King of Arragon, he thought to make her Queen of Sicily, and to marry her to this young D. Martin being a widower. He therefore sent his Ambassadors to the King of Arragon to this effect, who was very well pleased, and yielded to the marriage, although they had offered him many other marches for his son D. Martin King of Sicily, and that the Sicilians did what they could to make him incline to a marriage with joane sister to Ladislaus King of Naples. The accord was made betwixt the King of Arragon, 
Marriage of D. Martin King of Sicily and D. B●anc● of Navarre.  and the Ambassadors both of Navarre and Sicily (amongst which was Peter Serra, Cardinal of Cartanea) at a place called Altu●a, in the Realm of Valencia, in the year of our Lord 1401. where it was concluded that the King of Navarre should give in dowry with his daughter a hundred thousand florins, of the stamp of Arragon: whereof forty thousand in hand, and threescore thousand at a certain time, for the which he should give in pawn the towns and castles of Arguedas, Santa Cato, Murillo, and Gallipienço: the King of Arragon should bind for her dowry the towns and castles of Sos, Saluaterra, Vncastillo and Rueste. And for that they were somewhat allied by affinity, there should be a dispensation procured from Benedict. For confirmation and execution of these things, the Kings of Arragon and Navarre had an interview upon the confines of their Realms, betwixt Cortes and Mallen, where they did swear what had been concluded. With the King of Navarre did swear D. Lionel of Navarre his brother, D. Charles of Beaumond chief Standard-bearer, D. Martin of Lacarra Marshal, D. Francis of Villa Espeça, Chancellor of the realm, john Ruys of Ayvar, superintendent of the treasure, and D. Martin of Olloaqui prior of Saint john with others: In like manner did many noblemen and prelates for the King of Arragon.  
This don the King of Arragon was conducted to Cortes, where having been royally feasted by the King of Navarre, the Infanta D. Blanch was delivered unto him, a Princess of excellent beauty, whom he led into his country, & having prepared a fleet at Valencia, he sent her into Sicily, to the King D. Martin his son under the charge of D. Martin of Cabrera, a Knight of Cattelogne, in 1402. This Lady was in the end Queen of Navarre: for soon after the content of this marriage followed a discontent for the death of D. Lewis the second son to the King of Navarre, being but six months old, and not long after that of D. Charles his eldest, 
Death of the two sons of Navarre.  which two Infants are buried in the Cathedral church at Pampelone, and D. Blanch survived her eldest sister D. joane. The crown of Navarre fell then to the succession of daughters, and the King caused D. joane his eldest daughter, to be again sworn heir of the realm, with her husband D. john of Foix. This same year the Episcopal sea of Pampelone was void, by the death of Cardinal Martin of salva, bishop of that city, who had past the age of 66. years, in great trouble and pain, to maintain the party of Pope Benedict in avignon. D. Michael of salva his Nephew obtained the Bishopric after him, who was afterwards made Cardinal by P●pe Benedict, in following of whom he died two years after at Monaco. The King of Navarre being the third time called in France, his voyage was then more profitable unto him, then at the precedent, for he obtained of king Charles the sixth the Lordship of Ne●o●rs the which was erected to a Duchy, and moreover twelve hundred pounds starling of yearly rent, to be taken out of the revenues of Bry and Champagne, with a good sum of ready money for all pretensions and rights, the which he renounced, seeing he could not do otherwise: 
Title of Earl of Eureu● ceaseth in the house of Naua●re, and takes that of duke of Nemours.  in respect whereof the title of Earl of Eureux ceased in the house of Navarre, taking that of Duke of Nemours.  
The town of Cherbourg in Normandy, held in the King of Navarres name, by the Marshal D. Martin Henriques, was by this accord delivered to the French: all letters and expeditions being ended, the King D. Charles returned into Navarre, an other way; for he passed by Languedoc and Cattelogne, where he visited the King D. Martin at Lerida, with great content and pleasure to these two Princes allied. Passing from thence by Sarragossa, he came into his country, where afterwards he gave himself to building in many places, yea two sumptuous palaces, one in Tafalla, the other in Olite, the which now fall to ruin, 
Buildings of Charles the 3. King of Navarre.  for want of reparations, especially that of Olite, where the Marshals of Navarre were accustomed to lodge: and the Spaniards say, that he had intent, to make a paved causey and covered, to pass at all times without discommodity, from one of these places to the other, being but a little league distant. The bridge of Estella upon the river of Ega, was this King's work, who for that he had lived in continual peace, had store of treasure, to employ in such buildings. During his abode in France, there had been some speech of marriage betwixt his youngest daughter D. Beatrix and D. james son to the Earl of Vrgel, of the blood royal of Arragon, the which by reason of certain lets, ●ooke no effect: wherefore the King being returned, he married her to james of Bourbon Earl of March, one of the goodliest and active Princes of his time. The marriage was celebrated in the city of Pamapelone, in the year 1406. with great solemnity, and concourse of the nobility of Spain and France, about the beginning of the war of Granado, and a little before the death of D. Henry King of Castille, the news whereof were grievous to King Charles, a great friend and ally to the house of Castille.   

D. john the second of that name, 18. King of Castille, 39 of Leon.  
THe heat of the war against the Moors was somewhat quenched by the death of King Henry, 
Castille.  leaving his son and successor in his realms, an Infant, in his swaddling clothes, being but two and twenty months old. For it behoved to have a speedy care of that which was necessary for the peace of the Realm, wherein the Queen D. Catherine, and the Infant D. Fernand duke of Pegnafiel, 
Factions in Cast●●e after the King's death.  appointed Governors by the testament of the deceased King, employed all their care: but they could not keep the noblemen from entering into factions: and as the government of two is never firm, they were the first which divided themselves. The prelates, noblemen and deputies of towns which were in court, assembled again in Toledo: Some persuaded the Infant D. Fernand duke of Pegnafiel, to take upon him the title of King, promising to maintain and defend him, alleging that it was no new thing in Spain, when as the deceased Kings children were young and not fit to govern, or they left none but daughters, that the royal Sceptre was put into the uncles hands, or of some other Prince of the blood, a man of fit age and endowed with wisdom, to govern the affairs of that realm: producing many examples of D. Sancho the fourth, who had been received for King, and the children of his elder brother, being yet young rejected, and of the King D. Henry his grandfather, who had reigned with the consent of the Spaniards, although he were a bastard, to the prejudice of D. Constance Duchess of Lancaster, being then eldest daughter to the King D. Pedro, with other examples more ancient, as well of Castille as of the first Kings of Leon, either well or ill reported; That the urgent affairs of the realm, and the war of Granado which was begun, required that he should reign, and the troubles which he had lately seen in his brother's time, did advertise him to prevent others, which were a breeding, if Castille should receive an Infant of two and twenty months for King. The Infant D. Fernand was not well pleased with these persuasions, but the Constable D. Ruy Lopes of Aualos, having in a public assembly, required openly that they would raise him to the royal throne of Castille, being a plot laid among the noblemen, thinking that most voices would choose D. Fernand, he made an answer of rare example, 
The jusant D. Fernand refuseth the realm of Castille.  and persisted therein; and to whom the said he belongs the realm, but to my Nephew D. john son and only heir to the King D. Henry my brother? Thus by this conscientious Prince, the crown of Castille and Leon was preserved for the Infant, who was then at Segobia, with the Queen Donna Catherine his mother, whether the duke of Pegnafiel went, with the other noblemen, after the funerals of the deceased King. The breeding up of the young King was left in the mother's charge, who made great instance against D. john of Velasco, and Diego Lopes of Estuniga, who demanded it, according unto the father's will, to stop whose mouths, and to give them some content there was presently given them twelve thousand florins of gold. The will being read, and an oath taken, the Queen and the Duke charged themselves with the government of the King, swearing in the hands of D. john of Illesca Bishop of Siguença, and promising the observation of the laws, rights and previledges of the realm, Provinces and cities thereof: But within few days of Queen and D. Fernand disagreed in their commands. The Queen being a woman was governed by an other woman of Cordova, called Leonora Lopes, without whose advice she did not any thing, no not that which was resolved in council; so as without the dukes great modesty and patience, the realm had been full of seditions and great confusion. It was ordained that the King should have three hundred lances for his guard, and the Duke two hundred, the which did much displease every man of judgement. And for that the soldiers which were upon the frontier were not paid, and endured much, there was drawn out of the King's coffers twenty millions of Maravidies, upon condition it should be repaid out of the first of the King's revenues that should be received, or others that should be levied.  
Whilst they were attentive about these affairs at Segobia, the Marshal of Castille Fernando Garcia of Herrera, being in Lorca, entered into the country of Granado, to surprise some moors, who had their retreat at Vera, but for want of ladders he could not effect it. Some days after he encountered with other troops near unto Xurena, where having defeated them, he entered into the town, but he could not take the castle; wherefore the Christians retired, hearing that a great number of Moors came to charge them. These petty exploits did somewhat kindle the war of Granado, wherein the Infant D. Fernand desired to employ himself.  
Difficulties increasing in Segobia, 
Government Castille divided betwixt the Queen mother and the Duke of Pegnafiel.  in respect of the government, it was thought fit Donna Catherine the Queen mother, and D. Fernand duke of Pegnafiel should divide it betwixt them: so as the places remote from all tumults of war, and within the country, should be at the Queen's disposition; which were the dioceses of St. james, Tuy, Astorga, Ouiedo, Leon, Zamora, Salamanca, Ciudad Roderigo, Auila, Segobia, Osma, Burgos and Calaorra. And under the duke's charge, should remain the Archbishopriks' of Toledo and Sevile, and the bishoprics of Cuenca, Siguença, Carthagena, Calais, Cordova, jaen, Badajos, Coria, Plaisance, Lugo, Mondonedo, Palence and Orençe, with certain conditions upon the judgement of suits, and other things.  
The King of Granado having for his allies and assistants in this war the petty Kings of Tunes and Tremessen, he caused his army to march towards Priego. And at the same time the Duke of Pegnafiel went towards the frontier, and came to Sevile. There were many light encounters, sometimes with gain, sometimes with loss: the town of Zaara, the castle of Andito, Priego, Cagnete, Las Cuevas and Ortexica were taken from the Moors. The strength of the Moors army was about jaen, and yet they durst not give battle to the Christians, who went and camped before Septenil, having in their camp some pieces of ordinance, whereof the Spaniards were in those days very unskilful, the invention of that devilish Engine being then new. At sea thirteen galleys of Castille did fight against three and twenty of the Moors, 
First use of Artillery in Spain.  D. Alphonso Henriques being Admiral of Castille, who took eight of the enemy's galleys, the rest soon perished, and some fled.  
The siege of Septenil was long, during the which D. Pedro of Estuniga took Ayamont: and in the end through the valour of the Moors which were within Septenil, they were forced to raise the siege. The Moors after this retreat recovered Priego and Las Cuevas, and burned them: they attempted Cagnette, but they found it well manned.  
The duke of Pegnafiel going from Sevile, had carried in this war the sword of King Fernand surnamed the holy, who took that city from the Moors, attributing some virtue and happiness thereunto: and for that he had promised to bring it back, and leave it in its place, he did it at this return, and then past into Castille, leaving good order upon the frontier: 
An. 1407.  this is all was done in the year of our Lord 1407. in the war of Granado; 
Death of D. Pero Lopes of Ayala, a valiant and learned Knight.  at what time died Don Pedro Lopes of Ayala great Chamberlain of Castille, being threescore and fifteen years of age, a Knight endowed with two principal qualities which adorn nobility; for besides his learning, which was great, he had made proof of his valour in the two battles of Nagera, betwixt the two Kings D. Pedro and D. Henry brethren, and in that of Aljubarote, betwixt D. john King of Castille and D. john of Portugal. He hath left in writing the History of Castille, of his time; a treatise of hunting, whereunto he was much given, and other Books.  
The year 1408. being come, 
An. 1408.  the Estates of Castille and Leon, assembled at Guadalajara, whether came the King, the Queen-mother and the Infanta. The duke of Pegnafiel came also, whereas the deputies of the Estates having had diverse conferences touching the continuance of the war of Granado, they agreed and offered money for the furnishing thereof, yet with some delays and difficulties. D. Pedro de Luna Archbishop of Toledo, who had been at this assembly, had led a young man of eighteen years of age with him, whom he advowed to be his kinsman, and was called Alvaro de Luna, whom he brought into the King's house, 
Alvaro de Luna and his beginning.  and made his Page of the chamber, by the means of Gomes Carillo the King's Governor. He was held to be son of Alvaro of Luna, Lord of Cagnette, who was chief cupbearer to the King D. Henry: but he who was held to be his father, did not avow him for his son, for he was borne of a dishonest woman, called Mary of Cagnette, who had been common to others, and had brought them children: wherefore Alvaro de Luna did not think that this was his son, and for that he should not inherit his great possessions, he sold all in his life time, leaving to this child only eight hundred florins, and that at the entreaty of his friends. Alvaro the father being dead, the child retired to avignon, to the court of Pope Benedict, where having remained some time, he came into Castille to the Archbishop, by whose means he was received into the King's house, and in time grew so great, as he was made Constable of the realm, and yet it was not very successful for him. His mother Mary of Cagnette, had also by a captain of Cagnette, D. john of Crezuela, who was Bishop of Osma, and afterwards Archbishop of Sevile, and in the end of Toledo.  
Whilst they ramained at Guadalajara, the King of Granado came to the siege of Alcaudete, 
Exploits of war betwixt the Castillans and Moors.  having seven thousand horse and 26000. foot in his army: yet through the valour of Martin Alphonso of Montemajor and others, which were within the place, it was preserved. The Moors victuals were many times cut off by the garrisons of Andalusia, & many light victories gotten one of an other whereas Garci Fernandes Manrique captain of Xeres, and Fernand Rodriques ofVallezillo, who held Zahara, and Fernand Arias of Sahavedra, Governor of Cagnette, showed themselves both valiant & vigilant, carrying great spoils out of the Moors country, every one in his quarter. This war being more difficult to the King of Granado than he had estemeed, he sent Ambassadors to the Governors at Guadalajara, to demand a truce, the which was granted, 
Trust with the Moors.  against the will of D. Fernand Duke of Pegnafiel, who desired the war should continue. Wherefore the Estates reduced the subvention which they had granted of threescore millions of maravidies, to five and forty.   

joseph the thirteenth King of Granado.  
During this cessation of arms, 
Moors.  King Mahumet Aben Balua died, having put on a poisoned shirt, the twelfth year of his reign, and of the Arabians the 791. in whose place came King joseph his eldest brother, a little before put in prison in Salobregne, from whence he was drawn and led with great silence to Granado, to reign over the Moors, being loath presently to divulge Mahumets' death, for fear of the Christians enterprises. Seeing himself settled, he sent a messenger presently to D. Alphonso Fernandes Governor of Alcala the royal, advertising him of his advancement, and withal he sent unto the King of Castille and to the Governors, a Moorish Knight called Abdalla Alemin, to let them understand what had passed, entreating them to rejoice at his good hap, and to continue the truce made with his predecessor Mahumet, the which the Queen mother, and the duke D. Fernand did confirm for the said time, and sent a Secretary to Granado to see it sworn. At his return, he was accompanied with an other Ambassador, who had charge to present unto the King of Castille, horses, swords, some pieces of velvet, raisins, dried figs, almonds and other presents, and to require a prolongation of the truce for two years, but he obtained it not; for the Queen mother and the duke of Pegnafiel, would have King joseph acknowledge himself vassal to the King of Castille, whereof the Ambassador excused himself, saying that he had no charge to treat of any such matter: 
An. 1409.  yet all acts of hostility ceased that year 1409. notwithstanding some tumult at Priego, the Moors contrary to their plighted faith, running upon them which did repair it: but this was pacified and satisfied, with excuses from King joseph, and the truce prolonged for five months.  
The court being at Vailedolit, 
Castille.  was then in some combustion, for that many imagining that D. john Velasco and D. Diego Lopes of Estuniga, did entertain the Queen mother in quarrel with the duke of Pegnafiel, D. Frederic the young Earl of Transtamara, son to D. Pedro, did press him to punish them, offering to lay hold of them, if he pleased: whereof they having some intelligence, retired from court, whereat the Queen was much discontented, and was not quiet until she had caused them return, having obtained a safe conduit from the duke D. Fernand. At Vailledolit there arrived Ambassadors from the French King, and from Lewis Duke of Orleans his brother, who offered the King of Castille and his Governors to come to the war against the Moors, with a thousand lances entertained: with them were Ambassadors from the Dukes of Austria and Luxemburg, making the like offers: and more over the Duke of Orleans demanded Queen Beatrix, widow to King john the first to wife. There were great thanks given unto them all, and the truce made with the new King of Granado made known unto them. As for the marriage the widow Queen would give no ear unto it, contenting herself to live a widows life, in her house of Villa real, from whence she did not part. The French Ambassadors confirmed the ancient league betwixt the houses of France and Castille.  
At Vailledolit there was an assembly, in the which was ratified the marriage of the Infanta Donna Maria the King's sister with her cousin  D. 
Marriage betwixt D. Alphonso eldest son to the Duke of Pegnafiel, and D. Maria the King's sister.  Alphonso eldest son to the Duke of Pegnafiel, to her was assigned for dowry the Marquisate of Villena, Aranda and Portillo: and for an earnest penny of the marriage, there were thirty thousand doublons of gold delivered. This year D. Laurence Suarez of Figueroa, master of Saint james being dead, there was substituted in his place D. Henry the third, son to the Infant D. Fernand Duke of Pegnafiel, notwithstanding all the labouring of Garcia Hernandes, Lord of Villagarcia, great Commander of Castille.  
About that time there was set up (as a most holy thing in Spain) an Image of the Virgin Mary, found by a religious Frenchman, in the mountain which is betwixt Salamanca, and Cite Roderigue, called La Pegna of France, where afterwards there was a monastery built, in honour of this Image, whereof the Spaniards report many Prodigies and miracles, of the which they have made whole books and treaties. This age was fertile (during the Schism of the church) of sects and new monastical institutions. For besides the reformation of the regular Chanoins of Saint Augustin, by the diligence of Leon of Carrate Prior of Frigionaja of Santa Maria in the fields of Luca; the Order of White Monks of Mount Olivet had its beginning near unto Sienna, by Bernard and other Monks of Sienna, and that of Saint George of Alaga, by Laurence justinian a Venetian otherwise called blue Celestins.  
The same year the Schism in the church did produce a third head in the church of Rome: 
Three Popes at one time in the church of Rome.  for many Princes having insisted much for the reunion of the church, that the two Popes Benedict of avignon, and Gregory of Rome, should meet at Savona, and take some good course for the quiet of Christendom, these good fathers, zealous of their glory, did so contemn one an other, as there was no means to draw them together: wherefore many Cardinals being disbanded, as well from the sea of Rome, as from that of avignon, there was a council celebrated by them at Pisa in Tuscany, by the which Benedict and Gregory being deposed from their papal dignity, Peter Philarge, a friar, borne in Candy, Archbishop of Milan, and Cardinal of the title of the twelve Apostles, was chosen, and named Alexander the fifth, who lived but teen months: wherefore the Cardinals were forced to meet again at Bolonia in Lombardy, whereas Balthasar Coss a Neapolitaine, Cardinal of the title of Saint Eustace, and Legate of Bolonia, was chosen, and named by them john the three and twentieth. This was a triepling of the Schism, and confusion in the church of Rome: for the two first Popes did still hold their dignities, and had their followers, to the contempt one of an other, namely Castille and Navarre held for Benedict residing in avignon, holding the other two for false Popes.  
Above all others D. Martin King of Arragon did reverence and support Pope Benedict, 
Arragon.  who at that time had many crosses both within and without his realm: for the King of Sicily his son, being young and governed by young men, had so discontented the Noblemen of the country, both Sicilians and Arragonois, as finding himself plunged again in very great difficulties, the King his father was forced to send him succours both of galleys and soldiers, whereby in the end he became master of all Sicily, but with great pain: and being better counseled he did govern it with more honour and authority, but not without continual jealousy and distrust: Yet he had means to employ himself in the war of Sardynia, and to preserve that Island to the crown of Arragon: In the which Brancaleon of Oria, 
War in Sardynia.  had made such attempts against the Arragonois, as they were in a manner ready to abandon it, he having joined unto his forces those of Americ Vicont of Narbone, who had married Beatrix sister to his wife Leonora of Arborea; these two brothers in law, being strong and also faoured by the commonweal of Genova, it was needful to have the forces of Sicily and Arragon united to suppress them. D. Martin King of Sicily came thither in person with ten galleys, with a resolution not to leave the Island, until he had wholly subdued it, whereof he did advertise the King his father, who soon after sent D. Pedro Torellia into Sardynia with an hundred and fifty sail, which transported good numbers of foot and horse with many Noblemen and Knights of fame.  
During this preparation D. Raymond Boil, Viceroy of Valencia, was murdered in Easter week, 
Viceroy of Valencia slain by the treachery of his own brother.  going out of the castle, whereof his own brother was a practiser, whereof being convicted, he lost his life, with the rest that had committed the murder. Within a while after there was a marriage in the same city, betwixt D. james of Arragon Ea●●e of Vrgel, son to D. Pedro, and D. Isabel the King's sister, and daughter to the deceased King D. Pedro, and of Sibille of Sforza, his last wife, an unfortunate marriage, as we will show. And for that a son which D. Martin King of Sicily had had by D. Blanch of Navarre, was dead about that time, D. Martin King of Arragon the grandfather, conceived so great a grief, as retiring himself from all affairs, he shut himself up in the Monastery of Val de Christus, which he had caused to be built, and left the whole charge of the war of Sardynia to his son Don Martin King ofSicile, who (with the forces of Arragon, led by D. Pedro Torellia) charged the enemy's camp about Sauluri, and put them to ro●t with great slaughter, forcing the Vicont of Narbona to save himself in Montreal: he took Sauluri and the castle, with the town of Eglise, and laid siege to Oristagno, the chief fort of Brancaleon of Oria, and of the Sardinians rebelled: but the King being surprised with sickness in this fortunate victory, he caused himself to be carried to Caillery, where he died, to the great grief of all the Sicilians and Arragonois, 
Death of Don Martin King of Sicily.  and extreme sorrow of the King of Arragon his father, who lived not long after him. By his death without any lawful children, the realm of Sicily fell to the King of Arragon, and was for ever after united to that crown. Blanch of Navarre, the widow Queen, remained Regent of the Island, by the will of the King her husband, confirmed by her father in law. A base son of his called D. Frederic, had for his portion the Earldom of Luna. At that time there grew great troubles in Arragon, whereof D. james Earl of Vrgel was the chief author, a turbulent Prince, who made no difficulty to challenge the crown even in the life time of the King Don Martin: and for that it was a tickle point, and did not succeed well, he aspired to the ordinary Regency, which was a dignity wherewith the eldest sons of Arragon, and the presumptive heirs, were wont to be honoured, the which he obtained, and was moreover made Constable: but underhand the King gave order that he should not be received in his Regency, and caused an appeal to be made by the factions of Vrrea, Heredia and other, before the justice Major of Arragon.  
This was in the year 1409. when as the King desirous to see if he might have a child to succeed him in his great Estates, 
Marriage of D. Martin King of Arragon & Donna joane of Pradez.  married with Donna joane of Prades, or Marguerite, as some writ, a fair young virgin of the blood royal, the which hastened his end: and in the mean time he was much solicited by Lewis duke of Anjou, who had married Donna Violant, daughter to D. john King of Arragon, and by the Duke of Pegnafiel, borne of Donna Leonora of Arragon, daughter to the King Don Pedro, and sister to this King D. Martin, that he would declare his successor, the which he refused to do, at their requests, but tired with their importunities, he was ready to name by his testament, for heir of the realms of Arragon, Sicily and other lands, Don Frederic de Luna, basta●● to his deceased son. This King being thus distracted with passions in his age, 〈◊〉 fairs of Sicily and Sardynia were more troubled then before.  
In the year 1410. began the war in Castille against the Moors, 
Castille.  the truce being expired, and the Moors army having surprised Zahara with great slaughter of the inhabitants and soldiers, and great spoil of them that remained. That Infant Don Fernand coming for this occasion to Cordova, he caused the ruins of Zahara to be repaired, and went to besiege Antequera, having in his army ten thousand foot and three thousand five hundred horse. near unto the town were two hills, the approaches whereof being kept, the army might be safe from all attempts of the Moors, who were in field with five thousand horse and 80000. foot, led by Cidi Ali and Cidi Amet brethren to joseph King of Granado. These passages were guarded, the lower part of the hill with six hundred Lances and two thousand foot under the command of Don Sancho of Rojas Bishop of Palença, Don Diego Fernandes of Quignones' Governor of the Asturia's, D. Aluar Peres of Guzman, and Don john Hurtado of Mendoça. And at the other hill of harder access, being higher and easier to be kept, there were set four hundred Lances and one thousand foot, commanded by Don Martin Vasques, D. Fernand Peres of Ayala, Governor of Guipuscoa, D. Raymond of Guzman and john of Soto Major great commander of Alcantara. The Duke of Pegnafiel had caus●●many ladders to be brought from Sevile, with other Engines of war to assail towns.  
The Moors being desirous for to raise the siege from before Antequera, came to assail the Bishop of Palença and his troops in this passage of strength, from whence they were not only repulsed, but the skirmish growing very hot, in the end, beyond the Moors expectation, there was a great encounter, the Bishop being fortified with new bands, which came from the camp, so as the Moors fight without order, and rather hindered then favoured by their numbers of rascally footmen, they were forced to turn their backs with great loss; for authors writ that there were above fifteen thousand of them slain upon the field, and only twelve hundred Christians.  
After this victory the siege was continued, and the place battered by all means, the which in like manner was valiantly defended, where as the Christians lost more in the sallies of the besieged, than they had done in the battle. There died Martin Ruis of Aben Dagno, 
Defeat of Christians near to Montexicar.  of a poisoned arrow. On the other side three hundred christians horsemen, going out of their garrison of jaen, were encountered, and cut in pieces by the Moors about Montexicar. But the Moors garrison of Archidona within two leagues of Antiquera, were happily defeated by the Christians that were at the siege, for they did much annoy them, by their continual courses, and cutting off their victuallers and foragers that came to the camp. The river of Gorza was their common watering place whether they could not go without a guard. The Christians being advertised of an enterprise made upon their men, having set a sentinel upon an high eminent place, called the rock of two Lovers, they found themselves so strong, when as the Moors came to charge them, as they repulsed them, and pursued them beating and killing even unto the gates of their for●: there were two thousand slain upon the field, and many carried away prisoners. The rock of two Lovers was so called from the deed of a Christian slave, 
Rock of two Lovers.  and his masters daughter being a Moor, whom he had persuaded to fly with him from Granado, to enjoy their desired loves, and to live freely together in Castille: they being pursued by her father, who was well accompanied, and overtaken upon this rock, which is midde-way betwixt Archidona and Antiquera, after that they had long defended themselves against them that would take them, and seeing no means to escape, they cast themselves down headlong from the top of the rock, embracing one an other, and so slew themselves. To divert the siege of Antiquera, the Moors sent some to burn the Engines of battery that were before it with wild fire, under colour of treating of a truce. The treason being descovered and punished, the Infant caused a trench to be cast and a rampar to be made round about the place, setting good guards, and then he pursued the siege, having fortified his army with the companies of Sevile and Cordova, who have always done great service in these Moorish wars, the which kept King joseph for adventuring of a battle.  
The town of Antiquera being priest with all violence, it was taken, there going first unto the assault, 
Antequera taken.  the companies of D. Garci Fernandes Manrique, of D. Charles of Areillan Lord of Los Cameros, and Roderigo of Narbaez. The first which died in fight, was juancho a Biscain, and the first which entered were Guttiere of Torres and Sancho Gonçales Cherino. The castle did hold out eight days longer, and then was yielded by the Moors, to have their lives saved and their goods, who were safely conducted to Archidona. There entered into it, Don Frederic Earl of Transtamara, and the Bishop of Palencia: the guard of the town and castle was given to Roderigo of Narbaez. In the mean time the Moors did forage the territory of Alcala the royal, and the Christians after the taking of Antiquera, did overrun the country of Aznalmara, Cabecha and Y●har, small towns which were taken by force, through the wisdom and valour chiefly of the Constable D. Ruy Lopes of Aualos: after which exploits the Infant Don Fernand returned a victor to Sevile, where he had messengers from the King of Granado, 
Truce with the King of Granado.  soliciting him to make a truce, whereunto he yielded, being priest to attend the affairs of Arragon: wherefore there was a truce concluded betwixt Castille and Granado for seventeen months.  
We have before left Don Martin King of Arragon, being without children ●● succeed him, 
Arragon.  importuned by many Princes, pretending to be his heirs, troubled with the seditions and rebellions of the Sardynians and Sicilians, being old and broken, and yet newly married to a young Princess, with hope to raise his house: But being weak both in body and mind, grief and care made the way to pestilent fever, the which seized on him this year 1410. in the Monastery of Valdonzellas, near to Barcelona, having reigned about 14. years, whose body was buried in the Monastery of Problette.  
There was no will of his found, or any heir instituted in his Realms of Arragon, Sicily etc. The reason thereof was thought to be for that he knew not to which he should incline amongst all the pretendants to that crown, after his decease. Wherefore the Arragonois, Valentlans, Cattelans and Sicilians were in great perplexity, for Don Fernand Duke of Pegnafiel Infant of Castille pretended a right, 
Prince's pretending to the realm of Arragon.  being son to Donna Leonora of Arragon, sister to the two last Kings decreased: Lewis Duke of Anjou having married Donna Viol●nt, daughter to King john the first, maintained the succession to belong to him: the like pretension had Don james Earl of Vrgel, having also married one of the daughters of the King Don Pedro: Don Frederic of Arragon, Earl of Luna, base son to Martin King of Sicily, put forth himself, and so did Don Alphonso Earl of Gandia: all these pretendants had their partisans within the Realm, and every one tried all means, with great contention, and likelihood of sedition, to attain unto that which he pretended, so as in these tumults Don Anthony of Luna slew Don Garcia Archbishop of Saragossa treacherously. 
Murder of the Archbishop of Sarag●ssa.  To prevent which disorders in time, the Noblemen of the Realm agreed, that of the three Estates there should be nine men chosen, by whose judgement the Sceptre of Arragon should be given to him of the pretendants whom they should think most profitable for the commonweal. For Arragon there were named Don Dominike Bishop of Huesca, Francis of Aranda and Don Berenger of Bardaxi a great Lawyer. For the principality of Cattelog. D. Pedro Zagariga Archbishop of Tarragona, William of Vallesca and Bernard of Gualues. And for the Realm of Valencia were chosen Vincent Ferrier, 
Nine arbitrators to choose the King of Arragon.  of the Order of the preaching friars, who was afterwards connonized, his brother Boniface Ferrier a Lawyer, a Monk of the Order of the Carthusians, and Master Peter Bertrand, this last was substituted in the place of 'Gins of Rabeça who fell mad. These nine men being assembled in the castle of Caspe which is in Arragon, all those which pretended any right unto the Realm, were summoned to exhibit their reasons before them, whereof some appeared personally, and others by their Ambassadors. In the mean time in Castille the Infant D. Fernand, for himself and the King his Nephew, caused this business to be consulted of by the learned of the country, who in the beginning were of opinion that both of them had an interest, and that they must frame an opposition before the Delegates, as well in the King's name, being a pupil, as in his uncle and tutor Don Fernand; yet having better considered, or being otherwise persuaded, they gave all the right of the succession, in the realm of Arragon, to the Infant D. Fernand, who for this cause deputed Ambassadors, the Bishop of Palença, and D. Diego Lopes of Estuniga, chief justice of Castille, 
D. Fernand with his right useth arms.  and Lord of Bejar, with Doctor Pero Sanches of the King's council, to send them into Arragon: and at the same time he caused fifteen hundred lances to draw near unto the frontier of Arragon: he and the Queen-mother with the young King coming to Aillon, a near place to Arragon.  
Whilst they are busy about these pursuits, the Duke of Benavent a prisoner in the castle of Mont-real, 
Castille.  broke prison, and escaped, having slain the captain which had him in guard, whereof they being advertised at court, they provided speedily for all the passages, especially towards Portugal, thinking that he would bend that way: but he went towards Navarre, where he was kindly entertained by the King D. Charles, and by the Queen Dionna Leonora his sister: who notwithstanding having received letters from the Queen-mother, the Infant Don Fernand, and the council of Castille, iutreating them to set a guard upon the Duke's person, until they had further news, they caused him to be put into a strong castle, yet entreating him with all honour and respect, and then they sent an Ambassador into Castille, to make their excuse, for that they had received this fugitive Prince, and entreated him as their brother, but they kept him in sure guard, that he should not attempt any thing against the crown of Castille. This Ambassador found the court at Aillon, where he was well received, and his excuses allowed.  
There arrived also Ambassadors from the French King, with very rich presents, the which were required with others of no less value, being sent by an express embassage some months after.  
This year of our Lord 1411. 
An. 1411. Green crosses the badge of the Knights of Alcantara.  Pope Benedict granted that the Knights of Alcantara, in steed of hoods which they did wear in sign of their profession, should from thence forth carry green crosses. During the courts abode at Arllon, attending what would be the end of the troubles of Arragon, which increased daily, they sent the horsemen of Castille to favour the friends of the Archbishop of Saragosla that was slain, by the which the lands of D. Anthony de Luna were spoiled. And at that time friar Vincent Ferrier, that great preacher, made a voyage to the court of Castille, who made some sermons before the Queen mother, and some Noblemen; by whose advice there was an Order made, that all jews, dwelling in Castille, should carry for a mark and distinction to be known, a piece of red cloth upon their cloaks, and the Moors green hats with white moons. The affairs of Arragon growing tedious, the King was carried back to Vailledolit. The truce of Portugal being expired it was treated by Ambassadors to make a perpetual peace, the which was not then concluded.  
The arbitrators appointed to judge to whom the Realm of Arragon did belong, 
Arragon.  having been many days in conference in the castle of Caspe, in the end they did all agree to adjudge it to the Infant D. Fernand of Castille, whereof he had notice given him in june, in the year 1412. being at Cuenca: wherefore having made his election known unto King john his Nephew, and to the Queen his mother, and given great thanks for the favour he had received in that respect by the forces and means of Castille, he prepared himself to go and take possession of his Realm. And first of all he declared for Tutors and Governors of the Realm in his place, D. john of Illesca, Bishop of Siguença, D. Pablo bishop of Carthagena, D. Henry Manuel Earl of Montalegre, and Pero Alfan of Ribera, Governor of Andalusia, with whom he joined other men of State and learning. This and other things being ordered he went into Arragon, where he found great resistance, especially of Don james Earl of Vrgel, who pretended to reign: him he sought by all friendly means to draw unto his service, but in vain: for the Earl being obstinate, he drew the English into Spain, notwithstanding whose aid he yielded.   

D. Fernand the first of that name, the sixteenth King of Arragon.  
Done Fernand the first of that name, reigned in Arragon, 
Genealogy of Arragon.  Cattelogne, Valencia, Sicily, Majorca, Minorca etc. By the consent of all the Estates: and for his good parts was surnamed the honest, whose posterity was famous: Before he came to the crown of Arragon, he had by his wife the Countess of Albuquerque, Don Alphonso, who was heir of the Realms, and was in his father's lifetime called Prince of Girone, in steed of the title of Duke, usurped until that time by the eldest sons of Arragon. He had also by her the Infant Don john, who was King of Navarre, and afterwards of Arragon and Sicily by the decease of his elder brother. Moreover he had Don Henry master of Saint james, Don Sancho master of the Alcantara, and the Infant Don Pedro, who died in the wars of Naples, being slain with a great shot: all these five Princes were borne in Castille. The daughters which issued from this marriage were Donna Maria Queen of Castille, married to King john the second her cousin germane, and Donna Leonora who was Queen of Portugal, wife to Don Edward. D. Fernand was two and thirty years old when he began to reign in Arragon, being Lord of great possessions in Castille, whereof he gave the Duchy of Pegnafiel, and the Signory of Lara to Don john his second son, all which Inheritance, both by father and mother in Castille, his children enjoyed for a time, but being turbulent, and not able to entertain themselves with the Kings of Castille, they lost all.  
In the year 1413. the King Don Fernand having besieged the Earl of Vrgel, Vrgel, in the town of Balaquer, for that he did still raise new troubles, he priest him in such sort, as his wife was persuaded to go forth, and casting herself at the King's feet to demand her husband's life. The King using his accustomed clemency, pardoned him his life: but the Earl coming forth, and having kissed the King's hands, he was shut up in the same castle. There were many Knights of Castille which served the King in this war, and amongst other forces, there were sent unto him by Donna Catherine Queen of Castille, four hundred lances with promise to furnish him with four thousand, if he had need; but the Earls yielding freed him of that necessity. He seized upon Lerida, and other places, and in a short time made all within the Realm to bow, and therefore he sent away his soldiers of Castille well satisfied, Don Godfrey of Navarre, Earl of Cortes, and Marshal of Navarre, the King's base son, was at this war, with some men at arms.  
The new King did afterwards cause the Earl of Vrgel to be arraigned, and condemned him to perpetual prison, depriving him of his dignity and goods, and then he sent him prisoner to Vruegna, a sort in Castille, from whence he was afterwards transported to Mora. The Countess his mother was also condemned to lose her goods, and some men of base condition were put to death. These things being done, the King came to Saragossa, 
Coronation of the King D. Fernand at Saragossa.  where he was crowned by the Archbishop of Tarragone, in the presence of many Noblemen of Arragon, Valencia, Sicily, Cattelog●e, Castille and Navarre, at the which there were great and stately triumphs. To serve at this ceremony, the Queen of Castille his sister in law had sent him a crown of gold, weighing fifteen marks, enriched with many stones of great value. He was armed Knight by the Duke of Gandia, and then anointed and crowned in the great church of Saragossa: after which act he was very bountiful to the Noblemen and Knights that assisted at his coronation. From Navarre came the Marshal D. Godfrey, Peter Martin of Peralta, with many others.  
Going from Saragossa, he came to Morella, where he should meet with Pope Benedict, who after his deposing had retired himself into Arragon, yet retaining still his dignity, 
Pope Benedict in Arragon.  as much as he might. There they had an interview, whereas Pope Benedict went in a solemn procession, in his pontifical habit, with a white Mitre on his head set with stones of great price, to whom the King did all the honour he could devise: Before his departure from thence there came Ambassadors from the Emperor Sigismond, who persuaded the King of Arragon to favour the council, which was then called at Constance, for the rooting out of the schism. To treat whereof there was an interview concluded betwixt the two Princes at Nice, and the King was entreated to persuade Benedict, 
Council of Constance.  willingly to renounce his dignity of Pope. 
An. 1414.  The council began the fifth day of November in the year 1414. and continued above three years. There were Ambassadors sent from Castille, by the advice of King Fernand, D. Diego of Anaya Maldonado Archbishop of Sevile, and D. Martin Fernandes of Cordova, accompanied with many great Doctors in Divinity. This year died in Castille Vincent Arias a great Doctor, and the first that did comment upon the laws of Castille.  
The King D. Fernand having held the Estates of Cattelogne at Momblanc, he passed to Valencia, where he found Benedict held for Pope only in Castille, Arragon and Navarre. In that court there were also many prelates, 
Marriage betwixt D. Alphonso of Arragon, and D. Maria of Castille.  noblemen and knights, as well of the realm as strangers, by reason of the marriage which was celebrated there, betwixt the Infant D. Alphonso of Arragon, the King's eldest son, and Mary of Castille, sister to the King Don john, by reason whereof there were great sports, so as some Bishops, according to the manner of that age, carried the praise, namely Don Sancho of Roias' Bishop of Palence: to whom at the entreaty of the Queen of Castille, Benedict, the pretended Pope, did confer the Archbishoprike of Toledo, being void by the decease of Don Pedro de Luna. And for that in the contract of future marriage, there had been granted in dowry to the Infanta, the Marquisate of Villena, when as there was no likelihood that the Infant should come to the crown of Arragon, it was again concluded, for that it seemed by this means the Marquisate should be alienated from the crown of Castille, that in am thereof there should be given two hundred thousand doublons of Castille.  
During the King's abode at Valencia, he fell sick, which stayed him from going to Nice: wherefore the Emperor Sygismond resolved to come into Spain, whereof the King D. Fernand being advertised, he caused himself to be carried to Perpignan to meet with this great Prince, who toiled himself for the reunion of the church: an example of modesty in his train which was small; in habits which were simple: and in his service, for he was not served but in pewter.  
Their interview was in September in the year of our Lord 1415. 
Interview of the Emperors Sigismond and D. Fernand King of Arragon.  after the fourteenth Session of the council of Constance, where john the three and twentieth, and Gregory the twelfth, were deposed, who yielded (though against their wills:) only Benedict held his Popedom by force, and would not allow of this council, with whom neither the entreaties nor threats of Princes, nor the acts and protestations of Ambassadors from the council could prevail: after whose departure, the King Don Fernand laboured what he could to induce this froward spirit to yield to the consent of all Christendom; but there was no means; yea Benedict retired in great indignation to Pigniscola, a sort upon the sea in the Realm of Valencia: wherefore the King by the advice of Friar Vincent Ferrier, and other great Doctors, gave him to understand that he retired himself from his obedience. This did not amaze Benedict, but flying to his spiritual arms, he pronounced King Fernand to be fallen from all regal authority in Arragone, writing to all the towns and people that were subject unto him, that they should not yield him obedience.  
The King little regarding it, not only persisted in his resolution, but also went into Castille, to persuade the council of King john his Nephew, to submit him and his Realms to the authority of the council: but being not fully recovered, he was forced to stay at Igualada, where having news of the death of his son, Don Sancho master of Alcantara, 
Death of D. Fernand King of Arragon.  his sickness increased, 
An. 1416.  so as he died in the year of our Lord 1416. having reigned only three years and ten months, being about six and thirty year of age, and was buried in the Monastery of Poblete. He did institute by his will Don Alphonso his eldest son, to be heir of his Estates, and for want of children did substitute his brethren: and if they died without children, he did substitute unto them the sons or nephews of his daughters, excluding them. The authors of the History of Sicily writ, that this Prince being come to the crown of Arragon, would not suddenly entitle himself King of Sicily, for that the Island was full of tumults and seditions, which grew presently after the death of King Martin, whereof the chief motive was Bernard of Cabrera Earl of Modica and chief justice, which is the principal dignity in that Realm, who with other Noblemen his confederates, pretended that the union of Sicily with the crown of Arragon, plotted by the two King martin's, father and son, had been concluded against all right and custom: and therefore they maintained that it was lawful for the Sicilians to choose a King at their pleasures.  
Bernard of Cabrera had a conceit that this honour was due to him, and therefore he sought to seize upon the person of the widow Queen Donna Blanch the Regent, to the end that he might marry her, were she willing, or not, thinking by this means to make his way more easy to the crown: but she being advertised of his intent, retired from Cattanea, and fortified herself in Syracuse, where soon after she was besieged by Bernard of Cabrera and his partisans, and without their speedy and faithful succours, which dissallowed of his enterprises, she had been taken. Cabrera was repulsed from this siege, and the Queen carried to Palermo, whereas he pursued her again, having gathered all his forces again together, and had almost surprised her: He still laid ambushes for her, until at length he himself was betrayed by his own men, and drawn into his enemy's snares, who delivered him into the hands of the Admiral Sancho Doriz, who kept him some days prisoner, in great misery, in the castle of La Motte of Saint Anastase, and in the end delivered him to the Agents of King Fernand, by whom he was sent to Barcelona, there to receive the punishment of his rashness at the King's pleasure: but this mild and generous Prince, moved with his age, and the services which the Princes of Arragon had received, after that he had reprehended him sharply, he not only set him at liberty, but did assign him an honourable rank in his Court. The troubles of Sicily being pacified by the taking of this Bernard of Cabrera, Don Fernand was acknowledged for king, and obeyed, who governed it by his Lieutenants and Viceroys, as other Kings of Arragon have since done. The Majesty of this Prince was such, together with his mildness and wisdom, as without using the rigour of arms, or any other violent constraint, he caused all rebellion to cease, as well in Sicily as Sardinia. As for Queen Blanch, widow to Martin king of Sicily, who was also heir of Navarre, she was afterwards married to the Infant Don john of Arragon.   

D. Alphonso the fifth of that name, the 17. King of Arragon.  
TO Fernand succeeded his son D. Alphonso, surnamed the Valiant, a Prince worthy of that title, for his royal virtues, and the famous conquests and exploits of war done by him, and for that he did no less love learning then arms. Eight and twenty days before the death of the King Don Fernand, died Donna Leonora Queen of Navarre his Aunt, having been married to King Charles her husband fourteen years, she was buried in the Cathedral church at Pampelona.  
There was great mourning and heaviness in Castille, at the news of King Fernands' death, 
Castille.  whose obsequies Queen Katherine caused to be celebrated, with a pomp worthy of such a Prince, and afterwards by the advice of the Nobility, she took upon her the sole government of the realm, and the tutelage of King john her son, whom she gave in guard to Don john of Velasco, D. Diego of Estuniga, and to D. Sancho of Rojas, Archbishop of Toledo: whereat the Constable D. Ruy Lopes of Aualos, D. Pedro Manrique, and D. Alphonso Henriques grew very jealous, whereupon there grew quarrels and troubles after the accustomed manner during the minority of Kings. The Queen and the Council did prolong the truce with the King of Granado, for two years. In year 1417. 
Truce with Granado.  sending Lewis Gonçal of Luna, 
1417.  Secretary of the King's chamber to Granado to that end. By this treaty the king of Granado set an hundred prisoners at liberty, whose ransoms would have mounted to a great sum of money. D. john Rodrigue of Castagneda, Lord of Fovente Duegna, and D. Inigo Ortiz of Estuniga, son to Diego Lopes, being in quarrel, and demanding the combat, the Queen would not grant it them in Castille, but commanded them to retire into Granado, 
Combats shield not be allowed among Christians.  where as king joseph would give them the field: These Knights were put into the field by the Moorish king, but he presently forbade them to fight, declaring that they were both good Knights, and reconciling them together, he sent them home honoured with jewels and rich presents. This he did at the entreaty of the Queen-mother of Castille, who had writ earnestly unto him, showing therein to have a mild and Christianlike heart. For these combats are proofs of mad men, which should not be suffered in the place of justice, seeing thereby all controversies, how great soever, may be compounded and ended.  
The Emperor Sigismond grieving for the death of the king of Arragon, 
Pope Benedict condemned by the Council.  after that he had laboured in vain to reconcile the kings of France and England, who were continually in war, he passed to Constance, whereas the Council in the two and thirtieth Session, delcared Benedict to be perjured, contumacious, a rebel, Schismatic, and Heretic, depriving him of his papacy, which he had held almost two and thirty years: yet he played the Pope still in Pegniscola: but the Princes of Christendom in general yielded to the Council, notwithstanding benedict's exclamations, that seeing it was called without his authority, 
Council condemned by Pope Benedict.  it was not lawful. The Cardinals which were at Constance, being two and twenty, with thirty Electors deputed by the Council, did choose Othon Colonne, a Roman, Cardinal of the title of Saint George in Velabro, and named him Martin the fifth. Benedict although he were abandoned by the Princes, yet he continued still in his purpose, keeping some Prelates under his obedience, among which were the Cardinals Tholousa, Rasan, S. Angelo, S. Eustace, S. George, and Montarragon, the Archb. of Tarragone, and the Bishops of Barcelona, Vic, Elne, Girone, Huesca, and Tarrassone, with many Abbots, and other Clergimen, who held him for true and lawful Pope.  
This year john of Betancourt, a knight of France, by gift from Queen Catherine, conquered the islands of the Canaries, 
Conquest of the Canaries by john of Betancourt.  and entitled himself King. He could not take the great Canary, for all the Inhabitants of the Island had retired themselves thither: wherefore finding too great resistance, he retired himself, having built a fort in that of Lancerot, from whence he did traffic, and drew profit form the neighbour places, of leather, tallow, slaves, and other such commodities: he being dead, one Menault succeeded him, in whose time Pope Martin instituted an Episcopal sea in those islands, to the which there was a certain Monk called Friar Mendoza advanced: but this king Menault having no great regard, when there was question of profit, to the soul's health of the Islanders, he sold them indifferently, as well the Pagans, as those which had received Baptism: whereof the new Bishop did complain to Queen Katherine, 
Menault the 2 King of the Canaries, sells the islands to them of Sevile.  requiring her to free them of that Lord: whereupon she sent Peter Barna de Campos with three ships of war, with whom Menault having long contended, in the end by the Queen's sufferance, he sold these islands to a Knight of Sevile, called Fernando Peres, in whose hands, and his successors of Sevile, they have remained unto the time of the king D. Fernand the 5. and of the Queen D. Izabella.  
D. Diego Lopes of Estuniga, justice mayor of Castille, having long served King Henry the 3. 
Family of Estuniga comes out of Navarre.  and john now reigning died this year. His house came out of Navarre, and was of the blood royal, as some Authors have left in writing. The year 1418. Queen Catherine died suddenly, 
An. 1418.  being fifty years old, she was buried at Toledo in the chapel of the last kings. By her death King john was freed from tutors, and there was a Council established, with the which he should govern his Realms, whose letters and expeditions should be signed on the backside, by two of his Councillors. This year there came ambassadors to him from France, to demand aid against the English, to whom they gave hope of an army at Sea. The king of Portugal did also send to confirm a perpetual peace betwixt Castille and Portugal, but there was nothing concluded at that time. The English proclaimed war against Castille, whereupon the truce with Granado was prolonged for two years. King john being at Medina del campo, was betrothed to D. Maria of Arragon his cousin, daughter to the deceased king D. Fernand: then he held a Parliament, when for his new accord of marriage, they granted him a great subvention. The same year mention is made of the death of Friar Vincent Ferrier of Valencia, afterwards canonised a Saint by Pope Calixtus, who was also of Valencia. He that most governed the king at that time entering into his majority, was Don Sancho of Rojas, Archbishop of Toledo, whereat they did murmur, from which time the Estate of Castille was very turbulent.  
The Guipuscoans and Biscayens fell to thieving at sea, without any subject of war, even upon the coast of Britain, whereof D. john then living complained much by his ambassadors, to the King of Castille, who desirous to live in peace with Christian Princes, sent Fernando Peres of Ayala, Governor of Guipuscoa, to be an arbitrator. He with another chosen by the Duke of Brittany, caused all disorders to be reform, and restitution to be made. The Council of King john, was then reduced to fifteen Prelates and Knights, whereof five should assist and serve, and they should change every four months.  
Don john King of Portugal laboured to quench and qualify all occasions of new troubles, betwixt his Realm and that of Castille, 
Portugal.  by a firm peace: Wherefore having sent back his ambassadors in the year 1419. to Don john King of Castille, they were returned with good hope and promise, to send ambassadors into Portugal, expressly to that end. This king D. john the first of that name then reigning in Portugal, having made a long truce with D. Henry King of Castille, during that time he gave himself to govern his Realm with justice, to repair the ruins which had grown by the precedent wars, and to adorn it with new buildings: wherein employing himself with judgement, bounty, and wisdom, he was beloved and respected both of his own subjects, and of strangers.  
In remembrance of the victory which he had gotten at Aljubarote, he did build near unto it a sumptuous Monastery, which he dedicated to the Virgin Mary, and did call it Saint Mary the royal of the battle, or victory, which is a Convent of jacobin Friars. And for that he had a better judgement than many other Princes, knowing that most of the religious Monks, and other persons did not understand the Latin tongue, 
Book of the ●oly Scripture translated into Portugal.  in the which the hours and suffrages were sung in churches, he caused them to be translated into the Portugal tongue, and in like manner many books of the holy Scripture, and the interpretation thereof, namely, the four Evangelists, the which did afterwards much displease our Doctors in Divinity. He was so zealous of the honour of his house, as a Groom of his chamber called Don Fernand Alphonso of Saint Iren, having so much forgotten himself as to deflower one of the Queen's maids, daughter to D. Aluar Peres of Castro, Earl of Arroyoles, he caused him to be burnt in the place of Rusio in Lisbon, and as for her, he chased her shamefully from Court, sending her to her parents, neither could the Queen's intercession prevail any thing. He did also punish with great severity, the other insolences of his Courtiers, and above all things he showed himself a lover of justice, only he did forget to do reason to D. Beatrix Queen of Castille, pretending to be right heir of the Realm, which he enjoyed whilst that she lived (as it were) in a private estate in Castille, an example of rare patience and chastity: for she would never hear speak of a second marriage, although she were sought unto by Princes of great state, who happily might have settled her in her father's kingdom.  
Besides the abovenamed buildings, he built the town of Almerin upon the river of Tayo the palace of Sintra, the castle at Lisbon, those of Sierra Balada, near to S. Iren, and other. Seeing himself in peace with all Christian Princes, and well obeyed of his subjects, he passed the sea with an army, and took Ceuta from the Moors of Africa, having in his company the Infant D. Edward, holding then the place of the eldest, for Don Alphonso was dead, the Infant Don Pedro Duke of Coimbra, and Lord of Montmajor the old, and of Avero, Don Pedro of Meneses, Earl of Viana, standard bearer of the realm, who was the first Governor of Ceuta, which victory was intermixed with mourning for the death of the Queen D. Philippe his wife, which happened in the years 1415. at what time the king D. john did take a way the use of accounting the years, by the Aera of Caesar, the which had been till that time observed in Portugal, ordaining, that from that time the year should begin from the Nativity of Christ▪ and that it should be so dated in all public and private writings, to the end to conform himself to that which was brought into Castille, Arragon and Navarre, and to avoid the confusion which fell our in contracts and bargains, betwixt the subjects of the Realms of Spain.  
In the year 1419. 
1419.  the Infant Don Henry his son, who was Master of the Order of Christ, moved with an honest emulation, by the conquest which his father had made upon the Barbarians, having conferred with some men of knowledge and experience in cosmography, resolved to run over the Ocean sea, and to discover the shore and islands thereof. Going from Lisbon with some ships, he came to the Island of Madera in the year 1420. the which he found desert and full of wood, 
An. 1420.  whereof it carries the name: 
M adera discovered.  for Madera is that which the Latins call Materia, and we timber. He set fire to this wood, so as having cleansed it, they found the soil good and fruitful for all things, especially for sugar canes, which grow in such abundance, as both Spain and all Europe make great use of it.  
The Infant did afterwards continue this and other navigations, 
D. Henry Master of Christus the first discoverer at sea.  and was the first spur to the Portugals, which came after, to discover the coasts of Africa and Asia, and the islands of the South, and Eastern seas, with great honour to their nation, and infinite profit to the whole world. These things were attempted by the Portugals, when as the peace betwixt them and the Castillans was doubtful: for the Council of Castille delayed it, by reason of the king's minority, yet they lived quietly one with another.  
About that time the ambassadors of Castille, 
Castille.  which had been sent to the Council of Constance, returned into Spain, bringing home the reunion of the church of Rome under Pope Martin the fift. Among them was Don Diego of Anaya Maldonado Archb. of Sevile, who built the College of Saint Bartholomew at Salamanca, this year 1420. being called the great College, the most ancient of all Castille, where many learned men have been bred. In that University of Salamanca are many other Colleges, built and endowed with good livings, where there is good exercise of Divinity, arts, and tongs, as also in other towns of Spain, by the care of Bishops and good Prelates, labouring chief to maintain learning which are the grounds of piety and virtue.  
The same year a marriage was made betwixt D. Blanch of Navarre, the widdow-Queene of Sicily, 
Navarre.  and the Infant D. john of Arragon, second son to the King Don Fernand deceased. By the treaty concluded the year before, it was said: That if the Infanta, the presumptive heir of Navarre (for the elder sister the Countess of Foix, was already dead without children should die before her husband, having children or not, that he should reign during his life in Navarre, after the decease of King Charles his father-in-law. From this condition and promise being sworn, there grew many troubles in Navar. Besides the expectation of the Realm, there was given to the Infant Don john by king Charles, in dowry with D. Blanch his daughter, four hundred twenty thousand, a hundred and twelve florins of gold, of the coin of Arragon, six solz, and eight deniers: a notable sum for a King of Navarre, an argument of the great treasure which he had gathered together during the long peace of his reign. It was also agreed, that the lands and forts which the Infant did hold in Castille and Arragon, should descend to the heir which should be borne of that marriage, succeeding to the Crown of Navarre. The Infant did enjoy in Arragon the duchies of Gandia and Momblanc, 
Possessions D. john Infant of Arragon.  the Earldom of Ribagorça, and the town of Balaguer: and in Castille the Duchy of Pegnafiel, Infantazgo, and the Segneurie of Lara: and moreover, the towns of Cuellar, Castroxeris, Villalon, and Haro: afterwards he obtained Alba de Tormes, Olmedo, Paredes of Nava, Majorga, Villerado, Cerezo, Medina del campo, Aranda of Duego, Roa, Colmenar, and other places, all which he afterwards lost by the wars he had against Castille, the titles and patents whereof are remaining in the records of Navarre.  
These articles of marriage were sworn by the three Estates of the Realm. And it was long disputed betwixt the Infant Don john, and the king of Castile's council, where this marriage should be celebrated. In the end he got forty days liberty to go and perform it in Navarre, whither he went accompanied with many of the Nobility of Castille: From henceforth D. john will entitle himself Infant of Navarre and Arragon. The marriage being ended, returning with his wife D. Blanch towards Castille, he met with a messenger from Don Sancho of Rojas, Archbishop of Toledo, who advertised him of a great excess committed by his brother Don Henry, Master of Saint james, soliciting him to return with all speed to court: and thus it was.  
Don Henry the third son to the deceased Don Fernand king of Arragon, desired to marry Donna Catherine, king john's youngest sister, 
Castille.  who had the Marquisate of Villena for her dowry, but fearing that he should never obtain her by any due course, he resolved to have her by force▪ so as being rash and exceeding bold, he entered on a time into Toledo with three hundred armed men, where he seized on the king's person, wherein he was assisted and favoured by Don Ruy Lopes of Aualos the Constable, and D. Pedro Manriques. They took john Hurtado of Mendoça Lord Steward of the king house, and others who were opposite unto them, and holding the King as it were a prisoner, they caused many of his household servants and Officers to be chased away: above all, they desired to displace D. Alvaro de Luna, kinsman to the deceased Archbishop of Toledo, who of a page of the chamber was come to be the king's great minion. But D. Henry held it now the best to win him by mildness and bounty, that he might make use of him in that which he pretended.  
The Infanta Donna Catherina, to whom this marriage with Don Henry was not pleasing entered into the Monastery of Saint Claire in that city, from whence she was afterwards taken, for that Don Henry led the King to Segovia, and then to Auila, promising not to use any force concerning the marriage. Don john Infant of Navarre and Arragon, hearing of these news, he much blamed the attempt of Don Henry his brother, and resolved to oppose himself against him, wherefore he called all his friends to Olmedo, and such Noblemen and Knights as disliked of his excess: so as in few days he assembled three thousand Lances, the Infant D. Henry preparing also for the war, he was in a manner equal in strength to his adversaries, being in the town of Auila, whether he had led the King. The factious being ready to enter into a furious war, D. Leonora the widow Queen of Arragon, and mother to these two Princes, laboured so betwixt them as all these troops retired except a thousand Lances, which remained for the King's guard: then coming to the treaty of marriage, the Infanta D. Catherina being instantly entreated by the King her brother (who was not free) to take D. Henry for her husband, she would by no means hearken to it, D. Henry being the stronger about the King thinking that D. john was opposite to his dessines, he kept him from the king, & not respecting him, nor them that followed him, 
Estates sorcea.  he called an assembly of his partisans, in form of a Parliament, where he caused the fact of Tordesillas to be allowed, and ordained what he pleased: yea he caused letters to be written in the King's name to the Pope, by the which he entreated him to give unto the Infant D. Henry the Lands of the mastership of Saint james in ●ee simple, to him and his children for ever, with the title of a Duchy: an impudent demand, and so rejected by the Pope. The King married with D. Maria of Arragon, 
Deman● of D. Henry m●●t impudent.  in Auila, without feasts or ceremony, and then they led him to Talavera: and the Infant D. Henry never ceased until he had celebrated his marriage with D. Catherina his Cousin German, causing the Marquisate of Villena to be assigned for her dowry with the title of Duchy, who was the third Duke of Castille: and the question being of marriages, 
Marriage forced betwixt D. Henry and D. Catherine of Castille.  where they do usually show themselves bountiful, Aluar de Luna the King's Minion, had in gift the town of Saint Stephen of Gormas, and other Knights were advanced to other lands, as it pleased D. Henry. The King being much discontented with his restrained Estate, he conferred often with Aluar de Luna of the means how he might escape, but there appeared great difficulties on every side, for the confederates which held him watched carrefully over him, notwithstanding going one day abroad under colour of hunting, 
King escapes out of D Henries hands.  he adventured to run to Villalua, and finding himself not safe there he passed to Montalban, which is betwixt Talavera and Toledo, somewhat out of the way: whereof the Infant D. Henry being advertised, who had newly finished his marriage he was wonderfully troubled in mind, drawing what forces he could to field, and then the Constable and he followed the King, but in vain, for he was in a place of safety, who sent some to advise them that they should not follow him, but return to Talavera, which the Infant D. Henry did, but the troops which were in the poursute stayed not until they had some news, and came and lodged about the Castle of Montalban, yet they attempted not any thing, for the reverence they bore unto the King, who seeing himself as it were besieged, and without victuals in the place, he had means to advertise the Infant D. john, D. Sancho of Roias', Archbishop of Toledo, the Admiral D. Alphonso Henriques, and other Knights, entreating them to come and free him.  
In the mean time D. Henry held a council with his partisans at Talavera and provided for many things, 
Kings of Castille besieged by his own subjects.  lest the King should escape from him. Being entreated by his men, who were in the form of a Camp abot Mountalban, he came thither, bringing with him the Queen D. Maria his Sister and all the Nobility that was a Talavera, to repair this disorder in some sort. The King and such as were with him in the Castle, for want of better food, did eat their horses: D. john of Torsillas' Bishop of Segobia, being brought in, he sought to make an accord for the Infant D. Henry: but the King interrupted him, saying, that D. Henry should come himself, and to he sent him back. D. Henry would not adventure to enter, but he procured that the Constable d' Aualos, and D. Aluar of Luna conferred together, but they could not conclude any thing, nor yet the deputies of the provinces of the realm, who entering into the Castle, were entreated to move the King, but they could get no other answer but that D. Henry must free his lodging from siege: who indeed was forced to dislodge, for the Infant D. john and other Noblemen, being followed by good troops of men at arms approached, and would have taken him from thence by force. Thus the King was delivered from this siege, and the Castle furnished with victuals: wherefore he sent a commandment to the Infant D. john of Arragon, that he should not advance with his troops, until he had other news from him. The Infant stayed at Fonsalida, where D. Alfonso Henriques the Admiral joined with him, being well accompanied, and others which came from all parts, to deliver the King as they said, out of prison. This was at that time when as Villa-real began to be called Citudad real, in recompense of the good service which the Inhabitants did unto the King in this tumult. Don Henry being retired to Ocagne, he had commandment from the King to lay down arms, but he would not obey. The King parted from Montalban to return to Talavera, upon the way he was met by the Infant Don john, and Don Pedro his brother, with other Noblemen, who having kissed the King's hands, dined with him at Villalua, and then they were sent back to their troops: for Aluar de Luna, who governed the King, could not endure that any of the Infants should stay in court, lest it should impair his credit and authority.  
The King being come to Talavera, he sent a new commandment to Don Henry and his confederates to disarm, who were content, so as D. john the Infant of Arragon, did also disarm, whom the King commanded to send away his men, wherein he obaied: after which the King having dispatched some businese in his favour at Talavera, he went to Auila: by the way he came to Pegnafiel, where he ddi visit his cousin Donna Blanch of Navarre, 
D. Henry deprived of his goods and dignities Castille.  wife to the Infant Don john, making great demonstrations of love unto her. Don Henry would not disarm, especially being degraded of the title of Marquis of Villena, by a decree of the council, and his lands being seized on, he would recover them by force, if he might not otherwise, for proof whereof he assailed Chinchilla, Alarcon and the castle of Garci Nugnes, where there was a garrison for the King: causing on the other side his wife Donna Catherina (to whom the Marquisate did belong) to be a suitor unto the King for his pardon: but the King was so incensed, as he would not hear speak of it, and he revoaked the title of Duke, which he had caused to be given him, of the lands belonging to Order of Saint james, hoping to make them hereditary. The King did also revoake the gift of Castagneda in the Asturia's of Santillana, which he had made unto Don Garci Fernandes Manrique, for that he was one of Don Henry's faction: Don Garci refusing to yield, being in possession, there were some companies of men at arms sent, who chased him, and took some of his followers, of whom justice was done. Don Henry hoping for no favour from the King, marched towards Aguilar del Campo, as he said, to kiss the King's hand; but the King dislodged from Aguilar, and came to Palençuela, sending word to Don Henry that he should not advance, and that he should dismiss his soldiers; then he came to Vailledolit, and from thence to Tordesillas, whereas Queen Mary his wife was: yet Don Henry followed the King, leading with him fifteen hundred lances, and came unto Guardarama; so as the King was forced to draw companies unto him for his safety. Don Henry sent again to beseech him to give him access, that he might discharge himself, causing the deputies of towns to make the like suit from him; but they laboured in vain, the King giving them so many reasons, as they laid all the blame upon Don Henry and told him that he must obey, and leave his armed troops, the which he promised to do, but he did not perform it.  
The Queen Donna Leonora mother to these Infants of Arragon, being in great perplexity to see this her Son in danger to be ruined, she laboured all she could possibly to pacify the King's wrath most justly incensed against this rebel and rash vassal. Don Lope de Mendoça Archbishop of Saint james did the like, 
Intercession for D. Henry Infant of Arragon.  but they prevailed nothing, the King rejecting all prayers and suits, until he had laid aside Arms: wherefore Don Henry having made show of two thousand Lances, and three hundred light horse, he dismissed them, and returned to Ocagne with the Noblemen of his faction, except Don Pedro of Velasco, who came to the Court. The King did also muster his men, where there were found above six thousand men at Arms, whom he also discharged, being paid, except one thousand Lances which he ratayned for his guard.  
In the mean time Donna Blanch Infanta of Navarre, 
Navarre.  was delivered of a Son at Pegnafiell, 
An. 1421.  in the year of our Lord, one thousand four hundred twenty and one, the which was Christened at Olmedo by the King of Castille, and was named Don Charles. and Don Aluar de Luna was his other Godfather: Don john the Infant's father, feasted the King and whole court, with great bounty and state. Two years after this Infant was carried into Navarre, at the instance of King Charles his Grand father, who at that time made Viana ● Principality, affected to the eldest son of Navarre, annexing to the town and castle of Viana, those of Guard, Saint Vincent, Bernedo, Aguilar, Vxenevilla, Pombation, San Pedro, Cambreda, val de Campeço, Maragnon, Toro, Her-rara and Bura●oni and moreover he gave unto him cor●la, and Cin●ruenigo, Peralta and Cadrieta, these four last being distinct Siegneuries from the Principality: And at the Estates at Oli●e, he caused him to be sworn heir of the realm of Navarre, after the decease of the Infant Don john his father.  
From Olmedo, 
Castille.  the King of Castille came to Toledo, to the Estates, whether D. Henry, the Constable and their confederates were cited, who appeared not, but sent their Ambassadors to make their excuses▪ saying, that they held for their professed enemies Don Sancho of Rojas Archbishop of Toledo, D. john Hurtado of Mendoça, and many others, and that they suspected the Infant D. john: wherewith the King being more incensed then before, resolved to pursue them by arms, wheresoever they were: but Don Henry being advertised and advised, promised to present himself before the King at Madrid by the fourteenth of May this year 1422. where he appeared a day before the Assignation. 
An. 1422.  Having kissed the King's hand, beginning to enter into a discourse, to excuse and justify himself, the King would not hear him, but sent him back to his lodging. The day following, there were produced in the King's Council, fourteen of the Constable d' Aualos letters, 
D. R●y de Aualos the Constable charged with treason.  by the which he was charged with treason, and practising with the King of Granado against the King of Castille his Lord. They were openly read by Sancho Romero the king's Secretary, who said, that D. Diego of Fuentesalida, Bish. of Zamora had given him them. D. Henry and Garci Fernandes Manrique, thinking to defend the Constable's innocie and fidelity, were committed to prison by the King's commandment, and all the horses and furniture they had in Court seized on. The Constable and the Infanta D. Catherina, being advertised of what had passed at Madrid, they left Castille, and retired to Balueda, a castle in the realm of Valencia, and the Governor Don Pedro Manrique fled to Tarassone: wherefore the King caused all their goods to be seized, commanding all Governors and Magistrates to apprehend them. These letters did not seem very certain, wherefore they of the King's council suspecting that they were counterfeit, (as in truth they were) they caused the King's Attorney general, to frame an accusation against the Constable, for that he had been a confederate and favourer of D. Henry, when as the King was detained in Tordesilla, and of the disorders which after followed: by reason whereof his goods were seized on, for it did appear that the letters were counterfeit, by the confession of john Gracia of Guadalajara the Constable's Secretary, who betraying his Master, had himself counterfeited them, and sealed them with his seal at Toledo, for which crime he was executed at Vailledolit. The King caused Gonçala Mexia to be named Administrator of the Order of Saint james, whereof the Infant D. Henry, being in prison, was Master, and did advertise the King of Arragon of his detention and the causes. The Constable and the Infant D. Catherina being retired to Valencia, they were well entertained by them that did govern those realms in the absence of D. Alphonso of Arragon, who was at Naples, whereat D. john King of Castille was so much discontented as he sent his Ambassadors into Italy to the K. of Arragon to complain of this fact● About the end of this year 1422. King john had by Queen Mary his wife, 
Death of the Archb. of Toledo.  a daughter borne at Ilesca, who was named D. Catherina: and about that time D. Sancho of Rojas Archbishop of Toledo, died at Alcala of Henares, in wose place was substituted Don john of Contreras Deane of the ●ame Church, and borne at Riaxa. The Infanta D. Catherina was declared and sworn heir of the Realm of Castille, the year following 1423. at the Estate of Toledo, if the King her father should die without heirs male: for such was the custom of Spain. There the truce betwixt Castille and Portugal was renewed for twenty nine years, with a condition, that if hereafter the one should offer to make war against the other, he should give him warning 18. months before: A sincerity which is contemned in this age, whereas they seek to surprise one another by any secret and indirect means. This truce was proclaimed the court being at Auila. And son after the king Don john being at Vailledolit, there came ambassadors from D. Alphonso King of Arragon, to excuse the reception which had been given at Valencia, to the Infanta D. Catheri●n, and the Constable, Don Ruis Lopes of Alualos: and to acquaint the king of Castille with the success of the war of Neples, whereas they king of Arragon was busied.  
This Prince who was famous not only among all them that had reigned in Arragon, 
Arragon.  but in all the rest of Christendom had this occasion to undertake the war of Naplees: after the decease of king Ladis●a●s, his sister joane the second, window to the Duke of Esterlic, having succeeded in the Realm, as she was infamous, by reason of the familiatity which was more than did befi● the greatness of a Queen, 
Vnchastnesse of loan 2. Queen of Neples.  which she had with Pandolfello Alope, a Knight of Naples, being held to be one of the goodliest men of his time. She to cover their lose life, contracted marriage with james of Bourbon, Earl of March, a Prince of the blood Royal of France, upon condition that he should not entitle himself king, nor should not meddle with the government of the Realm, but as she pleased. The Earl being come to Naples, he soon discovered what passed betwixt the Queen his wife, and Pandolfello: wherefore being moved with a just disdain, he caused the adulterer to be slain, and deprived the Queen of the government, having punished her only with words and reproaches. The Queen dissembling her discontent against the Earl, watched a fit opportunity to be revenged: wherein she wrought so by her practices and intelligences, as she not only recovered her liberty, but she put the Earl her husband into prison, who being afterwards freed by the intercession of Pope Martin, retired into France, leaving the Queen to live after her own appetite, Pope Martin who was molested by the faction of Vrsins, the chief whereof was Braccio Fortebracci, he made a strict league with this Queen, by the which she promised to aid him with three thousand horse, 
Pope Martin evemy to Queen, calls in Lewis Duke of Anjou.  and other things: but their friendship was soon dissolved: and Pope Martin to annoy Queen joane, did invest in the Realm of Naples, Lewis Duke of An-ion, called the third, who was son to Lewis the second, and of the Infanta D. violant of Arragon, and declared Queen joane fallen from it, and deprived thereof: wherefore Lewis began to league himself in Italy with many Princes and Potentates, namely, with the Commonweal of Genova, who were mighty at sea, from whom he was aided to conquer the Realm of Naples, with thirteen galleys, whereof Baptist Fregoso was General.  
These things being come to the knowledge of King D. Alphonso, who was newly advanced to the Crown of Arragon, being young, and desirous of glory, considering how much it might prejudice the Estate of Sicily, if the house of Anjou should settle itself again at Naples, he thought he should greatly disappoint Lewis his disseines, if he should make war against the Genevois: wherefore having prepared an army at sea, he came and landed in the Island of Corsica, 
Alphonso King of Arragon, leads an Army into Corsica, against the Geneu●is.  which was wholly in the power of that State, and under colour of the right which the kings of Arragon did pretend, by reason of ancient donations made unto them by the Popes, of the two islands of Corsica & Sardinia: at his first landing he took Calui, and then besieged Boniface, pressing it in such sort, as without speedy succours from Genova it had been taken, and the whole Island. During this siege Queen joane, who saw a great strome ready to fall upon her, sent Anthony Caraffa unto him, entreating him to undertake the defence of her and her Realm, against Lewis of Anjou, the Pope and their allies, in requital whereof she would adopt him for her soon and successor in the Realm of Naples, and for an earnest-peny she would deliver him the two castles of Naples. King Alphonso was well pleased with these conditions, who to make this accord authentic, sent Raymond of Perillos' to Naples with 18. galleys, and 14. galliots, and D. Bernard of Centillas' and D. john of Moncado his ambassadors, with authority and sufficient instructions, who agreed with Queen joane in the King's name, and received the abovenamed forts: and after the relief of Boniface by the Genevois, whereas the king received some loss, he passed with the rest of his army into Sicily, and from thence to Naples, where the accords and adoption was confirmed, the Queen investing him then in the Duchy of Calabria, as presumptive heir of the Realm: but the peace betwixt the mother and the son was not lasting: wherefore she repenting to have adopted Alphonso he dealing in her affairs, there fell out war betwixt them: so as after many encounters, and variable success, the Queen left Naples, and was forced to retire to Averse, from whence she sent to call back Lewis of Anjou, being then at Rome, who in the year 1423. came to Averse, where he was received with great joy, and was adopted there by the Queen, and was made Duke of Calabria, and Alphonso rejected as ingrate: at which time happened in Castille the imprisonment of. Henry Master of Saint james, brother to the king D. Alphonso, and the retreat of D. Catherine his wife, with the Constable to Valencia, and of other Noblemen into divers parts of Arragon, whose goods D. john King of Castille had confisked, whereupon grew many quarrels: by reason whereof the King D. Alphonso was forced to return into Spain, leaving his brother D. Pedro at Naples, to make head against the Duke of Anjou, with james Cadora, and many Noblemen Italians, of his faction to assist him. Sailing along the coast of Provence, he surprised Marseilles, a Town belonging to the Duke of Anjou, 
Marseilles surprised by the King of Arragon.  being Earl of Provence, the which he spoiled and burnt, carrying away for a precious jewel the body of Lojs sometimes Bishop foe Tholousa, son to King Charles the Lame, being held a Saint. It is noted for a noble and religious act in this Prince, that at the taking of the town he would not suffer any injury to be done unto the women that were retired into the Churches, nor any thing to be taken from them. It was taken in the night at a second assault: Alphonso being rich with spoils landed at Valencia.  
In the mean time in Castille they made the process of all the fugitives, 
Castille.  and degraded D. Ruis Lopes of Aualos, of his Estate and dignity of Constable, deprived him of the government of Murcia, and did confiscate all his lands and goods. He had enjoyed Xodar, Ximens, the tower of Alaquin, Arcos, Arjone, Arjonilla, Figuiera and Colmenar, in the country of Auila, and Osorno and Ribadeo in Galicia, and other places, which were all forfeited to the King, who gave the office of Constable to Don Aluar de Luna, who was afterwards created Earl of Saint Stephen de Gormas, 
D Aluar de Luna made Constable foe Castille.  and received with great solemnity. Alphonso james Faiardo was made Governor of the fronter of Murcia, and his lands were distributed to others: so as the house of Aualos remained very poor in Castille. The King decreed, that D. john of Tordesilla Bishop of Segobia, who had been Superintendant of the treasure, in the time of the deceasesd King Henry, should be apprehended, to make him give an account of his charge: but the bishop of Zamora who had this charge, showed himself a friend, and suffered him to escape into Portugal, from whence he passed to Valencia. About the end of this year 1423. D. Leonora king john's 2. daughter was borne: as soon as he had intelligence that the king of Arragon was arrived at Valencia, he sent him an embassage, to congratulat his arrival, and to entreat him to send him D. Catherina the wife of D. Henry and the fugitives of Castille, or else to chase them out of his country: whereof the king D. Alphonso excused himself, as well to these Ambassadors of Castille, as by others whom he sent expressly to K. john, who entreated him for an interview, wherewith the king was willing, but such as were enriched with the constables spoils, dissuaded him, wherewith the king of Arragon was discontented, and afterwards more, the refusing him to let him confer with the Queen of Castille his sister. In the year 1424. the Infant D. Catherina died at Madrigal, whereupon the King caused the Princess Leonora to be sworn for heir of those realms, in case he died without any issue masle. In which year there also died at Pegniscola, Benedict, being 90. years old; having held the Popedom 31. years 2. months and 10. days, from his election made at avignon, and after that he had been deposed by the council of Constance, 7. years and 4. months, his body was interred in Illueça, in unhallowed ground (as they say:) a man to violent in all his actions, obstinate and indomptable: of so strong a constitution of body, as they could not attribute the cause of his death but to poison, the which they found had been given him in certain sweet meats, by a Monk, called Thomas, set on by the Cardinal of Pisa, who was sent into Spain to that end. The crime being averred, the Monk Thomas was taken and quartered, the Cardinal who remained at Tortosa fled, fearing that Don Roderigo and Don Alaur de Luna benedict's Nephewas should revenge his death upon him. After his decease the Cardinals which were of his faction, and were retired with him, to Pegniscola, would have continued the Schism, and entering into the Conclave with the accustomed ceremonies, they did choose a Cannon of Barcelona, named Gil Mugnos, 
Don Alphonso King of Arragona favourer of a new Schism.  borne at Teruel, whom they called Clement of eight, whereunto Don Alphonso King of Arragon consented, being in bad terms with Pope Martin at Rome. This Clement created Cardinals, gave Benefices and Dispensations, and did all acts of a Pope as well as martin, and by him the Church of Rome continued divided.  
In the year one thousand four hundred twenty and five, 
1425.  D. Henry son to D. john King of Castille, was borne at Vailledolit, who succeeded him in the Realms. He was baptised by Don Alvaro of Osorno Bishop of Cuenca, 
Birth of the Infant Don Henry of Castille.  and Godfathers were Aluar de Luna, the Constable, and Don Alphonso Henriques Admiral of Castille: and the Godmothers Donna Eluira Portocarrero the Constable's wife, and Donna joane of Mendoça the Admiral's: and within few months after this Infant was sworn Prince and heir of the realms in that Town, in the Monaflerie of Saint Pablo, the Infant Don john of Arragon, as Lord of Lara, being the first that swore him fealty and future homage.  
The offences betwixt the Kings of Castille and Arragon were such, 
Navarre.  as they attended nothing but open war, not only in these towo realms, but also in Navarre, the successor thereof, Don john, being much bound to either country: wherefore the King Don Charles used all means possible to reconcile them. Notwithstanding the King Don Alphonso sent a letter open, by a Secretary of his, to the Infant D. john his brother, to come into Arragon to assist at a Parliament which he had called, upon pain to be declared a rebel. Don john not only obtained leave to go to the King his Brother, but he had also full authority to make an accord with him. When he came to the Court of Arragon at Tarassone, he had news of the death of the King of Navarre, his father in law, which happened suddenly at Olite, in September, being buise about his buildings. A Prince much lamented both of his subjects and strangers, 
Death of Charles King of Navarre.  for his virtues and mild dispositions: who besides other remarkable things, settled a perpetual peace in Pampelone, the which before his time had been divided into three regions or country's, called Bourg, Peuplement, and Navarriere, governed by three divers judges, with several jurisdictions, 
Pamp●lona vni●d into one body.  so as there oftentimes fell out great contentions and mutinies among them, the which he did abolish, reducing all the Inhabitants of the Town under one justice, taking away for ever the factious names of parts and quarters, placing one Governor or Magistrate over them, with ten I●rates to assist him. He was threescore and four years old when he died, and had reigned thirty nine years and nine months. His body was laid in the Cathedral Church at Pampelone, with Queen Leonora his wife.   

Don john, first of that name, thirty three King of Navarre.  
Done john his son in law succeeded him, in the right of Donna Blanch his wife, the Crown of Navarre passing from the house of France, to the house of Castille and Arragon, for want of heirs male, the which continued not long: He was about eight and twenty years old when he began to reign in Navarre: when as King Charles died, he was in the camp of King Don Alphonso, who being incensed against the King of Castille, for his brother Don Henry's imprisonment, was gone to Arms, and had his forces on the confines of Arragon and Navarre, about Tarassone, the which he caused to enter into Navarre, as soon as the news came of the King's death. After which they used this ceremony: Don john, 
Ceremony in taking poby ssession of the realm of Navarre.  who should succeed, kept his chamber three days, after which he went to horseback, accompanied with the King his brother, and causing the Standard of Navarre to be carried before him, by a Knight called Nugno Vaca, and a Herald to march before with a coat of the arms of Navarre, crying our aloud, Navarre, Navarre, for the King Don john and Donna Blanch his wife: going often about the field, the Trumpets sounding, and being followed by many Knights and Gentlemen of Castille and Arragon, on foot, but there was not one Navarrois, for the Nobility of Navarre had done the like at Olite, for the Queen Donna Blanch their natural Princess, and not without a mystery.  
Whilst that these things passed upon the frontiers, the King of Castille having made a great assembly at Palence, and gathered together much money, 
Castille.  in the end he was advised to free Don Henry out of prison, being the cause of all this tumult, and for the which the King of Arragon had taken Arms. The King of Castille would first have the King of Arragon disarmed, which difficulties being debated, it was agreed that Don Henry should be delivered in the hands of Don john King of Navarre, who should be answerable until that the King of Arragon his brother had laid down Arms. Wherefore Pero Garcia of Herrera, Martial of Castille, followed by five hundred men at Arms, 
Don Henry brother to the Kings of Arragon and Navarre, delivered.  came to the Castle of Mora, whereas the infant Don Henry was delivered unto him, he Swearing to conduct him and deliver him into the hands of Don john King of Navarre.  
The two Kings Brethren being come to Saint Vincent of Navarre, hearing that they brought Don Henry, they returned, and going to meet him, the King Don john received him at Agreda, and then led him to Tarassone, whereas the King of Arragon embraced him with great content. Being there, Don Lewis de Guzman Master of Calatrava, and Don john of Soto mayor, Master of Alcantara, sent to offer him their friendship and means, against them of the King's Council, and against his Minion's, which had been opposite against him. The which the King of Castille did not doubt, but sent Fernande of Robles, and Doctor Periagnez of his Council, to Cascante a Town of Navarre, to treat with the King Don john touching his return into Castille to end that which remained to do touching Don Henry, the which he yielded unto, and came to the King of Castille being at Roa, who entertained him kindly, and having been there some days together, without speaking of any affairs, the King of Castille went to Segobia, and he of Navarre to Medina del Campo▪ Soon after, in the beginning of the year one thousand four hundred twenty and six, he came to Toro to the King of Castille, where he gave him an account of that which he had negotiated with the King of Arragon his Brother, wherewith the King seemed to be very well satisfied. The Estates were held there, by the which the King was let understand of the superfluous charge of a thousand Lances which he led for his guard, 
Estates at Toro, and their remonstrances.  the which cost eight Millions of Maravidis, whereupon they were reduced to a hundred, under the Constable's charge, who was in such authority and favour, as every man feared him penly, or hated him secretly. The Estates requiring also that the King's excessive gifts should be cut off, it was ordained, that all that had or should be given by the King before the age of twenty five years, should be reputed void: Many other good decrees were made, but they lasted little,  
The King of Navarre stayed in Castille, where he had great possessions, and was much favoured, yea for his sake many Noblemen Castillans were advanced to Offices in the King's house, as Ruy Dias of Mendoça, was made Lord Steward, and John Alvaro of Gadillo Standard-bearer. As for himself he was wholly governed by Diego Gomes of Sandoval, whom he made Earl of Castro Xeris, a place which was of his patrimony. There were three Leagues beginning in Court, one for the king of Navarre, the second for Henry his brother, and the third for the Constable Don Aluar de Luna, who increased daily in authority. The king spent the rest of that year one thousand four hundred twenty and six, at Fuente del Sauco, at Vailledolit & at Zamora, where he caused some petty mutineers and rebels to be punished by justice, whilst that great, men which troubled the realm, lived in all assurance.  
In the beginning of the year one thousand four hundred twenty and seven, the Infant Don Henry and his wife Donna Catherina came from Valencia to Ocagne, where the hatred burst forth betwixt the King of Navarre, and the Constable Don Aluar de Luna being much favoured and highly supported by the favour of the King, who desired also to entertain the King of Navarre. Don Henry advancing towards the Court, came to Vailledolit, accompanied by the Masters of Calatrava and Alcantara, and others of the faction opposite to the Constable, it availing nothing that the King. who was at Simanca, did write unto him, and commanded him by many messages, that he should not come to Court, but return to Ocagne. The two Brethren entering into Vailledolit, 
League against the Constable Alu●● de Luna.  being confederate with Don Pedro of Velasco, who was Earl of Haro, and Lord Chamberlain to the King, Don I●igo Lopes of Mendoça, Lord of Hita and Buitrago, who afterwards was the first Marquis of Sentillana, Don Fernand Aluares of Toledo Lord of the Vallee of Corneia, who afterwards was the first Earl of Alba, and his Uncle Don Guttiere Gomes of Toledo Bishop of Palence, the Masters of Calatrava and Alcantara, with other noble men of Castille, sent to beseech the King, that for some good respects he would command the Constable to retire from Court, for that the absolute power which he did usurp In the government of affairs, was the cause of many inconveniences. The King would have it put to Compromise, and that the King of Navarre on the one side, and Don Aluar on the other, should deliver their reasons before Arbitrators: of which advice Francisco of Soria, a Franciscan Friar▪ was the Author. The judges named for the confederates, were done Lewis of Guzman Master of the Calatrava, and the Governor Don Pedro Manrique, and for the Constable, Don Alphonso Henriques high Admiral of Castille, 
D. Aluar de Luna 〈…〉 from Court.  and Fernand Alphonso of Robles, of the King's Council, and his chief Treasurer: and for an Vmper the Abbot of Saint Benet's in Vailledolit. All which gave sentence, that Don Alvaro de Luna the Constable, should absent himself from Court, for the space of eighteen months next ensuing, and not come within fifteen Leagues of it, and so should they do whom he had put into the King's Chamber.  
The Constable yielding to this sentence, he retired himself to his house at Aillon, and the King of Navarre with his brother Don Henry, came to Cigales, where the King was, of whom they took their leaves with reasonable good shows of love: yet Don Henry had a better countenance of him then the King of Navarre, to whom they imputed the whole cause of the Constable's dismission, which made the King the more desirous to see him again. And for that Fernando Alphonso de Robles, one of the King's Counsel, had been one of the principal Instruments of all these alterations, he was shut up in the Castle of Segobia.  
After all this, they treated of Don Henry's affairs, and of his confederates. The accord which the King made there with Don Henry, 
Accord made by the King with Don Henry.  besides the restitution of his goods, and the dignity of the mastership of Saint james, was, that for the Marquisate of Villena, he should enjoy Trugillo and Alcaras, with their appurtenances, and other lands in the country of Guadalajara: Moreover they gave him two hundred thousand Florins of gold in ready money, and a Million and two hundred thousand small Maravidis of yearly pension during his life. To the King of Navarre for his charges during the troubles, he gave a hundred thousand Florins to be paid by a certain time. There was then present Inigo Ortiz of Estuniga, Martial of Navarre, who had married Donna joane base Sister to the Queen Donna Blanch.  
The King discharged and sent home to their houses a great number of unnecessary men which followed the court without cause, who were but a burden to him and the country: and to take away all occasion of distrust and new troubles, he granted a general pardon to all men, of what Estate, quality, or condition soever they were, that had meddled with the precedent troubles. 
D. Ruy Lopes of Analos restored to his honour and good name, but not to his goods.  He restored Don Ruy Lopes of Aualos the Constable (being accused to have had Intelligence with the Moors, by letters produced to the King's Council) to his honour and fame, but he neither restored him to his Office nor goods. Amidest these treaties the Constable Alvaro de Luna was called back again to the court, his very enemies consenting thereunto, yea the King of Navarre, and his brother Don Henry, who grew after so jealous one of an other, who should be in the Constable's favour, as they entered into factions: wherefore the King of Castille employing therein the Queen of Navarre, and the Estates also of Navarre, they persuaded their King to return into his realm. D. Henry went in pilgrimage to Saint james, and then was sent to the Moors frontier, who began to raise some tumults, as we will hereafter show.  
The King of Castille being at Vailledolit, D. Leonora Infanta of Arragon, sister to the King of Navarre, passed thereby going into Portugal, to be married to prince, Edward, the heir of that Realm, to whom the King her cousin gave the best reception he could, honouring her with rich presents, money and men to accompany her. Soon after the King being at Arando of Duero, her received D. Pedro Infant of Portugal, and Duke of Coimbra, very graciously, being also his cousin germane: for D. Philippe mother to D. Pedro, and Donna Constance mother to the King D. john, were sister's daugthers to the duke of Lancaster, but by divers ventures. This Prince came from travailling over Christendom: and it is he of whom it is said in Portugal, that he had seen the seven parts of the world, that is to say all: from thence he passed much honoured into Portugal. 
D. Pedro of Portugal a great traveler.  In like manner there came the same year into Castille, D. Pedro Infant of Arragon, in his return from Naples, whereas the affairs had not been very successful for the Arragonois: where he went to see the Queen Donna Leonora his mother, at Medina del Campo. The King freed D. Garci Fernandes Manrique out of prison, who had been committed with the Infant D. Henry. Thus past the government of Castille unto the end of the year 1428.  
In the which the King of Arragon having made an accord with Pope Martin, 
Arragon.  he forced the Antipope Gil Mugnos, residing in the castle of pegniscola to renounce the Popedom, having held it four years; whereby the Schism in the church of Rome ended, having continued four and forty years. This Gil Mugnos had in recompense the Bishopric of Majorca, and was received into the bosom of the church, and in favour with the apostolic sea of Rome. The Cardinals created by him gave over their hats, and Martin remained sole Pope.  
This year began an other sect of Monks of Saint jerosme, springing out of that of Saint Bartholomew of Lupiana, 
Castille.  whereunto Friar Lopes of Olmedo, a Doctor of the laws, and a religious man in that Monastery, gave the beginning. Having been chosen by the Monks of Saint Bartholomew to be general of their Order, being desirous to reform them, he gathered out of the Books of Saint jerosme, and others, a cetaine rule and manner of living, which he said, had been held in Bethelem, whereupon that great Doctor, and his Monks prescribed that monacall weed, which he said was used by them, and having presented all unto Pope Martin, he caused his order to be allowed, under the name of friars hermits of Saint jerosme, of the observance of Bethelem, and then he sought to have it received in Spain, by the religious of his Order, and to reform them to be more perfect, according to the same: but they told him plainly, that they would none of it, wherefore he was forced to find out other followers. He therefore erected a convent under that title near unto Sevile, called of Saint Isidro, name which hath remained to this new sect, so as there have been since in Spain two sorts of Monks of Saint jerosme, the one of Lupiana, and the other of Saint Isidro, or of friar Lope. This Order of Monks makes the fourth of them that live under the Romish church in Spain, numbered with the Bernadins, 
Four Orders of Monks which beg not.  Benedictins and Carthusians. These Isidres have multiplied in such sort, as since they have extended themselves far into Italy, and other Regions. And althought that their beginning be from Spain, and that in the beginning the chief of their order was a Spaniard, yet in succession of time, and through the negligence of the Spaniards, the Italians have gotten it: and whereas they sent vices-general of this Order out of Spain into Italy, now it is otherwise. Such were the effects of the doctrine of that age.  
Whilst that D. john King of Navarre, 
Navarre.  and his wife D. Blanch were in Castille, the Estates of Navarre assembled, and took a new oath to D. Charles Prince of Viana. Queen Blanch went first into Navarre, and soon after the King her husband arrived, having made a renuntiation of certain lands of Castille, in favour of his son D. Charles, being then seven years old, where the leagues were renewed betwixt Castille, Navarre and Arragon, King john having full power from King D. Alphonso his brother. And on Whitsonday 1429. the King D. john and Queen Blanch his wife were crowned at Pampelone, the three Estates of the realm being assembled, and the rights, previledges and liberties of the country sworn by them. D. Martin of Peralta Bishop of Pampelone did the ceremony of the unction, and others accustomed in such cases. There were present the Ambassadors of foreign Princes, the Bishops of Calaorra, Tarrassone and Bayone, with many Noblemen and Knights of Navarre, Castille and Arragon. At this coronation there was again sworn and confirmed the matrimonial conventions betwixt the King D. john, and D. Blanch the heir, made in the time of King Charles her father.  
The Estate of the Moors of Granado, during these tumults in Castille, had been quiet, by prorogation of the truce with the King of Castille, and his council, in consideration of a certain tribute, which was paid by King joseph until his death, the which was in the year 1423. being very old, and having enjoyed the realm fifteen years.   

Mahumet the Lefthanded, called Aben-Azar the fourteenth King of Granado.  
AFter joseph reigned his son Mahumet, 
Moors.  called Aben-Azar, the Sceptre of Granado continuing by him in the succession of Ferrachen, who was Governor of Malaga. This King who was lefthanded of his person, had also a sinister reign: for he was thrice chased from his throne, after great miseries, and twice restored. These seditious changes were ordinary, and have always been amongst the Arabians, who are inconstant, treacherous, ravishing and ambitious, if there be any living. King Mahumet did maintain the truce, and entertain himself in the favour and friendship of the King of Castille, for some years, and in like manner with Muley Aben Ferriz King of Tunes: but he could not get the love of his own subjects. In the beginning of his reign, he made a Knight whose name was joseph, of the family of Aben Sarraces (which was great and much esteemed amongst that nation) Alg●azil Major or chief Marshal of Granado. The troubles of Castille, whereas many Noblemen, yea D. Henry Master of Saint james, banded against their King, was a precedent for the Moors, who conspired against this Lefthanded Mahumet, in favour of an other of the same name, surnamed the Little: so as they made him King, and forced Mahumet to fly to Tunes, to King Muley Aben Ferriz his friend: 
Mahumet Aben-Azar expelled.  in which exile he was followed by about five hundred Moors of his faction, as well horse as foot, who were all well entertained, and afterwards assisted to recover the lost Kingdom in Spain.   

Mahumet the Little, the fifteenth King of Granado.  
MAhumet called the Little, reigned then about the year 1427. the eleventh of that name, and fifteenth King of the Moors at Granado. The surname of Little, was given him, to distinguish him from his predecessor, who reigned before him. This King entering by tyranny, thought that rigour and cruelty was the best means to maintain him in his Estate, as commonly tyrants do; wherefore he began to persecute the Officers, friends and partisans of his predecessor (whom he had expelled) by imprisonments, 
Tyrant's care not to be hated, so they be feared.  banishments, confiscations and cruel deaths, whereas many were ruined, and many also escaped, amongst the which was the Alguazil joseph Aben Sarrax, who fled to Lorca a town in the realm of Murcia, submitting himself to the mercy of the King of Castille, and of the Governor of Lorca, who was Lope Alphonso of Lorca, who afterwards led him to court, and presented him to the King D. john at Illesca, a town belonging to the Archbishop of Toledo, seated betwixt Madrid and Toledo. The King gave good entertainment to this Moor, from whom he understood the resolutions of Granado, Lope Alphonso being truchman betwixt them. The King being entreated by joseph Aben Sarrax, to aid his master to recover his realm, he yielded unto it, and having given him many presents, and showed him all favour, he sent him with Lope Alphonso in embassage to Tunes, to let King Mahumet understand how much he desired to do him good, and to exhort him of Tunes, to aid and favour his guest. The business, succeeded so well, as Mahumet Aben Azar, receiving money, and all other kind of aid, from the King of Tunes, he passed from Tunes to Oran, and then crossing the sea, he came and landed at Vera in Granado, whose coming being divulged through the country, the towns thereabouts, yea that of Almery, opened their gates unto him. Mahumet the Little, who held the Realm, resolved to make head against him, thinking that his forces were yet but weak, sending about eight hundred horse and some foot before to encounter him, most of which joined with Mahumet Aben Azar, who pursuing his good fortune, entered with the like facility into Guadix, yea he was received into the city of Granado: so as Mahumet the Little, his competitor was forced to shut and fortify himself, in the Alhambra of Granado; 
Mahumet Aben-Azar recovers his realm of Granado.  where he was presently besieged, Aben Azar lodging his camp at a place called Alcabiçar, near to the fort of Alhambra: to whose obedience there presently yielded the towns of Malaga, Gibraltar, Ronde, and in the end the whole realm: wherefore Mahumet the Little, being hated and abandoned of all men, and fainting, he was forced, and taken in the castle of Alhambra, with his children, 
Mahumet the usurper taken and put to death. . where he ended his days miserably, and his children were kept prisoners. Thus Mahumet Aben Azar recocovered the realm, two years after he had been expelled, in the year 1429. and of the Arabians 812. 
An. 1429.   
The King of Navarre at his departure out of Castille▪ left Deigo Gomes of Sandoval, Earl of Castro Xeris, 
Castille.  his familiar friend there, who presently caused the towns oh Pegnafiel, Portillo and Casto Xeris to be repaired, which made D. john King of Castille conceive, that there was some enterprise in hand to his prejudice, and that the King of Navarre was gone away discontented with him. In which opinion he was confirmed by the news which he received, that they levied both foot and horse in Navarre and Arragon, the which they covered with a Pretext to send them into France, to secure King Charles against the English: Moreover that having treated an accord and pacification betwixt Castille, Navarre and Arragon, although the King of Navarre had signed it, yet he of Arragon would not hear of it. For these causes the King of Castille sent friar Francis of Soria his confessor, and Peter of Boccanegra Deane of Cuenca, Ambassadors into Navarre, to know what the King of Navarres intention was, and to complain of the Earl of Castros doings, and of other things, whereof he was advertised, which were practised against him, and the Estate of Castille. To whom answer was made, that they did not practise any thing against him, and that the soldiers which were levied, were not to be sent into Castille, and if they should, it were not for any thing that might offend the King their master.  
But in effect D. john King of Navarre, he of Arragon, and D. Henry their brother, 
Cer●mo●● in taking possession the realm of Navarre.  were conspired against the government of Castille, and they had an intent to trouble the State, to pull down them that were great, and to advance others, who were kept under or chased away; above all the King of Navarre was furiously jealous of the Constables D. Alvaro de Luna's greatness, and other things that were managed in that court contrary to his liking: and as he was of a turbulent spirit, he did not cease to seek occasion of quarrels, entertaining his brother D. Alphonso king of Arragon in the hatred which he had conceived against the king of Castille, for the imprisonment of D. Henry. These two Princes being thus disposed, all things prepared to war, the which did much trouble the Queen Donna Blanch, and the Estates of Navarre, who entreated him that he would forbear, and enjoy his realm in peace, and those goodly Estates which he had in Castille, whereas the Queen's dowry was assigned, & the revenues of many Lordships affected to Prince Charles his son: but they were not heard, and much less a second embassage from the King of Castille, in which were D. Alphonso Tenorio, Notary or Secretary of the realm of Toledo, and Doctor Fernand Gonçales of Auila councillor of State to the King of Castille, with two deputies of towns: wherefore the King of Castille made preparation, and levied men of all sides, to resist the kings of Navarre and Arragon, and he took a new oath of fealty of all the Noblemen of this realm, especially of the Infant D. Henry.  
Hereupon the King of Navarre sent to excuse himself, and to require an interview of the King of Castille, but his excuses were not credited, yet the interview was granted. At this time there being dead D. 
Death of D. Alp●onso Henriques Admiral of Castille.  Alphonso Henriques high Admiral of Castille, base son to D. Frederic master of Saint james and grandchild to King D. Alphonso the twelfth, there was substituted in his place his son D. Frederic; his body was interred at Saint Clara in Palence, founded by him. The King's troops being ready to march, the constable went towards the frontier of Arragon with two hundred lances, and the King led the rest of his forces towards Pegnafiel, whereas the Earl of Castro and the Infant D. Pedro, brother to the Kings of Arragon and Navarre, had fortified themselves. Their other brother, D. Henry, sought in the mean time to levy men about Toledo, but the Inhabitants hindered him. 
War of the Castillan against Arragon and Navarre.  The King summoned D. Pedro and the Earl to yield up the town of Pegnafiel, upon pain to be proclaimed traitors, and to be so condemned; so as the Earl yielded up the town, upon honourable conditions, and amongst others, not to be bound to carry arms against the King of Navarre. The castle which was commanded by Gonçalo Gomes Sumel, held some days. On the other side the Kings of Arragon and Navarre, entered into Castille, with two thousand five hundred men at arms, and some few foot, whose entry the constable could not stop, with whom Don Henry joined with two hundred and twenty horse, againt the promises made. They ran near unto Cogollado, and being come to Xadraque, the Constable following them, they presented him battles, the which he would not accept, for Peter Cardinal of Foix son to Archambaud, and Mary Queen of Arragon, sister to the King of Castille, came by great journeys out of Arragon, and put themselves betwixtthem, making an entrance to an accord, which was, that the two Kings should return into their realms, and that the constable and other noblemen of the King of Castile's army, should entreat him to restore unto the King of Navarre, and to the Infant D. Henry their lands: for as soon as the army of Arragon and Navarre had entered into Castille, the King did caused all that the house ofArragon did hold in Castille, to be seized on. By this means the armies parted, and the two brethren Kings came to Huerta and Haria, in Arragon, and the Infant D. Henry to Ocagne; but the indignation of D. john King of Castille, was so greta, as he did not regard that which had been capitulated but sent to all his subjects, that they should hold the Arragonois and Navarrois for enemies, and make vioent war against them, and coming himself in person to the camp at Piquera, he resolved to go and charge his enemies in their fort at Hariza. Queen marry and the Cardinal Foix returned again to the King of Castille, propounding many means of peace, but all in vain: whereupon they returned, very much discontented. D. Frederic of Castille Earl of Arjone, was aprehended in the army, upon suspicion that he favoured the Arragonois: war being proclaimed throughout all Castille, the inhabitants of the country of Biscay, Guipuscoa, Alava, and Rioja, entered suddenly into Navarre, where they committed infinite spoils. Thus an innocent Realm suffered for a nocent King, whom they had earnestly entreated to entertain peace with Castille.  
The King of Castile's army being strong and ready to enter into Arragon, he sent word to D. Alphonso King of Arragon, that he would spare his country, if he would forsake the king of Navarre, the which he refused: whereupon the constable of Castille being followed by five hundred horse, marched to Monreal, took it, spoiled Cetiva, and finding no resistance, 
Army of the King of Castille.  returned to the army, which consisted of 7000. men at arms, 3600. genets or light horse, and 60000. foot, with the which King john entered into Arragon, where he took and burnt the town of Hariza, but he attempted not the castle, which was very strong: this was all the exploit was done with that mighty army: for the two brethren Kings on't presenting themselves to battle, and victuals failing for so great an army, he was forced to retire into Castille, towards Medina Celi, from whence he sent for the guard of the frontier, D. Pedro of Velasco his Lord Chamberlain, with 600. lances to lie with them in Alfaro, Calaorra, or Logrogno: against whom the King of Navarre did fortify Tudele, Viana and La guard.  
In the mean time D. Henry and D. Pedro brethren to the kings, overran the country of Estremadura, having to encounter them Don Roderigo Alonso Pimentel, Earl of Benavent, who finding himself weak, had the Constable sent to him, with sufficient forces. The king being returned to Pegnafiel, wrought so as the captain of the castle yielded it unto him, fearing to be put in the rank of rebels and traitors to their Prince. The king of Arragon slept not, but employing his forces (his enemy being far of) he took in Castille, 
Exploits of the King of Arragon.  in the country of Soria, Deca, and the castles of Ciria, Boronia and Bozmediano, carrying away an infinite number of prisoners, above forty thousand charges of corn, and great store of cattle and other spoils. The king of Castille was much moved with these news, and gave all the lands which the king of Navarre, his soon D. Charles, the Queen Donna Blanch, and the Infant D. Henry held in Castille, to D. Henry his son, Prince of the Asturia's, and he sent D. Pedro of Velasco to make most violent wars in Navarre: and being resolved to enter himself in person the next year with a great army, he called the Estates to Burgos, to have money, demanding a hundred millions of Maravidis to entertain it six months: and for that their was some difficulty to draw together so great a sum he borrowed of rich men, and of churches, all their plate and silver vessel, and sent it to be coined at Sevile. During the assembly at Burgos, there came Ambassadors from the kings of Navarre and Arragon, which were, Peter of Peralta, the Abbot of Roncevaux, Doctor john of Lezana, D. john of Luna, and Berenguel of Bardaxi, to treat of a peace, to whom answer was made, that the king of Castille would send Ambassadors expressly to give them a convenient answer: and to them of Navarre, showing particularly in the name of Queen Blanch and of her son D. Charles, that they had not done any thing, for the which they should seize their rents and pensions, yea the Queen's dowry, who had never consented to these quarrels, the like answer was made. The Ambassadors of Castille were D. Sancho of Rojas Bishop of Astorga, Pero Lope of Ayala Martial of the king's body, and D. Fernando Gonçales of Auila, of the King's council. Who being come into Navarre, made great complaints of D. john King of Navarre, accusing him of great faults, wherein they did also comprehend the Queen, saying, that she was a confederate in the war, seeing that she had sold her jewels to furnish her husband with money; and made other demonstrations of an enemy. From Navarre they passed into Arragon, where they gave as little hope of peace: wherefore King D. Alphonso sent Ambassadors to Rome, to Pope Martin, to complain of the King of Castille, who refused all honest means of an accord. The Constable being come into Extremadura, he made the Infants D. Henry and D. Pedro retire towards Albuquerque, upon the frontier of Portugal, whether they sent great store of cattle, hoping they should serve to victual them, for the which the King of Portugal was glad to excuse himself to the King of Castille, who complained. The Constable took Trugillo, and having seized also of the castle by the means of one of the captains of the garrison, he delivered it into the King's hands: he attempted Montanches, and having taken D. Roderigo Alphonso Pimentel Earl of Benavent with him, he came and camped before Albuquerque, an impregnable for't, but he desired to draw the Infants to fight Knight to Knight, but they would not vouchsafe to accept it: wherefore he retired his army towards Pierrebonne, from whence having advertsed the King of the Estate of his affairs, he came presently to the camp, and then the castle of Montarches yielded, by intelligence which the constable had with the captain. The Provinces and towns of Castille did furnish the King with five and forty millions of Maravidies for the war: and there was an embassage sent to Rome to Pope Martin to free the King of Castille of the imputations which were said upon him by him of Arragon. The King of Navarre making show to enter into Castille by Briones, D. Pedro of Velasco went to field, with all the troops he could gather together, having drawn out of Biscay three thousand men, led by john of Abendagno, Ordogno Garcia Arrega, Gonçalo Gomes of Butron, and his son Gomes Gonçalo of Muxica, 
biscain's defeated by them whom they had vanquished for want of discipline.  Lord of the house of Muxica, and finding no man to make head against him he went to besiege the town of Saint Vincent, the which was taken by assault, but whilst the biscain's were busy at the pillage, not caring to keep any order, nor martial discipline, entering confusedly into the houses, without any guards upon the approaches: being entered into the houses, the Inhabitants who were armed, and retired into the castles, seeing this confused multitude in their town, they broke out upon them, and encountering Gomes Gonçales in the street, with a small company they took him, having slain most of his soldiers: whose father Gonçalo Gomes of Butron, running to secure him, being as ill accompanied as his son, was slain with some of his men, and could not be relieved. D. Pedro of Velasco, seeing that the castle could not be forced with a long and painful siege, he set fire on the suburbs, and of some houses in the town, and then returned to Haro, carrying with him many of his Knights and good soldiers wounded. 
Town of Saint Vincent obtains new previledges.  The town of Saint Vincent, for the loss it sustained then, and for the good service it did in the war betwixt Navarre and Castille, obtained many privileges and freedoms for the inhabitants thereof. He among the Navarrois which did most harm to the Castillans, was a Knight called Sancho of Londogno the king's Marshal, issued from the house of Londogno, near to Ordugna, a member of Biscay; he running one day into Rioja, was surprised by the ambushes which Diego Peres Sarmiento captain of Bastide had laid for him, who carried him prisoner to that fort: but this loss was soon recompensed by Ruy Dias of Mendoça the bald, borne at Sevile, and yet he did serve the king of Navarre faithfully, and was gone forth of Tudele with four hundred ho●se and five hundred foot, overrunning the country of Agreda, against whom D. Inigo Lope of Mendoça Lord of Hita and Buitrago (who kept a garrison there for the king of Castille) sallying forth, and coming to fight in the field of Araviana, he was there vanquished, with the death and imprisonment of many Castillans. At that time the Infanta D. Izabella of Portugal, daughter to the king D. john, was married to Philip Duke of Bourgondie, Earl of Flanders, and Lord of many other Seigneuries, who had two wives without any children. Of this marriage was born Charles whose daughter and only heir was afterwards married to Maximilian of Austria. The very day that this marriage betwixt D. Philip, and the Infanta Izabella was celebrated with great pomp at Bruges, 
Institution of the Order of the golden fleece.  the Order of Bourgondie of the golden fleece was instituted by him, the tenth year after his coming to it, upon a vow which he had made to go and make war against the Infidels of Syria, and to conquer the country of jury: but his great affairs made his vow fruitless. His Order had for head and patron (I know not by what divinity) S. Andrew, and the solemnity of the Order was to be celebrated every year three days together, whose knights should be the first day attired in red, in sign that heaven is purchased by the effusion of blood and by Martyrdom: 
Ceremony of the order of the Fleece.  the second day in black, representing mourning for the dead: and the third in white, in honour of the purity of the Virgin Mary: and they should carry for a mark of their knighthood, a chain made in fashion of fuzils, with a rams skin & fleece hanging at it: a devise taken, not from the Pagan jason, but from the faithful Gedeon, as some say. The first knights of this Order were four and twenty in number, of the Noblest and most renowned of his Estates of Burgundy, Flanders and the Netherlands: wherewith since many Princes and great Noblemen of Spain and other places, have held themselves much honoured. This was that Duke Philip, who to revenge the death of his father john, murdered at Montreaufaut-Yoone by the Dauphin Charles, drew the English into France, to the ruin of his natural country, as you may read at large in the History of France.  
The year 1430. being come, 
1430.  D. john King of Castille prepared to make war against the King of Navarre, against whom he had the greatest spleen; and forgetting no kind of rigour, he resolved to deprive him and his of all the lands which they held in Castille, without ever hoping to re-enter into them: and therefore he gave to D. Guttiere of Toledo Bishop of Palence, 
King of Navarres lands in Castille confisked and given away.  and afterwards Archbishop of Toledo, the town of Alva de Tormes, to D. Pedro Manrique Governor of Leon, the town of Paredes de Nava: to D. Roderigo Alphonso Pimentel, Earl of Benavent, Majorga: to the Marshal Inigo Ortiz of Estuniga, Cerezo: he would have given to Fernand Diaz of Toledo, five hundred vassals in the lands which did belong to D. john King of Navarre, but he refused them: He gave to D. Frederic of Arragon Earl of Luna, base son to Martin King of Sicily, Villalon and Cuellar: to Queen Mary his wife Olmedo; and other places to other Knights. The king being come to field, before the fort of Albuquerque, he caused the Infants D. Henry and D. Pedro to be summoned, to yield him the place, promising that the Infants should be herd in justice, and that all the rest should have a general pardon: giving the Infants thirty days time to resolve, and the rest forty: but their answers were arrows and bullets, with great danger to the King's person, who being in a great rage at their obstinacy, he caused D. Henry's process to be made, and gave the administration of the mastership of Saint james to the constable, dividing his lands to diverse Knights, very prodigally, as he had done the King of Navarres. In the mean time D. Diego of Estuniga, or Suniga, Bishop of Calaorra, and Calçada and his uncle D. Pedro of Estuniga, Earl of Ledesma, justice Major of Castille, and an other D. Diego of Estuniga his counsin, uviht the forces of the frontier, took the town of La guard in Navarre, by Scalado, being two leagues from Logrogno, the castle held out, and cost many good men's lives, on either side, and being fortified with new succours, sent from the King of Navarre, they made furious and bloody sallies upon their enemies, who held the town, but in the end they were so priest by the Bishop and the Earl of Ledesma, as they did capitulate to yield, if by a day prefixed they were not relieved by the King their Lord; during the which there should be a cessation of arms; and if there came any succours, the besieged should be bound to advertise the Bishop that he might do as he pleased. This accord being made, the captain of the place besieged made a mine under ground, by the which he drew into the castle a great number of soldiers, which the King of Navarre had sent him, upon the advertisement of the capitulation. The time being ready to expire, the captain advertised the Bishop, that the succours were arrived, and at that instant he opened the mine in the midst of the place, from whence issued great numbers of soldiers of Navarre, who began to charge the Castillans, which caused a great confusion amongst them, and did much trouble the Bishop; yet being mad with this treachery, they put themselves in defence, and repulsed the Navarrois into the castle ditch, having lost many good men of either side. This having not succeeded so happily as the Navarrois expected & their victuals failing them, by little and little they abandoned the fort: So La guard both town and castle remained in the King of Castile's power. The Queen D. Leonora mother to the Princes of Arragon, sorrowful for so many ruins, being old, and wholly given to devotion, living at Medina del Campo, 
guard taken by the Castillans.  in her Monastery of St. john de las Duegnas, was not exempt from the discommodities of this war: for the King of Castille suspecting that she favoured her children, caused her to be shut up in Santa Clara of Tordisillas, 
L●onora Queen of Arragon restrained by the King of Castille.  and put garrisons in her houses of Montalban, Vruegna, and Tyedra: and would have done as much at Castro Xeris, and Saldagne, but the Earl found means to exempt himself, and yet the King was not very well pleased with him. The court being in Astudillo, there came an Ambassador from john Earl of Foix, father to Gaston, who afterwards married Leonora the heir of Navarre, who besought the King of Castille, that he would be pleased that the Earl his master might employ himself, to make a peace betwixt him and the Kings of Navarre and Arragon: to whom the King of Castille answered, that he did thank the Earl of Foix for his good will, but there was no means of a peace. On the other side the Earl of Armaignac, an enemy to the King of Navarre and the Earl of Foix, having given all the hindrance he could towards Gascony, that no succours should pass out of France to the King of Navarre, for the which he had been at great charge, he sent to entreat the King of Castille, to re●bourse him, to whom were paid ten thousand florins of gold. This year D. Pedro of Velasco, General upon the frontier of Navarre, was created Earl of Haro. The King being at Burgos, had news that the Infant D. Pedro overrunnning the country about Zamora, had taken the castle of Alva de Lista: and passing afterwards to Osma, which was the Rendezvous for the army of Castille, there came unto him a Franciscan friar, confessor to Donna Blanch Queen of Navarre, whom they called Archbishop of tire: Peter of Perault chief Steward to the King of Navarre, and Ramir Deane of Tudelo, councillor to the King, Ambassadors for the King of Navarre; and for him of Arragon, D. Dominike Bishop of Lerida D. Raymond of Perillos', and William of Vigue, Knights, sent to treat and conclude a peace, at what price soever.  
The difficulties were ver great, and they were forced to send back some of the Ambassadors to the two brethren Kings, and in the mean time the army marched: but the reasons, and propositions of the Ambassadors were in the end admitted, and a truce was accorded at Majano, for five years, both by sea and land, betwixt the King of Castille, and D. Henry his son Prince of Asturia's, 
Truce betwixt the King of 〈◊〉 and the King of Arragon and Navarre.  on the one part; and D. Alphonso King of Arragon, D. john King of Navarre, D. Blanch his wife, and D. Charles Prince of Viana, their son on the other part: into which truce there entered for the King of Castille, the Earl of Armaignac; and for the two King's brethren, the Earl of Foix. It was also agreed, that D. Godfrey of Navarre, Earl of Cortes, brother in law to King john, who had followed the party of Castille, should not be troubled nor molested in the perception of his goods, nor otherwise. This Knight stayed long in Castille, and did the King good service in his wars against the Moors: the like assurance was granted in regard of the Infants D. Henry and D. Pedro: and to judge of the differences during the truce, there were seven persons named for Navarre and Arragon, and seven for Castille, whose seat should be at Tarassone and Agreda, alernatively. Thus ended the war betwixt Castille, Navarre and Arragon, to the great prejudice of the King of Navarre: for he was dispossessed of all the lands he had in Castille, and moreover of the town of Guard in Navar. During these treaties, D. Frederic Duke of Arjone died a prisoner at Pegnafiel, whose Duchy and Estates were given to D. Frederic of Arragon, 
Death of the Duke of Ariose.  Earl of Luna. There were also restored unto Queen Leonora her houses & castles, and she was set liberty, and freed from the Monastery of Santa Clara of Tordesillas, at the entreaty of the King of Portugal, to whom the King of Castille sent the proceed against her four sons, the King and Infants of Arragon, and their offences, to the end that she might see what reason he had to confiscate their lands. The same year King john of Castille, was solicited to make a league of friendship with the English, but he excused himself touching the league, being loath to do any thing to the prejudice of the King and Realm of France, an ancient friend and confederate to the crown of Castille, sending back the Ambassadors with a discreet and friendly answer: and soon after having sent D. Sancho of Rojas Bishop of Astorgo to the King of England, he concluded a truce betwixt Spain and England for one year. At the same time being sought unto by the King of Granado to continue peace and friendship betwixt them, the said Moorish King offering him all the force of Granado to serve him at his will, he gave him thanks for the offer, and by an Ambassador which he sent expressly to Granado, to conclude some truce, he descovered the Estate of that realm. The Ambassador, who was Lewis Gonçales of Luna, Governor of Cordova, found King Mahumet averse to those conditions which the King of Castille demanded: wherefore he returned without any conclusion, reporting how little assurance there was of the Moors faith; which made the King of Castille to think upon the affairs of that frontier, and to man it well, sending some presents to the King of Tunes, by Lopes Alphonso of Lorca, his Ambassador, with complaints against the King of Granado, entreating him that he would not succour him in the war which he was resolved to make against him.  
Mahumet Aben-Azar King of Granado, was, as we have said, restored to his regal seat, in the year 1429. 
Moors.  two years after his exile, who showed himself thankful to the King of Castille, for the favour and aid which he had given him in the recovery of his realm, sending sundry Ambassages unto him, with offers and thanks: but refusing this year to pay the tribute and pensions to the King of Castille, which he demanded, of friends they became enemies, and the war was begun by Diego of Rivera, Governor of the frontier, who running through the plain of Granado, took above two hundred horse, and towards Ronda, D. Fernando Aluares of Toledo, Lord of Val de Corneja, did great spoils upon the Moors. The King of Castille meaning to employ D. Diego Gomes of Sandoval, Earl of Castro Xeris, in this war, he sent for him to court; but the Earl distrusting the King, retired to Briones a place belonging to Navarre, from whence he sent to maek his excuse, but it was not allowed. Whereupon the King caused his process to be made, and by a sentence given at Zamora he was condemned by contumacy, as a rebel, his castle of Castro Xeris was confisked, and delivered by the Captain thereof to john of Luxan, 
Castro Xeris confisked.  Ramir of Tamojo, and to Doctor Fernand Di●s of Toledo, whom the King had sent thither. The Earl having many great men, and of the King's favourits which hated him, durst never more appear in his presence.  
Before he entered into Granado, Don john King of Castille, 
Portugal.  keeping his Court at Medina del Campo, was solicited by the Ambassadors of Portugal, to make a perpetual p●ace betwixt the two realms, whereunto he consented, and it was sworn in the year one thousand four hundred thirty and one, by the two Kings, and their eldest sons, and next successors to the Crown, Don Henry of Castille Prince of the Asturiaes', and Don Edward of Portugal. 
Peace betwixt Portugal and Cast●●e.  This peace did end all quarrels betwixt Portugal and Castille, and continued forty three years, to the great good of both realms. This year died Don Nugno Aluares Pereira, first Constable of Portugal, by virtue whereof Don john, from being Master of Auiz, came to the royal dignity. This great parsonage towards the end of his days, possessed with a superfluous devotion, left the affairs of the world, whereas he mought have served God well, and been profitable to the commonweal, retiring himself into the Monastery of the Carmelites in the city of Lisbon, which he had built, and there he lived very solitary and simply almost nine years. The Portugals speak wonders of the almsdeeds, fastings, prayers, and other works tending to piety of this Noble man, as well in his Monastical life, as before. Besides the Carmelites at Lisbon, he caused S. George's Church to be built in the place of battle at Aljubarote, 
Religious buildings of the Constable Don Nugno Aluares Pereira.  that of Saint Mary of Villa viciosa; the great Chapel of the religious of Saint Augustin in the same place, the Church of Saint Mary de Monte, Saint Mary of Portel, and Saint Mary of Sonsel, and others. Before he retired himself, he distributed his goods after this manner. To Don Diego his grandchild, borne of Donna Beatrix his daughter, and of Don Alphonso Earl of Barcellos, her husband, he gave the Earldom of Oren, with all the lands which he held in Extremadura, at Lisbon and thereabouts. To Don Ferdinand his other grandchild, borne of the above named, heir afer his father of the Duchy of Bragance, and who succeeded in the Earldom of Arroyolos, with all the rents he had on this side Tayo and Vdiana. To Don Isabel sister to his two grandchildren, married to the Infant D. john Master of Saint james of Portugal, the King's Son, who was the second Constable of that realm, he gave the lands of Lonsada Payva and Tendanes, and the Town of Almadaan, with the rents of Loule: and to his familiar vassals and household servants, he divided his money, horses, arms, apparel and movables. And thus naked, and discharged of all temporal goods he entered into the Monastery, where he was possessed with so strong an opinion to merit heaven by austoritie of life, travel, and affliction of his body, as he resolved to separate himself more from the company of men, and to live alone in deserts, if the King Don john and Prince Edward his Son, had not diverted him, showing how much it would hurt the estimation which all men had of him, and of his wisdom: wherefore he contained himself in his Monastery until his death, which was in the year 1431. and 71. of his age.  
The end of the eighteenth Book.    

SEMPER EADEM THE NINETEENTH BOOK of the General History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 War betwixt the Castillans and Moors: seditions among the Princes Moors.  
2 Troubles in Castille.  
3 D. Edward the first of that name, and 11. King of Portugal: his disposition: title of Prince of Portugal first usurped by the eldest etc.  
4 Pursuit of the war of Naples, after the death of Queen joane the second, by the Kings of Arragon.  
5 Combats in Castille and elsewhere: war of Granado.  
6 Peace betwixt the Kings of Castille, Navarre and Arragon, Alliance betwixt them by the marriage of Prince Henry of Castille with D. Blanch Infanta of Navarre.  
7 Unfortunate war of the Portugals in Africa.  
8 Quarrel betwixt the Princes of Castille and the Constable D. Alvaro de Luna, with his Insolences.  
9 D. john of Pacheco minion to Prince Henry of Castille comes to be the greatest man of the Realm.  
10 Marriage of Prince Henry and the Infanta of Navarre: the Prince's dishability to consummate the marriage. New troubles against the King.  
11 D. Alphonso the fifth of that name and 12. King of Portugal, governed by his mother, and the troubles which ensued.  
12 Continuance of the quarrels and factions in the court of Castille.  
13 Success of the war of Naples, made by D. Alphonso the fifth King of Naples.  
14 Second marriage of D. john King of Navarre, with D. joane Henriques. Continuance of the troubles.  
15 Proceed against the King of Navarre, and them of his faction: Seazure of their goods in Castille. Battle of Olmedo, lost by the King of Navarre. Condemnation of his confederates.  
16 The Constable D. Alvaro de Luna restored to credit: beginning of the King's hatred against him.  
17 The Constables furious enterprises against the Nobility.  
18 Moors incited by the King of Navarre against Castille: war against Granado.  
19 Excess of D. Bertrand of Guevara.  
20 Exploits of war betwixt the Navarrois and Castillans.  
21 Sedltions at Toledo: Concussions and rebellions of D. Pedro Sarmiento.  
22 Birth of D. Isabel, who was Queen of Castille and Arragon.  
23 Entry of the Castillan army into Navarre, and their retreat through the modesty of D. Charles Prince of Navarre; the virtues and disposition of this prince.  
24 Hatred betwixt Prince Charles of Navarre, and his mother in law. D. joane.  
25 Enterprises against the Constable D. Alvaro de Luna: his imprisonment, and miserable end.  
26 Last acts of D. john of Castille and his death.  
27 Troubles, emulations, and death of Princes in the house of Portugal: alliance of the Emperor Frederic in that family by marriage. Descovery of the country in Africa by the Portugals.   
The Kings mentioned in this nineteenth Book, are of PORTUGAL.  

11. D. Edward. 1.  
12. D. Alphonso. 5.   
THe affairs of Castille being somewhat pacified, with the Christian Princes of Spain, made way for the war which King john had resolved against the Moors of Granado, 
Hatred betwixt Courtiers cannot ●e●reconciled, but by the ruin of one party.  notwithstanding that according to the discipline brought in of late, he had always a spleen against them which had presumed to resist him by arms: and therefore upon every occasion he fell into new troubles within his realm: for he had minion's by whom he was wholly governed, who made him jealous of many great men, and by their importune reports did estrange them, and in the end made them ill affected to their Prince. For besides that which we have related in the precedent Book, of the Earl of Castro Xeris, D. john of Soto Major, master of Alcantara, being sent for by the King, he never durst with assurance present himself before him, nor come to court, what promise soever he made him, neither could Don Guttiere Gomes of Toledo, Bishop of Palence, his great friend persuade him: Yet did he perform whatsoever they commanded him, that did concern the King's service, and the obedience which he ought him, excepting always that he would not be bound to come to court against his will. And moreover, notwithstanding any peace concluded betwixt Castille and Navarre and Arragon, the King D. john did still entertain occasions of quarrels; and maintained the Earl of Armaignac, a great enemy to the King of Navarre, furnishing him with money, to be end he might be as a thorn in his foot, to annoy him towards France, so as he might not attempt any thing against Castille. And for a greater proof of his hatred against this Prince, not satisfied to have taken his lands from him in Castille, he caused his castle of Pegnafiel to be razed.  
The country of Galicia being in a manner all in arms through the quarrels of N●gno Freire of Andrada, and his subjects, the King sent and pacefied them: then leaving D. Pedro Manriques for Governor general in Castille, he went in person towards Cordova: for Roderigo of Pereira Governor of Gaçorla having entered rashly with three hundred horse, 
Castillans' defeated by the Moors.  and one thousand foot into the country of Granado, had been defeated and most of his men cut in pieces by the Moors: but this loss was at the same instant recompensed by the taking of the town and castle of Ximena by scalado, through the diligence of the Marshal Garcia of Herrera: wherefore the King hearing that the war began to grow hot, he made haste to approach near unto that frontier: being upon the way, & passing by Ciudad Real, there was a great earthquake, over a great part of the country; for even the city of Granado was shaken therewith. The King being come to Cordova, he sent the constable D. Alvaro de Luna with three thousand horse, who foraged the territories of Illora, Trajara, Loxa, Archidona and other places in the champain country of Granado, and then he returned towards Eccia.  
In the mean time a knight, 
Moors.  called Gilaire, who was by birth a christian, and had been taken being but eight years old, and instructed in the law of Mahumet, came to the King at Cordova, letting him understand that there was a Knight of the Moors, descended from King Mahumet Aben Alhamar, called the Vermilion, the ninth King of Granado, he who had been slain by D. Pedro King of Castille, called joseph Aben Almao, who was in no good terms with Mahumet Aben Azar then reigning, and desired some fit occasion to revolt from him; wherefore if the King would enter into the plain of Granado, he did assure him, that this Moor would come and join presently with his army and revolt the whole realm in his favour. This business being propounded in council, they were of opinion, that King john should advance with his forces, which were 80000. fight men. On the other side Mahumet Aben Azar assembled all his forces of Granado, which amounted to two hundred thousand foot, and five thousand horse, with the which he came to make head against King john's army, with whom joseph Aben Almao the Moor, had joined, with some troops of horse. The armies being near, about the mountain of Eluira, there were many skirmishes: so as on a Sunday the first day of july, 
Battle of Figuiere w●ere the Moors were defeated.  both the armies were drawn forth to battle, in the which the Christians had the victory. This was called the battle of Figuere, for that it was fought in a country full of figs, and is very famous in Spain; for there died above ten thousand Moors, King john remaining so master of the field, as he spoilt and burnt all round about the city of Granado, and yet the Moors durst never come without their walls to defend their houses and fields. The King of Castille had greater enterprises, but by the council and importunity of the Constable, he retired: they say the King of Granado had corrupted him with good store of gold, which he sent him in a present of figs & dried raisins, which made him so press the King's retreat: who being returned to Cordova, and having given order for the safety of the frontier, he came to Toledo, and from thence to Escalone, where he was wonderfully feasted by the constable. After which the Estates were called at Medina del Campo, at the which the peace with Portugal was confirmed, and there was granted to the King of Castille by the deputies of the Provinces, 45. millions of Maravidis, for the charge and continuance of the war against the Moors of Granado whereof joseph Aben-Almao entitled himself King, by the advice of D. john King of Castille, who did assist and favour him all he could to dispossess Mahumet Aben-Azar: and therefore he sent commandment to the captains and Governors of the frontier, to assist him in any thing he should undertake. This Moor was so well followed in a short time by a good number of Knights of his sect which hated King Mahumet, as having surprised Montefrio, he made it his residence and storehouse for the war, the which he did manage with wisdom, valour and judgement: and being aided and favoured by Don Lewis of G●●man, master of Calarrava, D. Diego of Rivera, and other Noblemen and Christian captains, within few days he took the towns of Cambil, Alicum, Illora, Ronda, Isnajar, Archidena, Caçarobonella, Setenil, Turon, Hardales', Castellar and Loxa, all which yielded willingly, except the castle of Loxa, which held for king Mahumet, into the which the Algazil joseph Aben Sa●rax had put a good garrison: 
Defeat of king Mahumet and the taking of Granado, by joseph Aben-Almao.  but soon after he being dead, it was yielded to joseph Aben Almao, through the favour of a rout the which he gave to Mahumets' troops: which victory was of such consequence, as the city of Granado opened her gates: so as King Mahumet being out of hope to be able to resist, going out of Alhambra, with that which was most dear and precious, he led with him the two sons of Mahumet the little, who had been vanquished and slain by him, with a Sister to Captain Coxo his Niece, and so fled to Malaga. By this event joseph Aben Almao remained King of Granado, in the beginning of the year 1432. 
1432.  Mahumet having reigned since his return three years, and it was in the 815. year of the Arabians reign.  

joseph Aben Almao, the sixteenth King of Granado.  
THis new King joseph being received of the whole realm without contradiction, the Crown of Granado returned by him into the family of Mahumet Aben Alhamar, or the Vermilion, who presently made himself vassal to the King of Castille, by whose favour he had gotten the realm, promising a certain tribute of money and other things, whereof there were letters past, sealed with his seal of Gold. He did advertise King john of the success of this war, and did attribute all the happiness thereof to God and him: informing him moreover of the siege which he went to lay before Malaga, wherein the King did assist him, as he had done before, commanding D. Diego of Ribera, Governor of that fronter, to furnish him with men, victuals, and all sorts of aid in that enterprise. Whilst these things were acting, there came a Gene●ois to Court, an Ambassador from Muley Aben Ferriz, King of Tunes, who had charge to entreat King john to spare King Mahumet Aben Azer, and to find some expedient for peace: but finding the realm already possessed by joseph, he complained in the name of the King of Tunes his master, of the misfortune of Mahumet his Kinsman: to whom the King of Castille answered pertinently, saying, that he had made war against him for good and just reasons, for that he had been daily informed that he had secret Intelligence with the Kings of Navarre and Arragon his enemies. This Ambassador stayed some days in the Court of Castille, 
Mahumet Aben Azer recovers the realm of Granado.  being then at Vailledolit. The reign of joseph Aben Almao lasted not above six months: for being old and broken, he died that same year 1432. whereby Mahumet Aben Az●r came to reign again the third time, who being advertised of the death of his Competitor, took all fit courses to make the Granadins obey him again, wherein the King of Castille did not oppose himself, it may be moved at the request of the King of Tunes, by his Ambassador, who returned well satisfied into Africa, being accompanied by Lope Alphonso of Lorca, sent by the King of Castille, that he might take with the King of Tunes some friendly expedient for peace, betwixt Castille and Granado: and in the mean time there was a short truce granted to Mahumet, who made a Knight called Audilbar, who had been faithful unto him, his Alguazil Maior, in the place of the deceased joseph Aben Sarrax.  
The war of Granado being ended after this manner: there fell out new occasions of trouble in the Court of Castille by the King's credulity, 
Castille.  who willingly gave ear to reports, giving him to understanding that the Kings of Navarre and Arragon had secret intelligences with D. Pedro Fernandes of Velasco, 
Troubles in Castille by false reports.  Earl of Haro, Guttiere Gomes of Toledo, Bishop of Palence, and his Nephew D. Fernando Aluares of Toledo, with other great men of Castille: whereupon he stayed some, imprisoned others, and many seeking to escape, were brought back to Court, being then at Zamorra, and others escaped: so as it was full of amazement and tumult. Of the number of the prisoners were the abovenamed D. Fernando Aluares of Toledo, Bishop of Palenza, and the Earl of Haro, who had the Court given him for prison, putting in caution. The Bishop was committed to the castle of Muzientes, and D. Fernando his Nephew to that of Vruegna. D. Ferdinand of Velasco the Earl's brother fled away, and being come into his brother's country, he assured himself of the town and places of strength there. Don Inigo Lopes of Mendoça, Lord of Hita and Buitrago, hearing what had been done in Court, and how his friends and kinsmen were persecuted, he fortified himself in Hita. There was no matter found to charge and convict these Noblemen, so as they were delivered one after an other, but the Bishop and his Nephew were the last of all. Don john of Soto Maior, Master of Alcantara remained, who being in disgrace with the King, and afterwards reconciled, yet he fell again into dislike, so as Don Henry Infant of Portugal was enforced to employ himself to restore him to grace. The King gave charge to Doctor Franc to end all differences with him, who conferring with Diego of Manjarres Treasurer of Alcantara, they ended all matters, so as the Master had reason to be contented: but he showed himself so indiscreet, as he rejected all that they had concluded: and notwithstanding that the Doctor sought to satisfy him in all his demands, yet he was so transported with his passions, as contemning the King, and all them that treated in his name, he called D. Henry and D. Pedro Infant of Arragon, remaining at Albuquerque to deliver them Alcantara, and the forts which depended. The Master going from Alcantara to Valencia, before he had gone two leagues, he had a conceit that he should not be safe in that town; wherefore he returned to Albuquerque, to the Infant D. Henry: And for that he feared to be surprised in the town, he desired to lodge in the castle, whether also Doctor Franc was led prisoner. Whereupon it was given out, that the Infant Don Henry kept the Master of Alcantara prisoner in the castle of Albuquerque: wherewith Guttiere of Soto Maior, great Commander of Alcantara, nephew to the Master, being much discontented, he stayed the Infant Don Pedro prisoner at Alcantara, the whole people consenting thereunto. Don Frederic Admiral of Castille being advertised of these things, he went post to Alcantara, with all his horsemen, to the end this prisoner might be delivered unto him, to conduct him unto the King, but the Commander would not yield him: The Admiral wished him to keep him in safe guard, promising him a great recompense in the King's name, and from thence he went and spoiled the country about Albuquerque.  
The detention of the Infant Don Pedro, did much trouble Don Henry his brother, who caused the Master to go to field, to let the world know that he was no prisoner: but for all this the Commander would not release Don Pedro: for the King tempting the covetousness and ambition of this man, 
Nephew betrays his uncle through ambition.  promised to make him master of Alcantara in his uncles place: so as it appeared to all men, that in retaining Don Pedro, he had more hope to advance himself, than charity to his Uncle, who indeed was deprived of his Mastership, the Commander advanced unto it, and the Inhabitants of Alcantara, for their forwardness in the taking of the Infant, were endowed with great privileges. Don Henry seeing his affairs in very bad estate, fearing they should use his brother unworthily, 
Infants of Ar●agon lose all their lands in Castille.  he had recourse unto the King of Portugal, to mediate his peace with the King, and his brother's delivery: by whose means an accord was made with this condition, that the sort of Albuquerque, & all others that the Infants did hold, should be delivered into the King's hands, and they deprived of all their lands in Castille.  
These things happened in the year 1432. when as King john gave the title of a City to the town of Victoria, 
Admirable Snow in Na●●r & Arragon.  the chief in the province of Alava. About the end of this year there fell such abundance of Snow in Navarre and Arragon, as the towns and bourroughs were in a manner besieged, the Snow continuing forty days together, so as they could not go from one place to another: and the long continuance thereof made many beasts, yea the most savage, and birds of all sorts, to come familiarly into their houses, being priest with hunger, and suffer themselves to be taken, as if they had put off their natural wildness, and were become tame, a presage of future misery.  
The truce betwixt the King of Castille, and Mahumet Aben Azar King of Granado being expired, 
An. 1433.  in the year 1433. there were new supplies of men sent unto the frontiers of Andalusia, under the command of Don Fernand Aluares of Toledo, Lord of Val-decorneja, who took Benamaruel and Bençalema from the Moors: and the Estates of Castille were held at Madrid, where they treated to continue this holy war.  
This year D. john King of Portugal, 
Portugal. Death of Don john King of Portugal.  died in the Castle of Lisbon, a Prince full of years, leaving his realm in peace, and a happy memory of his government, he was seventy seven years old when he died, and had reigned forty nine years. His body was laid in the Cathedral Church at Lisbon, and afterwards buried in the royal Monastery of S. Mary of the battle. Before he left this world, he saw a son borne of D. Edward his son and successor of the Realm, and of Donna Leonora of Arragon his wife, who was named Don Alphonso, and reigned after the father.   

D. Edward the first of that name, and 11. King of Portugal.  
Done Edward was presently after proclaimed king in the palace of Alcaçava, in the presence of his brethren D. Henry Master of the Order of Christ, and duke of Viseo, the Infant Don john, Master of Saint james of Portugal, and Constable of the realm, Don Pedro of Meneses Earl of Viana, the bishop of Ebora and many other Prelates and Knights: whereas the bishop of Ebora did celebrate the ceremony. They say, that the Noblemen being assembled to celebrate this act, a jew, Physician to the new king, and very learned in astrology, came and presented himself unto the assembly, beseeching them to defer it until noon, with assurance that he had observed some bad constellation, threatening that King's reign, that should be received at that hour. The king (who was better instructed, touching these prognostications) would have them proceed without delay, wherefore the jew replied, that the king should reign little, and with great trouble. He was one and forty years old when he began to reign, and had been married five years before, too late for a Prince that was heir to a great Estate. His wife Donna Leonora was daughter to King Fernand, who of Duke of Pegnafiel had been made king of Arragon, by election of the arbitrators deputed by the Estates of the country, borne of Donna Leonora of Albuquerque, 
Genealogy of Portugal.  who was issued of the bdoud royal of Castille and Portugal: for Donna Beatrix her mother was daughter to the king Don Pedro, and sister to Don john king of Portugal, borne of the fair and happy Agnes of Castro, and the father was Don Sancho son to Don Alphonso king of Castille, the last. Of this Princess of Arragon king Edward had Don Alphonso, his eldest, and successor to the Crown of Portugal, borne in the palace of Sintra, in the year 1432. then D. Fernand his second son this year 1433, who was Duke of Viseo, and married Donna Beatrix his cousin germane▪ daughter to D. john, Master of S. james, and the third Constable of Portugal: of which marriage was borne Donna Leonora Queen of Portugal, wife to Don john the second: and also D. Izabella Duchess of Bragance, and Don Dominicke Duke of Viseo, and Don Manuel who came to reign in Portugal, from whom is descended the last King Don Sebastian by the masculine line. Besides these two sons, Donna Leonora brought king Edward, her husband, four daughters, D. Philip who died being but eleven years old, stricken with the plague at Lisbon, D. Leonora married to the Emperor Frederick the third, father and mother to the Emperor Maximilian of Austria, the first of that name, the third was D. Catherina, who was betrothed to Don Charles Prince of Viana, heir of Navarre, and afterwards to Edward the fourth King of England, and yet married neither of them, but died a maid: the fourth was D. jeanne, a very fair Princess, who married with Don Henry the fourth, king of Castille. This was the issue of king Edward, who is numbered for the eleventh king of Portugal, unfortunate at the least in this, that during his reign the plague never ceased to consume his people: yet he was a lover of justice, for the administration whereof he deputed every three months one of his brethren, an Earl and a Bishop, commanding them to do justice to every man, and to suppress all excess: he was sober in speech, and in his manner of living, as much as any Prince of his time: he did limit the expenses of his Wardrobe to five hundred doublons of gold by the year, he caused both gold and silver to be coined of a good Standard. His residence at his first coming to the crown was at Belin: there his brother the Infant D. Pedro the traveler, duke of Coimbra, came and kissed his hands, and swore unto him fealty and homage.  
The first year of his reign, and the second of the age of his son Don Alphonso, he caused him to be sworn the lawful heir of the Crown, by the assembled at Sintra, and would have him called Prince, 
Title of Prince first usurped by the eldest son 〈◊〉 Portugal.  a title first usurped by him in Portugal, following the example of the eldest of other Christian kings, his neighbours in Spain. After this solemnity, he caused the body of the king his father to be transported, whose obsequies were the most royal and stately that ever were made for any king of Portugal. For two months space that he lay in the cathedral Church, there were thirty Masses said every day, and an anniversary once a week, the body being accompanied, and watched every night by a great number of clerks and religious men, 
Stately funerals of King john of Portugal.  singing divers suffrages for the soul of the deceased. The body being to be transported, it was laid upon an high bed, garnished with many banners and trophies, and it was watched in the night by the Infant Don Pedro, being accompanied by a great number of gentlemen, Don Fernand Archbishop of Braga the king's nephew, doing the service, who the next day sung Mass in his pontifical habit, with great state & ceremony, after which and the Sermon made by Friar Giles Lobo the king's Confessor, the body was laid upon a chariot, and conducted by the new street, where there was another Sermon made, & a third in S. Domingo: after which it was accompanied with a great procession out of the town, and conducted by the king and the Princes to the Monastery of S. Denis of Oduiella, distant a league and an half from Lisbon, where it rested that night, where as the Infant Don Henry, Master of the Order of Christ, with his commanders watched: from thence it was carried to Villafranca, where they made another pause: the Infant Don john Master of Saint james, with his Commanders, watching that night: Passing on the next day with the like pomp, they came to Arcoentre; where it rested again, and the body was watched by the Infant D. Fernand Master of Auiz, with his commanders. Continuing the next day, they came to Alcovaça, where they made the fourth pause, and there watched D. Alphonso Earl of Barcellos, brother to the Infant's abovenamed▪ accompanied by his two sons, Don Diego Earl of Oren, and Marquis of Valencia, and Don Fernand Earl of Arroyolos, and Marquis of Villavitiosa, in all which places there was Evensong and vigils said at night when it arrived, and in the morning before it parted Mass being sung pontifically by the abbot of Alcovaça, and the Bishops of Ebora and la guard, in all places: in the end they came to the Hermitage of Saint George in the place of battle, with the like procession, pomp and ceremony, as they came out of Lisbon. The Hermit came forth to meet it, and did accompany it to the royal Monastery of the battle, where it was received, and laid in a royal sepulchre, with great and solemn Masses, and other ceremonies, 
Modesty of the Infant D. Pedro, and his ●●her virtues.  and very rich offerings, where as above all others the piety and filial duty of the Infant D. Pedro, was remarkable, in which good and kind offices he continued towards king Edward his brother, in the government of the affairs of the realm committed unto him.  
This Prince is much commended by the Portugals for his modesty, affirming, that he would never suffer any one to kiss his hand, nor to speak to him kneeling, nor to use any other terms of submission accustomed to great men: He loved learning and learned men greatly, and himself did write some Treaties of the government of Princes, and made some traductions out of the Latin tongue into the vulgar Portugal, not without learning and judgement: He had a particular devotion to Michael the archangel, as he was instructed by the Divines of that age, wherefore he carried a balance for his device, and was a great builder of Temples and holy places: He caused Saint Michael of Penela, and Avero to be built: and in the same town he was the founder of the Monastery of Piety of the preaching Friars, and of the church of Tentuble: and of the hospital of Saint Eloy: he made a collegiall Monastery, as it is at this present. Besides which buildings, he caused the Estates to be built in the city of Lisbon, to lodge Courtiers, to ease the inhabitants of that troublesome, and many times prejudicial subjection. This Prince was husband to Donna Izabella of Arragon, daughter to Don james Earl of Vrgel, and of D. Izabella Infanta of Arragon, daughter to Don Pedro the fourth of that name. Of D. james, I say, who thinking to reign in Arragon after the decease of D. Martin, rebelled against the determination of the arbitrators, who had chosen Don Fernand of Castille for King, the which cost him his liberty, and estates, goods, and dignities, whereof being deprived, he died a prisoner. The Infant Don Pedro had by this Lady Donna Izabella, Don Pedro who was third Constable of Portugal, who in the wars which the Cattelans had against Don john king of Navarre, heir to his brother Don Alphonso King of Arragon, he was chosen King of Arragon, and died in that war, with that title. Moreover he had Don john future king of Cypress, husband to Donna Izabella, whom Don Alphonso the fifth of that name, her cousin germane married: a princess having her devotion and hope directed to Saint john the Evangelist, in whose honour she caused the Monastery at Lisbon to be built, dedicated to him on the top of Euxobregas. With these two sons he had D. Philippe, who lived a religious woman in the Monastery of Odivelas, and was so given to study, as she translated into the Portugal tongue, a work of Laurence justinian's Patriarch of Venice and of Aquilea, founder of the Order of S. George of Alaga, moreover, Don james and Donna Beatrix, who were retired after their father's decease, by Donna Izabella, Duchess of Bourgondie, their aunt. Don james was advanced to spiritual livings, afterwards made a Cardinal, and Archbishop of Lisbon, and Donna Beatrix was married to the Lord of Ravestein, nephew to the Duke of Bourgondie. 
Cardinal dies a virgin.  This Cardinal died a Virgin, as they say, at Florence, where he was buried, in the time of Pius the second.  
In the beginning of the year 1431. there had been a general council called, 
Council of Basil.  the which was continued by Pope Eugenius Successor to Martin the fifth, in the city of Basill, this year 1433. but afterwards the fathers were divided, and the Pope himself, finding the council not pliable to his affections, transferred it to Ferrara, and from thence to Horence. In this council of Basill, the Father's being assembled, they were spectaters of a combat betwixt a gentleman of a Portugal race, but borne in Castille, called john de Merle, and Henry of Ravestan a knight of Bourgondie, who fought on foot, and the Bourgondian was vanquished. The same de Merle had a little before fought a combat on horseback, with the like happiness, in the city of Arras against Peter of Brecemont, Lord of Charny, in the presence of D. Philip.  
King Edward having finished his father's funerals, and all solemnities, oaths, reception of fealty and homage, and other accustomed duties, at the first coming of Kings, he assembled the Estates of his Realm at S. Iren, 
An. 1434.  in the year 1434. to consult concerning the government thereof: from thence there was an ambassador sent to the council of Basill, which was D. Diego Earl of Oren, being accompanied with many learned men and Prelates of Portugal: and then the war against the Moors was propounded, after the example of Kings his Predecessors: It was also held convenient to continue that which King john had begun in Africa: for the execution whereof he obtained a Croisado from the apostolic Sea of Rome, by the means of the Earl of Oren, who brought the Bull into Portugal.  
The King of Castille also sent many of his Prelates and Divines to the Council, 
Castille.  during the which Don Alphonso Carillo, Bishop of Siguença and Cardinal, died, whose Bishopric was given to his Nephew, carrying the same name, who in time came to be Archbishop of Toledo. The ambassadors for the king of Castille at this council were D. Alvaro of Osorno, Bishop of Cuenca, D. john de Sylva Lord of Cyfuentes, Standard-bearer to the king, and Doctor Alphonso of Carthagena, Deane of S. james and Segobia, son to D. Pablo Bishop of Burgos; which Bishopric Don Alphonso obtained in his life time, 
Controversy betwixt England and Castille for precedency.  he being preferred to be Patriarch of Aquilea. There falling out a great question in the council betwixt the ambassadors of England and Castille for the precedence, this Doctor Don Alphonso of Carthagena did so well defend the pre-eminence of the crown of Castille, and gave such pertinent reasons for the dignity and prerogative thereof, as the fathers gave the precedence to the ambassador of Castille, wherein the Doctor was held to have done great service to his country of Spain, whereof he himself hath made a treatise: notwithstanding Raphael Volaterran, in his third book, and last chapter, saith. That in the time of D. Fernand the 5. this cause was pleaded again at Rome, and ended in favour of the king of England, who had given sentence by provision, without any great examination of the cause.  
Returning to the politic affairs of Castille, the King D. john being advertised that Don Fredrick of Arragon, 
D. Frederick of Arragon Earl of Luna a prisoner in Castille.  Earl of Luna, would have seized upon the city of Sevile, he caused him to be apprehended at Medina del campo, and to be carried to the Castle of Braçuelos, which is near unto Olmedo, where he ended his days, and many of his confederates were put to death, who for that cause were brought to Medina del campo. The war begun in Granado, continued with variable success, for after the taking of Benamaruel, by Don Diego of Ribera, Lord of Val de Corneja, Governor of the fronter of Andalusia, attempting the town of Alora, he had been slain by the Inhabitants, and them that defended it: after whose death, the King gave the government to D. Pedro Alfan his son, a young man but fifteen years old. Don Roderigo Manriques somewhat to ease this loss, took the town of Huescar by scalado, and the castle afterwards by ●ight: for the recovery of which place, there were enterprises and encounters betwixt the Christians and the Moors, all that year, 1434. in the which died D. john of Contreras, Archbishop of Toledo, and Primate of Spain: and to him succeeded D. john of Crezuela, brother by the mother's side to the Constable D. Alvaro de Luna.  
About that time the king of Castille gave unto the Earl of Armagnac (who had always showed himself his great friend and partisan in the wars against Navarre) the towns of Cangas and Tinco, with the title of an Earl: and there arrived at Madrid ambassadors from Charles the 7. the French king, to renew the league betwixt France and Castille, to whom the king gave audience in great state, and sitting on a high throne he gave them a good and friendly answer, who after much feasting, were sent home well satisfied: there they did see a tame lion lying at the king's feet, a thing which is not ordinary.  
The same year died D. Henry of Villena, 
Death of Don Henry of Villena.  the king's uncle, son to D. Pedro, and nephew or grandchild to D. Alphonso of Arragon, who had been Marquis of Villena, and first Constable of Castille: a Prince abusing learning, wherein he had been bred, giving himself to infamous Magic arts, whereof he had written many treatises, the which by the king's commandment, and by the censure of Friar Lopes of Barientos, than Schoolmaster to D. Henry Prince of the Asturia's, were for the most part burnt. The king being in pilgrimage at Guadalupe, 
Defeat of the Master of Alcantara by the Moors.  D. Guttiere of Soto mayor, the new Master of Alcantara, being entered into the Moors country with 800. horse and 400. foot, was surprised and compassed in by the Moors in a straight passage, so as there hardly escaped an hundred of his whole troop. This cross should have admonished him of the bad office he had done his uncle, and the Infant D. Pedro: the which although they would cover with a colour of the king's service, yet was it a plotted treason: D. Fernand Aluares of Toledo, Lord of Val de Corneja, had been also in danger, if he had not speedily retired from Huelma, which he sought to force, having failed to take it by scalado: for a great number of Moors marched to fight with him, and he had not sufficient forces to resist them. Having retired with his men to Taen, he entered by Guadix, scoured the country, and was sharply encountered by the Moors, who notwithstanding were vanquished: D. Fernand Aluares spoiling two leagues round about Guadix.  
The truce betwixt Castille, Navarre and Arragon being expired in the year 1435. there came ambassadors to the court of Castille, 
Arragon.  from the Queens of Arragon and Navarre, to beseech the king for a propagation of the truce, in the absence of their husbands, which the king granted them for some months: the which was the sooner obtained by their sending of D. john de Luna, the Constable's cousin, who governed the king his Master. These two kings, brethren, were gone into Italy, to poursue the realm of Naples, where matters succeeded as followeth: After that king D. Alphonso (being called back into Spain, for matters which concerned him near, namely, for the imprisonment of his brother D. Henry) had left Naples, Queen joane and her adopted son Lewis of Anjou, had some time of breathing, and means to recover the city of Naples, and other places of the realm; there only remained john Anthony of Vrsins, Prince of Tarentum, a partisan to k. D. Alphonso, who made head against Lewis duke of Anjou: the duke making war in Calabria, was surprised with a burning fever, whereof he died at Cosenza, in the year 1434 not leaving any children: 
Death of joane Queen of Naples, and her will.  and the same year died Queen joane also, leaving by her will (whether it were true or counterfeit) Rene of Anjou, duke of Lorraine and Bar, brother to Lewis deceased, heir of the realm of Naples, who was at that time a prisoner in the hands of Philip Duke of Bourgondie, by reason of the war betwixt the French and the English: for whose liberty the Governors of the Realm, chosen after the Queen's death, sent ambassadors into France: but on the other side those that were affected to the house of Arragon, as the Prince of Tarentum, john Anthony of Marzan Duke of Sessa, Christopher Gaetan, 
D. Alphonso 〈…〉 back to Napies.  Earl of Fondy, and Roger his brother, with other Noblemen and knights which held Capua, called back King Alphonso, who a little before was come into Sicily, having left the Queen D. Maria his wife, Regent in Arragon, and had led his brethren with him. D. john king of Navarre, who had left the government to D. Bla●che his wife, Queen proprietary of the Realm, D. Henry and D. Pedro, who being dispossessed of all they held in Castille, had retired themselves under the favour of the kings their brethren, with them, and many Noblemen and Knights, as well Spaniards, as Sicilians, King Alphonso passed into the Realm of Naples, and came and landed at Gaye●e, in which place were besides the Inhabitants, and other soldiers of the country 300. Genevois, under the command of Francis Spinola of Genova, sent by Philippe Maria Angelo, Duke of Milan, under whose protection the commonweal of Genova was at that time, and who held the party of René Duke of Anjou. The besieged seeing themselves priest, advertised the Duke of their extremity, and what need they had of succours: whereupon he presently gave order to prepare an army at Genova, of the which Blaise Araxeto was General, being accompanied by Elisa Spinola, james justinian, Galiot Lomelin, and other famous Captains & expert at sea, 
Army sent 〈…〉 suecor Gaycte.  who directed their course towards the Island of Ponce, whereof king Alphonso, who was before Gayete, being advertised, having nineteen great ships, and eleven galleys, he left only five to continue the siege, and resolved to go in person with the rest to encounter the enemy: but he must first pacify a question which was grown betwixt the King of Navarre, for the general conduct of the army, with his brother D. Henry, either of them aspiring to have it, moved with zeal to aid their brother.  
Having set sail, Don. Pedro having charge of the galleys, the Kings and the Infants every one apart, well appointed, came to encounter the Genevois army, the which did consist of twelve great ships, three galleys, one galeasse, and a foist. Being in sight, and within a league and a half one of another, the Genevois seemed as if they would not fight: the king's army kept itself together till noon, striving to get the wind, that they might fight with more advantage: In the mean time the galleys of Arragon discovered the enemy's army, which approached near unto them, finding that they had left three great ships behind, as it were for a rearward. Before they came to join the General of the Genevois army, sent a trumpet in a boat to let the king of Arragon understand, that their intent was not to hurt him, but they had only put to sea to draw out of Gayete, their soldiers, citizens, and merchants of Genova, with their goods and merchandise, and to transport them to Genova. The trumpet was detained a good time, during their consultation, but the conclusion was, that they must charge them: for it was likely, that the Genevois had sent this trumpet, for that they fainted, and feared the Arragonois army. The captains and soldiers, with great demonstrations of courage, cried out for battle, and presently discharged their artillery, which the Genevois did presently answer, so as grappling ship to ship, and galley to galley, the fight was furious and cruel, and continued long doubtful, until that the three great ships left by the Genevois in the teereward, having gotten a full wind, came with great violence upon the ships of Arragon, and among others giving the stem to that in which King Alphonso was, they made it lie on the one side, and had so shaken and shattered it, as it took in an abundance of water, and put the king and all them that were in it in great danger, so as he was forced to yield to james justinian, Governor of the Island of Scio, who took him into Spinola's ship.  
The ship wherein King john did fight, 
Prisoners taken in a battle at se●.  having lost her mainyard, yielded, and was taken by Galiot Lomalin. Don Henry was prisoner to Cyprian de Mare. With these Princes there were taken D. Diego Gomes of Sandoval, Earl of Castro Xeris, and two of his sons, D. john of Sotomajor, who had been Master of Alcantara, Ruy Diaz of Mendoça the bald, Fernando Aualos Chamberlain to D. Henry, and another Son of Don Ruy Lopes d'Aualos, who had been constable of Castille, with many other Noblemen and Knights of Arragon, Navarre, Cattelogne and Valencia, and above 600. soldiers and mariners slain. The Infant D. Pedro, leaping with the help of a cable from one galley to another, escaped: there were 13. ships taken, and most of the galleys were burnt, or sunk, after they had spoiled them. To conclude, the Genevois victory was great & memorable, as well in regard of the prisoners, as of the rich spoils who showed all courtesy and humanity, for after the end of the fight, they did set at liberty above 400. soldiers, that were prisoners, besides mariners, retaining only the chief men: wherein they did wisely, and like soldiers, for a multitude of prisoners of mean quality, are but an encumber: and it is an unprofitable charge, and doth many times make the vanquished take courage to rebel, and to become Masters of them that hold them. Among the multitude that were set at liberty, there were many Knights of great worth escaped unknown. That which gave the advantage to the Genevois army, was the 3. ships left in the rearward, the abundance of scalding lime, and wildfire which they cast, and finally, that they were better seamen than the Arragonois.  
The victorious army approaching near to the Island of Ischia, 
Magnanimity of king of Alphonso.  King Don Alphonso being a prisoner was priest to make it yield unto the Genevois, whereunto although he were a captive, he would not yield. By this defeat the siege was raised at Gayete, and the prisoners carried to Savona, from whence they were afterwards, by the Duke of Milan's commandment, distributed into divers prisons: King Don Alphoso to Pavia, with Don Henry and others: King john, the Earl of Castro, and Ruy Diaz of Mendoça were led to Milan.  
These lamentable news did wonderfully trouble the Queens of Arragon and Navarre, and all the people of these two Kingdoms, especially Donna Leonora the widow-queen of Arragon, who lived in her Monastery of Saint john de las Duegnas, without the walls of Medina del campo, very simply and modestly, who conceived so great a grief as she died soon after: This did much afflict the King and Queen of Portugal, and all the Noblemen of that Realm. The imprisonment of these Princes and Noblemen was short, for Don Philip Maria being courteous, and visiting his prisoners often, he was so persuaded by king Alphonso, that both he and his Estates should reap more profit in maintaining the party of Arragon, 
Bounty of the duke of Milan  then that of France, as vanquished with his reasons, he not only let them all go free without ransom, but gave them many rich presents, after that he had entertained them royally many days, suffering them to go and come with all liberty, where they pleased. He caused Don john, King of Navarre, and Don Henry his brother, to be conducted to Porto Venere with six hundred horse for their guard, where they were received by Don Pedro their brother, and moreover he would that the Neapolitan Knights which were then at Milan, and the ambassadors of towns should take an oath of fealty to King Alphonso, acknowledging him for their king, making so great a change of all things, as of an enemy he became a partisan and friend to the Arragonois: by reason whereof the Genevois being incensed, rebelled against the Duke.  
If the news of the defeat and taking of these Princes, caused great heaviness in Arragon and Navarre, the joy was so much the greater, when as they understood of their delivery, the which was carried into Castille, where as the king of Navarre was much desired of many, to whom the greatness of the Constable D. Alvaro de Luna, was offensive and hurtful, Don Frederick Admiral of Castille, who was one of them, sent a messenger to Queen Blanch, advertising her that her husband's absence was very prejudicial to himself and all his friends, for that his adversaries grew great according to their own desires, and therefore she should do well to hasten his return as soon as might be: The like advertisements were given her by many other knights of Castille, wherefore she sent three knights of her household into Italy, to the king her husband: which were john Henriques of Lacarra, Sancho Ramires of Aualos her carver, and the Seigneur of Vertiz, to hasten his return.  
D. john king of Castille at the request of his sister Queen Mary of Arragon, continued the truce five months longer, 
Castille.  upon the news of the defeat of the two kings brethren. Being at Segobia, there was a  knight called Robert presented himself unto him, who would make trial of arms, with D. john Pimentel Earl of Majorga, by whom he was vanquished. The like proof being made by other twenty german knights, which came in the company of Robert; had in a manner the like issue, to the dishonour of strangers, and great commendation of the Spanish nation. D. Fernand of Gnevara, a knight of great valour, being at Vienna, the chief town of Austria, he fought within a list on foot, with a german knight called Vourapach, in the presence of Duke Albert son-in-law to the Emperor Sigismond, who casting his staff, caused the combat to cease, and put them out of the lists, to the great honour of the Spanish knight. Don john of Pimentel Earl of Majorga, desirous to try his valour with strange Knights out of Castille, as he practised to play with a battell-axe with a servant of his called Lope de la Torre, he was struck by him considerately on the face, so as he died soon after; a due reward for this quarreling exercise, which was then in so great estimation, to go seeking honour, (without cause or quarrel) in the force and dexterity of the body, more than in the gifts of the mind, humanity and justice.  
Whilst that King john was busy at Aleala of Henares to celebrate the funerals of his deceased aunt Queen Leonora, there was hot war made upon the fronter of Granado, where as D. Alphonso janes' Fajardo, received the towns of Velez the white, and Velez the red, which yielded voluntarily to the king of Castille, the Inhabitants moors promising to pay him the same tribute which they paid to king Mahumet, wherewith the King was satisfied: but he would not hear the ambassadors of Baça and Guadix, who came to beseech him to give them another king a Moor, than Mahumet, for that he did entreat them ill: but k. john knowing that this was but a device to free themselves from the spoil which he intended against them, he sent them away, and commanded his captains to forage and spoil their country, the which was executed by D. Fernand Aluares of Toledo. The Moors of Galea and Castilegia yielded to D. Roderigo Manriques, upon the same conditions like unto them of Velez. It fell out unfortunately for D. Henry of Guzman, the siege which he pretended to lay to Gibraltar: for being come by sea with some barks before the town, whether his son john of Guzman should come by land with the rest of his forces to besiege it, he had no patience to attend, but landed, & began to skirmish on the shore, near unto the walls, with the Moors which sallied out against him, but the sea flowing, it forced him to retire to his bark, leaving many of his Knights on land, in prey to the enemy, who began to cry out and to complain, that he had left them there to the slaughter, with such vehement words, as moved to pity, he caused his bark to approach to land to receive them: but it was so over-laden as in sunk, and there the Earl Don Henry, 
D. Henry of Guzman drowned near Gibraltar.  with about forty Knights were drowned, whose loss was great. The bodies being cast upon the shore, were drawn to land by the Moors, and the Earls was put into a coffer, and set upon an high tower, to be a terriour to the Christians, where it continued some years. By this pitiful success, the son retired from Gibraltar, and out of all Andalusia with tears and mourning: the bones of this Earl are at this present in a most ancient Tower made of Brick, in the highest part of the castle of Gibraltar, which the common people believe was built and erected by Hercules.  
Whilst that these things passed in Spain, in the year 1436. 
Navarre. 1436.  the Kings of Arragon and Navarre were deeply engaged in the war of Naples, whither the Duchess Isabella of Lorraine, wife to Rene of Anjou a prisoner was come, and with the help of Pope Eugenius defended her husbands right courageously. The two brethren kings being advertised of the affairs of Spain, by their friends and servants, they resolved to send a joint embassage to the king of Castille, to treat a peace with him upon some good conditions. The ambassadors found the Court at Toledo, where having delivered their charge unto the king, it pleased God that after many conferences and debates, a peace was concluded upon a promise of marriage betwixt D. Blanch Infanta of Navarre, and Don Henry of Castille, Prince of the Asturia's, with these conditions:  
That the solemnisation of this marriage should be accomplished within the limit of a certain time, betwixt Henry heir of the Realms of Castille, and Donna Blanch, eldest daughter to D. john king of Navarre, 
Conditions of peace betwixt Castille, Navarre and Ar●agon.  to whom should be assigned the Marquisat of Villena, the towns of Medina del campo, Olmedo, Coca, Roa, and Aranda: the revenues of which lands, D. john King of Navarre should receive the four next following years. That if there were no children borne of this marriage, the king of Navarre should have ten thousand florins of gold of yearly rent assigned upon the revenues of Castille. That to D. Blanch, Queen of Navarre, and to her son D. Charles, should in like manner be given an assignation of ten thousand florins of gold yearly, during their lives. That all knights should be pardoned, which during the wars, and forepassed quarrels, had followed either party, and they restored to their goods and dignities, except on the part of Castille, D. john of Sotomajor, who had been Master of Alcantara, and the Earl of Castro Xeris: and on the behalf of Navarre, D. Godfrey of Navarre, Earl of Cortes: Item, that to the Infant D. Henry brother to the kings of Arragon and Navarre, should be assigned 5000. florins of gold of yearly hereditary rent: and to the Infanta D. Catherina his wife should be given 50000. florins of gold in ready money for her dowry. These articles being accorded, a peace was proclaimed in the Realms of Castille, Arragon, and Navarre, and D. Pedro of Acugna, son to Lopes Basques of Acugna, Lord of Buendia, was sent to Azagna, with sufficient authority, to make the first promise in the name of Prince Henry, and it was concluded the solemn betrothing should be at Alfaro, whether came at the time assigned, the Prince D. Henry accompanied by D. Alvaro de Luna, constable of Castille, and many other Noblemen, Knights, and Prelates, who arriving two days before the Infanta: being advertised that she was at Corella, he went to meet her with all his train. The Queen of Navarre, mother to the Infanta, Prince Charles her brother, the Bishop of Pampelone, with many other Prelates, Peter of Peralta, Lord Steward of the king's house, Leon of Garro, and other knights, many Ladies and Gentlewomen of Navarre attended her, all in equipage worthy of such a solemnity, the which was celebrated in Alfaro, in the year 1437. D. Pedro of Castille, Bishop of Osma stipulating and receiving the promises, either of them being but 12. years old. The Prince D. Henry gave many goodly and rich jewels to the Infanta, and used the like bounty to the Ladies and Knights of her train. Then having spent four days at Alfaro in great feasting and joy, the parties separated themselves, every one retiring into his country. By this peace there was also restored unto the king of Navarre, the town & castle of la guard, and the castles of Asaturuguen and Burandon: and towards Guipuscoa, there were yielded the castles and places of Gorriti, Cobono, Toro, Araciel, and Saragana, which the Guipuscoans had taken during the wars. Moreover, the town of Briones was yielded to the king of Navarre, touching the Seigneurie and the revenue, but the Sovereignty remained to the king of Castille. This peace was promised and sworn, upon a penalty of 300000. florins of gold, payable by him that should break it: and it was confirmed by the chief officers of either realm, both clergy and secular, and by the deputies of the chief towns. For Navarre, there signed D. Martin of Peralta bishop of Pampelona, the archb. of tire, the Queen's confessor, the Prior of S. john, & the Dean of Tudele, clergymen: D. Lewis of Beaumond, Tristan Lord of Luçe, Peter of Peralta, Lord Steward, Philip Martial of Navarre, & Vicont of Ro, with other knights: moreover, the deputies of the cities of Pampelona, Estella, and Tudela▪ and of the towns of Sanguesse, Olite, Arcos, Biane, S. Vincent and others. For Castille, besides the great officers of court, there did swear all the Noblemen of the fronter of Guipuscoa, Rioja, and others, yea they of the families of Lazcano, Berastequi and Amezqueta: and these accords were written by Bartholomew of Renes, Secretary to D. john King of Navarre, and of Queen Blanch his wife, and by Alphonso Peres of Bivera, high Treasurer and Secretary to the king of Castille.  
This joy was crossed according to the custom of human things, with great grief in the court of Castille, 
Imprisonment of D. Pedro Manrique.  the king having caused D. Pedro Manrique Governor of Leon to be committed to prison, where at every man did show himself discontented, so as the king caused 2000 lances to come for his guard, which remained continually about the court. He sent the prisoner to the castle of Fuente Duegna, commanding that he should have the liberty of the prison, & that sometimes they should suffer him to go on hunting, which liberty was procured by the Admiral of Castille, who was discontented for his detention.  
This year which was 1438. there were brought unto the King stones, 
1438.  which they said, 
Stones fallen from heaven very light.  were fallen from heaven in great abundance, at Maderuelo, a house belonging to the Constable, very light: the which although they were reasonably big, yet were they so light as they did not hurt any one they fell upon, a strange thing, and which was held prodigious. The Articles of the peace being brought into Italy, were allowed and confirmed by King Don Alphonso, in the presence of Doctor Ferdinand Lopes of Burgos, one of the King's Council.  
The war of Granado was managed with variable success: 
Granado.  many Knights among the Moors disliking the government of King Mahumet, revolted, taking the party of Castille, of the which one Aben Amar was Captain, who soon after went with his men to the King of Tunes, with leave from the King of Castille, having received both pay and presents from him: and moreover 6000. pounds' starling for the charge of their voyage. Don ●nigo Lopes of Mendoça Governor of the Fronter, Lord of Hyta and Buyttago, who was afterwards Marquis of Sentillana, took the town of Huelma from the Moors, 
Castillans' defeated by the Moors.  and had the castle afterwards by composition, causing the garrison of Moors to be conducted in safety to Cambil and Halabar. But Roderigo of Perea, Governor of Caçorla, being entered rashly into the Moors country, was surprised by a great number of horse and foot, lead by Aben Sarrax, a wise and valiant man, among all them of his nation, by whom he was cut in pieces, scarce twenty of his men escaping, being in all four hundred horse, and a thousand foot: yet this victory was not without loss of blood to the Moors, for their Captain Aben Sarrax was slain, and many Knights of note.  
The sacred war of Africa, which was led by D. Ferdinand Master of avis, and Don Henry Master of the Order of Christ, 
Portugal.  Infants of Portugal, had answerable success, who having obtained, by great importunity from the King their brother, leave to pass the sea, had besieged the town of Tanger, having brought but 6000. fight men out of Portugal. The siege having continued thirty seven days, being well assailed and well defended, 
The Portugals forced to accept of dishonourable conditions.  there came an infinite multitude of Moors, both horse and foot, to secure the besieged, being lead by the Kings of Fez, Maroc, Velez, and other Princes in person. Wherefore the Portugals sought to retire themselves, but being in a manner invested by this great army, they were forced to fortify themselves in their trenches, and changing their condition of besiegers, they found themselves besieged, so as having no means to escape, they must capitulate with the Moors for their lives and liberties, promising to yield up unto them the town of Ceuta, and all the captive Moors that were in Portugal. Upon this accord D. Henry and his men were sent back, and came naked and stripped to Ceuta, the Infant D. Ferdinand remaining for hostage in the hands of the King of Fez, until the accord were performed: But D. Henry being returned with this disarmed army into Portugal, when as King Edward had assembled the Estates of the realm at Ebora, being much grieved at this unhappy success, to take some course for the delivery of D. Ferdinand, they would never yield that the town of Ceuta should be delivered unto the Moors: but they consented to all other means to free D. Ferdinand: the difficulties and delays were such, together with the death of King Edward which happened, as for want of execution of that which had been promised unto the Moors, the Infant D. Ferdinand past the rest of his days in prison in the hands of Infidels, 
D. Ferdinand in captivity in Barbaric.  with great constancy, and a rare example of patience and religion, comforting the other captive Christians, not only for that they saw a Prince participate of their miseries, but he did also encourage them by godly exhortations to continue constant in the faith of our Saviour. King Edward being very pensive for this dishonourable loss, but especially for the captivity of his brother, going out of Ebora, where as the plague was violent, he retired to Auiz: and to ease the court, and to spare charges, he commanded the Infants his brethren to retire to their houses. He came in person to Pont du Soleil, where he caused a strong wall to be made, 
Death of King Edward.  to assure that place from thieves, then going to the Monastery of Tomar, he felt himself touched with a sharp and pestilent Ague, whereof he died in September this year 1438. being forty seven years old, and having reigned only five: his body was interred in the royal Monastery of the Battle. By his will he left all his movables to the Queen Don Leonora, and made her Governess of their children, and Regent of the Realm.  
About that time Don Pedro Manrique a prisoner in Castille at Fuente Duegnas, 
Castille. D. Pedro Manrique escap●s out of prison.  slipding down with cords from the castle wall, he fled to Enzinas, a fort belonging to his son in law D. Alvaro of Estuniga son to D. Pedro Earl of Ledesma, whether presently came the Admiral Don Frederic, his brother, Don Henry and his friends, with great company. The King at one instant received this news, and that of the death of the Infant Don Pedro of Arragon, 
D. Pedro of Arragon slain at Naples.  who had been slain with a great shot, assailing the city of Naples, whereat he was equally grieved, but with diverse passions: the Infant's body was buried in the castle de l'Ouo. This sort de l'Ouo, and the new castle at Naples, had always held good for the Arragonois. King René was come a little before to Nap●es, with twelve galleys of Genova, and was there received with royal pomp and state: after which having sent back his galleys, he filled the city and all places thereabouts with his soldiers, having gathered together a great army, he began to assail the neighbour places, but with small effect. There came a Herald in his name to King Don Alphonso being at Castellucci in Abruzzo, with a gauntlet dipped in blood, challenging him to a single combat: Don Alphonso received the gauntlet, and demanded of the Herald, if King Renè meant they should encounter in single fight, one against another, or with all their forces: the Herald answered, that the King his Master would present himself with his army. Whereupon King Don Alphonso replied, that seeing he was the challenger, it was in him to make choice of the place, and day of battle; and therefore he did choose the fields which are betwixt Nola and la Cerra, whether he would come within eight days, with his whole army, to fight as his adversary would. At the day assigned, Don Alphonso presented himself upon the place, and attended René, who appeared not, for that he had been dissuaded by his friends and servants, who came to lodge with his army at that place, from whence Don Alphonso was parted, and took Castelluccio. Alphonso on the other side took Arpaio in the valley of Gardano, and so taking places, and ruining the country, he marched to Naples, having above 15000. men in his army, with which forces and ten galleys he held the town besieged, where happened the death of the Infant Don Pedro, as we have said. But soon after, Renè coming with the like, or greater forces, he not only preserved the city, but he forced the garrisons of the new castle, 
Return of D. John King of Na●arre into Spain.  and of the fort de l'Ouo, to yield for want of victuals. About which time the King of Navarre returned into Spain, to overthrow those good accords which had been made betwixt him and the King of Castille, and to trouble all Spain, being of an inconstant and turbulent disposition.  
The enemies of Don Alvaro de Luna the Constable, relying much upon the King of Navarre, 
Castille.  and his forces, had banded themselves openly against him: the chief whereof were the Admiral Don Frederic, Don Pedro Manriques Governor of Leon, Don john Ramir of Ariellan, Lord of Los Cameros, Don Pedro of Quingnones Merin Mayor of the Asturia's, Don Diego of Estuniga son to the Earl of Ledesma. Don Roderigo of Castagneda Lord of Fuente Duegna, and Don Pedro Mendoça, Lord of Almacan, who drew many others unto their league, namely the Earl of Ledesma, who had his lands fronting upon Eccia. The King called soldiers from all parts to suppress this tumult (among the rest he was speedily served by the Nobility of Andalusia) to whom the confederates did write very dutiful and respective letters, entreating him to cause the Constable to dislodge from Court, before that he grew so powerful, as he might be prejudicial both to him and his realm. There was in truth some reason to suppress the boldness and greatness of this man, who was insolent, covetous, and not very faithful to his Prince, the which was well known to the King, and to many of his Council: 
D Alvaro de Luna the Constable, insolent, covetous and treacherous.  but he had them all so tied unto him, as not any one could attempt against him, nor consent willingly to that which should displease him: wherefore an answer was made unto the letter, quite contrary to that which the Noblemen of the league demanded, with whom there newly joined Don Lewis de la Cerde Earl of Medina Celi, and Don Pedro of Castille Bishop of Osma, who had seized upon many places, as Don Pedro of Quignones had done of the City of Leon, so as the whole realm was full of seditions and tumults, all in general imputing the fault unto the constable, partly with reason, and partly without. The King being at Roa, used all diligence to assemble forces, to be the stronger, writing letters to Toledo and other great towns, admonishing them of their duties, and to be faithful unto him.  
In the mean time the Marshal D. Intgo Ortiz of Estuniga, brother to the Earl of Ledesma, entered into Vailledolit, with five hundred men at arms, and seized on the town in the name of the confederate Lords. On the other side the King was advertised that the King of Navarre, and D. Henry his brother, were entered into Castille with five hundred men at arms, and not knowing upon what pretext, considering the accord lately concluded betwixt them, he sent unto them, entreating them to join with him and to come to court: the King of Navarre consented, and came to the king to Cuellar, with six horse only, whereat the whole court did much rejoice. They came at the instance of the confederate Lords, and also incited with a desire to recover that which they had lost in Castille, by means of the present troubles, in whose company was the Earl of Castro. The King of Navarre being separated from the rest, and come unto the king, received great honour and good usage: but the Infant D. Henry advanced not, but stayed with the troops, the which he led to Pegnafiel, where they opened him the gates, the King having so commanded, and soon after he had conference with the king of Navarre his brother at Minquela, near to Cuellar, there being good correspondency betwixt them, although they made no show of it: for the King of Navarre continued with the King of Castille, and he retired to Vailledolit, to the Lords of the League: there was much trouble, and many interviews of Noblemen of either part, with great levies of soldiers to the oppression of the people, and yet there was no means to make an accord; the confederates insisting still that the constable should be banished from court, the which was a hard matter to effect. The Admiral and the Infant D. Henry sent to challenge the constable, and he accepted the combat, but yet they did not fight. The King did solicit D. Henry, promising him that if he would be of his party he would make him master of Saint james, and would give him other things, for the which the Infant gave him thanks, letting him understand, that whatsoever he did, was for his service.  
In these treaties of pacification the greatest difficulty was in the restitution of lands forfeited, 
Lands of confiscation given away ●i●der the peace.  the which had been distributed to many: yea to some of the confederates, who would not restore them, at the least without recompense. Being in these garboils and out of hope of any accord, they had news, that D. Roderigo of Villandrado, first Earl of Ribadeo, who had some years before served Charles the seventh, the French King, with great reputation and honour, was come into Castille, bringing with him three thousand soldiers to serve and succour King john his natural Lord: wherefore all treaties of accord ceasing, the Kings of Castille and Navarre went as far as Pegnafiel to meet him with some troops, to assure him from the surprises of the confederates, who sent the Earl of Ledesma with fifteen hundred horse, to attend him at a passage. This supply, and other occasions, together with the diligence of certain religious men, who sought to reconcile these Noblemen, made the parties more tractable, so as in October 1439. a peace was concluded, 
An. 1439.  upon these conditions. That the constable D. Alvaro de Luna should absent himself from court for six months, and that the king of Castille should recompense the king of Navarre and D. Henry his brother, for the lands he had taken from them: and the process and proceed made against them that were in arms disannulled: that the towns and sorts held by the confederates should be restored. These things being concluded at Castro Nugno, the constable to fulfil the Article which concerned him, parted from court, leaving most of the king's council which favoured him, discontented▪ The Noblemen dismissed their soldiers, and the king parted from Castro Nugno to go unto Toro. In the mean time the Infanta D. Catherina, wife to D. Henry, died in childbed.  
There was no peace firmly settled by this accord, for the king being possessed by a council made by the constable, was held in distrust, and the courtiers in continual jealousy. He caused some of them, which had followed the confederate Lords, to be imprisoned at Salamanca, and to take Segobia from Ray Dìaz of Mendoça, who held it, he gave it to the Prince of the Asturia's his son. The King of Navarre and his brother D. Henry seeing these proceed, they went from Madrigal, towards the court, but the King sent to forbid them to come there: and to the end they should not find him at Salamanca, he dislodged and went to Bonilla de la Serra, from whence he sent to demand a saufe-conduit of the Noblemen for Don Guttiere Gomes of Toledo Archbishop of Sevile, whom he meant to send to treat with them, the which being willingly granted, the Archbishop came to Madrigal, with some of the King council, but they returned without any conclusion: wherefore the King of Navarre and the Infant his brother led some troops towards Auila, where by the means of Alvaro of Bracamont, and Fernando of Aualos, who had taken upon them to defend it, they became masters, from thence the King of Navarre did write a letter unto the King of Castille full of good council, accusing the constable of avarice, 
Insolemies' of the Constable of Castille made known unto the King.  cruelty, tyranny, insolency, and contempt of the Princes and Noblemen, yea of the King himself, having presumed to kill a squire in Arevalo; and a groom, to fly his fury, having cast himself at the King's feet, as in a most assured Sanctury, he had beaten him almost in his bosom, stretching his arms over the King's shoulders, without any respect to his dignity, whom every man (to the great dishonour of his royal person) said he had enchanted: and to conclude, if he did not chase him away and punish him, he could not be honoured nor served by the Princes, and Noblemen of Castille, who could not endure such indignities from an upstart, whose beginning was scarce known. The King knew well that many things contained in these letters were true, yet being governed by such as favoured the constable, he made no answer: whereupon the confederates sent the Earls of Haro and Benavent unto him, who after many Negotiations, concluded with the King's council, that they should make an assembly of the Estates at Vailledolit, whereas the deputies of the towns and Provinces of Castille and Leon should meet, and determine of that which should be held expedient for the quiet of the realm, so as the Archbishop of Sevile, and his Nephew the Earl of Alba did remain at their houses. Before the execution of that which had been concluded, the Infant D. Henry entered Toledo with three hundred and fifty knights, through the favour of D. Pedro Lopes of Ayala the Governor, and made himself master thereof, having good correspondency with the King of Nuarre his brother, whose faction was very strong at that time in Castille, his friends and confederates holding the chief towns of the realm: for besides that he had under his command the town of Auila, and his brother that of Toledo, the Earl of Ledesma held Burgos and the castle: Pedro of Quignones was master of Leon: Ruy Diaz of Mendoça commanded Segobia, with the sort: D. Henry Henriques the Admiral's brother had Zamora, and the castle: Salamanca was in the hands of john Gomes of Anaya: Guadalajara of D. Inigo Lopes of Mendoça, Lord of Hita: Plaisance of the Earl of Ledesma: Vailledolit of the Earl Pedro Nugnes: other places were held by other Knights of that party, the which did much trouble the King, and his constable. To make the assembly of Vailledolit more easy, the Earls of Haro and Benavent returned to Bonille, where it was again concluded that the Kings and the Noblemen should retire their troops; and there was a general passport given to all them that should come to Vailledolit, with assurance of their goods; yea to the constable, who remained in his house at Escalano, where by an ill presage, the greatest part of the castle had some few days before been burnt with lightning: notwithstanding the King would have the passport serve also for the constables person. In this assembly it was decreed that the cities and towns held by the confederates, should be left free at the King of Castile's dispose, but there was not any thing effected, and the more to trouble the realm, D. Henry Prince of the Asturia's, persuaded by his spouse, and the confederate noblemen, began to join with the King of Navarre, his future father in law, retiring himself unto the Admiral D. Frederics lodging, wherewith the court was much troubled; and the King sent the Earl of Castro, and Ruy Diaz of Mendoça to the King of Navarre, to understand the cause of this alteration; who answered that he knew it not: and withal went with them to the Admiral's lodging, to understand the reason. The Prince answered, that he had retired himself thither, by reason of Doctor Perjine● Alphonso P●res of Bivero and Nicholas Fernandes of Villanicar, of the King's council, being unworthy of that rank, and beseeching the King that he would chase them away, else he would retire himself. The King promised to dismiss them, whereupon the Prince was pacified, and came to the King's palace, 
D. john de Pache●o governs Prince Henry.  after midnight, the King of Navarre accompanying him. The Prince D. Henry was governed by a young gentleman called D. john de Pacheco, son to Alphonso Telies' Giron, Lord of Beaumond, who was preferred to his service by the constable, and was afterwards made Marquis of Villena, and master of the Order of Saint James. The King at the Estates of Vailledolit, settled some order for justice, which was but badly executed in Castille, and some thing to pacify the Princes and Noblemen that were mutined, and to divert their arms, he thought it now time to celebrate the marriage of D. Henry and the Infanta of Navarre, being three years since they were made sure, and either of them being fifteen years old: the bond of consanguinity, which might hinder it, was dissolved by Pope Eugenius the fourth. The Infanta being sent for, she entered into Castille, 
An. 1440.  in the year 1440. being accompanied by Queen Blanch her mother, the Prince of Viana her brother, and many noblemen, prelates and knights of Navarre. She was received in the town of Logrogno, by D. Alphonso of Carthagena, Bishop of Burgos D. Inigo Lopes of Mendoça Lord of Hita, and by D. Pedro of Velasco, Earl of Haro. From thence the Prince D. Charles returned into Navarre with his Governor. D. john of Beaumond, who in the Prince's name governed the realm, the Queen mother being absent.  
The Princess with all her train being come to Vilhorado, a house belonging to the Earl of Haro, she was entertained with sumptuous feasts, great sports and rare inventions; and much more at Birbiesca, by the Earl himself. D. Pedro of Acugna did the like at Duegnas, whether the Prince D. Henry came to meet his spouse, whereas he presented her with many rich jewels, and she him: who having been some four and twenty hours with the Ladies, he returned to Vailledolit, whether they went. There went forth to meet them, the Kings, and all the principal Noblemen of the court, who made a stately entry into the town, and the Queen and Princess went to the King of Navarres lodging, whose brother D. Henry came from Toledo to assist at the marriage, the which was celebrated with a royal pomp, 
Cardinal of Saint Peter.  D. Pedro of Ceruantes Bishop of Auila, performing the ceremony. But the unfortunate hap of this Princess was such, as the Prince D. Henry proved unable to consummate the marriage, 
Marriage of the Prince of Castille and the Infanta of Navarre.  the which she did virtuously conceal for many years. To honour the marriage, the noblemen ran at tilt with sharp pointed lances, but the sport was so dangerous, as the King was forced to forbid it, for Pedro Porto Carrero a Knight of Torry, and john of Salezar lost their lives, and others were sore hurt in these encounters. This royal feast (which had continued many days) being ended, the Princes and Noblemen of the court being disperse, the Prince D. Henry was conducted to Segobia by D. john de Pacheco his great mignon, who through a courtears Ingratitude, fortified the King of Navarres party, and that of the Noblemen confederated to ruin the constable, by whom he had been advanced working so, as the Prince his master joined with them, who reviving their old quarrels, sent to beseech the King, that without any more delay he would cause the constables process to be made, degrading him of the honour and dignity which he held, and of the government of the realm. The King was much troubled to see new seditions which he thought had been suppressed, and wonderfully incensed against his son, would not make any direct answer to this demand: besides he had still some of his council which defended the constables cause: wherefore in the year 1441. the troubles began more violent than before. Marry Queen of Castille sister to the King of Navarre took then his part, which she had not done before.  
The Infant D. Henry, brother to the King of Navarre, being after the marriage returned to Toledo, he fortified himself there, and received Pero Lopes of Ayala, contrary to the King's commandment: where continuing in his accustomed rebellions, he stayed the Ambassadors which the King had sent unto him, to persuade him to take a better course, yea the King being in person to Saint Lazaro, without the walls of the city, upon the way to Madrid, only with thirty horses of his household and train, the Infant sallied forth, and presented himself in battle, using threats and proud speeches, so as the King was forced to return speedily. There was in his company D. Roderigo of Villandrado Earl of Ribadeo, 
Previledges of the Earls of Ribadeo.  who in this voyage obtained a goodly previledge for him and his family, which was, that the robe which the Kings of Castille put on the first day of the new year, should belong to him, and that he should that day eat at the King's table, leaving this previledge to his posterity in the King of Castile's court. As soon as the King came to Torijos from Saint Lazaro, he began to proceed against the Infant D. Henry, for the detention of his Ambassadors, and so he retired to Auila. The constable and his brother D. john of Crezuela Archbishop of Toledo (against whom all this war was intended) sent to beseech the King to send some of his council unto them, to the end their might be some order taken for so many incoveniences, the which being done, they concluded that the King should send unto the confederate Lords, to advise them to observe the accord made at Bonille de la Serra, and the more to ease the country, they should dismiss their soldiers.  
That to determine all quarrels betwixt them and the constable, they should choose judges, who should examine where the fault was, and should appoint punishment for them that were found coulpable: and that if they thought it fit, there should be a general assembly of the Estates called to that end. The Kings offered all these things to the confederates, who were for the most part in Arevalo: but they answered, that there was no means of pacification, if the constable who was newly come to Auila, did not dislodge from court. The King hearing this answer, sought to retire his son D. Henry, who being counseled by the King of Navarre, and the Queens of Castille and Navarre, went to Auila, where he protested to the King his father, that he desired nothing more, then to mediate a good peace: where after some small stay, he returned to Segobia, promising that from thence he would write unto the Queens, touching their meeting at Santa Maria de Nieva, there to treat with them of the means of an accord.  
In the mean time the King received letters from Diego de Valera, a wise Knight and of great experience, who had seen and frequented the courts of foreign Princes, seeking (according to the custom of Noblemen of that age) honour by arms, 
D. Diego of Val●ra gives good advice unto the king.  at Tournaies' and combats, beginning for pleasure, and ending many times with death, or some other misfortune; yet he had always been fortunate, and had won much honour and reputation, both in Spain and else where. These letters contained many grave admonitions, and profitable council, both for the King and his Estate. Being read in open council, D. Guttiere Gomes of Toledo Archbishop of Toledo, without any great consideration, stepped forward to answer for all the rest. Bid D. Diego said he, send us men and money, for we have not any need of council. The King to gratify the Prince his son, gave unto him the town of Guadalajara, the which by this means he thought to wrest out of the hands of D. Inigo Lopes of Mendoça, Lord of Hita and Buytrago: but they made resistance in the taking of possession. This happened at such time as he came to visit the King at Auila, or a little before. The Queens and the Prince, according unto that which had been promised to the King his father, met together at Santa Maria de Nieva, where D. john de Pacheco was also present: they conferred long together about the pacification of the troubles, without any great conclusion.  
From thence there was sent unto Auila, Alphonso Tells Giron Lord of Beaumond, father to john Pacheco, and Doctor Valdenebro, a prior, that to make matters more easy, he should approach to Arevalo, whereunto the King would not yield, wherein he was ill counseled by some, who feared they should lose their credit and authority, by the accords which might be made there.  
Matters being broken off the confederates sent the Admiral Don Fredrick, the Earl of Benavent, Don Pedro of Quignones and Roderigo Manriques, with good numbers of men, beyond the mountains, into the Country of Toledo, who ran as far as Escalona, and presented battle unto the constable, and to the Archbishop his brother, who came from Illesca to join with him, when as their enemies were retired: these Lords of the league returned to Toledo without any blows, whether came some men of authority from the King, to stay them from fight. At that time the Infant Don Henry, at the Earl of Benavents, and the Admiral's request, delivered the Ambassadors: but he did not forbear to spoil the Constables and the Archbishop's countries, putting all to fire and sword. The Archbishop abandoned Illesca in the night, going towards Madrid, whereof the Infant Don Henry being advertised, he followed him with all speed, and having only overtaken and spoiled his baggage, he returned and seized upon Illesca: The Archbishop saved himself in Madrid, where he was received by the King's commandment: the Admiral and the Earl of Benavent after these light exploits, returned to Arevalo. About that time Don Inigo Lopes of Mendoça, one of the Lords of the league, having surprised the town of Alcala of Henares; john de Carillo Governor of Caçorla, a Captain of the Archbishop of Toledoes and the Constable's faction, approached near unto the place with five hundred horse, and one thousand two hundred foot, which he laid in ambush in certain valleys, and sent some to run in view of the town, to draw Don Inigo forth, who failed not, yet not with such order and strength as he ought, wherefore he he●d him in, in such sort, as having lost most of his men, himself being soar hurt, he could hardly recover Alcala. To recompense this loss, the Infant Don Henry's men, did cut some of the Constable's troops in pieces, in Grismonda, where notwithstanding he lost Laurence d'Aualos his Chamberlain, nephew to the Constable Don Ruy Lopes d'Aualos.  
The Infant hearing this, went presently to field, marching towards Toledo with six hundred horse, overrunning the country of Escalona, thinking that the Constable would fight with him, but he stirred not, finding himself too weak: whereupon he sent to have the Archbishop his brother to come, and being joined together, they went to charge the Infant at Torrijo, who then kept himself within his sort, and whilst that they spoilt the Country, even unto the gates of Toledo, killing men, and carrying away the prey, he advertised the King of Navarre, and the other confederate Lords of his estate, who parted presently from Arevalo and Ontiveros, with one thousand two hundred men at arms, and light horse to secure him. The King of Castille being much incensed against the confederates, resolved to seize upon the lands, rents, and revenues of the King of Navarre, beginning by Medina deal Campo, neither did the protestations and threats of the King of Navarre and his confederates, prevail any thing, to whom the King of Castille made no other answer, but that they were all in arms contrary to his commandments, and carried themselves as rebels.   

Don Alphonso the fift of that name, and twelfth King of Portugal.  
During these tumults in Castille, the realm of Portugal was not without some crosses. After the death of King Edwara, his son Don Alphonso succeeded him, at the age of six years, 
Portugal.  under the government of the Queen Donna Leonora, according to the Father's testament: but many towns of the realm rejecting the government of a woman, especially a stranger, they entreated the Infant Don Pedro, Duke of Coimbra, that, as the eldest brother among the Infants of Portugal, he would take upon him the sole government of the realm. Many others, more modest, who would not altogether break the will of the deceased King, were of opinion that he should govern with the Queen. Of the first opinion, were the Infant's Don Henry Master of Christus, and Don john Master of Saint jeames, 
Government of a woman cause of contention.  Don Pedro excusing himself of this charge, he persuaded Don john to govern with the Queen Mother, wherewith he should be well satisfied: but Don john answered him freely, that it was not for him, who was the youngest amongst the brethren, to govern: but that he Don Pedro and Don Henry, should advise to take the government of the realm upon them, as Princes of Portugal, and worthy of such a charge, and that they should not suffer a strange woman to rule over them, being an infamous thing, unworthy of the house of Portugal, and prejudicial to the realm: and that they must not regard that which the deceased King had ordained if it were found unreasonable and unjust. They that held the party of the widow Queen Donna Leovora, were D. Alphonso Earl of Barcellos, with his sons D. Diego Earl of Oren and Marquis of Valencia, and D. Fernand Earl of Arrojolos, and Marquis of Villaviciosa, and with them the Archbishop of Lisbon, whose sister D. Constance, the Earl D. Alphonso had taken to his second wife; D. Nugno de Goys prior of Saint john, and D. Alphonso Lord of Cascais: who with many others their adherents, who advised the Queen not to give over the government in the which the King her husband had placed her: upon which quarrel the Estates of the realm were called, by the Princes and Noblemen, holding the chief dignities, where by the diligence of the Infant D. Henry, there was this order taken. That the Queen mother should be governess of her children's persons, and of their revenues and patrimonies, estates and Offices of the King's house: and that the Infant D. Pedro should have care of the defence of the realm, and of arms, and D. Fernand Earl of Arroyolos, of matters belonging unto justice: This did nothing please the Queen, being desirous to command alone: wherefore the contention being greater than before, they made many new assemblies of the Estates: so as the last conclusion was that the Infant D. Pedro should govern alone: the which was instantly required of all men in general: so as the Queen was wholly dispossessed of the authority, where of she might have retained a good part: Being thus frustrate, with extreme grief, she had recourse to womanish practices, complaints and accusations, as well to the Noblemen of the Realm, as to the Kings of Navarre and Arragon her brethren: and in the end she came sorrowful and discontented to the King of Castille, her cousin and brother in law, this year 1441. to complain of the Infant D. Pedro, and to crave aid against him. She found the king at Gomes Naharra, a Borough of Medina del Campo, troubled with the quarrels of the King of Navarre, and other Noblemen, against the constable, so as she could not obtain any thing.  
It was at such time when as the King of Navarre, 
Castille.  and the confederate Lords were gone into the Realm of Toledo to succour the Infant D. Henry, who hearing that the King proceeded against them with rigour, repast the mountains, and came towards Medina del Campo, and Olmedo, towns belonging to the King of Navarre, whereof he of Castille had seized. Approaching near to Medina, and wasting the time in demands and answers, they of Olmedo received the King of Navarres men, whose army increasing daily, he came to lodge within two bow shoots of Medina, into the which the constable, the Archbishop of Toledo his brother, and D. john of Soto Major Master of Alcantara, entered the night following with 1600. horse, so as for many days there were diverse skirmishes amongst them, in the which many good men were slain and hurt. The Queens of Castille and Portugal, sisters, and the Prince D. Henry propounded certain conditions of peace, whereon there was long debate, without any fruit. But whilst they were busy entreating and debating of these Articles, the King of Navarre (who had Alvaro of Bracamont and Fernando Rejon, Knights well affected to his service in Medina,) dealt so with them, as one night the constable and his brother being in guard and not caring to go the round themselves, but relying upon an other, they gave him entry by a place called Our Lady of Antigua.  
The confederates army was then grown to be above five thousand men at arms and light horse, 
Medina del Campo surprised by the confederate Lords and the Constable almost taken.  and a great number of foot: wherefore the King of Navarre and the confederate Lords, entered furiously into the town with these forces, against the which there was no offer to make defence, for the King knowing well that they had no quarrel but to the constable, he commanded him, his brother, the master of Alcantara, and others of his faction, to save themselves by an other port, opposite to that where their enemies entered, wherein they showed themselves nothing obstinate. These being gone, the King retired himself to the place of Saint Antolin, without any care or trouble for them that entered, who came presently to kiss his hands, first the Admiral, the Earl of Benavent, and other Noblemen and captains; then the King of Navarre, who as a King, made only a reverence, but did not kiss his hand, at which time there was no sign of discontentment, but the King did look of them all with a cheerful countenance. The constables lodging and of the rest of his faction were sacked: and the Queens of Castille and Portugal, sisters, did advertise Don Gomes Guttiere of Toledo Archbishop of Sevile, and his Nephew Don Fernando Aluares of Toledo, Earl of Alba, the first of that house which carried that title, and Don Lopes of Bariento Bishop of Segobia, that they should retire from Court, for that they were too much affected to the Constable's party, the which they did the next day, and all the Officers which had been preferred unto the King by the Constable were dismissed. And to make a good end of these troubles, the Kings of Castille and Navarre, and the other Princes and Noblemen which were at Medina, made a compromise in the hands of Mary Queen of Castille, Don Henry Prince of the Asturia's, the Admiral, and of Don Garcia Aluares of Toledo, who concluded as followeth. 
Constable dismissed the Cou●t for six years.  That the Constable Don Alvaro de Lunn Earl of Saint Stephens, should absent himself from Court for the space of six years next ensuing, appointing him for his abode, his houses of Saint Martin of Val d'Eglise, or Riaca: That he should not write any letters to the King, but concerning his own business, whereof he should send a copy unto the Queen of Castille and to the Prince her son. That during the said time, he should not make any league nor confederacy: That all Knights which had followed him should retire to their houses, and none to remain about him but his household servants: Notwithstanding the Constable, and the Archbishop of Toledo his brother, might retain for the space of thirty days after notice given them of this sentence, either of them fifty men at arms: And for the execution thereof, the Constable should leave in deposito the castles of St. Stephen, Aillon, Maderuelo, Ganga, Rojas, Maqueda, Montalban, Castle of Bayvela and Escalona, which places should remain during the said six years in the custody of certain Knights. And for a greater caution, the Constable should deliver Don john de Luna his son and heir in hostage to the Earl of Benavent, during the said time: That after the Constable should have accomplished the above mentioned conditions, the towns and places which the confederates held, belonging unto the King, should be yielded up, and the garrisons departed: That the King should restore private men to their goods, honours, and dignities, whereof he had deprived them, by reason of these troubles. All gifts and grants made by the King, since the first of September, in the year 1438. unto this present year 1441. should be revoked and held for void, except to certain persons of respect: That all that were partisans to the Constable, should be put out of the King's council, who should be named by the King of Navarre, the Earls of Ledesma and Beneuent, Inigo Lopes of Mendoça, and Ruy Diaz of Mendoça: That all soldiers should presently retire, and no longer hold the field: That the King of Castille should recompense him of Navarre, for the losses he had sustained in his lands in Castille, during the seditions and that he, should pay the soldiers which the King of Navarre and his partisans had brought by reason thereof. These with some other Articles were concluded the third of july, this year 1441. and were confirmed by the king of Castille, thinking thereby to end the confusions, whereinto he like a young Prince, had plunged his Estate, by favouring and supporting his mignon to much, who was both indiscreet and insolent, to the contempt of the Princes of his blood, and the chief Noblemen of the Kingdom, who notwithstanding under colour of providing for the public good, tended all to their private. Soon after the King being at Castro Xeris, the Licentiate Alphonso Ruis of Villena came unto him, with procuration from the Constable, who allowed and accepted of the sentence, requiring to have men sent to receive the hostages. After all this the Kings went to Burgos, where they spent some time in feasts and sports, and to avoid all jealousy which might cause troubles and divisions amongst the Noblemen they made an accord amongst them that not any one should affect to be more familiar with the King than an other: notwithstanding the Admiral D. Frederic began to be very gracious with the King of Castille, nor without jealousy of the King of Navarre, who would willingly have raised some stirs, after the accustomed manner, but his impatiency was restrained by the Earl of Castro, his ancient and faithful servant, who gave him to understand, that it must needs redound to his profit, and of other Noblemen of the league.  
And to make a stricter bond, he advised him, seeing that Queen Blanch his wife was newly deceased, to marry D. joane the Admiral's daughter: and he propounded unto him an other marriage, betwixt the Infant D. Henry his brother, and D. Beatrice daughter to D. Roderigo Alphonso Pimentel, Earl of Benavent: these Noblemen still practising the Constable's ruin, which in the end they saw.  
Blanch Queen of Navarre after that she had conducted her daughter to the Prince of the Asturia's into Castille, 
Navarre.  she parted no more thence. In the absence of the King her husband, and hers, D. Charles their son governed the Realm of Navarre, being assisted by good council. She was a religious Princess, and much given to devotion, and pilgrimages, 
Death of D. B●anch Queen of Navarre.  especially to places dedicated to the Virgin Mary, whether she made some voyages during the above mentioned troubles, wherein spending her time, it happened that she died at Santa Maria de Nieva, in the year 1442. It is doubtful amongst the Spaniards where her body was interred, for there is not any mark or menumont found in Spain, although she ordained that it should be carried to Santa Maria of Vxue, and that the priory of Ayvar should be annexed to that Church, the which notwithstanding was not done. The Authors of the History of Sicily writ, that she died in that Island, in the Monastery of Saint Nicholas des Arenes, at the foot of Mount Aetna, and that she is buried at Catanea, in Saint Francis Church. By the death of this Prince the succession of the realm of Navarre fell unto her son, Don Charles Prince of Viana, who at that time was full twenty years old, bred up by the Lords of Beaumond, whereof Lewis was the chief, who afterwards being made Constable of Navarre by King john, was the first of that house that was advanced to that dignity.  
The Constable of Castille bearing his exile from Court with the loss of his authority, 
Castille.  very impatiently (wherein he might have maintained himself, if he could have known himself) began to make new practices, to grow into favour with the confederates, submitting himself to john de Pacheco, that he might bring him into favour with Prince Henry his master: but the wound was to fresh, so as nothing was done at that time.  
The Estates being assembled that year 1442. 
1442.  at Toro, they did grant unto Don john King of Castille (though with great difficulty) to furnish him with four score millions of Maravidis, paiable at two terms, that year and the next following. There the confederate Lords being advertised, that D. Pedro de Acugnas sought all means to restore the Constable to favour, the Admiral sent to take him prisoner in his house at Duegnas, 
A bold attempt of the Constable's savorers.  but soon after he was delivered: and then there was an enterprise descovered, which made the Constable much more odious, than he had been: for some of his friends were so hardy, as to make a mine in Toro, the which did come unto the King's lodging, and to the castle, by the which he would secretly draw in armed men, and kill, or take the King of Navarre, the Infant his brother, and the confederate Lords, whilst they were in council. The Estates being ended, the King came to Vailledolit, where as he gave unto Don Pedro of Estuniga, Earl of Ledesma, the City of Plaisance, in recompense of Trugillo, which he demanded, for that it had been promised him by the King.  
There being great contention grown betwixt the Earl of Castagneda, and Don I●igo Lopes of Mendoça, about the limitation of their jurisdictions, and vassals, in the lands which they held in the Province of Alava by reason whereof their armed men, keeping the field, did spoil and oppress the poor people: whereupon many Commonalties did rise in arms, against these two Lords, making sharp war against them, having obtained leave from the King to do it, to the end they might suppress those insolences which were committed under colour of their quarrels, which they might and ought for to have ended by justice, and not by arms. This year died Don john of Crezuela Archbishop of Toledo, the Constable's brother, to the great hindrance of his affairs, in whose place Don Guttiere Gomes of Toledo Archbishop of Senile, was chosen, by the means of the King of Navarre, to whom the house of Toledo was reconciled.  
At that time there was a change of the Bishops of Spain, every one aspiring to that which was richest and of greatest dignity, the which is the greatest care of most of the pastors in these latter times. The archbishopric was given to D. Garcia Osorio Bishop of Ouiedo, 
Change of Bishops in Spain.  Nephew to the Admiral; the Bishopric of Ouiedo to the Bishop of Orense; that of Orense, to Doctor john of Torquemado, of the Order of the preaching friars, Cardinal of Saint Sixte, a great Doctor in the Cannon law.  
At that time in Biscay there were descovered some followers of their opinion, 
Fratricelle heretics 〈◊〉.  whom they called Fratricelli, men condemned by Pope Boniface the eight, in the year 1290. and afterwards by john the two and twentieth, for heretics, and followers of all impurity and abuses, having had their beginning at Ferrara in Italy, by one called Herman. The King of Castille sent Francis of Soria a Franciscan friar, and D. john Alphonso Cherino Abbot of Alcala the royal, one of the King's council, to inform of their deeds, doctrine and manners: and it was found by the informations which they brought to Court that he which had revived, and newly practised this Doctrine of Fratricelli, was a Franciscan friar, called Alphonso de Mella, and that many men and women were infected with this error, in the town of Durango and there abouts: wherefore the King ordained that they should be apprehended, sending two Provosts thither, well accompanied, who brought away a great number, some to Vailledolit, some to Calçada, where they were burnt. The friar Alphonso de Mellae, the reviuer of this sect, escaped, hearing that they informed, and past into the Moors country, with many young strumpets, which were taken from him, and himself condemned, and made a slave, where he ended his miserable days.  
The King of Castille being solicited by the Queen mother of Portugal, 
Portugal.  to be a means that she might be restored to the authority, in the which the deceased King her husband had left her by his will; he sent Ambassadors to the young King D. Alphonso, and to his uncle D. Pedro, and to the Estates and council of the realm, to persuade and entreat them, to leave the government of the King and realm, to the widow Queen, according to the last will of the deceased king Edward, whereof they did honestly excuse themselves, especially the council, yielding many reasons why they could not consent thereunto: At that time happened the death of D. john of Portugal, master of Saint james & second Constable of the realm, being 43. years old, who was a great friend to Alvaro de Luna, Constable of Castille, who was also administrator of the Mastership of Saint james in Castille. This Infant was grandfather by the mother's side, to the Queen D. Isabel, the heir of Castille and Leon, who was wife to King Fernand the fifth called the Catholic.  
The same year Ambassadors came from D. Alphonso King of Arragon, 
Arragon.  to the Court of Castille, to condole with King john for the troubles and seditions of his realm, and giving him council in their masters name, as a Prince that was his ally and friend, to love the Princes of his blood, and to win them with favours and good usage, admitting them into his council of State, and governing his realms by their advice, and of the Noblemen of the greatest and most ancient families of Spain.  
The Ambassadors did also make him a relation of the happy success the King their master had in the war of Naples: 
Success of thè war of Naples.  where after divers light exploits of war betwixt Renè of Anjou and him, he had besieged Naples the second time, in the which Renè was: and that by the good service of a certain Mason, who had been denied justice by Renè, he had brought into the city by an old conduit, or sink, about two hundred Spaniards, to seize upon some port, and give entry to the rest of the army, who being descovered and poursued, had fortified themselves in a great Tower, where during the fight he had caused a scaladoe to be given, and by that means put so many men into the town as he became master of Saint Genaios gates, which having forced, they drew in all the army of Arragon: That of the men of war of the Angevine, party had made great resistance, yea there was Renè himself, fight very valiantly, in his own person, even unto the last extremity, so as he had like to have been taken prisoner, having been stayed by some certain soldiers of Cattelogne, from whom he freed himself, cutting off the hand of one them called Espejo, who held the Rheines of his horse-bridle, and with great difficulty he saved himself in the fort of Castle-novo, which held for him; so as Rene being escaped, and his soldiers retired where they could, he remained master of the city, and soon after received the sorts of Capuana and Saint Hermo by composition; And that Renè finding that he had need of new forces, leaving a good garrison in Castle Novo, and a Genevois called Anthony Caluo to command there, had gone to the florentines, and to P●pe Eugenius, his confederates in Italy, from whom not being able to draw any sufficient aid, he sent word unto captain Caluo, that if he could not hold the fort, he should yield it with the best conditions he could, the which was done, and by that means the King their master remained absolute Lord of the chief city of the realm, and of the castles, where he had been received and acknowledged by the Neapolitans for their King, with great pomp and triumph, his adversary being retired to Marseilles, after that he and his wife had held that realm in suspense and troubles by the space of six years. These news were pleasing to the King of Castille, who with mild and friendly words seemed to take in good part the admonitions and council which the Ambassadors had given him in the King of Arragon's name. Thus King D. Alphonso remained peaceable possessor of the realm of Naples, in the year 1442. after that he had contended for it one and twenty whole years, from the time that he was called from Corsica by Queen joane. And soon after this conquest, making his peace with Pope Eugenius who had need of his assistance and aid, for the recovery of the Marquisate of Ancona, the which Cont Francis Sforza held, by the means of Cardinal Lewis of Padova, and of the Patriarch of Aquileia, 
Alphonso king of A●●agon invested in the realm of Naples.  the Pope granted the investiture of the realm to him and his, making D. Fernand of Arragon, base son to King Alphonso Legitimate to that effect, hoping to succeed in the realm of Naples, and disannulling all other Inuestitures which had been made by him or his predecessors Popes, to all other Princes whatsoever. In regard whereof, the King did aid the Pope with his forces, against such as opposed themselves in the Marquisate, and made him to enjoy it quietly. The King of Arragon's Ambassadors did admonish the King of Navarre privately, to keep friendship with the King of Castille, and to do him service: the like admonitions they gave to the Infant D. Henry, having such charge from their master.  
The Noblemen of Castille having with such contention plunged the Constable and them of his party in a gulf of miseres, 
Castille.  and the Courtier's hell, which is the disgrace of their Prince, and decay of their authority, they gave him means by their negligence and baseness, to resolve and to return to that dignity, from which he was fallen: for every one respecting more his private profit, than the public good, or the maintenance of their league, followed that which he held to be most profitable for himself, beginning to jar, and to have factions amongst themselves, whereof the Constable's friends that were in disgrace, could make use; wherefore Doctor Pero janes', and Alphonso Peres of Bivero, 
Policy of the Bishop D. Lopes of Barrientos.  very much affected to the Constable, had means to return to Court. D. Lopes of Barrientos, Bishop of Segobia, besides that he was a very dear friend to the Constable, having or fearing to have some quarrel with D. john de Pacheco, favourite to Prince Henry, he exchanged his Bishopric for that of Auila, with the Cardinal D. Pedro of Cerbantes, for that the Prince did ordinarily remain at Segobia, it may be he would have this exchange serve for a colour for that which he politicly pretended, making show to hate and fly the Prince D. Henry, when as he had most desire to be in favour with him, to restore the Constable, and to retire him from the King of Navarre and the confederates league. Soon after D. Pedro Suarez of Toledo, son to D. Garcia Aluares of Toledo Lord of Oropesa, being favoured by D. Henry Prince of Castille, who was but of a turbulent spirit, fortified himself like an enemy in Talavera, the which being made known to the King of Castille, who was then at Santa Maria of Nieva, with the King of Navarre, to celebrate the Anniversary of D. Blanch Queen of Navarre deceased; the two Kings marched thither with some troops, and having caused the Infant D. Henry to come unto them, 
Kings of Cast●le and Na●●●● the 〈◊〉.  they forced them that held Talavera to yield, which place they gave in guard to D. Fernand of Crezuela, Archdeacon of Toledo. From thence they went all together to Toledo, where by the way they did visit the Constable D. Alvaro de Luna, at Escalona where the King and Queen were his Gossips to a daughter, who was called joane, the which did wonderfully discontent the Admiral D. Frederic, and the other confederate Lords. The Commonalties of the Province of Alava, who had taken arms against the Earl of Castagneda, and D. Inigo Lopes of Mendoça; did much harm unto the gentlemen of the country, and others, ruining their houses and committing many insolences, as a brutish people is accustomed to do, 
Dangerous council to arm a multitude.  being a mere folly to arm them, how just soever the cause be: yea they proceeded so far, as they did besiege D. Pero Lopes of Ayala, Lieutenant and Governor of Guipuscoa in the town of Saluat●erra of Alava, which did belong unto him, who seeing himself priest, sent to entreat his Neighbour and kinsman, D. Pero Fernandes of Velasco, Lord of Haro, being then at a village of his, to come and succour him, who having seen D. Pero of Ayalas letter, he endeavoured with all speed to relieve him, gathering together in less than four days above four thousand foot and five hundred Lances, with which forces he marched towards Saluatierra. The Commons being advertised of his coming, 
Insolency of the commons punished.  dislodged, yet not so speedily, but he took many, whom he either slew or carried away prisoners, having chased the rest home unto their towns, and burned many of their houses.  
In the year 1443. D. Lewis of Guzman, 
1434.  master of the Knights of the Calatrava died: so as the King of Navarre obtained that place of the King of Castille, for a base son of his called D. Alphonso of Arragon: whereof the King having written to the Commonders (to whom the election did belong) D. Fernando of Padilla treasurer of the Order (who had great credit among them, and the greater, for that he held D. john Ramires of Guzman great Commander of that Order prisoner ever since the civil war, and would never deliver him, neither by the King's commandment, nor for the threats of the Princes and Noblemen) wrought so, as without respect to the King's letters, or to any thing else, he caused himself to be chosen master of the Calatrava, disappointing D. Alphonso of Arragon, and the King of Navarre his father, of their poursute, who for that cause made made great Instance unto the King, 
Election preposterously made.  and obtained many letters and commandments to the Commanders, to disannul this election which was fraudulent, violent and against their Orders: for this new master being chosen, had freed the great Commander, but he had first made him to allow of his election, and to swear fealty and homage unto him, as to his Superior, and master of the Order. All this prevailing nothing, the King caused the rents and revenues of Calatrava to be seized on, forbidding all their subjects and vassals, to obey or acknowledge D. Fernand of Padilla, who notwithstanding was favoured and supported by D. Henry Prince of Castille, & other Noblemen, who were somewhat jealous of the King of Navars' greatness. Moreover the King sent the Infant D. Henry of Arragon, 
Usurper enjoys his mastership little.  with an army, who did besiege this usurper in the fort of the Convent of Calatrava, where he spent some days, being defended by a good garrison. At the last the war ended, by an accident which happened to D. Fernand of Padilla, who died, being shot unadvisedly by one of his Squires, who aimed at the enemy. They that defended the place, 
D. Alphonso of Arragon base son to the King of Navarre, master of Calatrava.  having lost their master yielded upon composition. The Infant advertised the King of Castille what had happened, who at the request of the King of Navarre, did write again unto the Commanders to choose D. Alphonso of Arragon, the which was done, but he enjoyed it little.  
The Court removing from Toledo, to come to Madrigal, the King being at Ramaga, the Prince D. Henry his son did solicit him to imprison Alphonso Peres of Bivero, Fernando james of Xeris, john Manuel of Lando, and Pedro of Luxan Groom of the Chamber, for crimes whereof he accused them, and the King of Navarre did the like, which was an occasion to chase again from Court all the Constable's friends, favourers and dependents, and to change many of the King's household servants, yea to give him so many guards, as he was discontented, yet he had no will to redress it, for he was fainthearted, and had no royal resolution, yea he endured that D. Henry Henriques the Admiral's brother, and Ruy Diaz of Mendoça were continually in his Chamber, to observe what he did, and to advertise the King of Navarre, and his son in law the Prince Don Henry. It is credible that this was the practice of Don Lopes of Barriento, lately Bishop of Segobia, and now of Auila, who sought to give the confederates some occasion to use the King rigorously, whereby it should appear that they held him in unworthy servitude, wherewith the King, his son the Prince of Asturia's, and others whom he would make friends to the Constable, might be discontented, as it happened, for this Bishop, being a very politic man, used such means, as he won D. john de Pacheco, who was the heart of Prince Henry, procuring him to let the Prince his master understand, how unworthy a thing it was for him to continue in their league, who entreated his father so unworthily, who having chased from court by their seditious arms, the constable, and other most faithful servants to the crown of Castille, under colour of some youth, but in effect it was for that they opposed themselves against their tyranny, which they did build under a show of the public good, they held the King's person as it were in captivity, to whom it was not lawful to speak, see, nor hear, but by their Organs, no not to converse privately with the Queen his wife, nor with him his son, 
Prince Henry won by the Constable's faction.  without witnesses and guards, who went and reported all to them that he did and said: a shameful thing, and full of contempt, the which he should not suffer, who should be the support of his father, and the hope of all faithful subjects, loving the greatness of the crown of Castille, and the honour and reputation of their Kings; with such persuasions he induced the Prince D. Henry to leave the league, the which he did cunningly, as he was counseled by the Bishop; who used the happy endeavours of john de Pacheco, and by other diuises and means, he drew unto the constables friendship (who was almost in despair, and resolved, seeing himself so pursued, to pass into Portugal) the new Archbishop of Toledo, the Earl of Haro, Alba, Castagneda and Ledesma, who now entitled himself Earl of Plaisance, Inigo Lopes of Mendoça, Pero Aluares Osorio and other great Noblemen. The better to cover this practice, being also necessary for the Archbishop of Toledo, to dissemble, having not yet received his Bulls from Rome for his archbishopric, he and his Nephew, the Earl of Alba made a new league, with the King of Navarre: but the Bulls received, and being in quiet possession of the archbishopric, they left the league, and joined with the constable.  
The effects of the Bishops of Auilas practices began now to appear, the Earl of Haro having complained of the subjection wherein they held the King, using some word of threatening that he would remedy it: going to Curiel to the Earl of Plaisance to confer with him about it: whereupon the King of Navarre sent after him to take him, and he had been taken, notwithstanding that he went by unknown ways, if he had not been very well mounted, and escaped by the swiftness of his horse, into his own country, where he levied men, and invited all his friends to join with him in so honourable an enterprise, to free the King from the oppression wherein they held him, so as within few days he had gathered together one thousand horse, there being joined with him the Earl of Castagneda, and D. Pedro Sarmiento: against whom Don john King of Navarre sent fifteen hundred Lances, led by the Admiral and the Earl of Benavent, who led Prince Henry with them, who did not yet descover himself, but only kept these two parties from fight, making them in some sort friends, and satisfied at that time one of an other, and then he returned to Segobia. Whilst that the Admiral and Earl of Benavent were absent in this voyage, having lest the Kings in Tordesillas, Pero Aluares Osorio of the Bishop of Auilas faction, came and presented himself before the town, being accompanied with many soldiers, and did endeavour to enter, but he could not, whereupon he retired.  
These things made the King of Navarre, and the confederates very jealous, that there was some great conspiracy against them, and not able yet to discover who were the conspirators, to be the better certified, they sent to entreat the Prince D. Henry to come to Tordesillas, that they might advise what was to be done for the total ruin of the Constable, as they had concluded together.  
The Prince having therein the Bishop's advice, who demanded nothing more, came with an intent to make known unto the King his father the league which he had newly made, to free him from Government, and to comfort him. Arriving at Tordesillas with the Bishop of Auila, john de Pacheco and many other Noblemen, they were received by the King of Navarre, with great demonstration of joy. At that time there was no means for to confer together, nor to treat of any affairs, for they were ready to celebrate a marriage betwixt the King of Navarre, and the Admiral Henriques daughter, which were preparing with great state, at the tower of Lobaton, whither all men went.  
This marriage was accomplished to the great grief of Don Charles Prince of Viana, 
Navarre.  to whose prejudice the king D. john his father, 
Marriage of the king of Navarre with D. joane Henriques.  detained the Realm of Navarre, and would not leave it, although it were his inheritance by his mother, which was the cause of great troubles. This Princess D. joane was of the blood royal of ●astile, for the Admiral Don Frederick her father, was son to Don Alphonso Henriques, and grandchild to Don Frederick Master of Saint james, who by the commandment of Don Pedro the cruel, his brother, was slain at Sevile. At the same time Don Fernand of Aualos, Chamberlain to the Infant D. Henry, was sent to bring Donna Beatrix, sister to Don Alphonso Pimentel, Earl of Benavent, to Cordova, being promised to the Infant his master: in which city that marriage was celebrated, of whom came D. Henry of Arragon, called the Infant of Fortune, or the Fortunate, who came to be Duke of Segorbe.  
The Court being returned to Tordesillas, 
Castille.  they began to treat of matters against the Constable, whereupon the Prince told the king of Navarre, that it were good all they of the league were together, to determine of matters of so great importance, the which pleased the king of Navarre, whereupon there were letters and messengers sent to them that were absent to draw them to Court: and for that Tordesillas would not serve to lodge so great an assembly, the town of Arevalo was appointed. The Bishop of Auila was very desirous, that the king and the Prince, father and son, might confer freely together, the which was very difficult: for there were spies set by the king of Navarre about the king's person in his chamber, and in all other places, who did observe what he said or did, and yet the king could not help it: yet the bishop found means to advise him, that he should feign himself to be somewhat sick, and that upon this occasion, the Prince, under colour to visit him, and to do his duty, might deliver many things unto him which might please him. The king kept his bed for a time, whereby the Prince had opportunity to discover the new league unto him, and to assure him, that the Constable whom he had chased away, should yet deliver him from the captivity wherein they held him: wherewith the king was so joyed, as he could not contain himself, but he did outwardly show the hope which he had conceived, which made the guards suspect, that the father and the son had had some discourse of great consequence, whereof they did advertise the King of Navarre, who was very jealous of the bishop. They caused the Admiral to ask the king, what good discourse the Prince his son had used, wherewith he was so joyed. The king wisely concealing what he knew, answered, that they were tales of the follies of youth.  
This business having succeeded wishfully for the Bishop, the Prince took his leave of the two kings, his father and father-in-law, and so returned to Segobia, to attend (said he) the time of the assembly at Arevalo: but it was the least of his thoughts, for he had a special desire to break it if he could: whereof having conferred by the way with the bishop of Auila his Councillor, he (who was a cunning politic man) found this expedient: he went to Arevalo, being a town of his Diocese of Auila, with a great train, and finding the lodgings already marked, for the Noblemen that should come thither, he caused some to quarrel with the harbingers, and with such of the train as were already come, so as he put the town into a great confusion. Many of those which were already lodged, were forced to departed, and to give place to my Lord Bishop and his men, and then seeking for other lodging, there grew other contentions among them of the Court, so as the king of Navarre being advertised thereof, he was much discontented, and growing more suspicious, he would not go to that assembly, fearing some practice against him. The Prince having what he demanded, he wrote unto the king of Navarre, complaining much that he was not come to the assembly at Arevalo: wherefore they sent the Admiral Don Frederick unto him to Saint Mary de Nyeva to draw him to another assembly, whereunto the Prince pretending some excuses, the Admiral told him, that if he came not, it would seem, that he meant to withdraw himself from the union of the king of Navarre and the confederate Lords.  
The Prince pretended many reasons he had for it, but he dissembled his intent: the Admiral entreated him for an interview with his father in-law at Olmedo, whereof he excused himself as honestly as he could, and sent back the Admiral very much discontented: for he spoke not but as he was advised by the Bishop of Auila, who wished him not to enter into Olmedo, nor into any place belonging to the king of Navarre. The Bishop being vigilant and active to do any thing that might give form and effect to his enterprise, for the restoring of the Constable to his first favour and authority, posted to Alba de Tormes, whereas he made the Archbishop of Toledo, and the Earl of Alba his Nephew good friends and servants to the Prince Don Henry, advertising them of all that had been done, and he gave order in Alba, that the like advice should be given unto Don Inigo Lopes of Mendoça, Lord of Hita and Buytrago, and being returned to Segobia, he caused the Prince to write unto him, and to promise to favour him in the question he had with the king of Castille for the Asturia's of Santillana. During these practices in Castille, the Infant Don Henry having seized upon the city of Cordova, he sought to draw the towns of Andalusia into the Confederates power, and had attempted to seize upon Sevile; where finding resistance, he laid siege unto it, and did greatly press it, at such time as the Prince D. Henry did publish his resolution openly in the city of Auila, which was, to continue under the obedience of the king his father, and to seek to free him from them that did oppress him: wherefore they of Sevile, upon this news, took courage, and did valiantly repulse the Infant. The Earls of Castagneda and Haro, with many other Knights, hearing of this resolution, sent instantly to present their service unto the Prince.  
The king of Navarre seeing this storm approach, sought by all means to pacify the Prince, promising him all that he had formerly demanded, and not obtained, but it was too late. He that carried this message unto the Prince for the king of Navarre, was a wise man, called Aluar Garcia of Saint Mary, who hath written part of the Chronicle of this King of Castille. The king of Navarre and his confederates seeing the Prince's desseines, and that they must come to force, they assembled men from all parts, and so did the Prince: for the Constable, the Archbishop of Toledo, and the Earl of Alba came presently to him to Auila, whereas they might have some fifteen hundred horse, not sufficient to besiege Tordesillas where the king was: wherefore they resolved to go towards Burgos, to join with the Earls of Haro, Castagneda, and Plaisance, and with Don Inigo Lopes of Mendoça: whereof the King of Navarre being advertised, having already levied above two thousand horse, he led the king to Portillo, and having there left him in the guard of the Earl of Castro, he marched with his troops towards Burgos, being resolved to fight with the Prince and his men, and he came and camped at Pamphega in the territory of Burgos. 
King of Castille delivered.  The Prince who was within the city, and had already above three thousand horse and four thousand foot, fallyed forth, and came and lodged within view of his fathers-in-law army. They expected nothing but a bloody battle betwixt these two factions: but they retired without any blows, but only a light skirmish, the which happened, whilst they did capitulate, at the solicitation of some good religious men: at which treaty the king of Navarre did in a manner yield to all that the Prince required, leaving the king of Castille in full liberty to restore his Officers, and to do what he pleased. The king of Navarre finding no means to make an accord being the weaker, he dislodged in the night, without sound of trumpet, and retired to Palençuela. 
King of Na●ars league dispersed.  The king of Castille being ill guarded in Portillo, under colour of going a hunting escaped from the Earl of Castro, and came to Vailledolit, whither the Bishop of Auila came presently unto the Princes and the Confederates camp, which was near unto Palençuela. The king showed the best countenance he could unto the Bishop, and acknowledging the good service he had done him in his delivery, he made him infinite promises. The King of Navarre, the Admiral, the Earl of Benavent, D. Pedro of Quignones, and other heads of their faction, seeing themselves low, and at their enemy's mercy, they resolved to retire themselves, every one to his house, and there to attend the event: wherefore the K. of Navarre, who for some years had not seen Navarre, went thither to provide men and means, to enter speedily with great forces into Castille, 
Navarre.  against his adversaries.  
Being come into his Realm, he first of all furnished his fronter places, with all things necessary, to resist the king of Castile's attempts: who had no great desire to pursue him into Navarre, but only to spoil him and his, of that which they held in Castille, and first of all he took Medina del campo, and Olmedo: then the town of Pegnafiel was taken by force and sacked, and the castle yielded by composition, Roa and Aranda of Duero opened their gates unto the Prince, who with the Constable (having nothing that made head in Castille the old) passed into Andalusia, against the Infant Don Henry, and forced him to fly into the country of Murcia, where he fortified himself in Lorca, until that the Prince was retired into Castille, and then he passed into Arragon, and so joined with the king of Navarre his brother, who levied men to return into Castille. In the year 1445. died the Queen's Leonora of Portugal, 
An. 1445.  and Mary of Castille, 
D●ath of two Queen's sisters poisoned.  sisters to the king of Navarre, not without suspicion of poison: the Queen of Portugal was carried from Toledo, where she died, to the Monastery of S. Mary of the battle: and Queen Mary dying at Villacastin a burrow of Segobia, was interred in the Monastery of Guadalupe. Almost at the same time died Lope of Mendoça, Archbishop of Sevile, whose place was given to Don Alvaro of Osorno, Bishop of Cuenca, and his Bishopric was conferred to Don Lopes of Barriento bishop of Auila, the which was given to Alphonso of Fonseca, 
〈…〉  such changes made the Pastors of Spain, seeking the best revenues. In the spring-time the king of Navarre entered into Castille by Atiença, with four hundred horse, and six hundred foot: where at his first entry, he took Torrija, Alcala o● Henares, Alcala the old, and Saint Torquat, whither the Infant D. Henry his brother came with 500 men at arms.  
These news made the king go from Medina into the Realm of Toledo, where having gathered together all the soldiers he could, he marched that way, where as he thought to find the King of Navarre, and coming near to Alcala of Henares the town was yielded to him. There the King of Navarre presented himself to fight, but he of Castille would not accept the battle: wherefore the King of Navarre, and Don Henry past the port or mount of Tablada, and led their army to Olmedo, where as the gates being shut, and resistance made, they entered by force, and having caused informations to be made against them that were culpable, Doctor Fuente, and two other Gentlemen were condemned to die, and were executed. The King of Castille following the king of Navarre, came and camped at the mills of the Abbey, within a little league of Olmedo, having in his army the Prince his son, the Constable, the Earl of Alba, D. Inigo Lopes of Mendoça, Don Lope of Barrientos, newly made Bishop of Cuenca, and then the Earl of Haro came and joined with him. On the other side the Admiral, the Earls of Benavent and Castro, Don Pedro of Quignones, D. john of Tobar, being sent by the K. of Navarre, entered into Olmedo with a thousand horse, the which being joined to them which the king of Navarre and the Infant had brought, and gathered together, made about five and twenty hundred horse.  
Matters being ready to be decided by an inevitable battle, the king of Navarre having no will to hazard himself▪ 
confederates besieged in Olmedo.  he demanded a parley of the king of Castille of some Knights of either part, the which being granted, the Admiral and the Earl of Benavent of the one side, and the Bishop of Cuenca, and the Constable on the other, conferred together many times, the King of Navarre in a manner demanding no other thing, but that they should restore to him the Infant D. Henry, the Earl of Castro, and others of the league, their lands and estates: but as for the government of the Realm, and quarrels with the Constable, he made not any mention. The Bishop using his accustomed policy, prolonged this treaty all he could, knowing that D. Guttiere of Sotomajor master of Alcantara, should come within few days to the camp with six hundred horse, by which supply the king of Castille being every way the stronger, he did hope to see his enemies wholly defeated, and forced to yield to his and the Constable's mercy. The conference being ended without any conclusion, 
Demand of the confederates of the King of Castille.  the king of Navarre, and the confederates, sent Lope of Angulo, and the Licentiat Cuellar his Chancellor, to the camp, to acquaint the king of Castille with the miseries and losses which do follow a battle, whereunto the Constable, respecting only his private interest, aspired tyrannously, for the fruits which he gaped after by the death of the best Knights of Castille: wherefore he should do a thing worthy of himself, to chase away this man, arrogant of the authority which he held unworthily, and decree that they might be heard in justice, in some city or other place of the Realm, whither they should come like men of peace, not bringing with them above ten men upon moils: else they protested, that they would make their complaints unto the Pope, and that the miseries which should follow, should be by his fault. The king answered, that he would take order, requiring to have this demand in writing. Two days after Prince Henry going to view Olmedo, 
Prince Henry made to run away.  with certain light horse, he was charged by the enemies who sallied out of the town, who made him to fly shamefully to the camp, the which did so much displease the king his father, as instantly refusing to hear any more speech of an accord, he caused his Standard to be displayed, and his men to be put into battle; the Constable leading the forward with eight hundred men at arms: the Prince the battle with four hundred men at arms, and the king the rearward with six hundred men at arms, besides the light horsemen, which were very many and divided into these ordonances, the which he made to stand firm above an hour, in view of Olmedo, to see if the king of Navarre would come forth: who being wonderfully incensed at this bravado, although he had not equal forces to his adversary, yet like a courageous Prince, he would needs go forth to fight, contrary to the advice of many, it being late, opposing his squadron, and that which the Earl of Castro led against Prince Henry, and the Infant his brother, the Admiral, the Earl of Benavent, Pedro of Quignones, and Fernand Lopes of Saldaigne, with the rest of the forces against the Constable of Castille: 
Battle of Olmedo llst by the k. of Navarre  and so began the battle about two hours before sun-setting, whereas the king of Navarre and the confederates, notwithstanding their endeavours, were vanquished: and it was happy for them that approaching night parted them, and kept the victors from pursuing of their enemies: so as notwithstanding that they did fight with great resolution and obstinacy, yet there were but seven and thirty slain upon the place, and about two hundred died after, of such as had been wounded in the battle. The King of Navarre and his brother D. Henry (who was sore hurt in the left hand) retired to Olmedo: the Earl of Benavent fled as far as Pedraza: the Admiral was taken by a Squire called Peter of Carera, who notwithstanding brought him to his own house, at the tower of Lobaton: many Noblemen and others, in number above two hundred were taken. Among which the chief were, the Earl of Castro, and a son of his called Don Pedro of Sandovall, Alphonso of Alarcon, D. Henry Henriques, the Admiral's brother, Fernand of Quignones, Diego of Londogno son to Sancho Roarigo of Aualos, nephew to Don Ruy Lopes of Aualos, sometimes Constable of Castille, and Don Pedro of Quignones, but he found means to escape. The rest of the confederates army fled to divers parts, and was not pursued by reason of the night.  
The King of Castille much pleased with this victory, sent commandment throughout his whole Realm, that they should make bon fires in sign of joy, and he caused a chapel to be built upon the place of fight, which he named the holy Ghost of the battle, and having the day after sent Guttiere Sanches of Aluarado prisoner to Vailledolit, he caused his head to be cut off. Before midnight the king of Navarre, and the Infant his brother going out of Olmedo, with such forces as they had, they took the way of Portillo, and by font Duegna they came to Daroca, and from thence to Calatajub, where as the Infant Don Henry died of the wound which he had received in the hand, 
Death of Don Henry Infant of Arrrgon.  it being inflamed: his body was at that time laid in the chapel of D. john de Luna, in that city, and afterwards transported to Poblete, whereas the king Don Fernand his father lies. He left his wife Donna Beatrix with child, who was afterwards delivered of a son, who was called Don Henry of Arragon, and by surname the Fortunate Infant. His death was the more grievous to the King of Navarre, for that it happened in an unseasonable time, after the loss of a battel●: besides, seeing himself deprived of such a brother, it did but increase his grief for the late death of his two sisters, the Queens of Castille and Portugal, there remaining not any o● so many children which the deceased King Fernand his father had left, 
League of the king of Navarre wholly dissolved.  but only he and Don A●phonso king of Arragon, who was in a manner continually resident at Naples, and had no lawful children. By this loss the king of Navarre was wholly abandoned by the confederate Lords of Castille, who retired home to their houses to settle their affairs: but the King of Castille pursued them with all rigour of justice, causing them to be proclaimed Rebels, and forfeiting their lands to the crown, without respect of any: 
Condemnations against the confederates.  yet the Prince D. Henry laboured so, as the Admiral was put out of the roll of them that were condemned, but not without difficulty. In the castle of Medina of Rio. secco was Donna Theresa of Quignones, with Donna joane wife to the King of Navarre. The king being come thither, he received the place, and used the Ladies graciously, by the Prince's intercession, who preserved the Admiral's goods, estates, and family, upon condition that he should return to the king's service, within four months: notwithstanding Queen joane remained in the king of Castile's power: and the League against the Constable was so dispersed, as there was not any town or castle, but was yielded up into the king's power, nor any man of name that durst oppose himself: but some retired into Navarre, and others into remote places, and little frequented by the Court: The Admiral, the Earl of Benavent, Don Diego Manrique, Governor of Leon, Don Pedro of Quignones, and john Tobar, went towards Navarre: by reason whereof the King fearing some enterprise of that side, came to Burgos. Don Alu●ro de Luna, the Constable being freed from so great enemies, 
Constable restored to favour & made Master of S. James.  grew to be in greater credit than ever, and whereas he had been but administrator of Saint james, he was made Master of that Order, which honours were but baits of misfortune which did follow him, to plunge him in extreme misery.  
He entertained friendship with the Princes of Portugal as his last refuge: and in the time of this war had procured for the king of Castille a succour of 1600. horse and two thousand foot, the which Don Pedro the third Constable of Portugal, son to the Infant Don Pedro, Regent of the Realm, a young Prince but seventeen years old, brought to Majorga after the battle, where they were received and feasted with great joy: but for that there was no use for them, they were sent back paid and well satisfied. In this voyage, the Constable treated with the Portugals, to have the King his master, (whose Queen was dead five months before) to marry with Donna Izabella daughter to the Infant D. john deceased, 
Beginning of the king's hatred against the Constable.  who had been Master of Saint james in Portugal, wherewith he had not made the king in any sort acquainted, so much he presumed of the power he had over him. This marriage with some other things, were afterwards the cause that the King did hate him mortally.  
This Prince D. Henry, and many other knights considering how great a loss it would be, if so many great Lords and worthy men should be estranged from Castille, they dealt so with the king (who of himself was patiented and tractable) as they obtained a general pardon for all such as had carried arms with the King of Navarre: unto the which these Articles following were annexed:  
That a pardon was granted to the Admiral, 
Pardon granted to the confederates fled into Navarre and other places.  who should return into Castille, when he had leave from the king, and should retire unto the tower of Lobaton, in the which, and the limits thereof, he should remain confined two years: The Earl of Benavent had the like sentence to remain in his house at Benavent two years: and that he should take into his charge and guard Donna joane Queen of Nature, and not suffer her after the two years expired, to departed without the king's commandment, and the consent of Prince Henry, and after that the Earl himself, and that the Admiral had taken an oath of fealty unto the king, to serve him against all men, according to the laws of Castille. These things being thus concluded, the King being at Burgos, he gave the title of Marquis of Santillana, to Don Inigo Lopes of Mendoça, for his good and acceptable service: to Don john de Pacheco in favour of the Prince, the title of Marquis of Villena: the government of the castle of Burgos, held till that time by the Earl of Plaisance, was given to john of Luxan. Not only the king of Navarre, but his son the Prince Don Charles, yea Don Alphonso of Arragon, Master of Calatrava, lost at this time all they had in Castille. Don Pedro Giron, brother to Don john de Pacheco, was made Master of Calatrava by the king, being at Auila, and Don Alphonso, who was retired into Navarre with his father, deprived thereof: yet D. john Ramires of Guzaman great Commander of the Order, took upon him the title of Master, against D. Pedro Giron: which contention was afterwards reconciled by the Prince's authority and others.  
In the mean time they did write out of Murcia to the king, 
Granado.  that they suspected the Moors would make some attempt: wherefore it was necessary to provide for that fronter, but it was a brute without effect, for that King Mahumet Aben-Azar, then reigning, was forced to defend himself in his own Realm, against another called Mahumet Aben Ozmen, called Coxo, his nephew, who had rebelled against him, to deprive him of his Realm, as he did, having intelligence with many Morish Knights of Grando, by whose means he seized of the city, and of Alhambra, and took King Mahumet his uncle, who at that time lost his Realm, being the third time, and never recovered it more in the year, one thousand, four hundred, forty and five, having reigned thirteen years and three months.  
The King of Castille went into Extremadura, 
Castille.  and forced D. Fernand of Aualos, son to the sometimes Constable D. Ruy Lopes of Aualos, to yield him up the fort of Albuquerque and others, which had belonged to the Infant D. Henry, in consideration of some recompense which the deceased Infant his Master did owe him. The king being at Toledo, he took the Government of the city from Pero Lopes of Ayala, who was a partisan to the King of Navarre, and gave it to Pedro Sarmiento. There were many complaints made by the Officers, and lesser Magistrates of the city, the which the king dissembled: for that the Prince favoured him, and was much discontented for that he was put from his government of Toledo. In the mean time the King of Navarre, (who was also as Regent in Arragon, in the absence of King Alphonso his brother) provided money, and all other means to renew the water in Castille, whereas he yet held two strong places, Atiença and Torrijo, and by the means of Gaston Earl of Foix his son-in-law, (who had married D. Leonora his second daughter, to whom afterwards the succession of the realm of Navarre fell) he pretended to draw so me great succours out of France. In Atiença Roderigo of Rebolledo was Governor, with a garrison of two hundred horse and four hundred foot: who by their continual courses held the country for many leagues round about in continual alarm, killing, burning and carrying away all they encountered, whereof there came daily complaints unto the king of Castile's ears: wherefore there were some troops of horse sent to restrain their courses, until there might be a sufficient army raised to besiege the place: and the better to attend his war, the King reconciled certain petty quarrels, which the Prince his son did cause; and he granted liberty to the Admiral, and Earl of Benavent for their persons, restoring them to their Lands and Estates freely: and moreoveer he suffered that Queen joane, wife to the king of Navarre, should be delivered into her father's hands, and kept by him, until that the king of Castille should determine of her delivery to the king her husband. D. Diego Gomes of Sandoval was also pardoned, the King retaining his forts still for two years: the like pardon was granted to his sons, and to D. john of Tobar, Lord of Berlanga: the fort of Berlanga did also remain two years in the king's hands.  
These things being thus ordered, 
Siege of Atiensa.  the king went in person to the siege of Atiença, the which was furiously battered and assailed with engines of war, and also with some iron Ordinance; for the casting of brass Ordinance was not then used in Spain: so as Roderig● of Rebolledo, Captain of the Garrison, seeing himself thus priest, gave the King of Navarre to understand, that if he were not relieved, he could not hold it long: whereupon the king of Navarre, (who was not in case to raise the siege) sent to propound some means of a truce with him of Castille, the which was granted upon condition, that the towns of Atiença and Torrijo should be delivered into the hands of Mary Queen of Arragon, for a certain time limited: during the which they should confer of the means to make a good peace betwixt the two kings: and if their quarrels could be determined, than the Queen should restore those two places to her brotherinlawe the king of Navarre.  
All hostility ceasing by this means, 
Choler of the King of Castille  the king entered into Atiença, whereas moved by some unknown occasion, without regard of that which had been capitulated, he caused some houses to be sacked and ruined, and others to be consumed with fire, so as a good part of the town was burnt: whereat the King of Navarre was much offended, and would no more stand to the accord, nor deliver the Castles and places to the Queen of Arragon, reproaching the King, that he had broken his promise, and giving commandment to his soldiers, that they should use all acts of hostility, and commit what spoils they could in Castille, the which they did, and with such excess, as the king of Castille sent back in the year 1446. 
1446.  Don Charles of Areillan, Lord of los Cameros, a great and famous Captain, to suppress the robberies and insolences of the Navarrois in Atiença: and against them of Torrijo, Don Alphonso Carillo of Acugna, newly made Archbishop of Toledo, by the death of Don Guttiere Gomes of Toledo, either of them having three hundred Lances: but they of Torrijo made no great esteem of the Archbishop nor of his followers, making roads daily into the country, and bringing great booties into their forts. They of Atiença were held more short and kerbed by Charles of Areillan.  
The Archbishop having been often beaten by the Navarrois, and lost many of his men, the King commanded Don Inigo Lopes of Mendoça, that taking the Archishops forces, 
Torriio biseeged.  with some new that were assigned him, he should continue the siege of Torrijo, the year 1447. being well advanced: The siege was long, notwithstanding that the town was battered both with Artillery and Engines, for john de Puelles who defended it, was a valiant and courageous Captain, and of great experience: yet the continuance did so tire him, as finding daily the want of men, victuals, and other necessary munition, to endure a siege, and being out of hope of succours from the king of Navarre, he resolved to yield up the place upon very honourable conditions, and retired his men and baggage safe into Arragon: the town and castle of Atiença remaining still in the power of the Navarrois, who in despite of Charles of Areillan, issued forth and spoiled the country; and moreover they took Pegna of Alcaçar, a fort in the territory of Soria, from whence they did forage, and carry away abundance of cat-tail and other things, which they sent to sell in Arragon, where they had a safe retreat, as in a country belonging to their Prince's brother, who was then at Naples, well advertised, to his great grief, of all the troubles of Castille, and the success thereof, doing what he could to pacify them, both by letters and embassage, yet favouring his brother D. john King of Navarre.  
This year 1447. 
Second marriage of Don john King of Castille.  the King of Castille was married at Madrigal, to D. Isabel, daughter to the Infant D. john of Portugal, Master of Saint james, who was son to the King D. john, who was master of Auiz. This marriage was the Constable's ruin, the Queen being his enemy. The King of Navarre being come to the Estates of Arragon, which were held at Saragossa, at that time, there to preside as Governor General in the absence of the King his brother, he was summoned by Doctor Surban, and a Provost of the Court, sent Ambassadors from the King of Castille, to deliver up Atiença, as it had been concluded: which Ambassadors complained to the Estates, that they that spoilt the country of Castille, had their retreat into Arragon: whereunto answer was made that they would send an answer to the King of Castille by express Ambassadors: and soon after they dispatched Don james de Luna, Bishop of Tarrassone, and Don john of Ixar, who found the king at Soria, having charge to treat of a peace betwixt the two kings: The King of Castille appointed them to follow him to Vailledolit, whether he was priest to go, the which they would not do, and so they returned to Sarragossa, without any conclusion.  
In the mean time the Captain, who had suffered Pegna of Alcaçar to be surprised, being ashamed to show himself before the King, by reason of his error, he sought to repair it, and surprised the fort of Verdejo in Arragon, the which he gave to the king his master, who having set good garrisons upon the fronters of Arragon, he went in great haste to Vailledolit.  
This year died Pope Eugenius the fourth at Rome, 
Amadeus of Savoy called Pope Felix.  who had been condemned by the Council of Basill, and in his place Amadeus D. of Savoy was chosen, who at that time was Deane of Saint Maurice of the congregation of Saint Augustin, the hermitage of Ripaille, in the Diocese of Geneva, who carried himself as Pope, all the time that Eugenius lived, notwithstanding that he had retained his dignity: after whose death Nicholas the fift being chosen at Rome, he renounced his Popedom, having held it 9 years and five months, the rest of his days he passed with the title of Cardinal of Santa Sabina.  
The reason which drew the king of Castille in such haste to Vailledolit, was, for that he had been advertised there were some knights would stir up new troubles: thither came Ambassadors again to him from Arragon, 
1448.  in the beginning of the year, 1448. who having treated of many things, in the end they concluded a truce for seven months, betwixt Castille and Navarre: whereof the garrisons of Navarre, being not advertised in time, they continuing their hostility in Castille, they surprised the town of S. Cruz of Campeço by scalado, it belonging to Lope of Rojas, whom they carried away, with his wife and many others. And moreover, the Governor of Albarazin seized upon the castle of Huelamo, in the Bishopric of Cuenca, the which having been ill guarded by the Castillans, was well worse by these, so as john Hurtado of Meudoça, recoured it by the means of a Castillan soldier, who was there in government among the Naurrois.  
The king of Castille sent into Navarre to summon Prince Charles in consequence of the truce, to deliver Don Lope de Rojas, and the town of Santa Cruz, the which was done. 
A combat.  At that time a knight of Bourgondie called james of Lalain, did fight a combat, without any cause of quarrel, but only to make trial of his valour, as it was the manner in those times, against Don Diego de Guzman, brother to the Lord of Torrija, at Vailledolit Don Diego was sore wounded in the forehead with a battell-axe, after which they closed, but the King casting his staff, parted the combat, and did great honour to the Bourguignon.  
Ambition and covetousness, as they say, have neither bounds nor bottom: the which shows itself chief in such as have the government of great Estates, whereof at that time Don Alvaro de Luna, Constable of Castille was a notable precedent, who not content with the happiness to have seen a dangerous League, conspired to his ruin, by so many Princes, and great Noblemen broken, himself restored to the Prince's favour, and to triumph over his enemies, but he would plunge them into the like misery, as he had escaped, and wholly govern the king and Realm with Don john de Pacheco the Prince's Minion, 
Practices of the Constable D. Alvaro de Luna.  and so divide all the honours, favours, and greatness of Spain betwixt them. Don Alphonso of Fonseca, newly made Bishop of Auila, was an apt Councillor for their design, who was of opinion, that they should cause some of the great ones, who were offensive unto them, to be committed to prison. Having therefore mediated an interview of the king and Prince betwixt Tordesillas and Villeverd, the Court being very great and stately, there were apprehended the Earls of Benavent and Alba, Don Pedro and Suero of Quignones, and Don Henry brother to the Admiral Don Frederick (who was also upon the roll, but being ill disposed, he came not to this interview) so as he escaped, and so did Don Diego Gomes of Sandoval, Earl of Castro Xeris, who being either advertised, or doubting of some practice, stayed at home: and afterwards having advice, that the king came to Aguilar del campo, and the Prince to Lerma, to take the Admiral and him, they both left their houses, and retired to Navarrette, and from thence passed to Tudele, where the King of Navarre was, whose faction was the accusation and colour of these imprisonments: the Constable saying moreover, that they had conspired to kill him.  
The Admiral and Earl of Castro, were very kindly entertained by the King of Navarre, who led them with him to Sarragossa, where it was resolved, that the Admiral should go to Naples to the King of Arragon, to acquaint him with the government of Castille, and to solicit him to come into Spain, to aid them to recover their ranks, dignities and lands, or else that he would give them leave to use his forces of Arragon. According to this Council the Admiral embarked at Barcelona, and went to Naples. The king of Castille having no great confidence in Don Diego Manrique, who had the guard of the frontier of Navarre, he forced him to leave the forts of Ocon, Navarret, and Trevigno, and gave them himself in guard to the Earl of Haro his Brother-in-law for one year. These things thus done, all the lands of them that were absent were seized on, and put into the king's hands, many Noblemen in Court being much offended at these violences: but above all others they found the Earl of Albas' imprisonment very strange, who had always showed himself a faithful servant to the king, and a partisan to the Constable: and every man examined his conscience: many being terrified, remembering that they had offended the King, or the Prince in some light matters, so as there were retreats made daily from Court without leave, with other confusions, which made the king to see from whence the mischief came: besides, throughout all Spain they spoke plainly and boldly, that the Constables ambitious desire to reign in Spain, had caused this tumult in Court, and so wronged the Noblemen that were prisoners. Don Alphonso King of Portugal, son to Donna, Leonora sister to the king of Navarre, being dead in Castille, as it was thought, of poison, began to apprehend it: yea the King of Granado stirred in favour of them that were so unworthily poursued by the Constable: wherewith the king of Castille being moved, he had a desire to seize upon the Constable: yet distrusting the inconstancy of the Prince his son, he durst not do it.  
There were some troops of horse and foot sent to the frontiers of Navarre and Granado, 
moors of Granado incited by the king of Navarre against Castille.  especially against the Moors, who spoiled the Country of Murcia, King Mahumet Aben-Ozmen being solicited by the King of Navarre, to do the worst he could to the Christians of Castille, where all was full of seditions: but these were practices unworthy of a Christian Prince, yet usual among the Princes of this world, that are at war, who oftentimes make religion a vail to cover their covetous, and inordinate passions and affections.   

Mahumet Coxo, the 17. king of Granado.  
THis Mahumet called Coxo, 
Granado.  being come to the Crown of Granado, by the violence he used against his uncle Mahumet, maintained himself with the like art, whereat many of the Knights of Granado being incensed; they retired themselves to Montefrio, a place which only rejected the command of this tyrant; being held by Andilbar, who had been high Marshal to King Mahumet the lefthanded, who entertained an enemy to King Coxo, to dispossess him of the Crown, as he had done his uncle.  
It was the Infant Aben Izmael, who having followed the war in the service of the King of Castille, had retired himself, with his leave and favour, to Montefrio, to this Marshal, and there had been saluted for King, yet weak, and ill provided to make any attempt against Granado, and the Alhambra, the seat royal, which was held by Coxo: but God prepared him the means, and stirred up occasions in time. King Coxo embracing the confusions and quarrels of Castille, which made them neglect the guard of the frontiers, and animated by the factions of Navarre, entering into Andalusia, had taken the town of Banamaruel by force, and carried away john de Herrera, who commanded in the place, 
Exploits of the Moors in A●dalusia.  with many other Christian prisoners, after that he had slain many: he then besieged Bançalema, which was defended by Alvaro of Pecellin; the which he forced in like manner, putting all he found in it to the sword: for which losses the Captains were not to be blamed, for wanting pay they could not keep the Garrisons of those sorts full and complete: and moreover, having demanded succours from them of laen, Vbeda, and Baeça, they could not obtain it, by reason of the divisions and quarrels betwixt the King and the Prince, father and son, which could not be so well and conveniently compounded, but upon every occasion they broke: so as the time being favourable for the Moorish King, he made daily and ordinary roads into Castille, carrying away infinite spoils of men, and innumerable multitudes of cattle and other goods, besides the taking and sacking of the Towns of Arenes, Huescar, Velez the white, and Velez the red, with their forts and castles, all through the negligence of such as had the managing of affairs about the king's person, 
places upon the fronter of Castille abando●ned by bad ●●●ncell.  whereof some were so ill advised, as to give their opinions in council, that they should not trouble themselves for those petty places, which cost more the keeping, than they were worth, and that it was more for the profit, and the ease of his treasure, to suffer them to be lost: for with that which should be spent in keeping them, they might fortify other places of greater importance.  
This year 1448. after the former losses, King Mahumet Aben-Ozmen, was newly entered into the country of Murcia, making cruel spoils: wherefore Don Alphonso Tells Giron, cousin to Don john de Pacheco, being newly made Governor of Hellin and Chumilla, desirous to make trial of his good command, went hastily to field, where finding some of the Moors troops disbanded, he charged, and cut some of them in pieces, where the soldiers began presently to spoil the dead, not caring to keep any order or discipline, or to see if all danger were passed. The Moors which escaped, and others that were not far off, being advertised of this defeat of their men, came unto the place where the fight had been, 
Christians being Victors, & busy at the spoil, are vanquished.  and finding the Christians dispersed like beasts, and busy at the pillage, they charged them furiously, so as most of them were slain. Don Alphonso Tells with some few knights saved themselves by flight in Hellin, and by this rout given unto the Christians, the way was open for the Moors to spoil and burn the country at their pleasures.  
The King of Castille could hardly prevent these miseries, 
Castille.  being continually afflicted with seditions and mutinies in his Court and house, the Prince Don Henry giving him infinite crosses, and for light occasion: the which did much displease the Constable, fearing that their discord would redound to his los●e and prejudice, wherefore he made them confer together at Tordesillas. At that time the Estates were held at Vailledolit, where the King having declared, that he went to see the Prince his son, to have him concur with him, to the end they might punish Rebels, and reward the good, every man having spoken something concerning that matter, Diego of Valera, Deputy of Cuenca, a wise Knight, did highly commend the King's holy resolution, to seek the union of his royal house, and to put in practise the act to distribute rewards and punishments in equal proportion, according to every man's merits: but he did advertise him, as a faithful vassal, that to do it without error and misprision, he must take the course of justice, and examine every man's actions, and judge with good advice, the parties being duly called and heard, both present and absent.  
The King took great delight in Diego's speech, and much more in a letter which he writ unto him afterwards upon this subject, full of good and wholesome council and advertisements, whereof there were infinite copies taken by the Noblemen in Court, who dispersed them over all Spain: but this wisdom was offensive to the Constable and his faction; wherefore Diego de Valerras his recompense was, that the King took from him a pension which he before had given him, and moreover, he was disappointed of his entertainment for the voyage he had made to the Estates at Vailledolit, with Gomez Carillo of Albornoz, as Deputy of the Diocese of Cuenca, to teach him to be a Courtier, and not so zealous of the good of his Prince and country.  
This good Knight was received into house by Don Pedro of Estuniga, Earl of Flaisance, who made him Governor of his Nephew Don Pedro, supplying with his own, the King's ingratitude: who having seen the Prince, and somewhat reconciled their dis-jointed affairs, passed to Ocagne in the Realm of Toledo, where he was advertised, that the Earl of Benavent had escaped out of prison from Portillo, and retired into his country, where he had put a garrison, arms and victuals into his Castle of Benavent, and other places: Wherefore seeing himself engaged in a new war, he came discontented to Arevalo, and sent for his soldiers and vassals to come thither, meaning to go against the Earl, who stayed not in Castille, but retired to Morgadojo, a fort of Portugal, 
Civil wars corrupt the best men.  where he was well entertained by the commandment of King Don Alphonso, who did not greatly like the government of Castille.  
Civil dissensions make many attempt things against reason, and oftentimes such as are in show honourable, and of good conversation, who otherwise would not undertake any thing that were dishonest: 
Civil wars corrupt the best men.  the which appeared at this time in Don Bertrand of Guevara, Lord of Ognate, a Knight of great authority in Spain towards the North seas; who desirous to seize upon the town of Mondragon, in the Province of Guipuscoa, by reason of the seditions of Castille, he used such practices and means as he thought would serve him: wherein he found the inhabitants contrary to his will, incensed and supported by Gomes Gonçales of Butron, a Knight of great alliance and power in Biscay; of the Ognazin faction, 
Ognazins and Gamboyus, factions in Guipuscoa and Biscay.  contrary to Don Bertrand, who held the party of Gamboyn; who seeing himself disappointed of that which he pretended, fell into such hatred of them of Montdragon, as he caused the town to be fired in divers parts, by some that he had set on: so as he made in a manner all to be most inhumanly burnt. Don Bertrand being apprehended by the king's commandment for this fact, and accused to have set fire of a town belonging to the Crown, was in danger to have lost his life: yet as in a time of confusion, money and favour can do more than justice, he had his life saved, making satisfaction to them that had been burnt and damnified: to value the which there were arbitrators appointed, who by sentence adjudged most part of Don Bertrands lands to the town of Montdragon, and more they had given, if the four arbitrators, chosen for the Inhabitants, had not been corrupted with money. This town of Montdragon endured this calamity, for that it would not be alienated from the Crown, for that they maintained their liberties better so, then in being subject to any subalternal Lord: and without doubt if Don Bertrand could have seized thereon, he would have kept it, in this time, full of revolts and excess, when as the confirmation or the pardon, had been easy to have been obtained by a peace or otherwise. In clergy matters this town hath always been stout to maintain her rights and privileges, still refusing to accept any Lay patron, as well in that which concerns the fruits, as the right of presentation in the town and jurisdiction.  
In the year 1449. the truce betwixt Castille and Navarre being ended, the garrisons of Atiença and of Pegna of Alcaçar went to field, 
Exploits of 〈◊〉 betwixt the Nauarr●it and Castillans.  and made the cruelest war that might be. The King of Navarre being exceeding glad that the Earl of Beneuent had escaped into Portugal, he fortified himself with the favour of king Don Alphonso by his means: and having drawn out of Navarre and Arragon, and from the Moors in the Realm of Valencia, which were subjects to Arragon, a good number of fight men, sent them under the conduct of Don Pedro of Vrrea, Don john Fernandes of Heredia, Rodrigo of Rebolledo, Don Fernand, and Don Diego, sons to the Earl of Castro, and of the justice of Arragon, against the town of Cuenca, making his base son Don Alphonso of Arragon, late Master of the Calatrava, General of this army: the which joining with the troops which john Hurtado of Mendoça, and Lope of Mendoça his brother, sons to Don Diego, had raised for his service, for that they were entered into quarrel with the Bishop of Cuenca, and were become his enemies, might amount to six thousand men horse and foot: with these forces the city of Cuenca was besieged, the which was defended by the Bishop Don Lope of Barriento, a better soldier than a Divine, although he had some fame for that faculty in Spain, and by Alphonso Cherino son to Fernando Alphonso Cherino, Syndic of the city, and by Lopes and john of Salezar brethren, Captains of the garrison, and the Inhabitants who made such resistance, as notwithstanding that the Navarrois had taken Saint Anthony's tower, at the bridge, and given great assaults in other places, yet they defended the place, and repulsed the enemy; who despairing to take it, raised the siege, the which they did the rather, for that they were advertised, the Constable came with great forces to secure it. Towards Requena and Vtiel, the king of Navarre sent Don balthasar son to the Earl of Huelua, with 200 horse and 500 foot, who running along the river of Xorquera, took a booty of about 10000 head of small cattle: and the Inhabitants of Requena and Vtiel going forth to rescue the prey, they were encountered and defeated, thirty of their Knights being slain upon the place, and seventy carried away prisoners by the Navarrois, and the rest were all dispersed.  
These were the King of Navarres exploits, attending the return of the Admiral Don Frederick who was gone to Naples with the Bishop of Lerida, where they were so well received by king Alphonso, and heard in their requests, that not being able to come into Spain as he desired, he sent letters and commandment to the Estates of Arragon to furnish the king of Navarre his brother, with men, arms, victuals, money of his rents and revenues, and all other things, in such quantity as he should need, to make war against the King of Castille, to recover from him his lands and Estates, and to deliver the Noblemen which were detained prisoners, by the Constable's practices and slanders: with this provision the Admiral and Bishop embarked to return into Spain: having received gifts and presents with all other good usage from king Alphonso. The bishop died upon the way: so as the Admiral returned alone to the king of Navarre, who was much pleased with this favourable dispatch, calling the chief men of Arragon to Saragossa, where he acquainted them with their king's command: whereupon the Arragonois having held a Council, they besought the king of Navarre, not to draw them into quarrel with Castille, with which Realm they desired to maintain peace, as long as they might. The king of Navarre used many entreaties and protestations to persuade them: but he could not induce them to go to the war with him, yet he drew from them what sums of money he would, and seeing that he could not persuade them in general, he induced some knights in particular to serve him: and to make his way more easy to that which he pretended, being sufficiently advertised of the insolences and follies which the Constable committed daily to the great disdain of the Noblemen of Castille, he sought by all means to draw some into his league, letting them understand, that if they did any longer endure this mad man to govern the Realm of Castille in that manner, they would repent it too late, and when as they should not be able to prevent the ruin of their houses, which he sought, having no other end but to root out the great families of the Realm, to settle his familiars, and men of his sort. The king of Navarre had a special desire to draw D. Pedro de Velasco Earl of Haro into this league, being a good Knight, loving justice, rich and mightyboth in means and friends, to whom the Constables unlimited ambition, and the unjust detention of so many good men, was displeasing. 
League made against the Constable D. Alvaro de Luna.  To draw him to his faction, he fed him with hope to marry his son Prince Charles unto his daughter: so as the greatness of the royal Estate wherein D. Pedro should see his daughter, if this marriage took effect, blinded his eyes, and made him open his ears. This being in some sort concluded, they sent wise and discreet men to the Prince Don Henry, and to his great minion D. john de Pacheco, Marquis of Villena, and his brother D. Pedro Giron Master of Calatrava, to D. Inigo Lopes of Mendoça Marquis of Santillana, to D. Pedro of Estunig a Earl of Plaisance, and to D. Rodrigo Manrique great Commander, and who caused himself to be called Master of S. james, to have them join in this new league against the Constable, who was the cause of so much injustice, imprisonments, exiles, and the confiscations of the goods of so great personages, whereunto they seemed willing, and it was likely that the Constable would be now ruined: but all goodly beginnings have not the like success. The king of Granado being advertised of all these practices, sent to make offer to be of the party, promising to enter into Andalusia, with all the forces of Granado, to favour the confederates.  
Whilst these things were working, there happened a great tumult in the city of Toledo, 
Sedition at Toledo.  growing by the importune repetition which the Constable made of a million of Maravidis lent, under colour that the king wanted money: so as an artisan went and rung the bell, and put the people into fury, in the which a rich Merchant called Alphonso Cotta was slain, and other insolences committed: the which the Constable at that time could not redress. Don Pedro Sarmiento Captain of the city, being jealous, embraced this occasion to make his profit, and joined with the people, pretending the King's service, in that he did resist the Constable who was Governor of the city above him: where he committed so many outrageous extortions and thefts, as what Pero Lopes of Avala had done before him, was nothing in respect of him.  
The King advertised of this disorder, drew near unto Toledo, to whom they refused the entry into their gates, and Don Pedro Sarmiento sent him certain unreasonable Articles to sign, if he would enter, wherewith the king being wrathfully incensed, he caused the city to be summoned by a King of arms, protesting to ruin the Inhabitants if they did not obey: to whom they made answer with their shot and artillery, using words of disgrace and contempt against the King, who leaving some companies about the city to cut off their victuals and to annoy them, he came to Torrijo, whether the Inhabitants of Toledo and Pedro Sarmiento sent Ambassadors, to beseech him to take the government of that great city from the Constable, whom they termed a tyrant, else they should be forced to deliver it into the hands of the Prince his son, wherewith the King was more offended then at the refusal they had made (for that the Prince D. Henry and he seemed to be divided) so as he made them no answer: whereupon D. Pedro Sarmiento sent to Segobia to the Prince, and caused him to come to Toledo. The King hearing of this, he commanded them that he had left about the city, to retire. But the Prince desired to enter into Toledo with the good leave and liking of the King his father, 
Pedro Sarmiento delivers Toledo to Prince Henry.  but he could not obtain it, wherefore he entered as he might, and gave a general pardon, to all men, namely to Pedro Sarmiento, for all the villainies which he had committed, and left him Governor granting him all that he desired, promising that he would not send him to the Court, nor he should not present himself before the King, but in his company. The Prince stayed some time at Toledo, where going forth one day a hunting, he was advertised that some treated to deliver the city unto the King, wherefore he returned speedily, and after information, some of the offenders were taken and executed, and two Chanoins kept in prison.  
In the mean time the King had taken the castle of Benavent, and then lost it again, by a surprise which the Earl himself made, against whom he prepared an army: but the Earl finding himself to weak, returned to his exile in Portugal. The Prince leaving Toledo, returned to Segobia, and having assigned a day to the Noblemen practised by the King of Navarre and the Earl of Haro, at Crugna, a house belonging to Pero Lopes of Padilla, they there resolved to make ready their men, and join all together at an appointed time, to begin the war against the Constable. The Prince was ready, and there speedily joined with him the Earl of Haro and the Marquis of Santillana, but the rest appeared not; yea the King of Navarre was not ready to march so soon▪ wherefore the enterprise was broken off, and every one being returned to his quarter, the Prince D. Henry reconciled himself to the King his father, and so did the Earl of Haro and the Marquis of Santillana; whereby the treaty of marriage betwixt Prince Charles and the Earl of Haros daughter, was broken. Notwithstanding all this the King of Castille did not stir, and the frontiers of Castille and Navarre where reasonably quiet in the year 1450. 
An. 1450. Pedro Sarmien●o forced to fl●e into Arragon for his thefts.  and yet such as fled into Navarre and Arragon were there received, amongst the which was D. Pedro Sarmiento, whom the Prince D. Henry was in the end forced to thrust out of Toledo, for his violences and treacheries. He graciously commanded him to be gone, and gave him leave to carry away all his baggage, whereof he had two hundred moiles or horses laden, to the great grief of the Toledains, seeing this thief thus enriched with their spoils, and to carry it away freely before their faces. But Pedro Sarmiento was much more grieved; to quit so rich a possession, whose fleece was very profitable. God would not permit him, to enjoy that long, which he had gotten ill, for being come with this booty to Segobia, they did not only spoil him, but he was forced to save himself by flight in Arragon, whether he carried nothing of all his thefts, but the sin and shame thereof. By the King of Navarres permission, he dwelled a while in the city of Pampelone, with his wife and children, poor and needy, and scarce could they get a retreat in the town of Bastide near unto Haro. The Marquis of Villena following the Constable's steps, having given the Prince his master occasion to be discontented with him, he had like to have been seized on, by the practices of D. Pedro Portocarrero, of the Bishop of Cuenca, and of D. john de Sylva, standard-bearer to the King, but he avoided it. Afterwards it was pacified by the marriage of Donna Maria de Pacheco the Marquises daughter, and D. Pedro Portocarrero, who for that cause was made Earl of Medellin. The King fearing new conspiracies to the prejudice of his estate, being well acquainted with the Constable's arrogancy and misdemeanours, he resolved to make some accord with the King of Navarre, to the end he might have the Prince his some (who was light and inconstant) united unto him, cutting off all occasions of factions and leagues, which might distract him, attending a fit opportunity to make the Constable feel his just indignation: whilst this was working, D. Henry Henriques, the Admiral's brother, 
Accord betwixt the King of Castle and 〈◊〉.  escaped from his prison of Langa, slipping down by a rope tied with many knots. The Ambassadors of the two Kings being met, it was concluded that the Admiral and the Earl of Castro should return into Castille, to whom and to D. Henry their goods should be restored; john of Tabor de Luna should be restored, and D. Alphonso of Arragon put again in possession of the Mastership of the Calatrava, the which D. Pedro Giron held, against whom the King and all others would aid and support D. Alphonso, if he would not leave it. These matters agreed upon, were partly effected, for D. Pedro Giron, being in possession of the places which belonged to the mastership, and well assisted and followed, was the stronger.  
In Guipuscoa, they of the town of Montdragon, being not yet well pleased with D. Bertrand of Guevara, 
Houses of strength retreats for theenes reigned in Gaipuscoa.  did ruin, by a Convocation of the Commons, and the King's permission, the tower and strong house of this Knight, which was in a meadow called Caldiybar, which is to say, the valley of horses, whether many thieves and bandoliers retired themselves, whereby the town was much damnified, and D. Bertrand was condemned in a thousand florins of gold, for their pains that were there assembled. The like was done unto an other house belonging unto the said Bertrand, near unto the town of Salines, two leagues from Montdragon. Many of Pedro Sarmientoes soldiers being laid hold on, in divers parts of Castille, they were executed, yea a Gonner who had shot at the herald, which the King had sent to summon the city of Toledo, who was drawn and quartered.  
In the year 1451. Queen Isabel was delivered of a daughter at Madrigal, who was also named Isabel; 
Birth of the jusanta D. Isabel who was Queen of Castille and Arragon.  she was Queen by inheritance of Castille and Leon, and wife to D. Fernand King of Arragon, a Princess endowed with great virtues. The accord made betwixt the King of Castille and the Noblemen did not hold long, for the Prince D. Henry had his private opinions, supporting D. Pedro Giron, Master of the Calatrava, against D. Alphonso of Arragon, which made his attempts to return into the Mastership vain. D. Pedro at the instigation of the Toledans, seized upon Torrijos and Orgas, places belonging to D. Alphonso of Guzman, chief Marshal of Sevile. The Admiral and the Earl of Castro, finding no safety for their persons in Castille, returned into Navarre, and the rather for that they performed little, of many things which they had promised them. The Prince D. Henry caused the Earl of Alba and D. Pedro of Quignones to be conducted to the castle of Toledo, commanding they should be well kept: for whole delivery the people of Toledo, being turbulent, made great stirs, but without effect, yet within few days he delivered D. Pedro of Quignones, making him to swear that he would follow him, and serve him well and faithfully: for they prepared to make war against Navarre, causing him to promise to employ himself, to draw the Admiral and the Earl of Benavent to his service, who had either of them married a sister of D. Pedro's. The Court being at Zamora, the King propounded to his Council, in the presence of the great men of Castille, an accusation against Pedro Sarmiento, who was, by the advice of them all, condemned as a rebel and guilty of high treason: which sentence being confirmed by the Pope, they did confiscate all his goods, and they did seize to the King's use upon Salinas of Agnana, Ocio, Pont Lara, and other places of his in Guipuscoa, Alava, Biscay and elsewhere in Castille. From Zamora the King came to Toledo (being at it seemed in good terms with the Prince his son) to go and make war against the King of Navarre, giving the Government of that city to the Constastable, who at his departure left D. Lewis de la Cerde, one of his breeding up there, and did accompany the Prince, who marched towards the frontiers of Navarre.  
The Castillan army entered into Navarre by Viana which they could not force, the King of Navarre having well furnished and fortified the places of the frontier, and therefore they passed to Torralba, 
Navarre.  where the garrison making a furious sally upon the Castillans, had almost put them in disorder, and to flight, D. john of Beaumond prior of Saint john in the realm of Navarre, being Governor in Torralba. Finally he defended it so well, as they left it, and going through the territory of Berrueça, they went and besieged Estella, whereas Lope of Baquedan was Governor for the King of Navarre. There the King of Castille came and joined with the Prince his son, bringing a great power with him.  
It is likely that the castle of Buradon was taken and razed at this voyage: whereat the Prince D. Charles, who with the royal council governed the realm in the absence of the King his father, was so grieved, being the best fort of Navarre, as he held the whole realm to be lost: 
Device of two grey-bounds gnawing of a bone carried by the Prince of Navarre.  and they say, that as one out of hope, he took a device of two greyhounds gnawing of a bone, signifying, that the realm of Navarre, figured by the bone, is situated betwixt Castille and France, and that the Kings of these realms, which were the two greyhounds did either of them devour of his side. The city of Estella being furiously battered and assaulted, the Prince D. Charles was of opinion to go and speak with the King and Prince, in their camp; having therefore obtained a passport, he was courteously received by them, and his well-spoken reasons so favourably heard, as they were in a manner forced by his modesty and good behaviour to raise the siege, the which a great army could hardly have done: so great force hath virtue, which is fashioned by good education, in a Noble disposition: and in truth, there was not to be found (according to the report of Authors) in that age, a more generous Prince nor better taught, then D. Charles of Navarre: for besides the natural gifts of beauty, mildness, affability to all men, and greatness of courage at need, he was learned in the Scriptures, which governed his manners, 
Virtues of D. Charles Prince of Navarre.  having also the knowledge of many good & commendable sciences, by the which he was admirable in his life time, and famous after his death: He loved poesy, he was well read in Histories, and a subtle Philosopher for his young years: so as he translated Aristotle's ethics into the Castillan tongue, turned into Latin by Leonard Aretin, who flourished at that time: wherein he showed great dexterity and judgement, treating of that subject in such fit terms, as without all doubt Aristotle hath not written better in Greek, 
Write of Prince Charles.  nor Aretin so well in his traduction in Latin: this book was dedicated by him to his uncle D. Alphonso King of Arragon. Moreover he did write a brief Chronicle of the Kings of Navarre his Progenitors, beginning with the most ancient time, unto King D. Inigo Arista, and from thence hath continued the History unto the reign of King Charles his Grandfather, which Chronicle is to be found at this day in written hand, but full of errors, made by them that have copied it, for it was never printed. He did also write some verses, employing the time which he could spare in the government of the realm, in these honest exercises: so as this Prince was cherished, beloved and blest of every man but of his own father, of whom he demanded the realm of Navarre, being his mother's Inheritance, which bred him great troubles, and adversity, wherein he made proof of his courage and singular patience, the which was better known and lamented after his death.  
The King of Castille and the Prince his son having raised his siege from before Estella, 
Castille.  left Navarre, without doing any other harm, and returned to Burgos, from whence soon after they led an army against Palençuela, whereas D. Alphonso Henriques, the Constable's son, had fortified himself, and committed infinite spoils round about. The siege being before this place, the Constable going near the walls, to view the situation thereof, a servant of the Admirals, called Fernand Tremigno, sallied out of the town, with thirty men well armed, who came and charged the Constable and them that were with him (being unarmed) so suddenly, as they put them all in danger of their lives. 
The Constable charged and in danger to be slain.  It behoved the Constable to show his resolution, who like a valiant and hardy Knight (as in deed he was) with his rapier and cloak, made head against this troop, and the rest by his example putting themselves also in defence endured the charge, until that succours came unto them from the next lodging of the army; which made the enemies to turn head, and retire towards the town with some loss, the which yielded afterwards upon composition. From thence the King went unto Madrigal, where he had news that the affairs upon the Moors frontier succeeded very well.  
King Mahumet Aben Ozmen, 
Moors.  called Coxo, that is to say, the Halting, had made offer to the King of Navarre, to favour his quarrels, promising that when he should invest Castille by Navarre and Arragon he would enter by Andalusia, and assail the city of Cordova with all the power of his realm. This Moor hearing afterwards that there had been some accord made betwixt the Christian Princes, did not forbear to make war on his part withal violence, 
moors defeated near unto Arcos.  sending troops of horse and foot divers ways to spoil, whereof a band of six hundred horse and eight hundred foot were encountered near unto Arcos, by D. john Ponce de Leon, Earl of Arcos, who made a notable slaughter. This Nobleman being somewhat sickly in Marchena, had been advertised of the disorder which these spoilers caused by a Christian renegado, sometimes called Benedict of Chincilla, and then he was named Monfarres: whereupon drawing together about 300. horse and 600. foot, he went that way, being led by his spy, where having marched fourteen leagues that day and night, he came the next day where the Moors were, who expected him not, who having put their footmen before, to recover some place of safety, the horsemen made head against the Christians, and fought long, whilst that their foot retired: but in the end the Earl of Arcos had the victory, there being above four hundred horsemen slain upon the place, and five and fifty taken prisoners, with a hundred good horses of service. The Moors fainted not for this rout, but within a while after, 
An. 1452.  and the same year 1452. they entered by Murcia, hoping to have better success in that country, being six hundred horse and fifteen hundred foot, who having ruined a great part of the country, using all kinds of cruelty, they drove away above 40000. head of cat-tail great and small, and about fifty prisoners: whereof D. Alphonso Faiardo being advertised, he wrote speedily to D. Diego of Ribera, Governor of Murcia, Martial of the King's lodging, that he should come forth of the city with all that were fit to bear arms, the which he did presently, and came to Lorca with seventy horse and five hundred foot, whereas D. Alphonso Fajardo met him with two hundred horse and 1500. foot, with these forces they went to affront the Moors, and charged them, breaking them three times, 
An other defeat of Moors.  but they rallied themselves twice again together, yet at the third they were victors, with the slaughter of above eight hundred of their men, and twelve captains; and of Christians there were forty slain upon the place, and above two hundred wounded: by which victory, the booty was rescued. There is no other mention made in our Histories of the deeds of this King Mahumet Aben Ozmen the Lame, but that he was deprived of his Realm by the Infant Aben-Izmael, who kept at Malaga, being assisted and favoured by the King of Castille, but the year is not certain.  
D. Frederic Henriques Admiral of Castille, being retired again to his son in law the King of Navarre for that they kept not the promises made in the above mentioned accord, 
Navarre.  did also think that it was lawful for him to say, that for his part he would not be bound to perform to the King of Castille that which he had sworn and promised: wherefore he led with him Queen joane his daughter, and delivered her to the King her husband. This married couple being together, it was not long before the Queen was with child, she remaining at a place called Fresne in Arragon: where King john being exceeding glad of these news, he caused her to go into Navarre, there to be delivered. She made her residence in the town of Sanguesse, 
An. 1453.  the remainder of the year 1453. and there she applied herself, with the Prince Don Charles, and the Council of the Realm, to the government of the State, the King her husband consenting thereunto, but it was not very pleasing to many Knights of Navarre, who were affectionate servants to the Prince, namely to the family and faction of Beaumond: holding that the authority of a mother in law could neither be good nor profitable for the Prince nor Realm.  
The time of the Constable's punishment did now approach, the measure of his villainies being full, 
Castille.  whereof he himself did seek justice, by his impudence, and unlymited desire of revenge. He hated D. Pedro of Estuniga Earl of Plaisance deadly, and was in like manner hated by him. The Constable laid an ambush for this Earl, to take him prisoner, which was the greatest matter he could do to be revenged his mighty enemies; for being once taken, it was easy for him who had the authority and force of the Realm in his power, to find them guilty.  
The Earl being advertised of this practice, he did impart his design to the Prince, the Marquis of Santillana, and to the Earls of Benavent and Haro, with others: which was, to lose his life, or to make the Constable lose his. The Prince Don Henry made him no answer, as the rest did, who by the negotiation of Diego de Valera, laid a plot amongst them, that the Earl of Plaisance and the Marquis of Santillana, should send their eldest sons with five hundred Lances, under pretext of a quarrel which was betwixt the Earl of Benavent, and D. Pedro Aluares Osorio; and that passing near unto Vailledolit, whereas the King and the Constable were, they should find means to seize upon a gate, & drawing their men into the town, they should take or kill the Constable, publishing, that it was done by the commandment of Prince Henry. But it succeeded not, 
Queen Isabel 〈…〉 Lords against the Constable.  for the Constable being advertised he caused the King to dislodge and led him to Burgos. These things being imparted by the King of Castille to Queen Isabel, who was no friend to the Constable she embraced this occasion, and induced the King to let these Noblemen do what 〈◊〉 had resolved, the which was easy to effect for that the King was already distasted of his Constable.  
The Queen did not only this good office, but she did solicit the confederates to make haste, whilst the time was fit; sending the Countess of Ribadeo unto them, under colour to visit the Earl of Plaisance her uncle, who had fortified himself in Bejar, carrying letters of credit, who did inform them, as she was commanded, of the time, place, and means they should hold, to seize upon the Constable, or to dispatch him. This embassage delivered unto the Earl, rejoiced him much: and for that he was lame himself, he presently sent D. Alvaro of Estuniga his eldest son, with Diego of Valera, a Secretary and a Page, to levy men in Curiel, where they could not for the shortness of time assemble above seventy Lances, with the which D. Alvaro went towards Burgos: and going before upon a Mule, with one man that did attend him, he entered into the Castle of Burgos, commanding his men to follow after, giving it out in the Country, that they did belong unto the Constable, but above all, that they should so observe the time, as their coming into Burgos should be by night, and that they should not offer to come into the castle, until they had news from him; the which was duly executed, and these seventy Knights entered into the castle on Monday at night, the first of May in the year 1453. whereas D. Alvaro had already drawn in the same night two hundred of his friends of the town well armed. 
Presage of the Constable's end.   
The day following there was an uncertain brute, that the Constable should be apprehended, who had many other presages of his ruin, if he could have foreseen it. The King being privy to all these matters, had a conceit that this apprehension could not be made without great scandal, and therefore he sent commandment to D. Alvaro, that he should return to Curiel, for that he could not execute that, for the which he was come, but D. Alvaro, a valiant and hardy Knight, made answer, that upon his life he would seize upon the Constable, and deliver him unto him, so he would be pleased to give him a decree, 
Warrant to apprehend the Constable.  or warrant to apprehend him, the which the King caused to be made in this form. D. Alvaro of Estuniga, my Alguazil Mayor, or Marshal, I command you to apprehend the body of D. Alvaro de Luna, Master of Saint james, and if he offer to defend himself, that you kill him. And moreover the King commanded the Rectors and Aldermen of the city, to put the people in arms, according to their regiments and bands, and to keep them in battle in the Bishop's place, at the break of day. At which time D. Alvaro going out of the castle, to invest the Constable's lodging, and to take him, he received divers commandments from the King, that he should not fight, but only besiege him, and set guards about his lodging, that he might not escape, which did much discontent him. Coming near the place, his men began to cry, Castille, Castille, for the King's liberty: At which noise the Constable came to the window, and his men put themselves in defence, many shot, both with bows and harguebuses, wherewith there were some slain, and others hurt. D. Alvaro of Estuniga sent often to entreat the King, that he would give him leave to fight, for they slew his men from the windows of the Constable's lodging, but he would never grant it. Thereupon arrived D. Alphonso of Carthagena Bishop of Burgos, and Ruy Diaz of Mendoçca Lord Steward, to whom the Constable, who was armed and on horseback, yielded himself prisoner, having promised him, in the King's name, that there should be no harm done unto his person nor goods, but by the course of justice. Being taken, he was given in guard by the King, to Ruy Diaz of Mendoça, and by him to his brother john Hurtado of Mendoça, who carried him to Portillo, whereat D. Alvaro of Estuniga was very much discontented, and the city likewise, so as some offered to go and take the Constable away by force from john Hurtado, and to deliver him into his hands to keep, having more right thereunto then any other, seeing he had taken him: but D. Alvaro, who was a discreet Knight, pacefied them with thanks. After this the King went to Portillo, and caused a great quantity of treasure, belonging to the Constable to be seized on, and carried to Vailledolit, and he gave him in guard to D. Diego of Estuniga, son to the Marshal D. Inigo Ortis of Estuniga, who was Earl of Nieva, commanding that his process should be made, and that his Attorney General should inform against him.  
This year was remarkable in Spain, 
Navarre.  for the birth of 〈◊〉 Infant D. Fernand, son to D. john King of Navarre, by D. joane Henriques his wife, who being unwilling to be delivered in Navarre going towards Arragon, she was forced to stay at Sos, a small place of Arragon, 
Birth of D. Fernand, who was King of 〈◊〉 and Arr●g●n, and 〈◊〉 to D. Isabel.  where she had this Prince, who was famous, for the great things he did: for by him the Moors were chased out of Granado, and all Spain cleansed of that vermin; the West Indies discovered, with many Islands in the Ocean sea: the Realms of Castille, Leon, Arragon, Navarre and Granado, united under one crown; many places conquered upon the coast of Africa, and subjecteth to the crown of Spain: And that which may serve to make him famous, the Inquisition was instituted under him, the only support of the authority of the Sea of Rome, and of the Clergy in Spain. The year of Prince Fernands' birth 1453. was the last of the Christians Empire in the East, the city of Constantinople being then taken by Mahumet Emperor of the Turks, whose posterity doth hold it at this day, with many other great Realms and Provinces, conquered since by that infidel Nation.  
D. john King of Castille, 
Castille.  having resolved to be rid of the Constable D. Alvaro de Luna, whom he had raised to that greatness, he sought to seize upon his places and castles, he got Maqueda easily, but not the rest: for whilst he lived, he had men at his devotion, who would notabandon him, hoping that he should recover both his liberty and grace, as he had formerly done; wherefore the King, to take away all these lets, resolved to put him to death, and therefore he gave charge to them of his Council, to make an end of his criminal process. The which was done at the Instance of the King's Attorney, by twelve lawyers that were deputed; who having convicted him to have attempted against the crown of Castille, to have taken and converted to his own use the King's treasure, and committed many tyrannous acts, he was condemned to lose his head, the which being set upon a high pole, should remain upon a scaffold nine days together, as an example and spectacle for all the Noblemen of the Realm. This sentence being confirmed by the King, D. Al●aro de Luna was brought from Portillo to Vailledolit, by D. Diego of Estuniga, being accompanied by a great number of men, where having stayed one night, 
The Constable D. Alvaro de Luna executed at Vailledolit.  his sentence of death being read unto him, he was carried upon a little Mule, an Officer crying out with a loud voice before him, that it was the justice which the King caused to be done upon that cruel Tyrant, usurper of the royal crown etc. Being come to the place of execution, he was beheaded: his head continued there nine days, and his body three, than they carried it to Saint Andrew's Hermitage, where malefactors are usually buried: but some days after both his body and head were transported to Toledo, and buried in a Chapel built by him, in the quire of the Cathedral Church. A man in whom we may observe the inconstancy of humane greatness, but what avails instruction to them, who from little come to great Estates, to make them maintain themselves with modesty, 
A good conscience is a sure support.  and to rely upon a good conscience: for Prince's favours have deceived many, whereof both ancient and modern histories are full, and the examples ordinary. All his goods were forfeited, and applied to the crown, the which were very great; for besides the dignities of Constable and Master of Saint james, he was Duke of Trugillo, and Earl of Saint Stephen de Gormas, he held held the Cities of Osma and Truxillo, 
Constable's great possessions.  the towns of Cuellar, Maqueda, Montalban, Valdolivas, Aleocer, Salmeron, Saint Peter of Palmiches, Tremble, Zebreros, Villalua, Alamin, la Tour Pre, Colmenar, Arenas, Adrada, castle Valuel, Figuiere, Albuquerque, Azagala, Aillon, Sepulueda, Riaea, Maderuelo, Castel-novo, Escalona, Saint Martin of Val d'Eglise, with other places and forts, to the number of 70. and five Earldoms, so as he might number twenty thousand Vassals, besides the dependences of the Mastership of Saint james, and the Vassals thereof, from all which places and lands, he drew above an hundred thousand double ducats of rent, besides the estates, offices and infinite presents, and other profits and commodities which he found out: being a man which hunted after great gain, yet he hide not scorn small presents, after the manner of those that grow great of nothing. All which things came unto him, by the King's bounty, favour and sufferance. 
Dispositions & qualities of the Constable A●uaro d'Luna  He was subtle, and a great dissembler, pleasing himself much in such practices, he was suspicious, envious, an enemy and persecutor of great men, the which cost him his life: A glorious vaunter of his race and progenitors, not remembering his mother's course of life, which made his beginning doubtful. He was a good man at arms and an active Knight, strong of body, though little of stature, yet well set: hardy in war, advised, very affable and familiar in Court, gracious to his friends, discreet in his speech, eloquent, and furnished with good reasons; given to pleasures, dancing, and in some sort a Poet. And for that the King had seized upon all that did belong unto him, they did set a silver basin whereas his head stood, to the end that such as would give any thing for his burial, might cast in it there: whereby they gathered much money. It is strange that having on a time inquired of certain divines of his future fortunes, they answering him that he should die upon a scaffold, 
Divines delude the Constable.  which the Spaniards call Cadahalso, he then remembered that he had a place called Cadahalso; into the which he would never set his foot, but he mounted upon another Cadahalso, which he doubted not. In the death of this Constable, and the disgraces of Ruy d'avaloes his Predecessor, in the same dignity, we may note that Kings do many times ruin men with the like error that they have raised them: for it is certain, that they were both cast down from that high degree of favour, for that they were strangers, seeing that they alone did not trouble the realm, nor usurp the rights thereof, but kindred, alliances and friends did preserve many, who had deserved no less than these: and there is no doubt but Don john King of Castille would have winked at all the Constable's misdemeanours, and borne with them still, had not the persuasions of his wife, 
The King put the Constable to death more through scare and baseness, then for love of justice.  the dishonour which they laid before him, and fear drawn him unto it. He therefore put him to death as a rebel, and guilty of high treason (notwithstanding that he never broke lance, nor carried arms against the standard royal) whom he had so dearly loved, more to please another, then for any desire he had to do justice, and moved thereunto rather through base covardise then by any virtuous resolution. This execution past, the King besieged Escalona, and sent letters to all the great Cities and towns of the realm with an ample declaration of the justice had done upon Alvaro de Luna, setting down his offences particularly, advertising them that hereafter he would have justice duly administered, expressly forbidding them to assist, or to give any favour and support unto john de Luna his Son. The fort of Escalona was yielded upon these conditions, that the Countess, the Constable's widow, should have half the treasure and jewels that was within the place, and the King the rest; and to D. Diego of Auellaneda, who was governor thereof, should be given two thousand doublons of gold, 
Birth of D. Albonso of Castille.  with the town and castle of Langa. During his small abode in this place, he had news that Queen Isabel his wife was brought in bed of a Son, at Tordesillas, who was named D. Alfonso.  
The year following the King being at Auila he sent for D. Lopes of Barriento Bishop of Ciqueça and Friar Gonçal of Illesca Prior of the Monastery of Guadalupe, to make them of his counsel to the end that he might by their advice reform the great abuses past: 
An. 1454.  to effect the which he resolved to raise a power of eight thousand lances with an ordinary entertainment, and many other things. Being in this discourse, he felt himself to be much troubled with a quartain ague, which had held him sometime, yet he did not forbear to travel to Madrid, and from thence to Vaylledolit, where the Queen his wife was, leaving the whole government of his Realms, to the above named Bishop and Prior. His sickness increasing, he made his testament, and left to Queen Isabel the city of Soria, 
Death of D. john King of Castille.  with the towns of Madrigal and Arevalo, and to his son D. Alphonso the administration of the Mastership of Saint james, whom he would willingly have made heir of his crown, and King of Castille and Leon, if it had been lawful, so much he did mislike Prince Henry his eldest son, for his disobedience and lightness. To his daughter D. Isabel, he gave the town of Cuellar, with a great quantity of gold for her dowry. He did not long survive his Constable, but died of the violence of his quarten ague, at Vailledolit, in july the same year 1454. having held the Realm 47. years, being 49. years old and five months: his body was for that time laid in the Monastery of St. Pablo of Vailledolit, to be transported to the Carthusians of Mirefleurs at Burgos, as he had ordained by his testament. The Constable's death had reconciled the King of Navarre unto him, and restored all the other Noblemen to favour, yea the Admiral D. Frederic, who was then fled into Arragon: notwithstanding having made to much haste to re-enter into Castille, without an ample licence from the King, he had commandment to go back, and not to return into Castille, unless he were sent for, upon great penalties. This King had resolved to make war against D. Alphonso King of Portugal, for the descoveries which he made upon the Western coast of Africa, beyond Cap Verd, towards Guinee, saying these conquests did belong to the crown of Castille, but death broke of this design, and continued the peace of Portugal.  
The Estate of which Realm after the death of King Edward had been governed by the Infant D Pedro, 
Portugal.  in quality of a Regent, chosen by the Estates, by reason of King Don Alphonso's young years. D. Pedro had for his greatest Adversary his brother D. Alphonso Earl of Barcellos, and his sons, the Earls of Oren and Arroyolos, notwithstanding which contention, King D. Alphonso being come to the age of sixteen years, married at Saint Iren, with Donna Isabel, daughter to the Infant D. Pedro, receiving the nuptial blessing from the hand of D. Fernand Archbishop of Braga. D. Alphonso Earl of Barcellos, son to King john, had obtained in the year, 1448. of his brother D. Pedro Regent of the realm, although they were in quarrel, the Estate of Brangance, in title of a Duchy, and the castle of Lotero, by the decease of Don Gonçalo, who held all those places.  
This good turn was ill requited by the new Duke: for he seeing him make no show to give over his Regency, notwithstanding that the King had been declared capable to govern his realm himself, and being married, he put a conceit into the King's head, that the Infant D. Pedro had caused Queen Leonora his mother, to be poisoned in Castille, and that he sought to do the like to him, that he might seize upon the crown. For this cause the king did persecute D. Pedro his uncle: so as he forced him to retire to Coimbra, of which he was Duke. Being much incensed at this injury, he had certain practices with them of Lisbon, to give him entry and support in that city, with his partisans and friends, whereof he had many, meaning to rebel against the king his Nephew. These practices being discovered, the king gathered together all the men he could with great secrecy, to surprise D. Pedro upon the point of the execution of his enterprise: and came and encountered him as he was coming to Lisbon, at a place called Aforr●beira, 
Defeat and death of the Infant D. Pedro Duke of Coimbra.  where having fought with him, vanquished, and slain him, he ended those troubles. It may be the Infant was innocent of the death of Queen Leonora: but if it be true that he caused poison to be given her, he was paid with the like money, for he was slain with a poisoned arrow. There died many good knights in this battle, and amongst others D. Al●aro of Almada, Earl of Abranches.  
They did for a long time refuse to bury the Infant's body in the royal Monastery of the battle, an argument of the kings great hatred, and of the Duke of Bragança's against him: yet they had cause to lament him, for they wanted him in the Government; The duke of Bragance soon after demanded the City of Porto, and the town of Guimaranes of the king, the which he gave him: Guimaranes received him, but Porto would not in any sort: for they would maintain themselves for the king, and so did Portalegre, which the king had given unto the Earl Don Sancho of Logrogno, brother to D. Constance, the Duke of Braganca's second wife, being sister also to D. Pedro Archbishop of Lisbon.  
In the year 1451. 
Marriage of the Emperor Frederic the 3 and D. Leonora of Portugal.  Donna Leonora the King's sister was married to the Emperor Frederic the third duke of Austria, and the betrothing was in the city of Lisbon, by the Noblemen that were deputed by him, having full power and authority, who afterwards conducted their Empress by sea to Pisa, being accompanied by the Marquis of Valencia, by D. Lewis Coutin, Bishop of Coimbra, D. Lope of Almada Earl of Abrantes, and other Noblemen of Portugal: whose marriage was celebrated at Sienna, the year following 1452, In the which King Alphonso had a son by his wife, called D. john, which lived little. That year the body of the Infant D. Pedro, uncle and father in law to the King, was taken from Alberca where it had been interred, and transported to the castle of Abrantes, or at the least his bones.  
The coast of Africa, 
Descoveries of the coast of Affrik● by the portugals which discontented the Castillans.  towards the Western and South seas, were at that time descovered by the Portugals, who brought gold from Guinny, whereof King D. Alphonso caused a certain coin to be made, which he called Croisats, by reason of the Croisadoe granted by Pope Nicholas the fifth to make war against the Infidels. D. Aluar Gonçales Bishop of Lamego, was the bringer of this Croisadoe into Portugal. D. john the second King of Castille, being grown jealous of these navigations and conquests, as I have said, sought to hinder them, sending word unto the King Alphonso that they did belong unto the crown of Castille, and therefore he did forbid the Portugals to go thither any more, else he would make violent war against him. King Alphonso answered his Ambassadors (who were D. john de Guzman, and Doctor Fernand Lopes of Burgos) very mildly, that he had always held that the conquests and descoveries of those coasts did belong unto the Realm of Portugal: yet he would always, if need were, submit himself to judgement, and would desist, if it were said, that it did belong to any other: and therefore he entreated him that, without good information, he would not break the peace betwixt the two realms: Hereupon the King of Castille died, in the year 1454. at which time King Alphonso had a daughter borne, called D. joane, which was a very virtuous and religious Princess.  
In the end, the body or bones of the Infant D. Pedro, having remained some time in the castle of Arantes, and removed from thence to Saint Eloy at Lisbon, they were buried, at the intercession of the Pope, the Duke of Burgundy, of the Duchess his wife, and of the Queen D. Isabel, and of many Noblemen and Prelates, in the Monastery of the battle: so great account they made of a small matter in these ceremonies, as the whole world must of force be therein employed. The funerals were celebrated with great pomp and solemnity.  
The end of the nineteenth Book.    

SEMPER EADEM THE TWENTIETH BOOK of the General History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 Done Henry the fo●rth of that name, & nineteenth King of Castille, and fortieth of Leon: his disposition and qualities.  
2 Forgetting of offences, rebellions, and riots past: repealing of the Lords absent from Castille.  
3 The Government of Castille at this Kings coming to the Crown.  
4 Wars against the Moors.  
5 The divorce of D. Henry the unable, King of Castille, with his second marriage.  
6 Quarrels between the Prince D. Charles of Navarre, and Queen joane his mother in law. Partialities of Beaumond and Grammont in Navarre: war between the father and the son.  
7 Last deeds of the King of Arragon, D. Alphonso the fifth, his royal disposition and qualities.  
8 Commotions in Biscay.  
9 Continuance of the wars against the Moors.  
10 Advancement of divers of mean condition in the Court of Castille.  
11 Insolences of D. john of Pacheco Marquis of Villena.  
12 Domestical affairs of D. Henry the unable King of Castille, his loves, and vanities.  
13 D. john the second of that name, the eighteenth King of Arragon: troubles between him, and the Prince D. Charles his son.  
14 Affairs of Castille: hatred and envies of Court.  
15 Enterprises of the Prince D. Charles against the King Don john his father: his overthrow and imprisonment: and of that which followed afterward, even until his delivery and death.  
16 The wars of Granado.  
17 Government of Castille, and of the affairs of Court.  
18 War between Castille and Arragon.  
19 Behaviours of King Henry the unable, and of Queen joane his wife: the birth of D. joane the supposed Infanta.  
20 Sedition and civil war in Cattalog●a, with the rebellion of the Barcelonois: and pawning of the Earldom of Rossillon to the French King.  
21 Gaston de Foix son in law to the King of Arragon and Navarre his behaviour towards his sister in law. Lady Blanch the heir of Navarre. Continuance of the war of Cattalog●a.  
22 Arbitrement of King Lewis the eleventh, for the composing of the differences and disagreements between the Kings of Castille and Arragon, and those of Barcelona with their Prince. Enter view of the kings, Lewis of France and Henry of Castille, on the frontiers.  
23 Murder of a jew collector of the subsidies in Guipuscoa.  
24 Deceits between the Kings of Castille▪ Navarre and Arragon.  
25 D. Pedro of Portugal chosen King by those of Barcelona.  
26 Slanderous and false accusations of bloody Monks. Quarrels between the prelates in Castille.  
27 Carelessness and injustice of King Henry the fourth of Castille.  
28 The house of Bragança: unlucky enterprise of the King of Portugal D. Alphonso the fifth in Africa.  
29 Lady joane borne in adultery: promotion of D. Bertrand de la Cueva to the dignity of Master of Saint James. Matters of quarrel in Castille: Conspiracies and civil war in that kingdom.  
30 Dangerous enterprises and treasons of the rebels against Don Henry King of Castille, the King degraded by them, and his brother the Prince Don Alphonso lifted up to the regal dignity.  
31 Donna Leonora Countess of Foix, her cruel appetite and desire of government▪ her behaviour towards her elder sister.  
32 Continuance of the war against the rebels of Cattalogna. D. Pedro of Portugal a tumultuçs' King in Barcelona, his exploits, and death: The taking of Tortosa by the king Don john of Arragon.  
33 The raising up again of the king D. Henry of Castille: stirs in Andaluzia by D. Pedro Giron. Agreements, recompenses and gifts made and given by the king of his faithful friends, and others.   
Here follow the names of the Princes reigning in Spain in this twentieth Book.  

CASTIL, and LEON.  
19 D Henry the 4. and XL.   

ARRAGON and NAVARRE.  
18. D. john 2.— himself.   
KIng john the second being dead, 
Surnames of liberal and unable.  his son Henry the fourth of that name succeeded him in the Kingdoms of Castille and Leon: who by divers was surnamed the liberal: for he was not only bountiful, but a great water and prodigal, the which he did inherit from the King his father. The surname of unable was given unto him, by reason of his natural weakness, being in the company of women, the which his Queens had experience of: and yet those which have written of his stature and proportion, say, 
Qualities and manners of the King D. Henry the fourth.  that he was strong and big, of a manly aspect, fierce and hairy.  
This Prince was lightheaded, variable & inconstant: yet for all that of fair demeanour, cutteous and affable to his familiar friends, in so much as he never said thou to any one he did ever maintain his gravity with Princes: he was a lover of peace and did naturally put of from himself the managing of matters of State. He would at one time be bold and confident, without suspicion, and within a while after contrary to himself, solitary, and an enemy of company; most of which qualities he had by inheritance from his father. He did take great pleasure in hunting, in music, and in buildings of houses of pleasure, and he did likewise erect monasteries with other religious houses: he would oftentimes sit and sing in Churches with singing men: he was a great eater, but he did never taste any wine. By his bounty and liberality he raised divers to great honours and riches who were issued from base and obscure families. Thus King Henry, at the age of one and thirty years was proclaimed King at Valiodolite in the presence of D. john of Pacheco Marquis of Villena (his most private and familiar friend) and his brother D. Pedro Giron Master of ●alatraua, D. Ruy Diaz of Mendoza, great Master of the household to the late King D. john. D. Pedrod ' Aguilar, Lord of Priego and of Cagnette, the Marshal D. Diego Fernandes of Cordova Lord of Baena, and other Noblemen which were then at the Court.  
The beginning of his reign was very plausible, by reason that he did enlarge of his own accord, without being thereunto solicited by any one, D. Garcia Al●ares of Toledo Earl of Alva, and D. Diego Manriques Earl of Trevigno, restoring them to all their former riches honours, and dignities; and having made a certain speech to the Lords that were then about him, they gave him great and humble thanks, reputing that demonstration of his clemency as an high favour, and so with all reverence kissed his hands. He displaced none of all those which were in any office or place of dignity during the life of his father, but received them into his service in the self same quality that they were in before. In regard whereof all men thought the Kingdom happy being fallen into the hands of so good, so courteous and liberal a Prince, and they did yield infinite thanks unto God, the only giver of so desired and necessary a favour for the Realms of Castille and Leon.  
divers great Lords so soon as they heard of the death of King john, came in all haste to mourn with him for the same, to do him reverence and to take the oath of allegiance due to the new King. The Ecclesiastical persons were, D. Alphonso Carillo d' Acugna; Archbishop of Toledo, D. Roderigo de Luna Archbishop of Saint james, D. Alphonso Fonseca Archbishop of Sevil, D. Alphonso de Carthagena Bishop of Burgos, friar Lopes de Barriento Bishop of Cuenca, D. Alphonso de Madrigals called Tostado the most renowned Bishop of Auila, D. Pedro Baca Bishop of Leon, D. Pedro of Castille Bishop of Palença, D. Gonçall of Illesca Bishop of Cordova, D. Lewis d' Acugna Bishop of Segobia, D. Inigo Manrique Bishop of Ouiedo with divers other prelates. The secular Lords were D. Fernand de Velasco Earl of Haro, D. Alphonso Pimentell Earl of Benavent, D. Gaston de la Cerde Earl of Medina Celi, D. Diego Manrique Earl of Trevigno, D. john Manrique Earl of Castagneda, D. Roderigo Manrique Earl of Paredes, D. Gabriel Manrique Earl of Osorno, D. Alvaro of Estuniga Earl of Plaisance, whose father was newly dead, much about the time of the Constable's decease, D. Pedro Aluares Osorio Earl of Transtamara, D. Pedro d' Acugna Earl of Valencia, an other D. Pedro d' Acugna Lord of Duegnas and Tariego, brother to the Archbishop D. Alphonso Carillo, D. john de Sylva Standard-bearer to the King, and many others, who with the deputies of towns and Provinces there assembled, swore to the King's fealty and homage after the accustomed manner.  
Now the King being desirous to suppress all forepassed quarrels, and to settle a firm peace in his dominions, 
The King of Navarre and other Lords pacified, recompensed & repealed by the new king D. Henry.  did at his coming to the crown send Ambassadors to the King of Navarre, who greatly complained because of the confiscation of all his goods in Castille, whereupon it was concluded that in recompense of all the wrongs that he could pretend, he should have certain yearly pensions assigned him out of the ordinary revenue of the Kingdom of Castille, in regard of which assignation he should deliver up into the King of Castile's hands, the towns of Atiença, La Pegna de Alcaçar: it was likewise agreed upon that the Admiral D. Frederic, D. john of Tovar Lord of Berlanga, the children of the Earl of Castro lately dead, and all the Knights and others which were fled out of the Kingdom by reason of the late wars, should be repealed and restored to all their goods and lands. These things were soon effected, and the Admiral with the rest returned to Valiodolit to kiss the King's hands, who received them very graciously, and yet for all that did put them in mind of the faith and obedience due to Kings, to the end they might the better remember it afterward, and so with his free pardon dismissed them. And besides all this the better to confirm his peace on all sides with Christian Princes, he sent Ambassadors into Italy to Alphonso King of Arragon, to the end to renew the leagues and ancient alliances betwixt the crowns of Castille and Arragon, who were received and entertained with great honour; a notable argument whereof was, that as the Ambassadors of Castille and the Commissioners of Arragon stood upon terms who should be first named in the instruments and writings, the King D. Alphonso decreed that the precedency should be given to Castille, 
Castille pres●r● before Arragon.  in regard that he himself reigning over the Arragonois was a Prince issued from the stock of Castille, an ancient race of the Kings of Goths: so that in all the writings which did concern the league and alliance, the King of Castille was first named, the which his Ambassadors at their return certified to him and his council to their exceeding joy and contentment.  
But notwithstanding these good beginnings, if the reign of the late King john was turbulent and troublesome, and if ever Spain was Spain was seen to be shaken with furious tempests, 
The gentleness of a Prince not accompanied with justice & severity, is both hurtful to himself and his Estate.  it was now most of all by the miserable government of his son King Henry, whose clemency and careless gentleness was the only cause thereof, making him to forget the other part of the duty of a Prince which is justice, by means whereof he fell into the contempt of the great ones of his Court, and namely of his most private minions, so that both he and his Kingdom fell into very dangerous straits. At the beginning he and his affairs were governed by D. john de Pacheco Marquis of Villena, a wise, rich, and discreet person, and one well seen in the managing of state-affairs, likewise by the Archbishop of Sevil, D. Alphonso de Fonseca, a prelate of an excellent wit, but less grave than beseemed the place and rank he held; by whom for certain years space the Kingdom was well governed to the contentment of all men.  
The first martial enterprise attempted in the reign of King Henry was against the Moors of Granado, over whom reigned Ishmael, 
moors and Castille.  the same who had taken the crown from Mahumet the Lame: for the execution whereof King Henry assembled the Estates of his kingdom in the city of Cuellar, unto whom having propounded what he meant to do, D. jatgo Lopes de Mendoça, Marquis of Santillana in the the name of them all, answered him in such eloquent and discreet terms, as did highly please and content him. The war being resolved and decreed in that assembly, every man went home to his house to make preparation, and in the beginning of the year 1455. they began to march towards the frontiers of Andaluzia. The King parting from Segobia ordained viceroys in Castille and Leon for matters of justice, D. Alphonso Carillo Archbishop of Toledo and D. Pedro Fernandes de Velasco Earl of Haro, who should keep their residence at Valiodolit. The army being in a readiness entered into the Moors country, being in number five thousand horsemen, and a great company of footmen making great spoil even to the walls of the city of Granado, notwithstanding that Ishmael had been established King by the help and favour of the King of Castille D. john deceased. On the fourth day the Christian army returned to Eccia, and some few days after went towards Malaga, burning and spoiling as before, albeit that a great company of Moorish horsemen did oftentimes present them the combat, which the King by the wise and discreet council of his captains did evermore refuse, and brought back his army in safety to Cordova loaden with all manner of spoils.  
This year the suit (begun many months passed between king Henry of Castille and Lady Blanch of Navarre his wife) was ended before Pope Nicholas the fift, 
Castille.  of whom he entreated to be divorced from her, and to take another wife, because, as he said, she was barren. The Pope granting his request, separated them, albeit it was very well known that the fault was in himself, and not in the Lady, who with great grief returned home into Navarre, having lost the title and dignity of Queen of Castille: but King Henry, not being contented with the experience which he had made of himself with this Lady, would needs make proof of another, and by D. Fernand his great Chaplain caused a marriage to be treated of between him and the Infanta Donna joane of Portugal, 
Second marriage of the K Don Henry the Unable.  sister to king Don Alphonso, and daughter to the late king Don Edward, a Princess of great beauty, who was betrothed unto him, notwithstanding she had sufficient notice of the king's insufficiency, yet she consented thereunto, being tickled with a desire to be Queen of Castille. The king Don Henry without receiving any thing with her, did endow her with an hundred and twenty thousand florins, to be levied upon cite Real, Olmedo, and their lands, and for her ordinary expenses, a million, and 500000. maravidis then currant. It was also agreed, that the Infanta his next wife might bring with her a douzin Ladies of noble parentage, unto whom the King would give husbands fitting their degrees, and of these the Lady Beatrix de Norogno should be governess, who for her part had leave to bring with her four young Gentlewomen, with like hope. All these things promised and confirmed by the king, Don john de Guzman the first Duke of Medina Sidonia, and Earl of Niebla, was sent to meet the Infanta, who brought her to Cordova where the marriage was solemnised with great magnificence: the Arch bishop of Tours being then Ambassador in the Court of Spain for the French king Charles the 7. performed the ceremony. All manner of pomps, shows, and pastimes accustomed at such feasts were there performed, saving that in the opinion of all men, the Bride remained the next day as pure a virgin as she was borne of her mother. Both King Henry's Queens were his cousin germans once removed, daughters, the one to the king of Navarre, the other of Lady Leonora of Arragon his sister, cousin-germains to his father.  
About this time Pope Nicholas, by his death, gave place to a Spaniard borne in Xativa, a town in the kingdom of Valencia, called Don Alphonso Borgia, Cardinal of the title of S. Sixt●s, who was named Calixt the 3. a man of 77. years of age, who had been a Counsellor to Alphonso K. of Arragon. By him was made Cardinal a nephew of his named Rodrigo Borgia, yet he was not of the family of Borgia, but of the Lan●çoles, a noble family in the kingdom of Valencia, son to Don jeffrey Lançol, Lord of Canales, and to a sister of Pope Calixts, he did entitle him Cardinal of S. Nicholas in carcere Tulliano, who afterward attained the Papacy.  
Whilst that the marriage lasted at Cordova, 
Ambition of D. joane of Portugal.  great numbers of souldiets were drawn from all parts of Castille into Andalusia, the number of them amounting to about fourteen thousand horse, and fourscore thousand foot, whose chief Commanders were the Admiral Frederic, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, the Marquis of Santillana, he of Villena, the Earls of Alba de Tormes, Benavent, Arcos, S. Estevan, Alba de Lista, Valence, Cabra, Castagneda, Osorno and Paredes, and the Archbishop of Sevile, besides others of lesser note: with these forces the king entered into the Moors country, and with out dis-banding his army, or giving advantage, or hope to the enemy to come to battle, he made roads up and down for 20. days space, so as it was thought, that the Moors would not be able in many years to gather any profit or fruit in their country, the which the king thought to be the surest and easiest way utterly to ruin & overcome them. Having brought back his army to Eccia laden with spoils, not long after, he discharged the greatest number of them, and dismissed the Marquis of Santillana, the Earls of Benavent, Alba, Plaisance and others home to their houses, he himself remaining in Andalusia with the people of the country, and the town garrisons did make continual roads upon the Moors all that Summer, at the latter end whereof he returned to Auila and Segobia, to give order for the war of the year following.  
Alphonso king of Portugal having by the marriage of his sister confirmed the peace and ancient alliances with the Crown of Castille, 
Wars against the Moors.  determined with himself to vex the Moors in Africa: the same year in the city of Lisbon was born unto him a son, who at his christening was named Don john: the baptism was solemnised by Don Fernand Archbishop of Braga, the Infant was carried by Don Fernand his uncle, his Godfathers were the Earls of Arroyolos, and Don Vasco of Attaydo, Prior of S. john's, and D. Pay● Correa: the godmothers, the Infanta D. Catherine the King's sister, and the Lady Beat●ix de Meneses one of the Queen's chiefest Ladies.  
In these times began the troubles and calamities in Navarre, 
Navarre. Don Charles cannot endure his mother-in-law partaker with him in the regency.  occasioned by the factions in that kingdom, after this manner. The Prince of Viana Don Charles was in his flourishing age, and in the absence of his father had, very virtuously, with great justice, and to the liking of all men, governed the Realm of Navarre, by the good council of the Lords of the country: and namely by the Lord Lewis of Beaumond: now the king his father having married to his second wife the Lady joane Henriques, daughter to the Admiral of Castille, would have made her a partaker in the government, the which was distasted by many, who did stir up the Prince, being lawful heir of the Kingdom, not to suffer his mother-in-law to thrust herself into the command of his possessions. The desire of rule which tickleth all great and magnanimous natures: 
The desire of rule, an affection of a magnanimous nature.  did so far possess the Prince Don Charles, hitherto obedient to his father, as he declared unto him the purpose that he had to enjoy alone the right of his mother's inheritance, in which his mother-in-law had no part, and thereupon made preparation to send her forth of the country, and to resist the king his father, if he opposed himself against his determination, and in conclusion to have by way of arms that which he purposed. From this pernicious quarrel, 
Factions of Beaumond and Grammont in Navarre.  which proved so successeles to the son against the father, did spring the two factions of those of Beaumond and Grammont, which so many years did infect the kingdom of Navarre, names taken from two mighty families, to wit, that of Beaumond beyond the Pirevean hills, 
The house of Beaumond called of old, Lusa  and that of Grammont on the hither side near unto France, albeit that the house of Beaumond had his original from Normandy, and was first of all called Lusa; nevertheless both of them of old issued from the blood royal of Navarre, the which the arms of both those houses do witness, and namely, the chief of the faction of Grammont, who are the Marshals of the kingdom, the Marquis of Cortes, do not entitle themselves of Grammont but of Navarre. Now the Lord Lewis of Beaumond Constable of Navarre, being chief of his house, he and all his followed the Princes: on the contrary, the house of Grammont and their adherents, did maintain the King's quarrel against his son, and of this house were chief, the Lord Peter of Peralta, who by reason of these tumults was made Constable, and the marshal Don Pedro of Navarre. The sons reasons were, that being son and lawful heir to Lady Blanch the right Queen and heir of Navarre, he ought to govern, seeing that the king his father had made a second marriage, which barred him from any pretence of right or claim. On the contrary the king said, that by agreement of his first marriage, it was concluded, that whether he had any children or no by his wife Queen Blanch, that he should reign during his life: to the which article the Lords and States of the kingdom were sworn, and therefore it ought to take place.  
The Prince disputed against this point, as being made to his prejudice, not good in law, and therefore of no force: for as by the laws of the Realm, two being married, the survivor enjoyeth the goods of the party deceased, so long as they continue in widowhood, but so soon as they marry again, they lose that right. Now the question was, whether the condition agreed upon in the contract of marriage, in the behalf of K. john, made against the laws of Navarre, and to the prejudice of the Prince his son, were good or no: but how just so ever it was, they fell to arms. Queen joane remaining in Estella, being advertised of Prince Charles his conspiracy, gave forthwith notice thereof to the king her husband, who came out of Arragon into Navarre with a great company of men at arms, unto whom those of Grammont joined themselves. First of all he tried by messages and ambassadors, if he could divert the Prince his son from this dishonourable poursute, whereby (as he said) he did blemish the shining lustre of the races of Navarre, Castille, Arragon, and France, from whence he was descended: the question betwixt the father and son was brought to very good terms, by the reasons alleged by King john's Ambassadors, had not the counsel of the chief of the part of Beaumond hindered it, who kept the Prince in his first resolution, to have the absolute rule of his kingdom without any exception: and those of Grammont did incite the king against his son, both parts thinking (as it is very likely) to increase their honours, riches, and dignities rather by these troubles, then by the peace of the kingdom.  
All treaties and negotiations of peace ceasing, the Prince assembled his forces, as well Knights as the common people of his party, 
An. 1456.  and carried himself as king the year 1456, 
The Prince of Viana Don Charles caused himself to be called king of Navar.  giving gifts, privileges, and liberties, with other royal acts, the letters and writings whereof were found in these times in the city of Toralba, and other places of the country: he called also from Castille divers of his friends, of whom certain troops entering by Logrog● into Navarre were overthrown near to Viana, by the King Don john; who like a wise and a discreet Captain went and met them, not suffering all his sons forces to join together, before that he had fought with them: after which exploit there were divers encounters betwixt them with doubtful victory, near to Estella, Pampelona, Olite, and Lombier: so as the last battle of this first civil war, was fought near to the city of Ayvar, in the which, by the prowess and valour of Peter of Peralta, and Lopes of Castillo, and others of the faction of Grammont, those of Beaumond were vanquished, and Prince Charles taken prisoner, who was carried to Tafalla by the commandment of the king, who came thither soon after, and did labour to bring him to some agreement of peace, the which the son (being ill advised) did contemn: and that which was worse, he going about to incite his neighbour kings to take in hand the defence of his cause, a packet of letters was taken which he sent to king Alphonso of Portugal, wherein divers matters were discovered, by reason whereof he was shut up in the castle of Mont-Roy. hereupon the factions were so fleshed one against the other, as through all the cities of the kingdom, between neighbours and townsmen, whole families did so bandy themselves, that infinite cruelties, murders, burning of houses, and other insolences and impieties of civil wars were committed. 
The great love of the Earl of Lerin to the Prince Don Charles.  The imprisonment of the Prince was so irksome to the Lord Lewis of Beaumond, Earl of Lerin, as he did not cease by all means, and assurances that he offered, till that he had obtained his delivery of the King, for the which he himself (so dearly did he love him) gave his own person in hostage, and remained in prison the space of seven years. But when the Prince was at liberty, he wanted no counsellors to animate him to a new war: for the desire of rule will not be bridled, especially in King's children. Leaving then the Earl of Lerin as hostage, he ran to arms, and entered the field the second time, and then the factions of Beaumond and Grammont, returned every one to his side, and made more cruel and barbarous war then before, which the Realm did feel many years after. The end was, the Prince was again defeated near to Estella, and his people dispersed, but he escaped by the swiftness of his horse, and having resolved never more to poursue this war, he went to Naples to the king Alphonso his Uncle, leaving his friends in Navarre in great trouble and danger, where the seed of discord betwixt the two factions did increase and spring up divers times afterward.  
The Prince Don Charles passing thorough France and Italy, 
Arragon.  was every where received with great honour, and namely at Rome by Pope Calixtus a Spaniard: but chief his uncle D. Alphonso did feast and welome him, admiring his grave wisdom and kingly qualities, answerable in every point to the report that had been made of him: and being desirous to see him reconciled to the King Don john his father, he laboured very much therein, performing thereby all the Offices of a loving kinsman and Christian Prince: for he did daily put him in mind of the duty of children towards their fathers, whereunto Princes are more bound than other men, in regard that their subjects do commonly fashion themselves after their examples: and on the other side, he did write to the King D. john, alleging all reasons that might be available to induce him to love and desire the presence of his son: but this good and virtuous king had not the means to accomplish so holy and laudable a work, being prevented by death, which seized on him in the new castle of Naples, the year 1458. having reigned two and forty years and two months in Arragon, and four and twenty years in Naples, in the 65. year of his age.  
This Prince, after that Renee of Anjou had retired himself into France the year 1442, finding himself master of the whole kingdom of Naples, had contention with the Venetians, in the behalf of Philip Maria Duke of Milan, then against his sonne-in-lawe Francis Sforza, who was duke of Milan, and last of all against the Venetians, Genevois, and Florentines in league together, in which wars he always maintained the reputation of a great and excellent Captain. And again, in the year 1453▪ he had some likelihood of a future war about his kingdom of Naples, against Reneé of Anjou, who had repassed the mountains, and was come down into Lombardy accompanied with Lewis the Dauphin of France, with two thousand men at arms, hoping by the favour of the duke Francis Sforza, and the Florentines to be able to re-enter into his lost kingdom, and to drive Alphonso out of it, but that journey proved vain: then the King D. Alphonso being a king in peace, purchased the friendship of the Duke Francis Sforza, and contracting alliance with him, he caused D. Alphonso, son to his son D. Fernand of Arragon, duke of Calabria, to marry with Hippolita Maria daughter to the Duke Sforza: and he did betrothe D. Leonora, daughter to his son Fernand, to Sf●rza Maria son to the same Duke Sforza, notwithstanding that his second marriage took no effect, for D. Leonora was afterwards married to Hercules de Esté, the second Duke of Ferrara. The king D. Alphonso being in league and friendship with the most part of the Potentates of Italy, Pope Calixtus a Spaniard borne in Xativa, 
Ingratitude of Pope Cal●xius.  his subject, and one that had been of his council, did ever carry a particular hatred against him, the which he declared by the answer which he made to the king's Ambassadors at Rome, at such time as they came to congratulate his assumption to the papal dignity: for they ask him in their master's name, how they should carry themselves one toward another: the Pope said; Let him govern his kingdom, and let me alone with my Popedom. And he did more openly manifest it after the death of D. Alphonso: for he did as much as in him lay, to minister all hindrances to D. Fernand his son and successor in the kingdom of Naples, disputing with him about his right therein, saying, that D. Alphonso his father could not appoint a king in the kingdom of Naples, which held of the Church, and that it was in the Pope's power to invest therein whom he pleased: and the king D. Fernand could never have other remedy of him, who afterward was confirmed and established by Pope Pius his successor. Now D. Alphonso had been absent half the time of his reign out of his kingdom of Arragon, leaving his wife D. Maria of Castille Governor in his Realms and Dominions in Spain, a virtuous and chaste Princess, assisted by his brother D. john of Navarre. By this Lady he had no children, and he par●ed from her the second time in great anger, by reason of her jealousy wherewith she was greatly possessed, the which made her to commit an act inhuman, cruel, and in no sort royal: for she understanding that the king her husband made love to one of her Ladies, 
4 cruel act.  named D. Margaret of Ixar, she caused her one night to be strangled in her bed, being with child in the city of Valencia, the king being at that time for his pleasure abroad on hunting, which was a special cause that he cared never after to live with her. By other wives he had D. Fernand. who succeeded him in the kingdom of Naples, 
Genealogy of Arragon.  D. Maria of Arragon married to the Marquis of Ferrara, D. Leonora of Arragon, Princess of Rossano wife to Martin Marzan. At his death he left for heir in his kingdoms of Arragon, Valencia, Sardynia, Majorca, Minorca, and Sicill, his brother the King D. john of Navarre.  
The gifts and qualities of this Prince comprehended in few words, 
Disposition of King D. Alphonso of Arragon the 5.  although they deserve a great volume, were these: concerning the body, he was of mean stature, active and well proportioned, of colour somewhat pale, quicksighted, and gracious, he had a hawk nose, a sign of an haughty nature: he was brief and succinct in his speech, but neat and eloquent, sweet and amiable in his answers, and oftentimes quick and pleasant: few kings had their minds more disposed to goodness than he: the Religion according to those times, and the ceremonies belonging thereunto he had in singular recommendation, so that it is reported of him, that being on a time at Mass, by means of a great Earthquake the church wherein he was, was so shaken, as the people fearing to be slain by the fall thereof, fled out at the doors, he only remained unmoved and fearless. And seeing the priest which sung Mass ready to run away for company, he stayed him and enforced him to make an end of his service. He was liberal to all men, and magnificent in gifts, especially to Princes and their Ambassadors: He was a lover of justice, and yet nevertheless merciful, full of commiseration, and flow to condemn any man to death, the which he could temper so well, as his clemency profited, and redounded to the benefit of divers: yet offenders were punished and corrected, in such sort, as his Realms were never since his time so well governed, and cleansed from all manner of violence and outrage. When he had overcome his enemies, he did always show himself meek and gentle, he took delight in all excellent things, using always great modesty therein: he was sumptuous in movables, in gold and silver plate, jewels, and other ornaments of rare esteem, except about his own royal person, which was ever appareled according to the common use and fashion of his Gentlemen, not delighting in rich and costly stuffs, nor new fashions: he was stately and magnificent in martial plays and shows, which were frequent in his Court, and no less in buildings, whereof the royal palace, the bridge, and great Hospital of Sarragossa do make mention.  
The new castle at Naples, brought into the form which now it is, is a work of his: he made the fortress of the Eggeshabitable and commodious: he caused the marshes about the city to be dried up: he builded ships of no mean greatness, which seemed like castles upon the sea, he entertained a great number of huntsmen: but his chief delight and pleasure was in hawking. And being a warlike Prince, he made two enterprises into Barbary, the one to Zerba, anciently called the Isle of the Lotophages, the which he took, and defeated in battle Butifer king of Tunis, who came to drive him thence with above an hundred thousand moors: the other against the town properly called Africa, the situation whereof he very well viewed, having a purpose to return thither, where he burned all the ships and vessels that he found in the haven: when he was at peace in the kingdom of Naples, he gave aid and secure to the Despotto of Acarnania assailed by the Turks, and to Scanderbag Prince of Albania warring upon the same nation, 
Learning and learned men beloved of king Don Alphonso. Sentence of D. Alphonso.  where his soldiers gave sufficient proof of brave warriors, which did greatly redound to the King's honour. A man would scarce believe what honour and respect he did bear to learning and learned men, being oftentimes wont to say, That a King without learning, was like a crowned Ass, the which sentence he had read in the preface before the Spanish Translation of Saint Austin's book Of the City of God, and therefore he employed part of his time in the study of letters, although he were of good years before he began: and he did never neglect the reading of Books, nor his conference and disputations with learned men, how great affairs of State or war soever he had.  
Being well stricken in years, he ever had in his company an old Grammarian called Master Martin, with whom he delighted greatly to discourse both abroad and at home, and he did so profit at his study, that he did translate Seneca's Epistles, a work very hard, entreating of moral Philosophy, into the Spanish tongue: he took such pleasure in reading the holy Scriptures, as he would often vaunt, that he had read the old and new Testament fourteen times over. To show the singular affection he did bear to learning and learned men, he gave for his Device in armory an open book, and he would say, that Books were Princes best Councillors, with protestation, that he had received best counsel of the dead, meaning of his books.  
In the devastations and spoils of Cities during his wars, he reserved for his part of the spoil, books, which were carefully sought for and brought unto him, he would read with great delight Titus Li●ius, and Caesar's Commentaries, so that besides the sundry reparations of Schools and Auditories, where he assigned pensions to the Doctors, Regent's, and scholars, his Court was daily frequented with the learnedst men of his time, to wit, Bartholomew Facio, George of Trebiçonde, Laurentius Vall●, john Auri●pa, Antonio of Palermo, and others. He did honour the great Captains and worthy men in the Art military, 
●earned men 〈◊〉 to K. A●phons●s court.  of what nation soever they were, likewise gravers, Architects, excellent Engineers, skilful Mariners, and generally any man of worth and desert in what art of science soever: so that he left behind him the eternal and ever-during memory of a Prince truly virtuous, valiant, bountiful, and esteeming virtue as it rightly deserved.  
Now King Don Alphonso being dead, and his son Don Fernand being in trouble at his first coming to the Crown, divers cities, and some great Lords of the kingdom of Naples, did move and stir up the Prince Don Charles of Navarre to take to himself the same Crown which they offered unto him: but he made them such an answer, as they perceived thereby, that he had learned to be modest, to follow equity and right, and not rashly to cast himself into another man's possession. And for that he would not give any evil suspicion of himself, he went into Sicill, a Kingdom fallen by the death of Don Alphonso to the King his father, with those of Arragon, Sardynia, Majorca, Minorca, Valenc●a, and the Principality of Cattelogne, in the which by right belonging to the eldest sons of the Kings of Arragon, he obtained in esse the principality of Girona, and the right of succession in all these Kingdoms afterwards: He remained and continued a while in Sicill, greatly honoured and beloved of the Sicillians, during which time he was amorously familiar with a very fair and beautiful Gentlewoman of a mean of spring and parentage, named Capa, on whom he begat two children, the one named Don Philip of Navarre and Arragon, who was Master of the Order of Monteça, 
Genealogy of Navarre and Arragon.  and died in the war of Granado in the service of the King Don Fernand his Uncle▪ the other was called Don john, who was Bishop of Huesca. He had also a daughter named Donna● Anne of Navarre and Arragon, who was Duchess of Medina Celi, and wife to Don Lewis de la Cerde: but it is uncertain whether she was borne of this mother.  
As the abovenamed tumults and dissensions continued in Navarre, the Provinces of Guipuscoa and Biscay being neere-bordering neighbours, 
Castille.  and wrapped up in one self same air, entered into civil or rather uncivil dissensions, having likewise their factions of the Gamboines and Ognazines, who could not be repressed by any form of justice. Therefore the King Don Henry was advised to go thither in person; the which he did, and there by the advice of his Council, and upon information made of those troubles and outrages, he razed and overthrew divers towers, and strong houses belonging to the chief of the Factions, which served for places of retreat and harbour for murderers and evill-disposed persons, who committed infinite insolences and outrages in the Country. 
Strong houses in Biscay and Gu●●uscoa overthrown.  In which number were the tower of Olaço in the jurisdiction and confines of Elgoiua●, the house of Lescano, the house of Inigo de Saldibia in the City of Tholousa, that of Fernand D' Astagarrivia in the town of Guettaria, and others in the Country of Anduayn, in the town of Vergara, and elsewhere, as well in Guipuscoa, as in Biscay, in which journey he took into his service in the City of Durango, the son of an Innkeeper, named Perucho of Munsaras, who afterward became a man of great repute and estimation.  
So soon as he came to Victoria, he called before him out of every town of Biscay and Guipuscoa, two or three men deputed, with whom he entreated about the government and jurisdiction of the same country, he confirmed divers and sundry Liberties and Privileges granted by the Kings his Predecessors, and left there for Governor and Commander john Hurtado of Mendoça, one of his privy Council. Notwithstanding all these demolishments, with that of the strong and inexpugnable Castle of Montdragon, the murders, thefts, devastations, factions, and rebellions in Biscay and Guipuscoa did continue, countries in all times infamous, because of these matters, until the reign of the King Don Fernand the fifth, and Queen Isabella, who rooted out the factions of Gamboines and Ognazines: by means whereof justice began to take place there.  
At the King's departure from Victoria, he came by great journeys to Cordova, having a great desire to the wars of Granado, 
Moors.  into the which Kingdom he made a furious entry, finding often resistance by the Moors who kept his army close, not suffering them to straggle, who upon a day did surprise certain Castillan troops, where amongst other of note, Garcilaço de la Vega, a valiant Knight, and well-beloved of the king, was slain: by reason whereof he commanded, that all the vines, olive trees, and all other kind of trees bearing fruit throughout the whole territory of Granado should be cut down. He besieged and took the town and strong castle of Ximena, and did such hurt, 
Truce between Granado and Castille.  that King Ishmael was constrained, not being able to resist, to beg a truce, and to submit himself to such tribute, taxation, and other conditions as should best please him.  
It was then agreed upon that the Moor King should pay to King Henry twelve thousand doublons of gold for tribute, and should become his vassaill: that he should give him yearly during the time of the truce six hundred Christian prisoners, and where they were wanting as many slave-moores to be delivered at Cordova at a day appointed: And that the war should continue open on the side of jaen: In regard of which things, and the present payment of the first years▪ tribute, the Christian army dislodged out of the territories of Granado. The King returned to Cordova leaving the Earl of Castagneda for Governor of the frontiers of jaen, with two thousand lances, & discharged the residue of his army. Albeit he used great diligence in these wars against the Moors, yet it was not of so great importance as the wars made by his predecessors, whether it were through the King's negligence, who was soon weary of business, or through any other occasion, so as he began to fall into the contempt of his own people. The Earl of Castagneda left upon the frontiers, to repress the invasion of the Moors, was a Lord as careless and negligent as his master, and there withal covetous, by reason whereof, within a while he found himself very meanly accompanied which the Moors understanding they laid a strong ●mbush for him, into the which they craftily drew him, having sent some to forage the fields, who being pursued by the Earl, he perceived himself, to be ●em'd in on every side, and so with great loss of his people he himself was taken prisoner, whereof the King being advertised sent in his place another Captain called Michael Lucas de Fran●●u, with commission and charge to change the truce, made with King Ishmael, into a peace, provided the payment of the tribut-mony agreed upon by the truce, the which did greatly please the Moor King: and so ended the wars of Granado, the Earl of Castagneda being redeemed with a great sum of money.  
Pope Calixtus taking pleasure in these wars against the Moors, did about that time send to the King Don Henry a Hat and a Sword, which they use to bless upon Christmas Eve, at night, laying them upon the Altar where they say Mass, which they term the Mass of the Cock: 
A sword blessed by the Pope on Christmas. Even.  and he did write unto him, exhorting and annimating him to pursue so holy a war. About this time died D. Alfonso of Carthagena, Bishop of Burgos a Prelate highly esteemed of the Spaniards, who wrote an History of Spain entitled Anacephaleosis with other works.  
Now the small estimation of the King was manifest over all Spain and came unto his own ears, which made him become suspicious, and he began against his nature to distrust the great ones, to counterpose whom, he advanced divers of his servants of base and mean degree to great honours, and authority. He made Gomes de Caceres and Solis, 
The King contemned by his subjects.  Master of Alcantara, and gave the City of Coria to a brother of his: he made Bertrand de la Cueus, Son to Diego de la Cueva of Vbeda, great Master of his house and Viscount of Huelma, who having been his page, and carried his lance, became one so greatly in his favour, as no man so much. The office of Constable was given to Michael Lucas of Erançu borne in Beaumond, a mean gentleman, and with that the town of Agreda, 
Gifts given by King Henry the forth.  the Castles of Verato and Vosmedian, with the Captainship of jaen, the town of Andujar, with other rents and possessions: and to one of his brothers the commandery of Montizon, and that of Orjea to another; which are the best places belonging to the order of Saint james: he gave the Priory of Saint john, to john de Valen●çuela, the Bishoppe-ricke of jaen to Alfonso de Peleas, and that of Auila to Martin de Vilches, every one of these places to be surendred so soon as they should be void.  
The Marquis of Santillana Don Inigo lopes de Mendoza being dead, who was also Count de Real de Mançanares, his Son Don Diego Hurtado was confirmed by the King in his Father's dignities, but he was compelled to come and stay at the Court, and to bring thither his brethren, Don Pedro Gonçales de Mendoza, Bishop of Calaorra, who was since the Archbishop of Toledo, and Cardinal. Don Inigo Lopes de Mendoza, Don Lorenzo Suares, Don john Hurtado, who having kissed the king's hand, were with the Marquis commanded not to stir from the Court.  
Being at Madrid the year, 
An. 1458.  one thousand, four hundred, fifty eight, where he celebrated with great cost and royal magnificence, the Funerals of the King Don Alphonso of Arragon, dead at Naples, he committed an act in the behalf of the Marquis of Villena, scarce well digested. This Marquis in regard of the affairs and government of the kingdom had the same power, and almost equal boldness which the Constable Alvaro de Luna had in the time of the King Don john, and he would let nothing fall to ground which was profitable or commodious for him or his: Now he had a great desire to make a marriage between his eldest son Don Diego Lopes de Pacheco with the Countess of Saint Steephen de Gormas, 
Violent marriage of the Countess of S. Stephen de Gormas, and D. Diego Lopes Pache●o.  daughter and heir to Don john de Luna, and Grandchild to the Constable Don Al●aro, who at that time was in the government of an uncle of his named also Don john de Luna, Nephew to the Constable, who was Captain of Soria, and the Marquis did not only practise the marriage of his eldest son with his Niece, but also to dispossess him of his Captainship of Soria, with other lands which he held: For the obtaining whereof, he caused the King to have him in suspicion, saying, That he was one of the conspirators which were joined in league and confederacy against his service.  
The King did easily and willingly believe this report made by the Marquis, and feigning to ride on hunting, he came to Aillon where Don john de Luna kept his residence, who did receive and feast both him and his train very sumptuously, and with great magnificence, who riding amongst the rest of the company, he was no sooner entered into the fields, but he was arrested as prisoner, without knowing any cause or reason thereof. In the end he was enjoined to dispossess himself of Soria, and other fortresses and places of strength, and to receive into them such garrisons as should please the king: whereunto he must needs obey, on pain of losing his head, so as he did not only yield up Soria, but all that which did belong to the Countess his Niece, and her person also: and so the Marquis had that which he desired.  
The contempt of this Prince increasing daily, Don Alphonso Fajardo, the chiefest Knight of Murcia, 
Don Alphonso Faiardo, 〈◊〉 contumelious rebel chastised.  holding a long time Carthagena, Lorca, and other places against the Kings will, and these that ruled and governed him, had likewise in a manner taken to himself by force, the Mastershippe of Saint james, and the Marquisate of Villena, committing many outrages and insolences upon the lands and revenues belonging to the King and Marquis, being aided and relieved sometimes by the Moors of Granado. Against him Go●●çalo de Sahavedra was sent with six hundred horse, by whose care and diligence, Don Alphonso lost all that which he held of his own and other men's, and so became a poor and miserable Knight, having nothing left him but only his sword and his cloak, accounting and esteeming it for a great favour and extraordinary kindness to have his life saved.  
This man had his deserts, and the King continued in his carelessness, so as he was no more feared. Above all the towns of his Kingdom, the abode at Segobia and Madrid pleased him best, because he loving hunting better than affairs of consequence, this Country being woody was very fit for it, as also abounding in victuals and provision for his Court, 
The King's Guard burdensome and super fluous.  which was very great● for he did daily carry about with him, a guard of horsemen to the number of three thousand and six hundred Lances, with an incredible expense, wherewith his revenues was charged to the uttermost; the which his chief Treasurer Don Diego Arias, 
In answer of K. Henry ●auoring of small judgement.  like an honest and faithful servant, put him in mind of on a time, beseeching him to cut of so superfluous an expense: you speak (quoth he) like Diego Arias, but I will live like a King, and that was all the answer he could receive. By his bounty and liberality he was well served and attended on by divers, and in those days those of his Council, Chancery, and judges, did discharge their duties very sufficiently▪ In Arevalo one of his Secretaries named Pedro de Tieda was put to death, and others of his complices, for counterfeiting the King's letters, and selling them for great sums of money. Being in the city of Leon, he caused certain Gentlemen to be brought out of Gallicia which had dispossessed a Knight of his house, having commanded their process to be made, they were there for the same put to death. Such just executions were sometimes done, but he did greatly fail in other matters. At the end of the year 1458. Queen joane made her magnificent and royal entry into the City of Leon: then they came to keep Christmas at Escalona, where the King's chief delight and recreation was in hunting, and singing in the Church, where he himself in his own chapel would bear a part, which in those days was the best furnished with cunning and experienced musicans of any one particular place in the whole world.  
The same year Don Alphonso King of Portugal led his army into Africa, 
Portugal.  where he took the town of Alcaçar, distant six miles from Ceura, his Uncle Don Henry, and his brother Don Fernand Duke of Vis●o accompanying him in that expedition. Alcaçar was taken by means of certain honest conditions, and Don Edward de Meneses bastard son to Don Pedro de Meneses, Earl of Viana, who succeeded his father in the Earldom, was left there as Governor. After the kings return into Portugal, the Moors did endeavour, but in vain, to recover the place: for the repairing and fortifying whereof, the King caused a great quantity of ground, between the town and the sea, to be enclosed with a great and strong wall, defended and guarded with towers, the stone, lime, and other provisions necessary for such a work of worth, was by him brought from Portugal.  
The year 1459. the King Don Henry of Castille, 
Castille.  sent Don Inigo Lopes de Mendoça, son to Don Inigo, 
An. 1459.  and brother to the Marquis of Santillana, Ambassador to the Council held at Mantua by Pope Pius the second, before times called Aeneas Silvius Picolomini, who had newly succeeded Calixtus the third. There with great deliberation and hope, the wars against the Turks was debated, which in the end came to nothing, and Don Inigo returned into Castille, carrying home only a jubilee of full remission of sins, the collections whereof were so great and inestimable, as he therewith builded and erected the Monastery of Saint Anne de la Pegna, in his town of Tendilla, of the Order of Saint jercome. The King being returned to Madrid, entertained himself there a long time with feasts, 
The loves and vanities of D. Henry the unable king of Castille.  plays, and shows, where the Archbishop of seville Don Alphonso de Fonsecs, having feasted the King, Queen, and the Ladies, among other singularities, there was served in after dinner for the banquet, two plates filled with rings of gold, set with rich and precious stones for the Ladies, amongst whom Donna Guiomar was held, next the Queen, to be the fairest and most beautiful Lady of Spain without compare: to her the king showed many amorous favours at this feast, which the Queen perceiving, grew very jealous, and ever after used the Lady unkindly and rigorously, by reason whereof the King showed himself strange to her, and appointed her a Court and train apart, not suffering her to come near his Court by two leagues: Whereunto the Archbishop of Sevill, who was well seen and experienced in such businesses, did willingly employ his best endeavours in the behalf of Guiomar: for whatsoever the king did, was but feigned and imaginary shows, who was so far from being offended and displeased with his friends in such affairs, as he was content to spare them his own wife: for the common rumour was, that not being able to endure that men should esteem him unapt for venereal, acts, which he reputed a great and ignominious disgrace, 
Baseness of K. Henry the unable.  he dealt with the Queen his wife to receive Don Bertrand de la Cueva into her bed, (his base and degenerate mind desiring and consenting that this Knight should lie with her, to the end she might prove with child by him, and so by that means suppose an heir to the kingdom in his own name, though unlawfully begotten by another.)  
It was credibly reported, that at the first the Queen would by no possible means be drawn to agree and give her consent to so vile, detestable, and dishonourable a deed, but yet afterwards, she had more need to have been kerbed in with rains and bridle, then of spurs. Now done Bertrand de la Cuena, was a gallant and most accomplished Knight in all points belonging to an excellent Courtier, and so esteemed and beloved of the King, as for his sake, because he so valiantly, and with such an undaunted courage, defended a passage at the arrival of an Ambassador of Britain: he builded a Monastery on the high way from Madrid to Pard, which for him was named, the Monastery of Pas.  
The King the better to cover his own natural weakness, made show of love to divers Gentlewomen in sundry places: for before he made love to Lady Guiom●●, he had professed himself servant to another Lady, named Catherina de Sandovall, whom he had oftentimes entertained pr●●atly, but she not contented with his vain embraces, and being desirous to furnish herself with a more able Knight, she grew familiarly acquainted with a young Gentleman named Alphonso de Cordova, whom she kept company with a long time secretly, which turned to his destruction: for the King having notice thereof, commanded Alphonso to be beheaded at Medina del campo. In this sort did this King behave himself in his most private affairs, giving occasion to all men to speak evil and uncharitably of him, which being reported unto him, he entered into distrust and hatred against the great persons of his Realm, and oftentimes for sleight occasions he would raise great troubles.  
And not being pleased, that Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoça Marquis of Santillana should hold the city of Guadalajara, where he did not only command the town and castle, as Governor both in matters of State and war, but also had authority and pre-eminence to bestow public Offices, he caused him to be taken by the Commander john Fernandes Galindo, who entered into the town with six hundred men at arms, by means of intelligence that he had with one of the Marquis his Captains, called Alphonso de Gaona, who was corrupted with money, and the Marquis was compelled to leave that Government to the King's dispose, having given him no just nor lawful cause of offence or injury, and so he retired and withdrew himself to Hita. Soon after, the King and the Queen came thither, and left Alphonso de Gaona Governor there.  

Don john the second of that name, and the eighteenth King of Arragon.  
Whilst these affairs continued in Castille, the King Don john of Navarre took quiet possession of the kingdom of Arragon, 
Naua●re, and Arragon.  fallen unto him by the death of his brother: unto whom came Ambassadors from the Prince Don Charles his son, to beseech him that all faults past might be forgotten, and that it might please him to receive him into grace and favour: the which request the father easily granted, for he was very kind and gentle to his children, but especially to the Prince Don Charles, who being daily solicited by those of the faction of Beaumond, who continued and maintained the wars in certain sorts and strong holds in Navarre, not being able without him to bring their business to effect, he desired to return into Spain, either to help them to make their peace, or to defend them by force of arms.  
Having then had a pleasing answer from the King his father, he departed that year 1459. from Sicill, being accompanied with a great number of Sicillian Lords and Gentlemen, and landed at Barcelona, where being welcomed and received with great pomp, 
Agreement between the King D. john of Arragon, & his son Don Charles.  magnificence, and honour, by the Barcelonois, he dealt so wisely, that for his sake the King pardoned those of Beaumond, and declared that his pleasure was, that all former matters of what kind soever, should be buried in perpetual oblivion: those of Cattelogna being sureties for the sons faith and obedience to his father, and for the father's love and goodwill to his son.  
This reconciliation being made to the great joy and contentment of the whole kingdom, the King D. john knowing himself to be a mighty Prince, thought upon fit and convenient means how to recover his lands which were confiscate in Castille: for the effecting whereof, he entered into league and confederacy with Don Alphonso King of Portugal, and agreed upon a marriage between the Prince his son, and the Lady Catherine of Portugal, 
New designs to trouble Castil.  sister to King Alphonso, and to Donna joane Queen of Castille: into the which league entered Don Alphonso Carillo, Archbishop of Toledo, the Admiral Don Frederic father-in-law to King john, Don Pedro Giron Master of Calatrava, and all the Manriques of Castille, with others whereof when the king of Castille Don Henry had notice, by the advertisement of D. 〈◊〉 de Fonfeca, Archbishop of seville, he was advised by his council, to send the bishop of Cité Rodrigo, and Diego de Ribera Ambassadors into Arragon, under pretence of congratulating in his name the welcome-home of Prince Charles, and his reconcilement with the king his father: but they had commission to deal underhand secretly with Prince Charles, to offer him all friendship, and to treat of a marriage between him, and Donna Izabella of Castille, the King's sister.  
The Ambassadors having cunningly executed their commission, possessed the mind of Prince Charles with new thoughts, and made him hope to be able by means of his marriage with Castille, and friendship that he should gain thereby, to obtain his kingdom of Navarre. Therefore he did forsake the Infanta of Portugal, who for grief thereof retired herself into the Nunnery of S. Clare at 〈◊〉, where she spent her time in Virginity, dying so one after, when as she was betrothed to Edward the fourth, King of England. Also this other marriage came to no effect, by reason of the shortness of Prince Charles his life, God having ordained that Princess to be wife to his younger brother.  
Prince Charles upon hope of aid from Castille, 
The desire of rule an untamed ●ury.  began again to encourage those of the faction of Beaumond, and to solicit certain of Cattelogna to begin new troubles in Navarre and Arragon: for the mind of man being once bewitched with the desire of rule, cannot be contained in any bounds. In these times the Cardinal Bessarion a learned man, a Greek by nation, was perpetual administrator of the church of Pampelona, by the death of the Bishop of D. Martin of Peralta.  
The King Don Henry of Castille, having with wise council and discretion broken the league of Portugal, 
Castille.  determined to persecute those of his kingdom which had any hand therein. And because he was assured, that the Master of Calatrava was of the number, he showed very bad countenance to his brother the Marquis of Villena, but he was so wise and cunning, as he soon excused himself to the King, and wiped out of his mind all suspicion conceived against him. That was the occasion why the two brethren, the Marquis, and the Master of Calatrava did conceive such mortal hatred against the Archbishop of Sevile, who about that time obtained for a nephew of his named also Alphonso Fonseca, Deane of Sevile, the Archbishoppricke of Saint james: but understanding that Don Lewis Osorio, son to the Earl of Transtamara, had intruded himself into the same, with the favour and support of the whole Country of Galicia, he made a feigned bargain with his Nephew, and resigned to him the Archbishoppricke of Sevile, taking that of Saint james for himself, with this condition, that matters being pacified, they would each of them return to their former dignities: for the uncle thought that by means of his great credit and authority he should be best able to deal with Don Lewis Osorio.  
The year 1460. the King Don Henry did expel the Abbess of Saint Peter de las Duegnas out of Toledo, 
1460.  named Donna Marquesada de Guzman, 
An importunate manner of reforming Nuns in Castille.  a Lady of a religious and holy life, saying, That he did it to reform the Nuns of that place, who had the report to live dissolutely, and he gave them for their Abbess and Governess, the Lady Catherine de Sandovall his quondam Mistress, wherewith the Archbishop and the whole Clergy being offended, the house was interdicted, and divers of the Clergy degraded and banished, but the King made an end of the matter.  
This year running on, king john of Navarre and Arragon did assemble the Estates of the principality of Cattelogna at Lerida, 
Navarre, and Arragon.  and assigned those of Arragon to meet at Fraga. At the assembly at Lerida, the Prince Don Charles arrived, where whilst they consulted of the affairs, a Gentleman named john Carillo, presented letters of credit to the King, 
The K. of Navarre & Arrage advertised of all the enterprises of Prince Charles.  from the Admiral of Castille Don Frederic his father-in-law, and he was by him advertised of all that which had passed between the Prince his son, and the king Don Henry: adding thereunto, that those of the faction of Beaumond, incited and stirred up by the Prince Don Charles, did prepare to arms, and address themselves for the wars, unto whom the Cattelans joined themselves, the which did greatly trouble the King who having had thereupon the advice of his most private and faithful councillors, he caused the Prince to be called into a Chamber a part, and there having declared unto him what he knew of his dealings and practices, he did sharply reprehend him, saying, that he thought that he had begotten a fury, who did torment and trouble his Kingdoms, falling so often into rebellion, and abusing his fatherly pity and meekness, but that now the time was come, wherein it behoved him to use fit remedies to repress his madness, and to punish him in such sort, as the unhappy example of a father, living in continual fear and suspicion of his sons treacheries, should now cease in his family: whereunto the Prince would have replied, but he could not be heard; and by the appointment of the King his father, 
Imprisonment of Prince Charles.  being arrested, he was condemned to close prison in the castle of Miravet: Nevertheless at the earnest request of divers great Lords, unto whom it seemed over rigorous, he was committed under sure keeping to a more easy prison in the Aljaferia of the city of Saragossa, to the great discontentment of the Realms of Navarre and Arragon, and likewise of the King of Castille, who being in the town of Madrid was soon after advertised of the durance of Prince Charles. With him was likewise imprisoned Don john of Beaumond, brother to the Constable Don Lewis.  
The Cattelans who were sureties for the reconcilement made between the father and the son at Barcelona, 
The Cattelans intercede in vain for the Prince.  hearing those news, sent speedily fifteen men of great authority in embassage to the King, to know of him the reason of the Prince's captivity, because it seemed to them that the King therein had infringed the assurance which they had given for him, and that his promise was to entreat him lovingly like a father. Having heard by the King that it was for conspiracy and intelligences with his enemies, against his Estate and person, being the third time that he had fallen into open rebellion, they used many prayers and entreaties for the behoof and delivery of the Prince: but seeing it to be in vain, they returned with the King's answer to them that sent them. Then the Cattelans being very much moved, 
A free remonstrance of the Ca●t●lans to their King.  added to these fifteen Ambassadors, three score more, and sent them back to Lerida to the King, unto whom the Abbot of Ager (being chief) having showed with great liberty how grievously the Cattelans did take the imprisonment of his son the Prince of Viana and Girone, who expected to have been well and kindly entreated by him, upon the promises and surety which they had given for him, and did hope thereby to have been sufficiently defended against the slanderous and malicious attempts of his Adversaries, chief of the Admiral D. Frederic, who openly and by all means did labour to extirp the eldest son and lawful heir of the Realms of Navarre, Arragon and other Dominions annexed to the same crown, to the end to raise and advance to those dignities his daughter's children against all right and piety, and he protested that the whole state of the principality of Cattalogna would employ their goods, lives, means, and friends (which he knew to be very great in that Province) to defend Prince Charles from wrong, and to deliver him from so unjust a captivity: wherefore he besought him to consider thereof with a fatherly affection, and at their requests to set him at liberty, and to hear how he could justify himself, and not to trust so much to his own opinion in affairs of so great importance only to please the Queen his wife and her father, and to prevent by wise and good council the great troubles and miseries which might thereby ensue. 
The King of Navarre and Arragon his answer to his subjects of Cattalogna.  To this rough discourse, full of threats, the King answered with great gravity and moderation, concluding, that he knew how to do justice, and that he was not determined to give over his purpose in punishing his rebellious son, who had so often abused his clemency, for any passionate or importunate soliciting of his subjects.  
The Ambassadors having written and sent back this answer, there followed forthwith a manifest revolt of the Cattelans, who having levied a great company of men of war, and obtained by their Ambassadors, sent to Segobia, aid from King Henry of Castille, of fifteen hundred horse, under the conduct of the Commander Gonçalo de Sahavedra, they advanced their forces towards Lerida, with intent to seize upon the king's person, and to put to death all those of his privy council. And for the more easy execution of their enterprise, they had secret intelligence with diverse courtiers, the chief of whom were Francis de Espla, Gerrard Ceruillon, and john Agullen: but God preserved the King and his from so furious a conspiracy, discovered at the instant when it should have been executed, and yet so happily as the King had leisure to get away through the gate of the preaching friars, notwithstanding that D. Pedro d'Vrrea Archbishop of Tarragon, one of the Ambassadors of Cattalogna had counseled him not to leave the town of Lerida, but there to make head against his enemies, whose advise was approved by all the other Lord; there assembled. The King was no sooner gone, but the conspirators entered the palace with intent to have committed their purposed massacre, but to their great discontent they found it empty. The King retired himself to Fraga, whether the Ambassadors determined to have followed him, and to try once again if they could induce him to forgive his son, hoping that the taste and new beginning of the troubles, which he had seen, would make him more mild: but they altering their purpose returned home into Cattalogna. The rebels forces marched towards Fraga where the King was, who from thence went to Saragossa, and left them the spoil of that place.  
In the mean time those of Barcelona took their Governor D. Lewis de Requesens prisoner, those of Valencia, Arragon, Sicil and Majorca, assisting them, and joining with them for the Prince's delivery. But above the rest, the faction of Beaumond in Navarre showed themselves violent in the pursure of their enemies of Grammont which held the King's party, causing such ruins and calamities in the Kingdom as can hardly be expressed, the minds of the multitude of each side being so inflamed against their contrary faction, as they knew not upon what terms, nor for what occasion, they had taken arms: for if one should have demanded of those of Beaumond or Grammont, wherefore they were so animated one against the other: they could make no other answer, but that they did it because their neighbours, friends and kin●-folkes did the same. The ruins and desolations increasing on every side King john ceiling himself touched in conscience, as if such troubles had fallen upon him by the judgement of God, who would have him to taste and see in his own Kingdoms, that which he the years before had caused the Realm of Castille to endure, he did therefore hearken, to the admonitions which were newly made to him by diverse wise men, namely by a Charterhouse Monk of the Monastery of Scala Dei in Cattalogna, held at that time for a Prophet, whose name is suppressed or forgotten by the Authors, and through their persuasion he did resolve to set the Prince at liberty, and to give him to the Cattelans who did so earnestly desire it: He was then taken from the Aljaferia of Saragossa by his mother in law Queen joane, 
Don Charles Prince of Vian●, delivered out of prison, but poisoned by his stepmother.  who by the commandment of the King went with him into Cattalogna, and in the City of Villa-franca delivered him unto them: The common and constant report was, that from the time the Prince came forth of prison, he never had one days health, but his life did daily consume and decay, and diverse did impute the cause thereof to Queen joane, who (as they say) poisoned him, to the end to advance and raise her son D. Fernand Duke of Momblancke, to the succession of the Kingdom of Arragon and dependences of the same, a certain stranger physician being actor of so impious a deed, and the sickness wherewith the Queen was soon after afflicted, being an ulcerous canker over her whole body was attributed to the just judgement of God, 
Queen Ioan● punished by the hand of God.  who did punish her for committing so execrabled an act: others, reject this accusation as false, and counterfeited by those of the faction of Beaumond, who notwithstanding the Prince's delivery, continued in arms against those of Grammont, namely in the town of Lombier which by Charles ●Artieda, in the name of Prince Charles▪ was taken: against whom this King sent his son D. Alphonso of Arragon Duke of Villa Hermosa with a great number of soldiers, who besieged the town, and soon after the King came thither in person, with those of Sanquessa and other towns of the faction of Grammont. Charles of Artieda perceiving himself to be overlaied with numbers, demanded aid of the Castillans, who forthwith marched thither, to meet the troops of the Commander Gonçalo de Sahaue●ra, and those of Rodrigo de Marchena, who raised the siege. The King D. john having put garrisons into Pampelona, Lerin, and other places belonging to them which he disinherited, came to the Estates at Catalajub, leaving the government of Navarre to his children D. john, and Alphonso of Arragon, fearing and foreseeing the war against Castille.  
During these stirs in Navarre and Arragon, the country of Andeluzia was assailed by Mulei Albohacen, 
Moors.  or as some others termed him Hali Muley Hacen eldest son to Ishmael King of Granado, contrary to the peace betwixt the Realms of Castille and Granado, which his father King Ishmael desired sincerely and inviolably to observe and keep. This young Prince impatient of rest, with fifteen thousand footmen, and two thousand five hundred horsemen came into Castille overrunning and burning the country of Estepa, from whence he led away many Christian prisoners, and a great number of cat-tail: to repress whose spoil and robberies D. Roderigo Ponce of Leon, eldest son to the Earl of Arcos, and Lewis de Pernia captain of Osuno, came in all haste to Estepa, with about two hundred and threescore horse, and six hundred chosen footmen only; who being come to the river of las jeguas, 
The Moors defeated at Mad●ogno.  espired the Moors going up the hills of Madrogno, who having discovered this small Christian troop, they sent out two thousand three hundred horse in three Squadrons to make head against them, commanding the rest of their people to go on their journey with the prisoners and spoil: the Christians at the first were amazed at their enemy's force; but being encouraged by the captains, they marched bravely against them, and charged them so valiantly as they broke them and put them to a shameful flight, with an incredible slaughter: for the dead bodies being viewed, there was found slain on the Moors part fourteen hundred, and of the Christians only thirty horsemen and a hundred and fifty footmen. The little victorious army of the Christians having rested and rallied their troops, at the fountain of stone, perceived the herds of cat-tail as they returned toward the places of their accustomed pasture, being forsaken by the flying Moors; the which they took and brought back, with their booties and spoils, which were great and rich: and so they returned home to their garrisons and houses, bearing along with them in great ●oy and triumph, the colours, trumpets, and drums of the Moors: for the which victory, public & general processions were made over all Spain: King Ishmael on the other side was much grieved for the great loss of his rash and unexperienced son: but most of all, for the breach of the peace betwixt him and the King of Castille, which was the occasion of the total ruin of the state of the Moors in Granada, as shallbe hereafter declared.  
D. Henry King of Castille did grant this year to divers valleys and places of Gu●puscoa, the rights and customs of the town of Saint Sebastian of the same Province, 
Castille.  correcting and reforming those which they had of old times, as the royal privilege of the year 1461. dated at Segobia doth testify, signed by Garcia mends, secretary to the King. ●rom Segovia the Court removed to Sepulueda, where the King restored D. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza Marquis of Santillana, 
D. Diego Hurtado de M●ndoza restored to his right in 〈◊〉  to the rights which he claimed in Guadalajara, as he had enjoyed them in times past, with this condition, that his brother D. Pedro G●nçales de Mendoza Bishop of Calaorra, with the eldest son of the Marquis D. john de Mendoza, should follow the court: which things were practised and brought to pass by the Archbishop of Sivil, D. Alphonso de Fonseca, and by D. john de Pacheco Marquis of Villena. These two were the principal persons about the King, by whose council the whole Kingdom was ruled; and yet for all that they were enemies, and extremely jealous the one of the other, as it is ordinary among great men in cour●: as also for the reasons, which we have heretofore mentioned. Now the Marquis being desirous to drive the Archbishop, his corival, from the Court, the better to manage his affairs alone, he solicited the King his master to make war upon King john of Navarre and Arragon, seeming therein to agree with the Archbishop, who had counseled the same ever since the imprisonment of Prince Charles, which was by reason of the league which he had with Castille. For the effecting whereof, it behoved him to take some assurance of the Admiral D. Frederic, and the Archbishop of Toledo, D. Alphonso Carillo de Acugna, who remained together at 〈◊〉, making show to favour the King of Navarre and to be of that party.  
The Marquis laboured to bring them to agreement with the King Don Henry, and did promise that his brother Don Pedro Giron Master of Calatrava, should be ready to do him all service; but that it did behove him to leave some one of great authority at Valiodolit, as Governor and Viceroy, knowing very well that this charge could be laid on none other but the Archbishop of Seville. These things were brought to pass in Aranda of Duero even as the Marquis had devised and advised: for the King gave credit to whatsoever he said, and was wholly ruled by him. About this time Don Pedro of Castille Bishop of Palencia departed this mortal life, Don Guttiere de la Cueva being pormoted to the same dignity: he was brother to Don Bertrand de la Cueva the King and Queen's chief minion, 
The Queen of Ca●tle got with child by D. B●rtrand de la ●u●ua.  who at that time proved to be with child, to the King's great joy and content, albeit he knew very well, that Don Bertrand had done the deed, he himself being altogether unable to perform such an act.  
Don Pedro Grion Master of Calatrava arrived at Aranda with two thousand five hundred horse, which forces being joined with king Henry his great guard, 
Navarre, The King of Castill makes warees upon Navarre.  made up the list of a mighty army, wherewith the king marched towards Logrogno where he assembled all men fit for the wars out of the Provinces of Alava, Biscay, and Guipuscoa, from the age of twenty to three score years, declaring by his ordonances and proclamations, that he did undertake that war in his own person in the behalf of his well-beloved Cousin Charles Prince of Viana, the proper heir of Navarre. The King's forces were so great as the Navarrors which held the part of the King Don john, being terrified with so mighty an army, did yield up divers places without any fight at all, specially lafoy guard, Arcos, and Saint Vincent: As for Viana it was furiously battered and assailed, and as bravely defended but in the end, Don Pedro of Peralta at that time Constable of Navarre, was forced to yield it up to Don Gonçall de Sahavedra general of the King's army at that siege, a Nobleman very expert in the art of war: the Constable being in mourning habit went out at one gate, and at another the Castillans entered, in which place the King appointed Don john Hurtado de Mendoza to be governor. The Prince Don Charles remained at that time in Barcelona, reverenced and well entertained by the Cattelans, who understanding the success of that war of Navarre, sent a Gentleman of Cattalogna called john Traillas to the king Don Henry, with charge to conclude the Articles of the marriage between him and the Infanta Donna Isabella the king's sister: the which this knight having effected, being accompanied with the Bishop of Astorga, by the Kings leave he passed on to Arevallo, where the Infanta lay with Queen Isabella her Mother, whom in the Prince's name he visited, and so returned: but not long after, Prince Charles languishing ever since his last imprisonment, died, not without suspicion of being poisoned by the practices of his mother in law Queen joane, as hath been already declared. The Barcelonois perceiving the Princes and to draw on, did entreat him to marry La Capa his concubine, by whom he had two sons, Don Philip, and Don john, to the end that by the same marriage, they might be ligitimated, and so consequently become capable to inherit after him, the which took none effect. There was no manner of vows, prayers, or pilgrimages omitted for the recovery of the Prince's health, but there was no remedy, nature's debt must be paid, and so he departed this life, to the great grief of the Cattelans. It is reported that upon his death bed he did confess to have greatly offended in banding himself against his father, unto whom he owed his estate, goods, and his proper life, craving pardon of him before sundry witnesses: forgiving likewise all those which in any sort had offended him: he died in the fortieth year of his age, and his body was interred in the monastery of Pobleta, where the ancient Kings of Arragon were wont to be buried▪ A little before his death, by agreement made betwixt him and the King his father, by the means of Queen joane his stepmother, he had obtained the government, jurisdiction and revenue of the principality of Cattalogna reserving only to the King, the title of sovereign: and by the same agreement, were delivered out of prison by exchange, Don john of Beaumond on the one part, and Don Lewis of Requesens on the other. By the decease of Don Charles, the principality of Viana, with the right of succession in Navarre, returned back again to the Lady Blanch his sister the some time Queen of Castille, divorced from King Henry then reigning, and his brother the Infant D. Fernand Duke of Memb●ane, son to King john by his second wife Lady joane became heir apparent to the crown of Arragon.  
The King D. Henry being advertised of the Prince's death, 
Castille.  made account to keep still the town of Viana, and continuing the the warrer, he went to besiege the town of Lerin, which place by reason of the inexpugnable situation therein, he could not take: wherefore he brought back his army to Log●●g●●, having of● certain of his troops as they foraged the country, who were encountered and defeated by D. Alphonso of Arragon, and other captains committed to the guard of Pamp●●lona, and the country near to 〈◊〉▪ ●rom Logrog●● the King went to 〈◊〉 of Duero, where the Queen lay, unto whom he gave that town: the●● he received letters from D. john Pachico Marquis of Villena, by the which he certified him, that by his endeavour, the Archbishop of Toledo and the Admiral, were returned to his 〈◊〉, by reason whereof he advised him to come back to Madrid: to which place D. Alphonso of Eo●seca, Archbishop of Seville came, being weary of so long absence from the Court: but finding his entertainment to be cold, he returned much discontented to Valliodelit: for the King had wholly abandoned himself as a prey to the Marquis, at whose entreaty he came to Ocagna, whither the Archbishop of Toledo came first and kissed his hand, bringing along with him all the Manriques.  
These being gone back to Yespes, the Admiral Don Frederic came likewise to salute the King, who received them all very graciously and promised them all favour. The Archbishop of Toledo, returned to Court to be of the King's Council, and it was decreed that once every week upon the Friday, the council for justice should be held in his house: which was continued a while, with great hope that justice would flourish in Spain more than ever: but as these Courtiers, intent were not just and pure, but only shows and masks to cover their envies and emulations, this lasted not long, and the Realm was as badly governed and troubled as before: the Marquis of Villena and the Archbishop of Toledo practising nothing more, then to remove him of Sivil.  
Now the King being returned to Madrid, he sent Roderigo of Marchena to Arand● to accompany and bring thither the Queen, to the end that she might there be delivered of child, whither she came with a great train, the King and the whole Court going forth to meet her, of whom she was received with great joy, and love of all those which knew not her behaviour; which continued, till by her undiscreet and open carriage, she discovered her filthy life. The Infant Don Alphonso and the Infanta D. Isabel were likewise by the council of the Marquis and the Archbishop brought to Court, the government and bringing up of the Infant was given to Diego de Rivera, and the Infanta remained in the palace in the company of the Queen, the King making great show of brotherly love to them, albeit that a little before, he had continually placed a guard of two hundred horse about their persons.  
In the beginning of the year 1462. 
1462.  the Queen was delivered of a daughter, with hard labour, 
Queen joane delivered of a daughter.  between the arms of Don Henry Earl of Alva de Lista: the King, the Archbishop of Toledo, and the Marquis of Villena being present; for joy of whose birth, great triumphs were made over all Spain: the eight day following she was christened in the chapel of the King's house, by the Archbishop of Toledo, accompanied with the Bishops of Calaorra, Osma and Carthagena, and she was called Donna joane by her mother's name: her Godfathers were the Earl of Armignac, Ambassador at that time in the Court of Castille for the French King Lewis the eleventh, and the Marquis of Villena; the Godmothers were the Infanta Donna Isabel, and the marquess of Villena, the child was carried and held at the font by the same Earl of Alva de Lista, with great pomp and royal magnificence.  
And the better to recompense Don Bertrand de la Cueva, who acted the chief part in this Comedy, 
D. Bertrand de la Cueva created Earl of Ledesma.  the king, by the advise of his council, who knew that it was his pleasure, did create him Earl of Ledesma: the office of great Master which he held, was given to Andrew of Cabrera, a young man, very wise and discreet: The new Earl was invested and received into the number of the Lords of the council, with the favour of all men: 
The Infanta D. joane newly borne, sworn and d●●l●ed heir of the kingdom.  and being a noble and bountiful Knight, he kept open Court for certain days with great feasting and pompous shows. The Infanta being scarce two months old, the King's pleasure was that she should be sworn and declared Princess, and inheritrix of his Realms in the assembly of the general states assembled at Madrid for the same purpose; the Infants D. Alphonso and Donna Isabel his sister being the first that did swear in this solemnity: there grew a dontention at this parliament about the precedency of the cities, who should first swear: but the King's pleasure was that Segobia should swear first before any of the rest, without prejudice to their rights and previledges. The Court remained certain months at Madrid and Segobia, the King taking great delight to hunt in those woody countries: from thence he went to Alfaro, to treat of the affairs of Navarre and Arragon, and he left the Queen at Segobia three months gone with child, 
Fire kindled in Queen joanes hair by the Sun beams.  but she miscarried soon after the King's departure, being slighted with a strange fire kindled in her hair by a beam of the Sun, as she sat in her chamber, which burned part of her locks, a rare thing, but yet proceeding from certain ointments apt to kindle, wherewith she used to die and colour her hair, a thing ordinary amongst amorous Ladies, whose only care and study, is, to correct and amend the natural form of their bodies, with artificial receipts, to make them seem the more lovely: this abortive child was a son.  
King Henry being at Alfaro, 
Navarre. and Arragon.  the Archbishop of Toledo, and the Admiral D. Frederic began to mediate a peace between the two Kings of Castille and Arragon: and for that purpose King john came to Tudela, unto whom the Marquis of Vallena was sent, the King of Castill having first taken D. john of Arragon as hostage for him. At Tudela, diverse means were propounded for the conclusion of the peace, which taking no effect, it was thought fit that the Marquis should go with King john and the Queen his wife to Saragossa to consult more amply of those affairs. The Marquis made sum stay there, but King john had occasion to go in all haste into Cattalogna; in the mean time the Queen did entertain him very sumptuously, and among other favours, she caused him to eat at her own table, which as then was served only with Ladies and gentlewomen without any men at all. At the King's return to Sargossa, the peace was concluded, upon the delivery of hostages and certain places for assurance on each side, to weet La Gardo, 
Peace between Castille and Arragon.  Saint Vincent, Arcos and Larraga by the King of Arragon, and on the part of Castil, Lorca in the Kingdom of Murcia, and Comago in the territory of Soria. The Navarrois were discontented that King john should give any places of the Realm of Navarre in pawn, rather than those of the Kingdom of Arragon: but of necessity it behoved them to be content therewith. The Cattelans also were reconciled to the King, and they did acknowledge by oath the Infant D. Fernand being then nine years old, for heir and lawful successor to the crown of Arragon, who from thenceforth was entitled Prince of Girona.  
This peace, between King john and his subjects lasted not long, 
Sedition in Cattalogna.  whether it were because they were certified of the Princes untimely death whom their did so dearly love, and which they desired to revenge, or for any other occasion: but it fell so out that in the country of Rossillon, Ampurdam and other places of Cattalogna, there arose great tumults and mutinies, the Earl of Pallars being chief of that rebellion: there was a rumour spread abroad, that Prince Charles his ghost did nightly complain in the streets of Barcelona, craving vengeance on Queen joane his stepmother, who by poison had parted his soul from his body.  
The Queen to resist those disorders came to Girona, where she was forthwith besieged by the Earl of Pallars, 
Queen joane besieged in Girona.  and constrained, with the Prince D. Fernand her son, to fortify herself with great danger of their lives in the tower of the Cathedral Church of the same city. At the same time the Barcelonois did drive all the King's officers forth of their city, and as many as did love and affect him, resolving never more to obey him, but to become subjects to the King of Castille. The Inhabitants of Girona did greatly favour the besieged Queen, who under the conduct of Du Puy master of the order of Montesa made great resistance, but the Earl of Pallars entered the city by force, and did furiously assail and batter the strong tower, desirous to take the Queen and the Prince her son: but they one her side used such diligence as the Earl was beaten out of the town with great loss of his people.  
The King being much troubled with the revolt of the Cattalans, and other places also of his Kingdoms, sent into France, to entreat of King Lewis aid of men and money, 
john of Arragon pawneth Rossillon to Lewis the eleventh.  unto whom he engaged, for the sum of three hundred thousand crowns of gold for the payment of his soldiers, the Earldom of Rossillon and Cerdagne. He obtained of him two thousand five hundred horse, amongst whom were seven hundred Lances furnished, of which forces, Gaston Earl of Foix, and Lord of Bearn, son in law to King john was General. In this war, which was long and troublesome, divers Knights of the faction of Grammont did good service to the King, the chief of whom were Don Peter de Peralta, Constable of Navarre, Sanches of Londogno son to the Marshal of Navarre, Fernand of Angulo Stephen of Garro, Roderigo of Puelles, the Viscount Bertrand of Armendaris, john Henriques of La●arra, and Gyles de Aualos, james Diaz of Armendaris Lord of Cadreita, Pedro of Ansa, john of Aquerri, and Sancho of Erbiti surnamed the obstinate, who did bear for his motto or devise, So, or no: glorying in that he was contentious: by reason whereof, this Knight had in his time many quarrels to maintain. The coming of the French, caused the Earl of Pallars to raise his siege from before Girona. So the Queen being freed, joined with the army of the Earl of Foix, and pursued the Rebels, causing diverse of them to crave pardon.  
The King having levied men at arms, sent them under the command of his son Don Alphonso of Arragon to join likewise with the Earl of Foix his forces: he himself following after, stayed a while in the City of Bellaguer to appease the tumultuary Inhabitants, into the which town he entered in arms, and there received news of the yielding up of Tarraga, whether he forthwith went, but soon after he was constrained to dislodge from thence, being advertised that Don john de Agullon with certain Regiments came thitherward to surprise him, and so he returned to Bellaguer. Those of Barcelona, 
D. john declared enemy by the Barcelonois and despoiled of his right in that principality.  moved with extreme hatred against their King, did by public proclamation declare him enemy of their country, saying that they did justly withdraw themselves from his obedience, he being the murderer of his own son, an oppressor of his subjects, breaker of his faith and promise, and one that did violate their rights, privileges, and ancient liberties: and they sent the acts and formal proceed thereof to Rome to the Pope then reigning, who was called Pius the second, a Siennese of the family of Picolomini. And by a decree of the three Estates of the country, they sent an embassage to the King of Castille, to the end they might be received, maintained and defended, by him against the power of King john.  
The Ambassador was a Gentleman very learned, 
Castille.  named Copus, who in disguised habit passed into Castille, and found the King Don Henry at Atiença, who came thither to recreate himself, after the marriage made by him of the youngest daughter of the Marquis of Santillana, with his Minion. Bertrand de la Cueva Earl of Ledesma and one of his privy council. The Ambassador spoke with the King, and declared unto him the cause of his coming, which was to give him notice of the title which he had to the principality of Cattalogna as also to the crown of Arragon, the which was much better than King john's, because he was issued from the eldest son of Donna Leonora of Arragon, Queen of Castille, whereas King john and his brother King Alphonso, came of the younger son, and that he had now a fit occasion offered him for the recovery thereof, by the means of the Cattelans, justly provoked by the wrongs and tyrannies of the King D. john. The King having heard these things, referred the Ambassador to his council at Segobia, whither he shortly came, and propounding there in the open assembly of the great Lords, and of his council, that which the Ambassador of Cattalogna had declared unto him, their opinions were divers. In the end the Ambassador was called, and being asked wherefore he came, he told them that he was sent to request two things, to wee●, that it might please the King of Castille to receive the Cattelans for his subjects, and to aid them with certain number of soldiers to defend them from their enemies, showing the charge and commandment which he had from the three Estates to take the oath of obedience to him in their names.  
The council perceiving that these offers did please the King, did wholly consent thereunto, and two thousand five hundred horse were appointed to secure the Cattelans, whose captains were D. john of Beaumond, Prior of Saint john's of Navarre, and john de Torres a Knight borne in Soria. These forces being sent away King Henry, favouring this war, came to Agreda.  
Thither came an Esquire of Navarre dwelling in Tudela, 
Navarre.  who told Don Bertrand de la Cueva, Earl of Ledesma, that if King Henry would well reward him, he would deliver up into his hands the city of Tudela: promise was made to this Squire of certain lands near to Agreda, and according to the agreement made, at an hour appointed, Pedro de Guzman was sent, with twenty brave soldiers to seize upon one of the gates, and by the same to let into the town a certain number of soldiers which should follow after him. Pedro de Guzman and his men were no sooner entered into the city, but they were all taken, whereat King Henry being greatly moved, sent his troops to spoil all the country round about Tuleda, with commandment to burn all places, and to put the people to the sword: but this spoil soon ceased by reason that they of Tudela delivered the prisoners.  
The King Don john being advertised of all these things, fortified himself on every side, and had in readiness an army sufficient to assail the rebels, with their allies and protectors, Don john Archbishop of Tarragon the Earl of Prades, Don Matthew de Moncada, Don Anthony of Cardona, Don Guillen Arnau Ceruillon and many other Cattelan Knights being joined with him. Thereupon he came and besieged Lerida, which they of Tarraga endeavouring to relieve, they were defeated by Don john of Arragon, who was sent by the King his father to encounter them, who led away diverse prisoners with him to the camp: Nevertheless the King raised his siege from before Lerida, being advertised that a captain called Martimon came to the aid thereof with ten thousand soldiers; and that in an other place john de Agullon was in field with forces, for the same purpose, and that Don Hugo of Cardona held his siege before Miralcampe, a strong town and greatly importing the affairs of Arragon, wherefore with all speed he hasted thitherward, but Don Hugo was departed from thence, not being able, by reason of the great heat in those parts, to continue his siege: then the King joined his forces with the troops of Don Alphonso his son, who held john d' Agullon besieged in Casteldas: thither also came the Earl of Foix with the French men at arms. By these forces the town and castle of Casteldas were so beaten, as john d' Agullon was constrained, for all his propounding of divers conditions, to yield himself to the King's mercy, who caused him, with other captains, to be executed by form of law at Bellaguer: and he committed the town to the keeping of D. john de Londogno.  
Gaston Earl of Foix had married Donna Leonora the second daughter to King john, by his first wife Queen Blanch of Navarre; 
Complot between King john and his son in law Gaston de Foix to the hurt and ruin of Lady Blanch the true heir: of Navarre.  and because the succession in that Kingdom, by the death of Prince Charles did belong to Donna Blanch her eldest sister, who was married and divorced from Henry King of Castille, because she had no children, the father in law, and the son in law practised together, how they might keep this forsaken Queen of Castille from marrying any more, that she might have no children, by means whereof the Realm of Navarre should fall to the Lady Donna Leonora and to the house of Foix: wherefore she was delivered into the hands of Earl Gaston her brother in law, who sent her into France to the town of Lescar, under the power and keeping of the Countess Leonora her sister.  
Among the captains which did serve the King Don john, there was a castilian called john of Saravia, who did greatly annoy the enemy, who found a time to surprise him: for upon a day as he spoilt and overrun the country near to Ceruera, he was charged by Hugo of Cardona, accompanied with about four thousand men as well horse as foot, so as he was constrained to leave his booty, and to assure himself in the castle of Rubinate, where he was furiously besieged and beaten with store of Artillery and Engines: he fearing to be forced to yield up the castle, found means to advertise the King of his necessity, who came thither with all his forces: by reason whereof Don Hugo having left five hundred of his people at the siege of this castle, retired himself to a strong hold; from whence every day he offered the King battle, 
A bloody fight betwixt the King's army, and that 〈◊〉 D. Hugo de Caodona.  being come to fight the victory remained for a while doubtful on either side, but the last it fell to the King: there died as well in this encounter, as in the skirmishes of the siege, more than fifteen hundred of the enemies, and very near as many on the King's part: so as he had small occasion to reckon this victory in the number of his happy ones. From thence the King's army marched to the aid of the Archbishop of Tarragon whom those of Lerida and Ceruera held besieged in a place very discommodious, who freed him from thence. In an other place Don Alphonso of Arragon obtained a great victory near unto the town of Saint Colomba, with whom the King's army joining, that place yielded: besides this the town of Ceriall was taken by force, and all the country thereabout whilst the Queen and the Earl of Foix in an other place, took the town of Moncada by assault, with many other places which for fear yielded unto them.  
Whilst the affairs of King john succeeded well in Cattalogna, 
Moors.  the King of Castille made open wars upon the frontiers of Granada, since the defeat of the Infant Haly Muly-Hacen, wherein Don john de Guzman the first Duke of Medina Sidonia, son to Count Henry of Niebla, who was drowned before Gibraltar, 
Gibraltar taken by the castilians.  made excellent proof of his valour and good conduct, and he had the good hap to subject the city of Gibraltar to the crown of Castille, which his father had attempted in vain. The news of this conquest were so pleasing to King Henry as amongst his other titles he would be called King of Gibraltar; for this city had been the chief in the Kingdom of Abomelech the Infant of Morocco, son to King Alboacen of the kindred of the Merins. This happy exploit was accompanied with the taking of the City of Archedona by the Master of Calatrava Don Pedro Giron, brother to the Marquis of Villena. The keeping of Gibraltar was committed for that time to Pedro de Porras.  
About this time divers Princes and Potentates sent their Ambassadors to the King of Castille, 
Castille.  namely from his cousin King Fernand of Naples, from Pope Pius and the College of Cardinals, and from the Venetians, who desired his perpetual friendship and confederacy. The Genevois offered him fealty and homage, and withal to become his subjects: but King Henry contenting himself with his own estates, not being by nature ambitious, did not desire to meddle in those foreign businesses, albeit there wanted not divers of his council to animate him thereunto.  
King john having, 
Navarre. and Arragon.  at Moncada, joined his army with that of the Queen his wife, and his son in law the Earl of Foix, the council thought it fit to send to besiege the City of Barcelona, and it was so concluded, notwithstanding that the King was of a contrary opinion. The Barcelonois had received the above mentioned aid from Castille, 
Barcelona erecteth the banners of Castille.  and resolving never more to obey the King of Arragon, they had set up the banners of Castille: the city was very rich, and greatly furnished with men and munition, very strong in their walls and towers, and excellently well provided of all things belonging to the sea, by reason whereof they made sundry sallies and skirmishes with the King's army, to the great loss and hindrance thereof as well by land as by sea: and namely they gave chase to captain Vilago, who kept the sea from them with eight Galleys of Arragon: so as the King thought it the best way to raise his siege, after that he had been before it by the space of twenty days, causing his son Don Alphonso of Arragon to spoil the country round about the city. From thence the army marched to Villa-franca, which was taken by force: and there the King caused to be executed by order of law four hundred of the Inhabitants; being provoked thereunto by the death of two French captains which were slain at his entry into the town, which became such a terror to the rest of the towns thereabouts, as diverse yielded, without any resistance at all.  
They besieged the city of Tarragon, 
Tarragon yielded to the king.  which at the first made resistance yet never sallied forth of their walls: but when they beheld their fields burnt, and the continual battery and assaults of the enemies, their courage began to shrink, especially when the aid, which was sent them from Barcelona, was at their landing constrained to fly back to their Galleys, then with very easy conditions they yielded to the King, who left Roderigo of Rebolledo for their Governor, he himself going back to Ballaguer.  
The Cattelans thus distressed, sent new Ambassadors into Castille, one of them was the Archdeacon of Girona, who being joined to the Ambassador resident with King Henry, made new offers of submission and full obedience unto him, beseeching him to intitule himself King of Arragon and Earl of Barcelona, seeing that he was assured that those dominions did by all divine and humane right belong unto him, and that now the voluntary consent of the people did invite him thereunto, requesting moreover aid of soldiers. The King of Castille, beside this public embassage, was solicited thereunto by sundry Lords, and other cities of Valencia and Arragon; and to speak truly, he did greatly incline to their demands: but the Archbishop of Toledo and the Marquis of Villena, the King's chief councillors, after whose appetite the whole affairs of the Kingdom were governed, were of a contrary opinion, and peradventure they had intelligence with King john of Arragon, but it was not certainly known whether it were so or no; wherefore the business being debated on by the council, the Ambassadors received this answer, that if they meant to have any aid of soldiers, it did then behove them to bring store of money with them, and as for the title to the crown of Arragon, and county of Barcelona, King Henry would consider thereon with more mature deliberation.  
The Ambassadors replied, that if it would please the King to take their cause in hand, and to show himself openly in their defence as his subjects, they would venture their heads, if within threescore days after, they did not bring into the King's coffers the sum of seven hundred thousand florins of gold. This seemed a dream to the Archbishop and the Marquis, for the sum was exceeding great for those times; and they two having an other purpose, wrought so well, as king Henry not only refused their offers, but withdrew himself wholly from the war of Arragon: giving them to understand, that he had rather with the help of the French King, mediate a good peace for them.  
Now the Marquis and the Archbishop did purpose, 
The King of Castille attempts to deceive the Barcelonois, and king john Ekewise.  and hope to deal in such sort, as the Realm of Navarre, or a great part thereof, should by the treaty of peace fall to the crown of Castille: To give a certain form whereunto, they sent word to King john and to the Earl of Foix, to send unto them certain French captains, of those which were in Cattalogna, to confer about means of agreement with the King of Castille; and they used other practises to give the French a distaste of that war, seeking their own profit, under colour of making an agreement between the King of Arragon and his subjects: whilst the broils continued in Cattalogna, the Earl of Pallars, and the Lord of Cruillas, with a great number of soldiers, having again besieged Girona, were overthrown and put to flight by Peter of Roquabertin Governor of the City, 
The French refused to fight with the castilians  and they lost many of their people with their baggage. The French marching towards Morella, brought divers places on the coast of Vrgel under the King's obedience, but meeting near Ixar with the castilians, having good means to charge them, it is said that they gave them to understand, that in regard of the friendship and perpetual confederacy between the Kings of France and Castille, they would couch their Lances against the castilian standard, and thereof they excused themselves to the King of Arragon, saying that they were so commanded to do, and therefore besought him to take in good part, if they went about to appease the differences betwixt them.  
The King of Arragon fashioning himself to their advice, and having great hope in the good judgement of the French king in those businesses, he did consent that one of the French captains should pass into Castille to the town of Mountagu, where king Henry should meet to confer with him about fit means to compose all those differences: the Archbishop of Toledo, and the Marquis of Villena brought the king thither under colour of hunting: and it was agreed upon, that the French king should be entreated, to send an Ambassador into Castille, to cause the war to cease. The captain being returned, related to the king of Arragon and to his son in law the Earl of Foix, what he had concluded with the King of Castille: and at their entreaty the French King Lewis the eleventh, sent an Ambassador to the King of Castille, who found the Court at Almaçan; and having had audience, a day was taken for the interview of the three Kings of France, Castille, and Arragon, upon the frontiers between Fontarabie, and Saint john de Luz: and in the mean time there was a cessation from arms on all sides; the Cattelans were excluded from this accord remaining doubtful betwixt hope and fear, attending the issue of that interview.  
The King Don john allowing all these things, came to Saragossa, with intent to meet at the day appointed for the King's interview. The Earl of Foix, the presumptive heir of Navarre in the right of his wife went thither, being very honourably received, especially of the Beaumont's faction.  
Now the time of the interview being come, the King of Arragon, for divers reasons, could not▪ or would not appear, relying in the Archbishop of Toledo, and the Marquis of Villena, with the King of Castille, and upon his son in law Gaston of Foix, who knew very well how to maintain his honour and to increase his profit with the French King. About the end of March in the year 1463. the King Don Henry arrived at Saint Sebastian's in the Province of Guipuscoa, and king Lewis came the same time to Bayonne, unto whom were sent as Ambassadors from the king of Castille, the Archbishop of Toledo and the Marquis of Villena, with Aluar Gomes of Ciudad-reall his principal secretary (they having so counseled him) to the end to treat with him about the agreement and pacification of the troubles between the kings of Castille and Arragon, 
The Marquis of Villena, becometh pensioner to the King.  the uncle and Nephew, and between the king of Arragon and the Cattelans his subjects. It is reported, that the Marquis of Villena made an agreement with the French king, being by him recompensed with a yearly pension of twelve thousand crowns.  
Matters being then thus handled by them, king Lewis as judge and arbitrator between both parties, set down his sentence in this manner: That King Henry of Castille should wholly abstain from meddling in the business of the Cattellans; that within twenty days he should call all his soldiers out of Cattalonia and that for the expenses which he had been at in the same war the King of Arragon should give unto him the town of Estella with all the domains belonging thereunto, which is one of the five members of the Kingdom of Navarre, with a certain sum of doublons of gold, all which he should be bound to perform within six months, in which mean time, Queen joane of Arragon should be held as hostage in the town of Larraga under the safe keeping of the Archbishop of Toledo: That the Cattelans should become obedient to their King, unto whom a general pardon should be granted of all that was passed; for assurance whereof King john should give them sufficient hostages. This sentence, hurtful to the Kingdom of Navarre, odious to the Cattelans, and little to the King of Castile's honour, was allowed of and received by the three Ambassadors above named, who wrote to King Henry, advising him to set forward with his Court and train to Fontaraby, and at that instant the Marquis of Villena arrived, bringing along with him the Earl of Comminges Admiral of France, who came from the King his Master to entreat the King of Castille that they might see one an other upon French ground; the which they had before concluded upon at Bayonne.  
King Lewis being come to Saint john de Luz, 
Interview of King Lewis the eleventh and King Henry the fourth of Castille, at Enday●.  the two Kings met at the river of Vidaso, which in that place parteth both the Kingdoms: the which river (as the Spaniards say) which all that which the flowing of the sea covers, belongs to Spain. King Henry with diverse great Lords and Knights being in diverse boats did pass the river, amongst whom were Don Pero Gonçales of Mendoza Bishop of Calaorra, Don john de Pacheco Marquis of Villena, Don Gomes of Caceres Master of Alcantara, Don john of Valençuela Prior of Saint john's, Don Lewis de Acugna Bishop of Burgos, Don Bertrand de la Cueva Earl of Ledesma, with others very bravely and richly appointed; The French King and his Courtiers being meanly clothed, were by the Spaniards derided and scorned. These two great Princes having lovingly saluted and embraced one an other upon the shore, with diverse kind speeches and ceremonies usual at such times; King Henry speaking first, they went to a village called Endaya belonging to the French King, where in the presence of the two Kings, the arbitrative sentence was read by the secretary Aluar Gomes, the Ambassadors being present: and after sundry compliments, and friendly speeches, they departed the one from the other with great content, and so returned each of them into his own territories.  
King Henry being come to Fontaraby called the Ambassadors of Cattalonia into his presence, 
The Cattelans complain of the sentence and treachery of th● king of Castille.  who had followed him in that journey, and declared unto them the contents of the sentence, and that which they were bound to do by the same, whereat they were much amazed and discontented; so that being overcome with impatience, by reason of the indignity which they thought was offered them, they uttered in choler many proud and high words, presaging misery and future calamity to the Realm of Castille, accusing the King of carelessness, for consenting to the same sentence, and his councillors and Ambassadors of treason. According to this sentence, the King withdrew his soldiers from Cattalonia, and did wholly give over the war.  
Whilst the King remained at Fontaraby, it happened that a certain jew named Gaon, who was a farmer of his revenues, 
Castille.  coming from the town of Victoria where he dwelled, 
A jew collecter to the king's revenues slain Guipuscoa by the nobility.  to exact, by reason of the king's presence, the tribute called Pedido, in the Province of Guipuscoa (which was ever denied and resisted by the nobility of the country) was slain in the city of Tolouse, the gentlemen being moved to commit such an outrage, to the end it might serve as an example to other exacting receivers, not to attempt upon their ancient liberties and privileges: whereat the king was greatly offended so as after the interview, he came to Tolouse with divers men at arms being resolved severely to punish such an act: the Inhabitants being very fearful, left the city and retired themselves into the mountains giving place to their Prince's fury, who at his first arrival into the town, commanded that the house wherein the jew was murdered, should be overthrown to the ground: but proceeding on, he was fully and certainly informed, that the tribute, then in question, was a thing not due, not never paid by the gentlemen of that country, so as he converted his wrath into clemency, and gave a general pardon to them all, decreeing, after the example of the Kings his predecessors, that from thenceforth on account should be made of such like money; and he did for ever acquit his receivers, treasurers, and exactors of his revenues, of any such receipt.  
Having ordered the affairs of that Province, he went to Segobia and the Archbishop of Toledo came to Larraga, 
Navarre, and Arragon.  a town in the Kingdom of Navarre, there to receive the Queen Donna joane, who, according to the sentence of King Lewis, was to remain in his keeping, till the King of Arragon her husband had fully performed all that which by the same he was bound unto. The Estates of Navarre were much displeased with the alienating of the town of Estella, it being a portion of the Kingdom: but they knew not the drift thereof, for none of the parties did gain so much by the sentence, as the king of Arragon, who held himself assured of the King of Castille, by means of the good offices which the Archbishop of Toledo and the Marquis of Villena performed for him, 
The king of Castille, thinking to deceive, is himself deceived.  they being wholly at his devotion: in so much as he took no great thought for the committing of the Queen his wife into their hands. As for Estella, he never meant to give it to the King of Castille, and the better to cover his intent, he caused the whole body of the Estates to protest against that sentence, as given by an incompetent judge, the parties being not heard, and directly prejudicial to the patrimony of the crown of Navarre: Thereupon Don Pedro of Peralta, who was Constable of Navarre, seized upon the town and castle of Estella, as though it had rebelled against the King: then the king of Castille began to be very highly displeased with his council, and in some sort to discover their practises, greatly repenting that he had forsaken the Cartelans. The Archbishop of Toledo and the Marquis of Villena having had experience of his choler, thought for to redress all by giving the king and the Archdeacon of Girona (who was one of the Cattelan Ambassadors) to understand, that all was well, and that now there was greater hope of good success, then at any time before: Wherefore the archdeacon was sent away to carry that news to the Cattelans, and to encourage and assure them in the King of Castils name, that they should shortly receive greater aid from him than they had done in times past: 
Don Pedro of Portugal▪ elected king of Arragon.  but the archdeacon arrived too late: for the Estates of Cattelogna being greatly discontent, that King Henry had so deceived them, had abandoned all hope of help from Castille, and put themselves under the protection of the house of Portugal, 
Descent of Portugal.  electing Don Pedro, Constable of that Realm, for their king, who was grandchild to King john the first, and son to the Infant Don Pedro Duke of Coimbra, being descended by the mother's side from the kings of Arragon, for his mother was daughter to james Earl of vrgel, and to Donna Leonora of Arragon, daughter to King Peter of Arragon the fourth of that name.  
The Marquis of Villena on the other side, acquainted King Henry with the revolt of those of Estella, and with the difficulties which hindered the execution of the sentence, propounding other recompenses to be made, rather than to fall out upon so slight an occasion: the which the king did not very well taste, yet for all that being desirous to play with least loss, he sent into Navarre Don Bertrand de la Cueva, Earl of Ledesma, and Don Pedro Gonçales of Mendoza Bishop of Calaorra, who afterward was Cardinal, and Arch bishop of Toledo, to deal with King john, and the Queen his wife about these matters, who excused themselves by reason of their subjects rebellion, which (as they said) was the cause why they could not perform that which they had purposed: they discovering these dissimulations, advertised King Henry thereof, who advised them to negotiate as well as they could; who after divers conferences returned without doing any thing at all, disposing the King of Castille to a truce, which soon after was effected.  
The King of Castille 
Castille.  being at Madrid, an observant Friar named Fernand de la Place, with other of his zealous companions, did greatly trouble him and his Council, by giving forth, that diverse Christians of his country were become Apostatas, forsaking the holy Catholic faith, and were become jews: whereof if he would make diligent search, the crime would be averred. And this audacious Monk did constantly affirm in one of his Sermons, that he had in his keeping more than an hundred foreskins of Christians children, which had been circumcised, crying out, that the king ought to punish them very grievously: the King caused him to be brought into his presence, and commanded that he should deliver up those fore skins: the Friar said that he had them not▪ but that he was so informed by divers of good name and place, the king willed him to tell their names, the which he could not, or would not do, and so was dismissed without any other punishment, then to be held a notorious liar.  
The Archbishop of Toledo Don Alphonso Carillo of Acugna, and the Marquis of Villena, being returned from Navarre, where they had left Queen joane at liberty, perceiving that the King did smally favour them, began to foresee some future mischief to light upon their states, honour, and persons: to prevent which, they entered into leagues, which the king understanding; did dissemble, committing in the mean time the government of his affairs to Don Bertrand de la Cueva, and to the Bishop of Calaorra, whose Niece Don Bertrand had married. The Court being at Sevill was very much troubled with a popular tumult, occasioned by two Prelates, namely, the old Archbish. of the same city Don Alphonso of Fonseca, 
Contentions and seditions caused by two Archbishops, the uncle and the nephew.  and his nephew, who had made betwixt them a feigned exchange of the Archbishoprickes of seville and S. james, for the reasons before mentioned, the nephew being at that time in possession of that of seville, the which he ought to have yielded up to his uncle, who had caused him peaceably to enjoy that of S. james, till then held by D. Lewis Osorio and his faction: Now Alphonso of Fonseca having brought all matters to the pass which he promised, thought to re-enter into his former dignity of Archbishop of seville: but the nephew, who found himself well at ease, would by no means leave it, albeit that the Pope upon pain of Excommunication had enjoined him so to do, so as thereupon arose a very dangerous sedition, each of them having his partakers amongst the Nobility, Clergy, and the common people, the vulgar sort in general held with the Nephew, and had seized upon the great church and other strong places of the city, holding it against the Gentlemen, and the Clergy, who favoured the old Archbishop, and the rescall multitude had well-near gained the haven with the Galleys that lay there, intending to fight both by sea and land, had not the King speedily prevented it, who having made inquiry of the matter, apprehended sundry of the Rebels, who were severely punished: the Nephew Archbishop was committed to prison in his own house, and within six days after, the old Archbishop was restored to his former Sea, and divers of the offenders were hanged out at the windows of their own houses, 
An outrage of a Moor committed in Sevil unpunished.  and some others sent to receive punishment at Madrid. An other outrage was there committed at the same time, which did incite and stir up divers against the king: for his Court being greatly frequented with Noblemen moors, whom he did highly favour, one of them named Mofarras, (who did lodge in the house of an honourable Citizen called Diego Sanches of Orihuela) was so far transported with a libidinous appetite, as his host and hostess being absent, he ravished and carried away with him into Granado a very beautiful daughter of theirs, keeping her with him so long as he pleased. The sorrowful father and mother at their return home finding their house disfurnished of their best ornament, accompanied with divers of the best Citizens, went to make their complaint to the king, who told them that the fault was their own, in leaving their daughter behind them, and so put them off with this impertinent answer: whereunto the parties grieved did reply, craving justice, but the King being displeased with their importunate exclamations, commanded that they should be thrust out of his gates, set upon asses, and publicly whipped up and down the City: this unjust sentence should have been executed, had not the Earl D. Gonçal of Guzman, gone to the King and asked him, what reason the Officer should give to the multitude for the whipping of those innocent people: then the King finding his own error, was ashamed thereof, and went into his chamber, making him no answer at all, the Moors fault remaining unpunished, to the great scandal not only of that City, but of the whole kingdom.  
Not long after, the King made a journey to Gibraltar, newly conquered and sacked, where he gave another proof and testimony of a mind little ●auouring of equity, for he took away the government thereof from Pedro de Porras, whom he had placed there at the request of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, who had taken the same city, and did give and appropriate it to Don Bertrand de la Cuena, Earl of Ledesma, who placed there for Governor Stephano de Villacreces, who had married an Aunt of his: the which the Duke took very impatiently, and so it continued all the time of the troubles of the kingdom, until he had brought it again under his own power and jurisdiction, and joined it to the other possessions belonging to the house of Medina Sidonia, who hath always enjoyed it, till the entire conquest of the kingdom of Granado: at which time it was for ever annexed to the Crown.  
The same time the King Don Alphonso of Portugal making war upon the Moors of Africa, came from Ceuta to Gibraltar at the entreaty and persuasion of King Henry, where these two Princes remained and continued together the space of eight days, eating at one table, and showing great tokens of love and brotherly friendship one to the other.  
This year 1463. the Infant Don Henry of the house of Portugal, the king's Uncle, Master of the Order commonly called of Christ, 
Portugal.  of the age of threescore and seven years, died in the city of Sagres in Algarbe, who was buried in the Church of Lagos, and afterwards translated and carried away from thence to the Abbey of Battle, built by his father king john the first, and they report in Portugal, that this Prince died a virgin: he outlived all his brethren that were legitimate, to wit, Don john Master of Saint james, Don Fernand Master of Auiz, and Don Pedro Duke of Coimbra: their elder bastard-brother Don Alphonso Duke of Bragança died also not long before, 
House of Bragansa.  leaving behind him for his successors in the Duchy, his sons Don Fernand, Earl of Arrojolos, and the Marquis of Villaviciosa, who was (by lawful succession, and by the right of inheritance) the second Duke of Bragança, begotten on Donna Beatrix, daughter to Don Nugno Aluares Pereyra Earl of Barcellos, and first Constable of Portugal: Now the loss of these great personages was very grievous to the King Don Alphonso, who at that time by reason of his wars against the Moors, had great need of their help and Council: 
Expedition into Africa against the city of Tanger.  he had conducted a great army into Africa against the city of Tanger, being followed by all the Nobility of Portugal, namely, by his brother the Infant Don Fernand Duke of Viseo, his brother-in-law Don Pedro the third Constable of Portugal, son to the Infant Don Pedro, Duke of Coimbra abovementioned, D. Edward de Meneses Earl of Viana, Don Gonçal Coutin the first Earl of Marialua, the Earl of Villareall, and other great Lords: but Don Pedro the third, Constable of Portugal, was at that time solicited by the Cattelans to name himself King of Arragon, for the reasons heretofore declared, who consented thereunto, and went with the Ambassadors of Cattalonia to the city of Barcelona, where he was proclaimed King of Arragon, and Earl of Barcelona, unto whom the Estates were sworn: but he had to deal with a boisterous adversary, passing over his days in difficult wars, and finishing them by poison (as it was thought) as shall be hereafter more at large declared. After the departure of the Constable Don Pedro, the King Don Alphonso came to Gibraltar, and in his absence his people received an overthrow as they went about to scale the town of Tanger, where divers men of worth were slain and taken. Among the prisoners were the Earl of Marialua, and Gomes Freyra, who were afterward redeemed for great ransoms.  
After his return from Gibraltar into Africa, he entered in person into Benaca, a mountainous and woddie country, from whence he was constrained to retire to his great loss, where he left behind him D. Edward de Meneses Earl of Viana, who to save the king's life being in great danger, lost his own. The Earl of Villareall did at that time, by his valour, save the army, fight bravely in the rearward, defending it against an infinite multitude of Moors: 
King Alphonso's misfortunes in his expedition into Africa.  insomuch as the king being desirous to acknowledge his prowess, did publicly praise him, and gave him the honour of being the shield and defender of the faith the same day: or to speak more properly, God's instrument for the delivery and help of the Portugals. These adverse fortunes caused King Alphonso to return into Portugal with small honour, where he applied himself to vows and pilgrimages, thinking hereby to appease the Saints, patrons and conductors (as he thought) of his unhappy and disastrous enterprises.  
King Henry of Castille at his departure from Gibraltar, 
Castille.  came to Eccia, where he gathered together all the cavalry of the garrisons and countries near about, joining them to his great army, which he commonly carried about with him, wherewith he entered into the territories of Granado, where the Ambassadors of king Ishmael the Moor met with him, and presented unto him the tribute, with sundry other gifts, so that he passed on no further, but dismissed his forces, and came to jaen, whose Governor was the Constable Don Michael Lucas d' Irançu. At jaen remained Don Pedro Giron, Master of Calatrava, who being desirous to offend the Earl of Ledesma, and to set him at variance with the Constable Don Michael Lucas, he told the King that he heard say, that he meant to bestow the Mastership of S. james, (which the Infant Don Alphonso held only in name) upon the Earl of Ledesma: and thereupon showed him divers reasons to persuade him to give that dignity rather to the Constable, who was a valiant Knight, and one greatly affected to his service: but the King seemed to give no ear to his speech, knowing very well whereunto it tended. Don Pedro perceived by many other reasons, that he was not very welcome to the King, who (as he supposed) did suspect him to be of the league with the Marquis of Villena his brother, and the Archbishop of Toledo: wherefore he returned thence, and then began they to treat of great leagues and confederacies, 
Prodigious winds and other tokens of future calamities.  to the prejudice of the estate of Castille, presaged by great tempests of wind, which at Sevile did overthrow a great quantity of the city walls, and did blow away a great bell out of the Church of S. Augustine, above a bows shot from the place where it did hang, took up into the air a pair of Oxen yoked together at the plough, and plucked up by the roots divers sorts of trees, scattering them here and there in very fearful manner: In the air was seen the proportion of armed men fight, and three Eagles striving together, with great fury fell down dead to the ground. Matters standing in these terms, the King returned to Madrid, where he continued still careless of that which concerned the good of the Realm: there was no audience nor admittance for petitioners, nor any administration of justice: he permitted his porters, and those of his guard to offer indignities to such as he did not love and to those that did sue unto him, and he would wink at them when as many times they would shut the gates against the Archbishop, and the Marquis of Villena, who were oftentimes sent from thence with many injurious speeches. These things with other of greater importance would he give aim to, so as he willingly made a ready way to the greatest miseries and calamities that could be imagined. And hearing that the king Don Alphonso of Portugal was entered into Castille to visit, 
Interview of the kings of Castille and Portugal at Guadalupa.  for devotion-sake, the Monastery of Guadalupa, he departed from Madrid with the Queen his wife, and the Infants his brother and sister, and went to meet him at a place called the Archishops bridge, not making the Marquis of Villena, nor the Arch●bishop of Toledo acquainted with any thing to be treated of in that interview.  
There were newly strengthened and confirmed the ancient leagues and alliances between the two kingdoms, by the agreement of future marriages with the king Don Alphonso who was a widower, and Donna Izabella sister to the king of Castille, and between the Infant Don john of Portugal, eldest son and heir to that Crown, of the age of eight years, and the Queen of Castile's daughter, who was termed the Princess joane. These things promised and agreed upon, the king of Portugal returned to Guadalupa to finish and perform his vow, and from thence into his own country. In the mean time the Archbishop and the Marquis being forewarned by the tokens of disgrace, which they well perceived, and by their own consciences, absented themselves from the Court, fearing to be taken and punished, and with drew themselves to Alcala of Henares, where they solicited their friends, and strengthened their league, into the which, by the means of the Archbishop, entered very secretly the Admiral Don Frederick, the Earl of Benavent, Don Alphonso Pimentell son-in-law to the Marquis, Don Roderigo Manrique Earl of Paredes, Don Inigo Manrique Bishop of Coria, with all his brethren: on the other side the Marquis of Villena went in person to draw into their league Don Garcia Aluares of Toledo, Earl of Alva de Tormes, and Don Alvaro of Estuniga, Earl of Plaisance, whom he drew into the number. In like manner the Master of Calatrava played his part through the whole country of Andalusia with great secrecy: 
D. joane borne in adultery, the subject of all the stirs in Castille.  for their design was to get the Infants, Don Alphonso, and Donna Izabella from the Court into their power, to serve for a colour to their proceed, not caring at all for Donna joane, who was termed the Princess of Castille, whom they all held to be begotten in adultery by Don Bertrand de la Cueva of the Queen. The king wanted no advertisement and information of the progression of these matters, but he was negligent and careless.  
At his return to Madrid hearing of the Archishops and the Marquises retreat, he began to think upon their dangerous practices, and sent to command them to come to the Court, to understand what he had agreed upon and concluded with the king of Portugal, but they excused themselves, and desired to talk with the king in a place and company not suspected. The King and the Marquis did see one another, and talked and conferred together between Madrid and Alcala of Henares, without any conclusion.  
Soon after it was decreed, that the Marquis of Santillana, and the Earl of Haros son should be given as hostages to the Archbishop of Toledo for the Marquis of Villena his safe-comming to the Court, who gave the king to understand, that he would not come, unless he would commit the Archbishop of Sevile Don Alphonso of Fonseca to prison, for the reasons which he had showed unto him: endeavouring by his persecution, to keep the rest of the king's servants in suspicion, the which came to pass: for the King who did already distrust the Archbishop of Sevill, sent john Fernandes Galindo, Governor to the Queen to take him, who being advertised thereof by the Marquis himself, who played with both hands, escaped, whereat all the Lords of the Council, and others which were employed and negotiated in matters of State, were greatly offended: and then the violences and tyrannies which did afflict the kingdom during this king's life, began to appear.  
After this trick the Marquis came to Court, and with him the Earls of Benavent and Paredes, and Don Alphonso Henriques, eldest son to the Admiral, every one of them well accompanied with their acquaintance, friends, and servants, with intent and purpose to seize upon the persons of the King, the Earl of Ledesma, and the Infants. The King, as ill advised as he was, did distrust them, and therefore caused the Infants to be shut up in the tower of homage, with sufficient guard: and as he was doing hereof, the confederates, who should execute that enterprise, came hastily to the Palace, and violently breaking open the gates, entered into the hall: then the King fearing and distrusting what might happen, withdrew himself by a privy way, with the Earl of Ledesma, having made the Infant's safe. The Marquis who was wise and subtle, perceiving their project and purpose to fail, with a steadfast and assured countenance, as though he had had no hand therein, presented himself to the King, and was one of those that did solicit him rigorously to punish such an offence, which the King might easily have done in himself, if he had been possessed with an heroic spirit: but all that he said unto him, was: How now Marquis, do you think that this which is attempted in my house, is well done? assure yourself that I will be now no longer patiented. The Marquis who was thoroughly acquainted with his humour, found means to appease him, and so returned to his lodging. But this senseless King thought that he should be sufficiently revenged if he should give sharper spurs to those who were already to much gauled with envy and emulation to see the Earl of Ledesma so honoured, advanced, and enriched.  
His determination then was, in despite of all his enemies, to honour him with the Mastership of Saint james, which was kept, since the death of the Constable Don Alvaro de Luna, by the King Don john, and by this King Don Henry his son, as an appendix to the Crown, with the dispensation of the Pope's Nicholas the fifth, and Calixtus the third, until that time. And for to obtain the consent and Bull of Pope Pius the second, he dispatched one of his chaplains called Suero de Solis to Rome, who carried with him fourteen thousand golden Henry's, to get expedition. Before this chaplain returned, the Secretary Aluar Gomes, who had written the King's letters to the Pope, went and revealed it to the Marquis, whose familiar friend and partisan he was, the which did the more inflame the confederates to the ruin of the King, his Minion, and the whole kingdom.  
The Marquis who was very expert in all points belonging to a cunning Courtier, persuaded the King to remove to Segobia, saying, that there the affairs in hand might be better managed then at Madrid: but the truth was, he did it of purpose to have him nearer unto the countries of the Confederates, if the matter should happen to come to strokes. And he dealt in such sort, making so great a show of distrust, as the Bishop of Palença, brother to the Earl of Ledesma, was given in hostage to the Master of Calatrava, and kept in the town of Pegnafiel. When they were all come to Segobia, the Marquis feigned to bear a great grudge to the Earls of Plaisance, Alva, and others: in which mean space arrived the messenger from Rome, bringing with him the Pope's Bull for the Mastershippe of Saint james for the Earl of Ledesma, whereat the king greatly rejoiced, and told the Marquis that now he must needs allow and tolerate the Popes grant to the Earl: who answered, that he was well contented so to do: nevertheless he showed unto him divers reasons of the manifest and apparent wrong done therein to the Infant Don Alphonso, the which the King slightly passed over, and did not regard: and the day following he did invest the Earl in that place and dignity, giving and willingly surrendering unto him the Ensigns and Ornaments thereunto beelonging. 
Conspiracy against the K. Queen, her daughter, and D. Bertrand, de la ●neua.   
This deed did so highly displease the Marquis, as from thenceforth he did solicit the Confederates to arm themselves, and to practise how they might take the king, Queen, her daughter, together with the Infant's Don Alphonso, and Donna Izabella, and to kill the new Master of Saint james: and the better to execute their plot, they dealt with a Captain of the Kings named Fernand Carillo, that his wife (who was one of the Ladies attending on the Infanta Donna Izabella) should in the night open a door of the Queen's lodging: and it was decreed amongst them, that the Earl of Paredes should take the King, the Earls of Plaisance and Alva should seize upon the Queen and his daughter joane, the supposed Princess, the Marquis should lead away the Infants, and his brother, the Master of Calatrava should dispatch the Earl of Ledesma. These matters thus concluded, 
Treason discovered ●ut not punished.  they were discovered and revealed to the King some three hours before they should have been executed, who was as slack in redressing this, as other former matters, for if he had so pleased, he might easily have taken or slain the Marquis being in the Court but he said, that he would keep the promise which he made him, and so he only sent Gonçal of Sahavedra, and the Secretary Alvaro Gomes unto him to reproach his treachery, which did much trouble the Marquis, who nevertheless denied the matter, and said, that God forbidden, that ever he should be partaker in so vile a treason, whereof he would inquire, and if he found any of his people to have a hand therein, that he would deliver them over into the hands of justice: and with this show he departed from the King's house, and went directly to the Abbey of Parrall, where he gathered together great companies of his followers and partisans, meaning to keep the same, and not intending any more to enter into the City, so that if the king meant to talk with him, it behoved him then to come forth willingly and meet him.  
The Confederates perceiving this enterprise of theirs to prove vain and of no effect, did entreat the King to hear the Marquis speak, and to come forth of the city into some place not suspected, but their intent was to seize upon him abroad in the Country, since they could not bring it to pass in the city: The King consented, and appointed to meet them between Villa Castin, and the Monastery of Saint Peter de las Duegnas, to the which Monastery the King came, but he had there notice given him of two things: the one, that the Admiral Don Frederick had in Vailledolit erected banners in the name of the Infant Don Alphonso, naming him king, and that the town had withstood it, and in such sort resisted the Admiral, and his people, as they had driven him thence: The other was, that he should by no means go on to meet with the Marquis of Villena, because the Master of Calatrava, and divers of the Manriques were in the fields with six hundred horse to take him.  
The king being highly moved at these practices, did provide a remedy in time: for he dispatched Conçal of Sahavedra with five hundred horse of his own Guard for to secure those of Vailledolit, and for the present danger, he sent the Bishop of Calaorra to Villa Castin, and the Licentiat Diego Henriques del castle, his Councillor and Chronicler to the Earls of Plaisance and Alva, to discover that which was done there. These having met with others, who came to warn the king of the self same danger, they separated themselves, and the Licenciate returned with speed to the Monastery, to cause the king to dislodge, who at that instant departed from thence and returned to Segobia, entering into the city with five thousand men gathered together from the places thereabouts. The Bishop went on, and met with the Earls, who marched in Arms and military Order, with whom he had some speech and conference to no purpose, and so returned to Segobia. The new Master of Saint james, besides his own people, having with him the king's Guard, came near to the Master of Calatrava, being in a place fit for a fight, and was resolved to charge him, if the night had not hindered him, notwithstanding that he had commandment from the king not to do so, wherefore he brought back his troops to Segobia.  
The knights of the League seeing their enterprises to be discovered, 
Burgos in the power of the confederates.  marched towards the City of Burgos, the Castle whereof was under the command of Don Alvaro of Estuniga, Earl of Plaisance, one of the Confederates. The City being moved with these strange news, would not consent to aught that they propounded: but Don john de Pacheco Marquis of Villena, could so well set forth the justice of his cause in eloquent terms, as they did believe that he and his complices were in the right, but divers of the inhabitants who were of good judgement, did very well perceive, that each of these confederate Lords, was carried away with envy, hatred, jealousy, and other diseases of Court, and with a desire of their own private good, rather than that of the Commonwealth.  
Now at the request of the Marquis certain chief men of the city met together, who signed the letters which they wrote to the King, which contained four principal accusations, 
Accusations propounded by the colleagues.  which they required to have redressed: The one was, that the king kept ordinarily in his Court moors which were enemies of the faith, whom he did animate to commit infinite outrages which were unpunished: as the rape of the daughter of Diego Sanches of Orihuela d'Seuill. Again that the places of judges with other Offices were bestowed upon persons wholly unworthy of them, by means whereof divers exactions and tyrannies were committed: Thirdly, that to the manifest contempt and hindrance of the Infant Don Alphonso, unto whom that dignity did belong, he had bestowed the Mastership of Saint james upon Bertrand de la C●eua Earl of Ledesma: The fourth, and most important, 
The king reproached with the adulterate birth of 〈◊〉.  which could not be excused, was, that he caused Donna joane to be sworn unto, as Princess and heir of the kingdoms of Castille and Leon, whom he very well knew to be none of his daughter, highly wronging the Infant's Don Alphonso, and Donna Izabella, by depriving them of their patrimony and inheritance: to remedy which, it was requisite to cause the Estates of Spain to make a new oath, in the behalf of the Infant Don Alphonso, and to restore to him the Mastership of Saint James. These reasons were indeed of great moment, if they had been prosecuted by lawful and just means, and with a true zeal of the good and reputation of the Crown of Castille, but there is seldom any good order kept in such rash proceed.  
The letter was presented to the King at Vailledolit, whither he was come with a great train: but notwithstanding that most of the articles contained matter of truth, wherein his honour was highly touched, he nevertheless made such small account thereof, as most of his Council, and servants were greatly ashamed thereof: and yet for all that he had then about him forces sufficient to dissolve and scatter that league without any danger at all but it was Gods will to punish both the king and the people. The chief point that the Confederates stood upon, was, that Donna joane the supposed Princess, wrongfully reputed Princess of Castille, should be declared to be the daughter of Don Bertrand de la Cueva.  
The opinion of the Bishop of Calaorra, of Friar Lopes de Barriento, of the Master of Saint james, and others which were present at the reading of the letter, was, to go presently and find out the rebels, and to offer them battle, alleging divers reasons, as namely the small forces which they had then together: but the King would not consent thereunto, desiring perhaps to be reputed meek and gentle, rather than warlike and valiant: whereupon the Bishop of Calaorra, 
The King will rather seem meek than rigorous.  told him plainly, that he very well perceived, he did not desire to reign peaceably, seeing that he made so small account of the defence of his honour, in not revenging the wrongs and injuries which were done unto him, 
Sharp speeches of the Bishop of Calaorra to the king.  and that for his part he did verily believe, that he would never leave behind him the fame and report of a generous and magnanimous King, but that he was assured, that he would become the most unhappy King that ever reigned in Spain, and that he would repent his cowardice when it was too late. Notwithstanding this free admonishment, he remained cold, and gave ear to the agreements which they offered him: He sent word to those of the League to meet at Duegnas, the which they did, and thither came the Admiral, and the Archbishop of seville. There they began to treat of divers matters: but the better to confer, it was thought fit and convenient, that the King should come to Cabeçon, and the Confederates to Cigal●s, and places thereabouts, which being done, the King and the Marquis of Villena spoke and conferred together in the open fields, each of them being accompanied with three persons, and fifty horse on each part, to discover, visit, and make sure the Country round about.  
After long conference together, it was concluded, That the king within twelve days after, should deliver into the Marquis his hands, the person of the Infant Don Alphonso, who should be acknowledged for Prince and heir of the kingdom of Castille, and oath made unto him in that nature at the same instant according to the custom of Spain, by the Lords and Deputies of the towns and Provinces that should be there present: and that the Lords and Knights should promise, that the Infant Don Alphonso, who was then eleven years old, should marry Donna joane the Queen's daughter, so soon as she should come to age: 
Articles agreed upon for the pacification of the troubles.  again, that the Earl of Ledesma should give over the Mastership of Saint james, the which should be restored to the Infant Don Alphonso: That for the government of the affairs of State, and other great businesses of the kingdom, two Knights of each side should be chosen, Don Alphonso of Oropeça General of the jeronomites should be as umpire between the two parties: on the King's part for the assurance of the delivery of the Infant, should be given in hostage for the king's fidelity, the Master of Saint james, and the Earl of Benavent for that of the confederates.  
These things being agreed upon, the King came to Segobia, in the castle of which city, the Queen and the Infants lay, and he caused the Infant Don Alphonso to departed thence to be delivered to the Lords of the League, albeit it was foretold him, that the Infant should be declared King of Castille: but the Secretary Aluar Gomes, who was wholly at the Marquis his devotion, 
Don Alphonso the king's brother acknowledged heir to the crown.  assured him of the contrary: unto whom the charge to conduct the Infant to Sepulueda was committed, where he delivered him into the hands of the confederate Lords. The King returned to Valiodolit, from whence the next day, he returned to Cabeçon. The confederates on the other side, brought the Infant into the fields, where he was sworn unto, and acknowledged Prince and heir of those kingdoms, being eleven years of age.  
The Prelates and Knights of the league which were present at this ceremony, were D. Alphonso Carillo of Acugna, Archbishop of Toledo, Don Alphonso of Fonseca Archbishop of Sevile, Don Inigo Manrique Bishop of Coria, Don Frederick Henriques great Admiral of Castille, Don Alvaro of Estuniga Earl of Plaisance, Don Garcia Alvaro of Toledo Earl of Alva, Don Rodrigo Manriques Earl of Paredes, the Earls of Saint Marta and Ribadeo with others, who promised that the marriage between the Infant, and Donna joane should be accomplished. And on the King's side to consult upon the administration of the affairs was chosen, Don Pedro of Velasco, eldest son to the Earl of Haro, Don Pedro Fernandes of Velasco, and Gonçal of Sahavedra: the Confederates appointed the Marquis of Villena, and the Earl of Plaisance: and for a third person Friar Alphonso of Oropesa was named.  
The King being come back to Valiodolit, did handle the matter so with the Earl Don Bertrand de la Cueva, as he for quietness sake renounced the Mastershippe of Saint james, and yielded it up into the Pope's hands: For which deed of his, the King using his accustomed bounty, 
Don Bertrand de la Cueva, created Duke of Albuquerque  gave him in recompense the town of Albuquerque, with the title of Duke, with the towns of Cuellar, Roa, Molina, Atiença, la Pegna d'Alcaçar, and besides all this, three millions and five hundred thousand Maravidis of yearly rent, to be levied upon Vbeda, Baeça, and other places of Andalusia: we will therefore hereafter call him Duke of Albuquerque, and Earl of Ledesma.  
Those things being accomplished, the king went to Olmeda, and the judges or arbitrators which were chosen to Medina del campo, where whilst they conferred and disputed about the affairs, the Confederates had invented new means to continue the troubles. The Archbishop of Toledo, and the Admiral Don Frederick made show to be displeased with the Marquis, and made a crafty reconcilement with the King, making him believe, that they had both will and means to ruin the Marquis: the King received them very favourably, and for joy thereof sent to Don Gomes of Caceres, Master of Alcantara, and to Don Pedro Puerto Carero Earl of Medellino, whom he very much trusted, to come to him with as many soldiers as they could levy. Thereupon he was advertised, that the arbitrators had given up their sentence, by the which there remained nothing to him but the name of King only: for the Marquis being a man very wise, eloquent, and well experienced, did so handle the other Deputies, as he made them to condescend to whatsoever he pleased, having the Secretary Aluar Gomes wholly at his devotion, by whose means he drew Gançalo of Sahavedra to his party.  
The King being greatly troubled therewith, sent for Alvaro and Gonçalo to come and speak with him: but they being kept back with shame, and their own evil conscience, durst not appear in his presence, 
The King betrayed on all sides.  but secretly took an other way, where by chance they met with the master of Alcantara and the Earl of Medellin who were going to the King with a thousand horse, whom these two runaway made believe, that the King had given charge to take them, and that he did greatly distrust them, and therefore advised them not to shut themselves up in a place from whence they could not escape at their pleasures.  
They knowing the king, by many like examples, to be apt enough to do such a matter, did easily believe what the secretary and Gonçalo had told them, and at their entreaty they went altogether and joined themselves with their confederates, the which did wonderfully trouble the King, who had great cause to complain of the ingratitude of Aluar Gomes de Cité Real above the rest, 
Aluar Gomes perfidious and disloyal to his King.  because he had 〈◊〉 him with his greatest secrets, and had highly advanced him, having given him the Lordship of Maqueda, and enabled him, by means of his favour, honours and offices, to purchase Saint Silvester and Torr●son de Velasco, and otherways advanced him, although he were of no Noble parentage. Apprehending then this treason of Aluar●, he confiscated all his goods, and gave the town of Torrejon de Velasco, to Pedro Arias de Aui●a, son to Diego of Segobia, his high treasurer. And afterward made an edict, whereby he declared the deputies and arbitrators, 
The King disannuls the Arbitratots' sentence for the peace.  assembled at Medina del Campo, suspect, and enemies to his crown, revoking, and declaring their sentence to be of no force. Afterthat, he came to Segovia, and the confederates went to Playsantia, carrying with them the Prince Don Alfonso.  
Matters being broken of, the Master of Calatrava went into Andalozia to draw the Lords of that country into the league. In the mean time the Archbishop of Toledo and the Admiral, the better to assure the king of their fidelity, remained in their houses, making no show of cleaving to any side in those latter tumults, and they said, that they stayed there expecting when the King wo●ld send for them: Now the King, the better to oblige them to his service, had promised to give unto the Archbishop la mota of Medina del campo, 
King Henry ill advised giveth his enemy's means to war upon him.  and the City of Auila, and to the Admiral the Captenship of Valiodolit, and of Val de nebro, with a certain sum of Henry's of gold to pay their soldiers, to weet the Archbishop fourteen hundred Lances, and the Admiral eight hundred, the which they obtained within few days after. The king having left in Segobia, with a good and sure guard, the Queen his wife, with her daughter, and the Infanta Donna Isabella, he went to Madrid whether the Archbishop came as it were flying, because, (as he said) the Marchiones of Villena had caused him to be pursued by the commandment of her husband, and the other confederates: being received and welcomed by the whole Court, the King, the day following, held a council, wherein he complained of the disobedience and rebellion of the Marquis and his confederates, who had made sundry attempts against his person, & the welfare & quiet of his realms, which was wholly divided in arms, & was so troubled, that without a fit and speedy remedy, both he himself, who was King, & the Lords, Cities, and other estates, should be exposed to the appetite of such as gaped after their livings, places, and dignities: wherefore he craved advice what was to be done in a time so troublesome, wherein he himself, with his faithful friends, and councillors, were ready to fall into extreme danger.  
The Archbishop as a Prelate of greatest authority, & who was the mouth of the rest, answered, and gave the King counsel to demand the Prince Don Alfonso of the confederate Lords, saying that he should live better according to his dignity, being with him than in their company, seeing that the troubles were increased by means of his delivery unto them, were as peace and quietness was expected: and if that they should refuse to send him, that then the King should proceed against them by rigour of arms, as rebels and guilty of treason.  
This counsel was received and allowed of them all: and therefore the King went towards Salamanca, supposing to take the Rebels unprovided. By the way, the Earl of Alva, 
The Earl of Alva forsaking the league, 〈◊〉 to the King.  who was in his house, lodged and entertained the King and his Court very sumptuously, and with great magnificence, and did sincerely reconcile himself unto him, utterly forsaking the League, unto whom the King promised to forget what was past, and great favours in time to come: The fourth day after he went from thence and came to Salamanca, with the Archbishop of Toledo, the Bishop of Calaorra, the Duke of Albuquerque with others of his privy Council, from which place he did write to the confederate Lords, according as he was advised by the Archbishop of Toledo. Then did the Archbishop solicit the King to give unto him and the Admiral, Auila, and the other places, with the money promised for the levying and payment of their men at arms: the King promised him the places, and willed them in the mean time to assemble their forces.  
The Lords of the League who were at Plaisance, having received the King's commandment, answered him, that they would serve him no longer, and there withal advised him not to marry the Infanta Donna Izabella to the King of Portugal, without the consent of the three Estates of the Kingdom. The letter being read, divers told the king that he should well consider the tenor thereof: for albeit the Confederates said, that they would no longer serve him, it was evident by the discourse thereof, that they did not intend to sequester themselves from the service of the Crown, but only from that of his own person, and that they would for a certain elect his brother Prince Don Alphonso for their King. And moreover, they did advise him not to trust over much to the Archbishop of Toledo; for they were sufficiently advertised, that the Admiral's intent and his was, so soon as they could get the castles and places, which they demanded, in their own power, to retire then with all their forces, to his enemies: but the King who was not suspicious, but by accident, and by nature credulous, did for all that give the Archbishop whatsoever he demanded. Having then debated how to begin this war, the Council was of opinion, and amongst the rest the Archbishop, that Arevallo should be besieged, a city belonging to the Confederates, who before they would lose that place, would perhaps come to any honest agreement: this being so set down, the Archbishop was sent away to gather his forces together, with commandment, that he himself and the Admiral should with their troops meet before Arevalo: in the mean space the Bishop of Calaorra, and the Duke of Albuquerque remained at Salamanca, to give order for things necessary for the siege: that being done, the King departed thence accompanied with the horsemen of his guard toward Medina deal Campo, 
Prodigious wind.  but before his coming forth of Salamanca, there arose so terrible a tempest of wind, as blew up the whole roof in the great place there, bearing it more than a stones-cast from thence, the which was held prodigious by the Mathematicians and Astrologians of the same place.  
The King caused the Queen his wife, and the Infanta Donna Izabella, to come to Medina del campo, and Donna joane his supposed daughter was left in the castle of Segovia, under the keeping of Perucho of Musarras, Governor and Captain thereof. The King came from Medina del campo to the camp before Arevalo, and perceiving that the Archbishop came not, he sent one of his Secretaries to bid him make haste. This Secretary called Fernand Badajos, 
The Archbishop of Toledo betrayeth the king his master  found the Archbishop with his troops going towards Auyla, where after he had delivered his message, the Archbishop said unto him, Tell your King from me, that I am weary both of him and his affairs, and that shortly the true King of Castille shall be known. The Secretary having reported these speeches to the King, at the same instant news came, that the Admiral Don Frederick, had made himself Master of Vailliodolit, where he had openly proclaimed Don Alphonso King: and that the the Marquis of Villena, and all the Lords which were in the city of Plaisance were come to Auila, there to make the Prince Alphonso king. Then this miserable and infortunate King Henry, 
K. Henry destitute of human help, hath recourse to God.  being touched with the feeling of his offences, and acknowledging the judgement of God, all sorrowful and humbled withdrew himself apart, (as the Licenciate Diego Henriques who wrote his life and deeds doth report) kneeling upon the ground, and lifting up his hands to heaven, he prayed in this manner:  
O Lord God unto whom belongeth the defence and protection of Kings, and by whom they reign, I recommend my cause unto thee, and commit my life into thy hands▪ I yield thee infinite thanks, for that it hath pleased thee to punish me in this sort for mine offences, which are worthy of a sharper scourge, and I confess that the same which I suffer is very small in respect of my deserts: May it please thee (O Lord) that these troubles may diminish the pains which are due to my soul in regard of my sins, and if it be thy will that I shall pass through these miseries and afflictions, I beseech thee from the bottom of my heart to give me patience to endure them, and reason and understanding to guide myself in them.  
This prayer being ended, he commanded to sound to horseback, and road to Medina del campo, from whence having taken the Queen his wife, and the Infanta, he came back to Salamanca. At the same time the Archbishop was busied in taking of Auila, whether the confederates came, to wit, the Marquis of Villena, the Master of Alcantara, the Earls of Benavent, Paredes, Plaisance, and Medellin, with others. There in a plain field without the city a great scaffold was set up, upon the which was placed an effigy or picture representing King Henry in a mourning habit, 
King Henry shamefully 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉, at Auila.  sitting in a regal throne, the Crown upon his head, the Sceptre in his hand, and the sword laid before him. Into the same fields the Lords and Knights of the league came, bringing the Prince Don Alphonso with them: the Marquis, the Master of Alcantara, the Earl of Medelin, Gonçalo of Sahavedra, and the Secretary Alvaro Gomes, stood a great space from the scaffold: the rest went up, and standing round about the statue, a certain writing was read, by the which King Henry was degraded, and condemned to lose his royal dignity; containing four chief points, according to which, and as each of them were reading, the Archbishop of Toledo, did first take the Crown from his head, as deserving to be deprived from the dignity of King: then the Earl of Plaisance took away the sword, when they read the Article, that he was no more worthy to administer justice: afterward, the Earl of Benavent, even as the Crier pronounced, that he was unfit to govern the kingdom, took the sceptre out of his hand: and finally, when they came to the chief point, which did deprive him of his royal throne, the statue was thrown down from his seat, with many unworthy and outrageous speeches, by Diego Lopes of Suniga, 
D. Alphonso the king's brother declared king of Castille.  or Estuniga a brother to the Earl of Plaisance. After that this ceremony was ended, the other Lords drew near with the Prince Alphonso, and mounting the scaffold, they took and lifted him up on their shoulders, and began to cry, Castille, Castille for the king Don Alphonso: then the trumpets did sound, and they all were to kiss his hand, as their King.  
This was done in the month of june, in the year 1465. 
1465.  which when King Henry understood, he took it very patiently, and rehearsed the verse of the Prophet Esay: I have nourished and brought up children, and they have despised me: but although these treacherous and disloyal servants, have so wronged and scorned me by the statue which they have degraded, and thrown away all respect and duty which they own unto me: yet they cannot keep me, who am the true king from having strength and courage to chastise and disperse them: for I hope in our Lord jesus Christ, which is the just judge of Kings, that their wickedness shall be destroyed, and my innocency made known to the whole world. Then he wrote to the three Estates, cities, and commonalties of Castille, concerning these disorders, and levied men at arms from all parts, promising exemptions, liberties, privileges, and recompenses to such as would serve him in that extremity; for he knew very well, that Toledo and Burgos had erected Don Alphonso's banners, and that the Master of Calatrava, who was strong in Andalusia, had caused Sevile and Cordova to rebel, and had drawn the Duke of Medina Sidonia, the Earl of Arcos, and Don Alphonso of Aguilar, with many others, to their league: wherefore this poor unfortunate King would oftentimes say: Naked I came out of my mother's womb, and the earth must receive me naked: 
Patience of king Henry.  no man can become so poor as he was born: and if God do now chastise me for my sins, he will comfort and preserve me hereafter; for his infinite power killeth, and giveth life, hurteth and healeth, giveth kingdoms, and taketh them away, lifts up kings, and throweth them down again even as he pleaseth.  
Whilst that Castille was thus troubled, the kingdom of Arragon was not at rest: for King john having made a truce with the King of Castille, 
Arragon. and Navarre.  since the year 1464. being contented to live at peace on that side, albeit he was deprived of that which was adjudged him by the sentence of the French King Lewis the eleventh, he did notwithstanding since continually press the Cattelans, and other Rebels by force of arms, to the end to reduce them to their former duties and allegiance: This truce was sworn unto by Commissioners on either side, namely, by Gaston the Earl of Foix, in the name of the king john his father-in-law, and by Donna Leonora his wife, heir to the Crown of Navarre, who to obtain the right of succession (if we may believe the Spanish Authors) was not afraid to cause Donna Blanch the Queen of Castille, 
A cruel appetite of 〈◊〉 in the Countess of Foix  her eldest sister, to be poisoned, who was kept for a time by her and her husband prisoner at the town of Lescar in the Country of Bearne, by the consent of King john her father, to the end to keep this poor Princess from marrying any more.  
As concerning the wars of Cattelogne, the estates of that Country did not faint, 
Continuance of the war of Cattelogne.  although they were forsaken by the King of Castille, nor abated any jotte of their hatred against their Prince, but rejecting him as a wicked murderer of his own son, they chose (as hath been already said) Don Pedro the third Constable of Portugal, son Don Pedro Duke of Coimbra, unto whom for the same effect they sent Ambassadors to Ceuta, where he remained with the King Don Alphonso of Portugal, warring upon the African Moors: whilst they attended his coming, (the Spaniards sent to their aid by the king Don Henry, not being yet departed) the war continued cruelly in the countries of Cattelogne and Arragon with variable success.  
The Knights of the Order of Montesa taking the King's part, did greatly trouble the town and country of Tortosa, and took the city of Esmereta, which the Castillans had won in the last wars, who had given many overthrows to those of Tarrassona and Borja, and others which were on K. john's side. Those of Barcelona, being masters of the sea, and strong enough by land, did obtain sundry victories, and defeated the Prior of S. john's. Those of Lerida rebelling again, constrained the king to besiege their town, wherein commanded as chief Pedro de Deça, who dared to offer the king battle, where they fought so valiantly, that albeit the king obtained the victory, yet he lost more men than the besieged, who made divers furious sallies upon the King's army, leaving still behind them bloody marks: but in the end being constrained by famine, they yielded with condition, to have their lives and goods saved, which the king granted them, because he would not appear over rigorous, and to the end that he might bring others to do the like, by that example of clemency. john de Lazcano a Knight born in Guipuscoa was left Governor of Lerida; 
Don Ped●o of Portugal crowned king at barcelona.  the army marching against Ceruera, to invest which place Don Alphonso and Don john of Arragon the king's bastard sons were sent before. In the mean time, D. Pedro of Portugal being arrived, received, and crowned King at Barcelona, according to the usual ceremonies of Arragon, he determined with the forces which he found in Cattelogne, those which he had brought from Portugal, and with certain Castillan Knights who of their own accord remained in that country, to secure Ceruera: but being come to Igualada, and understanding by his spies, that his forces were not sufficient to raise King's john's army from before that place, he returned to Barcelona with great difficulty. Afterward to divert the Earl of Pratas, who did furiously batter the town of Tarraga for King john, he brought his army into his country, where he took Pratas, and committed divers spoils there, which king john having notice of, he caused the Earl to departed from before Tarraga, and sent him more soldiers, conducted by his son Don Fernand, with commandment to mere with Don Pedro, whose army consisted of six thousand and five hundred men at the most, 
Don Pedro and the Cattelans defeated near to Calaf.  being Cattelans, Portugueses, Navarrois, Burgondians and others: with these forces he came forth of Pratas, and met with the enemy about Calaf. As both the armies were in sight, an infinite multitude of storks appeared flying in the air, which troubled the minds of all men on either side, reputing it as prodigious: The battles being joined, D. Pedro was overcome, and saved himself by favour of the night in Pratas, where he had left a sufficient Garrison. To this battle of Calaf came Don Henry of Arragon, son to the Infant D. Henry, and Lady Beatrice Pimentel who was surnamed the fortunate Infant. D. Pedro who entitled himself King, left Pratas; and retired himself to Manrresa, from whence he sent a captain named Bertrand of Almendrades, to the succour of Ceruera, and he himself entered into the Province of Ampurdan, where he fortified his camp with new succours from the town of Besalu; he battered and took Tibrana, and came to besiege Bisball, 
D. Pedro and the Cattelans again defeated before Poblin.  the which having beaten to no purpose, and spent many great shot, he raised his siege, and came to Poblin: thither on every side came King john's people in such numbers, as D. Pedro was constrained to fight again, where again he was overcome, and lost a thousand foot men, and two hundred and threescore horse.  
As these exploits were performed in Cattalonia, the Earl Gaston de Foix who governed Navarre, with his wife Donna Leonora, called the Princess of Viana, by the advise of those of his council, resolved to enterprise something upon Castille, in counterchange of the towns of La guard, Arcos and Saint Vincent, which the Castillans had withheld since the last war, against the sentence given by the French King. Having then with great diligence and secrecy assembled great forces, he forced easily and without loss of his people, 
Calaorra taken by Gaston de Foix from the Spaniards.  the City of Calaorra to yield, wherein he did a thing very pleasing and agreeable to the confederate Knights against King Henry, which were within Auila with Prince Don Alphonso, whose Ambassador remained in the Court of Navarre.  
This being done, the Earl was advised to send to the King of Castille, to give him to understand, that what he had done, was not to break the peace between Castille and Navarre, but only in manner of reprisal, in steed of the above mentioned towns, which he withheld, belonging to the Kingdom whereunto he had right: and if it might please him to send some one or other to him, to agree upon some good composition, according to right and equity, he would then submit himself thereunto. King Henry sent forthwith thither the licenciat Diego Henriques, who spoke proudly and audaciously to the Earl and the Princess his wife about the taking of Calaorra: They were chief ruled by the counsel of Nicholas, of Echavarri Bishop of Pampelona, and by his advise Diego Henriques was sent back, and with him an other of the same coat, to entreat King Henry to redeliver the three towns of La guard, Arcos, and Saint Vincent and that Calaorra should be forthwith restored back: and besides, that the Earl and the Princess should aid him with forces from Navarre against his own rebels, and would in no sort favour nor aid them. This embassage delivered to the King of Castille, at Segobia, did much content him, and he sent back the licenciat Diego with the Ambassador of Navarre to accomplish these restitutions, so that for assurance of what the Earl and the Princess should promise, they should give their children D. john and Donna Mary for hostages: The two Ambassadors being on their way, he of Castille stayed at Logrogno, and he of Navarre came to the Earl, unto whom he gave account of his charge: and according to that which was set down, the Earl and Diego Henriques met since in a certain place, yet they agreed upon nothing, the Earl of Foix being importuned to the contrary, by the league of Castille.  
The Castillan Ambassador foreseeing that the Earl meant to besiege Alfaro, he gave order speedily, that a hundred horsemen, with store of victuals, should enter into the same town: within a while after, the Earl being at Tudela, he sent for the Castillan Ambassador, to the end to treat again with him about an agreement, and he caused the Bishop of Pampelona, and Martin de Peralta to deal with him; but there was less done at this meeting then before, for the Bishop used many injurious speeches against King Henry, so as all men were ashamed of him: but the Ambassador of Castille did carry himself so modestly, and did refute the Bishop's words with such good reasons, as in the end he made him to acknowledge his fault, and to excuse himself. In conclusion, the end of their disputation, was, that the Earl would not send his children, and that if the King of Castille would not yield up the town, which he held in Navarre, he would then besiege Alfaro: with this resolution the Ambassador departed, and in four days space that he remained at Alfaro, he caused it to be fortified with rampires and defences, as much as his short stay would give him leave: from thence he went into Soria, and levied soldiers there, for the defence of the same place. Alfaro being besieged and furiously battered by the Earl, did hold out, notwithstanding that it is situated between Calaorra and Tudela, wherein were great garrisons of Frenchmen and Navarrois, so as within the space of twelve days, the succours of Castille appeared, consisting of one thousand three hundred horse, 
The B●shop of Pampeloa● causeth the towns o'L: guard, Saint 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉, to remain under the power of Castille.  and five thousand footmen, conducted by Alphonso de Areillan Lord de los Cameros: by reason whereof the Earl raised his siege, and brought back his people to Tudela: and soon after he received news that the Inhabitants of Calaorra had massacred the French Garrison there, and returned to the obedience of their Prince King Henry. These disorders did greatly displease the Earl, the Constable Lord Peter of Peralta, and others, who laid the whole fault upon the Bishop of Pampelona who was the cause that the towns of La Garda, Saint Vincent and Arcos, which of old times belonged to Navarre, have ever since remained in the power of Castille.  
King john after the victory, which his son had obtained at Poblin, received diverse Inhabitants of the Province of Ampurdan, which yielded to him, some willingly, others for fear. And desiring straightly to besiege Ceruera, a strong place by nature, he sent thither the troops of D. Alphonso, and those which the Queen held before Valdecona, a town seated within a mile of Tortosa: 
Igualada surprised by meane● of the discord of the Inhabitants.  but D. Alphonso, before he marched to the camp, understanding that the Inhabitants of Igualada were at dissension among themselves, some of them cleaving to the new King D. Pedro, the others to King john: he drew near to it, and found means to take it whilst they were at variance: Having gotten in, he used them kindly that held with King john, the others he severely punished: then he went to Ceruera, which was so speedily battered and assailed, as in the end it yielded upon composition to have their lives and goods saved, and their privileges entirely maintained: the which was granted. The government of that place was given to john de Carraxona, than they went to Pratas, where the new King D. Pedro had left a garrison, he himself being retired to Barcelona: Pratas was yielded, and Rodona likewise upon conditions, and the army passed on to Tortosa, the Prince D. Fernand conducting the foremost troops, who began to encamp before Amposta, having with great difficulty passed the river Ebro, hich was greatly swelled and risen. The siege of Amposta was long and difficult, winter drawing near, which proved that year so exceeding cold, 
A cold winter.  beyond the custom of the country, as it is reported that wolves came into the soldiers tents and cabanes as though they had been tame: and great numbers of sundry sorts of snakes were found in the fields, which did no hurt at all, which did greatly amaze the soldiers who held those things for strange prognostications: 
Snakes among the army in the dead of winter.  so as King john was constrained to comfort and animate his people with orations and friendly speeches, wherein a Sicillian Gentleman named Scipio Patello, who was wise and eloquent, did him good service. By the great labour of the soldiers, and extreme diligence of the captains, Amposta was taken by force, where the King executed some of the principal Inhabitants, 
Amposta take● by King john.  and pardoned others, as namely the Governor who with divers others had taken the castle.  
After this they besieged Tortosa which the King greatly desired, who sent thither D. Alphonso his son, to shut in the Inhabitants, and to prepare things in readiness to batter it. The townsmen perceiving it was in good earnest, sent forty of their Citizens to the King, to persuade him to desist from that enterprise, and to assure him that Tortosa would not rebel against him, if the other towns of Cattalonia would compound and yield: therefore they entreated him to go to some other place, and to leave them in peace; otherwise, he should think, that if the taking of Amposta cost him so dear, that Tortosa, which was much stronger, and greater, would stand him in no less. The King knowing that the Tortosans were none of the valiantest, answered them, that if they did not submit themselves to his obedience, he would severely punish them: which they refusing, the war began to be very sharp in every place about the City, with the daily loss of many on either side: the town was battered with great fury on all parts, and the besieged made diverse brave sallies upon the enemies. D. Pedro who named himself King, did desire to succour Tortosa; but being with his forces on the way, he died by poison (as it is reported) in the City of Granol, 
D. Pedro of Portugal poisoned.  five miles distant from Barcelona. King john being advertised of the death of his enemy, did not dissemble the joy that he felt, not the Barcelonois their grief and sorrow: but those of Tortosa were especially grieved for the hope of succour which they expected from him: 
Tortosa yielded to King john.  so as being out of hope of help, and extremely beaten every day, they yielded upon reasonable terms.  
These things were done in Cattalonia, at the same time that the Prince Alphonso was proclaimed King of Castille at Auila, 
Castille.  and King Henry degraded by the confederate Lords, unto whose service and readvancement, from sundry parts of the Realm divers Noble men resorted: but Don Garcia Aluares de Toledo Earl of Alva de Tormes was he that showed the greatest love and affection towards him, for he brought to his aid one thousand footmen, three hundred men at arms, and two hundred light horse or genets: he dwelled near to Salamanca. The King sent the Earl of Alva and his troops to Zamora with john Bernandes Galindo, who had command of the residue of the army: he himself with the Queen, and the Infanta Isabel, went to Ledesma, where he was sumptuously entertained and feasted by the Duke of Albuquerque for the space of eight days: from whence having assembled three hundred men at arms and two hundred genets, they accompanied the King to Zamora. The Queen and the Infanta Isabella went into Portugal to request aid of the King, whereof there was great need, but their labour was in vain. At Zamora daily arrived great numbers of soldiers for the King's service. The Earl of Transtamara brought thither two hundred men at arms, and two hundred genets, the Earl of Valencia, a hundred men at arms, and two hundred genets, others brought more or less according to their abilities. The King sent three hundred Lances to Segobia, to accompany the Lady joane his supposed daughter to Zamora, where with great pomp he entered the City under a canopy and in a Kingly habit.  
In the mean time the Master of Calatrava, 
D. Pedro Gyron, Master of Calatrava, stirsin Andeluzia against the King.  stirred up all Andaluzia for the contrary part, and drew some by persuasions, gifts and promises, & others by threatenings, force and violence. Having done his best (but in vain) to induce D. john de Valençuela to join himself with the confederate Lords, he took him prisoner and would not release him, till he had snatched divers fortresses from him, with the which not being satisfied, he took from him all the places belonging to the priory of Saint john, and gave them to D. Alvaro de Estuniga third son to the Earl of pleasance; He dispossessed also the Bishop of jaen, the King's faithful servant, from all that he held, notwithstanding that he used his goods and houses, boldly and familiarly as his guest. The Constable of Castille D. Michael Lucas de Irançu, D. Pedro de Cordova Earl of Cabra and his children, the Marshal of Castille D. Diego; the Commandor de Estepa D. Martin, and Martin Alphonso Lord of Alcaudete, did oppose themselves against the Master of Calatrava. The intent of the confederate Lords was to go and besiege Simancas, and being gone from Valiodolit for the same purpose with great store of men and munition, by the way they took Pegnafleur: where whilst they were busied, the King caused john Fernandes Galindo to enter into Simancas with three hundred horse: and not long after the town being invested by the enemy, it was a hard matter to say, whether the beseegers or the besieged were in most fear.  
In the mean space whilst they lay before that town, 
The Archbishop of Teledo chief of the rebels derided.  the knavish boys and lackeys which were within the same did gather themselves together upon a day, and in derision of the league, they made an image representing the Archbishop of Toledo, which they named the new D. Opas the Apostata, in the days of Count julian, who brought the Moors into Spain against King Roderick: then they made one amongst them a judge, who sitting in a seat, commanded the image should be imprisoned: and afterward he pronounced sentence, which was, that Alphonso Carillo Archbishop of Toledo, following the steps of the old Bishop Opas, the ruin of Spain, for that he had betrayed the King his natural Lord, rebelling against him, and detaining his money, towns and fortresses which he had committed to him, was condemned to be drawn up and down the streets, and public places of Simancas, a trumpet going before, who should proclaim, that the King did command this justice to be done to the traitor Opas, as a recompense due for his treacheries and treasons, and that then it should be burned. This sentence being pronounced aloud, the image was carried forth of the town, accompanied with more than three hundred boys and lackeys, and burned near to the confederates army and in their sight. The Lords of the league perceiving that they could not take Simancas, did raise their siege and brought their forces back to Valiodolit.  
The King's army which was assembled at Toro did daily increase, to the which their joined the Earl of Medina Celi, with five hundred Lances, the Marquis of Santillana with seven hundred, D. Pedro de Mendoça, Lord of Almaçan, with two hundred, and a great number of footmen; divers others also came thither, so that there were reckoned to be four score thousand footmen and fourteen thousand horse, as well men at arms as light horse: who were all of them very desirous to fight and to do the King good service, who by the advice of the Lords and captains of his army, caused the camp to dislodge, and to advance towards the enemies, the Earl of Alva de Tormes leading the vanguard, and the battle was conducted by D. Pedro Gonçales de Mendoça Bishop of Calaorra.  
The army marching near to Tordesillas, a captain of the vanguard, named Garci mends of Badajos, disbanding with about two hundred horse, met near to Valiodolit with john Carillo, a Knight of the Admirals, leading a band of fifty horse, whom he fought with, vanquished, and took john Carillo prisoner, being grievously hurt, who was brought into a Chapel thereby, where he entreated to speak with the King before he died, for he felt himself wounded to the death. The King at the entreaty of his friends came to visit the prisoner, whose end drew near: he craved pardon of the King for bearing arms against him, and told him that he was come from Valiodolit the same day, by the commandment of those that had power over him, to find means to kill him, and he did moreover reveal to the King sundry other wild practices; the King said, that he pardoned him with all his heart, and prayed God to pardon him likewise, and he inquired further of him, who those were which sought his life, and which did set him a work; he entreated the King to send away them that stood by, and then in great secrecy he told their names, which could never after be known, for the King never told it to any man living: the next day after john Carillo died of his hurts. The King being at Simancas, his great and mighty army stretched itself even to the gates of Valiadolit, where the confederates did remain, nevertheless the affairs were drawn out at length, without any matter of note. Thither came the Queen Donna joane, with the Infant Donna Isabel, who were returned from Portugal, where they had obtained nothing at all for the good of Castille: for notwithstanding that they had endeavoured for to renew the treaty of marriage mentioned at the interview of the-Kings at the Archbishop's bridge, nevertheless the King Don Alphonso did abhor to marry his son to Donna joane, who was begotten in adultery, of the Queen of Castille his cousin, by the Duke of Albuquerque Don Bertrand dela Cueva  
These things standing at a stay, the King and the Marquis of Villena did see one an other, and by the advice of Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoça Marquis of Santillana, and of Don Alvaro of Estuniga, chief justice of Castille, called and chosen on both parts, it was concluded, that every man should lay by his arms and return to his own house: and that during the truce, which should continue for the space of some five months following, they should treat of a peace, and of the means how to give content to all men; but chiefly, to cause the Prince Don Alphonso to renounce his royalty. This was proclaimed through the camp, near to Montejo in the territory of Arevalo, signed and sealed by the King, the Archbishop of Toledo, 
The King knows not how to profit himself by his great forces.  and the Marquis of Villena, and underneath by the secretrary Garcia de Arcareso de Montdragon.  
The King had small reason to yield to these things, having an army of a hundred thousand fight men; whereas his enemies were very weak in respect of him, and unprovided of money, victuals, munition and other things necessary for such an enterprise, but God would have it so. The King being come back to Simancas, dismissed his soldiers with liberal payment; then at Medina del Campo, whether he came soon after, he recompensed the Lords after this manner: He gave to D. Peco Gonçales de Mendoça Bishop of Calaorra the thirds of Guadalajara with the revenue thereof: to his brother D. Diego Hurtado de Mendoça Marquis of Santillana, he gave the town of Saint Andrew, 
Recompenses made by the King to the Lords that followed him.  joining to the lands of his Marquisat, with a yearly pension of seven hundred thousand Maravedis: to the other brother D. Inigo de Mendoça, and to Don Lorenzo de Suares Vicont of Torreja, and to D. johu Hur●ado de Mendoça, pensions according to their degrees, to D. Lewis de la Cerde Earl of Medina Celi, the City of Agreda with the territory: to D. Garci Aluares de Toledo Earl of Alva, Carpia, with sundry places near to Salamanca: to D. Aluar Peres Osorio Lord of Villalobos and Earl of Transtamara, the City of Astorga with the title of Marquis, to D. john de Acugna Earl of Valencia, the Earldom of Pravia and Gijon, with the title of Duke of Valencia: to D. Pedro de Mendoça, Lord of Almaçan, a yearly pension of 300000. Maravedis, assigned him, on the hill of Mountagu: to D. Alvaro de Mendoça, captain of his men at arms, the City of Requegna, with the revenue and profit of the port and haven thereof. Other gifts and recompenses did the King make to his Knights, the which, or at least the most part of them, have ever since remained in their families.  
The end of the twentieth Book.    

SEMPER EADEM THE ONE AND twentieth Book of the General History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 COntinuance of the troubles in Castille.  
2 The unworthy marriage of the Infanta Donna Isabel, Agreed upon by her brother King Henry, and hindered by the sudden and unlooked for death of Don Pedro Giron.  
3 Societies of Castille, union of the Provinces and commonalties holding together for the administration of justice.  
4 Assembly at Madrid: tumult in the same town: Behaviour of those of Mendoça: The Marquis of Villena promoted to the Mastership of Saint James. Battle of Olmedo.  
5 The Pope useth all diligence to procure the peace of Castille. Censures, the rebels appeal to a future Counsel. The taking of Segobia. The King D. Henry forsaken.  
6 Agreement betwixt the King and the confederate Lords. Evil behaviour of Donna joane Queen of Castille.  
7 Strife for the Bishopric of Siguença, Murders at Burgos.  
8 Seditions in Toledo: magnanimity, and equity of the Infant Don Alphonso chosen King.  
9 D. Alphonso de Primentel, Earl of Benavent, enterpriseth against his father in law Don john de Pacheco Marquis of Villena.  
10 Practices of those of Toledo against the Infant Don Alphonso in the behalf of King Henry: Rashness of the Bishop of Badajos, and of Donna Maria de silva and of that which happened.  
11 Death of the Infant D. Alphonso: wisdom of the Infanta Donna Isabel: Peace betwixt the King and the confederate Lords.  
12 Infamous life of Donna joane Queen of Castille: the Lords of Mendoça practice against the peace: the Infanta Donna Isabel declared Princess of the Asturis, and presumptive heir of Castille.  
13 Continuance of the wars of Barcelona: Renee of Anjou chosen King of Arragon by the Barcelonois, Exploits of the French in Cattalonia: death of the Duke of Calabria.  
14 Gaston Earl of Foix desirous to reign before his time, stirreth up troubles in the Kingdom of Navarre.  
15 Queen joane of Arragon dies, and confesseth her fault.  
16 Gaston of Foix the younger dies at Liborna. Beginning, and continuance of the house of Foix.  
17 Covenants betwixt King john of Arragon and his daughter the Countess of Foix heir of Navarre.  
18 Assembly at Ocagna: New deseignes of King Henry of Castille.  
19 The King of Castile's journey into Andaluzia.  
20 Marriage betwixt the Infanta Donna Isabel, and the Prince D. Fernand heir of Arragon, Sicill, Naples etc. Articles and covenants of the same.  
21 A rash act of D. Alphonso de Aguilar against the Lords of Cabra. The taking of Simancas, with other outrages.  
22 Spanish superstitions.  
23 Practices, pursuits and quarrels betwixt the Lords of Castille. Alva erected into a Duchy.  
24 Muley Alboacen King of Granado, whose posterity remaineth in Spain till this day.  
25 Treaty of Marriage betwixt King Henry of Castile's supposed daughter and the Duke of Guyenne, brother to the French King Lewis the eleventh. Lands of Infantasgo given to the house of Mendoça.  
26 Donna Isabel Princess of Castille disinherited: King Henry forswears himself: Donna joane and the Duke of Guyenne betrothed together by Ambassadors. The duke dies.  
27 The Archbishop of Toledo raiseth new troubles.  
28 Quarrels betwixt the Earls of Haro and Trevigno.  
29 African expeditions, and other affairs of Portugal.  
30 Interview of the Kings of Castille and Portugal.  
31 End of the war of Barcelona.  
32 Rash and successless enterprise of the Princess Leonora Countess of Foix against the city of Pampelona, and those of Beaumond.  
33 Second marriage of the Marquis of Villena Master of Saint James.  
34 Roderigo Borgia Cardinal and legate in Spain.  
35 New Christians massacred at Cordova and jaen, where the Constable of Castille Don Michael Lucas of Irançu was murdered: The same dignity given to the house of Velasco.  
36 Enterprise of the Master of Saint james against D. Andrea de Cabrera: D. Pedro Gonçal de Mendoça made Cardinal.  
37 Parliament at Madrid, determinations thereof. Outrage and insolency of the Master of Saint james: Interview of King Henry of Castille, and of the Princess Donna Isabel his sister, and likewise of Prince Fernando her husband. Privilege of the Earl of Ribadeo. Suspicious banquet.  
38 Death of Earl Gaston de Foix husband to Princess Leonora of Navarre: her titles: hard suspicions of her chastity: the Bishop of Pampelona murdered.  
39 King john of Arragon and Lewis the eleventh the French King, quarrel about the Earldom of Rossillon.  
40 Quarrels between the houses of Mendoça, and Pimentel.  
41 Death of D. john de Pacheco Master of Saint james: Three masters of the same Order contend together at one time. Last acts of king Henry of Castille.   
The one and twentieth Book of the History of Spain.  
NOtwithstanding the agreement made at Montejo, the Kingdom of Castille was never the more at quiet: for the Infant Don Alphonso called himself King nevertheless; and in his writings and letters patents (divers of which are to be seen in Spain at this day, as namely at Valiodolit and Arevalo) he named himself King of Castille, Leon, Toledo, Galicia, Sivil, Cordova, Murcia, jaen, Algarua, Algezire, and Gibraltar, and Lord of Biscay and Molina: neither did the confederate Lords lay down their arms, according as they had sworn and promised: perceiving very well that all King Henry's great forces and means would come to nothing through his negligence and carelessness: by means whereof the Realm of Spain grew infamous through the robberies and oppressions which the soldiers did daily commit in every place without any punishment at all.  
It happened on a day as the confederates went out of Valiodolit to Alfaro, they were no sooner out of the town but the Inhabitants shut their gates against them, 
Those of Valiodolit free themselves from the confederates subjection, and submit to the King.  putting themselves again under King Henry's obedience, and did drive all those out of their city which had any correspondence with the league. The King being advertised thereof, came suddenly thither, where he was received with great joy. In recompense of the loss of Valiodolit, the confederates made an enterprise upon Simancas, thinking to have taken it by scalado, but they themselves were taken, and divers of them sent back to Valiodolit, where they were cut in quarters. The King did for all this hearken to the agreement which had been resolved among them, and did bend his ear to whatsoever was propounded by the Marquis, whose only drift was to take him, if he could have but drawn him into any place fit for the purpose: but the King hearing thereof, stood still upon his guard, and when at any time there was any occasion of meeting to confer, he always sent the Bishop of Calaorra and john Fernandes Galindo unto them. They concluded upon nothing, so that many Lords which followed the Court, took their leaves, and returned to their own houses. There remained continually with the King the Bishop of Calaorra the Marquis of Santillana and his brethren; the Earls of Haro, Valence, and Cabra, the new Marquis of Astorga, the Constable D. Michael Lucas de Irançu, and the Duke of Albuquerque.  
The King having left a good garrison in Valiodolit, returned to Segobia: at the same time the affairs of the confederates, 
The Prince D. Alphonso chosen King, in miserable captivity in the keeping of the confederates.  were in bad terms, and if the King or they which were near about him had truly understood themselves, he might very easily have dissolved that league, for the Marquis through want of means, was very badly and unwillingly followed by those which were about him.  
The Prince Don Alphonso distrusting the end of their enterprises, would willingly have made an atonement with the King his brother: but they held him very short, and threatened him, that if he made but the least show to bend that way, to present him with a cup of poison: thereupon by means of the Archbishop of Seville, a very unseemly agreement was made, to the which nevertheless the King gave ear willingly: which was, to marry the Infanta Donna Isabel his sister to Don Pedro Giron Master of Calatrava upon condition that he should promise to cause Prince Alphonso to give over the title of King, 
An other agreement not well digested.  and to furnish a certain sum of money with three thousand lances for the King's service: besides this, it was concluded that the Bishop of Calaorra and the Duke of Albuquerque should leave the Court, who forthwith without any contradiction did so. The Infanta Donna Isabel was wonderfully afflicted with grief when she understood these news, 
Magnanimity of the Infanta D. Isabel.  considering the inequality of the marriage, and the indignity offered her by the King her brother, and like a noble and courageous Princess, she determined rather to kill herself then ever to yield unto it: but first of all, she thought it fit to try all possible means how to rid this new husband of his life: she had a very trusty Gentlewoman named Beatrice of Boadilla, who offered with the help of her husband Andrew de Cabrera, to kill the Master upon the wedding night, as soon as he should offer to lie down by the Princess: this Lady was by the Infanta at her coming to the crown of Castille created marquess of Moya.  
These things being thus plotted; 
Death of Don Padro ●yron Master of Ca●atrau●.  it happened that as the Master D. Pedro Giron was on his way to the Court to solemnize his marriage, bringing with him great numbers of horsemen, he was taken with a grievous sickness, whereof he died at Villarubia, having held the Mastership of Calatrava one and twenty years: whether this happened accidentally, or otherways, it remains doubtful; but his death was very displeasing to the King, who thought by means of this marriage to give an end to all the miseries and troubles of his Kingdom, and to re-enter into his former authority and quiet. In his place, his son Don Roderigo Tellez Gyron was chosen Master of Calatrava, by virtue of a grant which he obtained from Rome, who was the last Master of that order saving one: a brother of his called Don Alphonso Tellez Giron succeeded in the Lordship and Earldom of Vruena, both of them remaining under the government and protection of their uncle D. john de Pacheco, Marquis of Villena. These things happened in the year 1466. 
An. 1466. A Prodigy.  at which time there were seen in Castille such huge numbers of Storks, as they did darken and hinder the light of the Sun, the which did greatly asright the people, who did interpret it for a sign of misery and mishap to the kingdom.  
In these times lived D. Roderigo Sanches of Arevalo, who was very familiar with Pope Paul the second, and by him made captain of the castle of Saint Angelo, where he wrote an History of Spain, which at this day is common with every man, and is called the Palentine History, because a Bishop of Palença was author thereof, and it was dedicated to this King Henry. The city of Victoria, for that it had, during all the troubles, remained faithful to the King, did obtain this year a free market, once every week upon the Thursday, whose privilege was despatched by the Secretary Pedro Arias: it is one of the most frequented markets in the whole country.  
After the Master of Calatraua's death: the troubles were a little calmed, by reason that no man was resolved what to do: the Earl of Benavent acknowledging the offence which he had committed against the King, did secretly withdraw himself from the league, and returned to his service: the King to recompense him, gave him the town of Portillo, which he had taken a little before his reconciliation. About the same time, the Prince Don Alphonso, who was termed King, accompanied with the Archbishop of Toledo, and many other Knights, came to Portillo, where being received, he was lodged in the castle, and the others in the town: on the morrow as the Archbishop and the other Lords came to wait upon the Prince at his rising, they found the gates shut against them, and they were willed to get them thence, for that Don Alphonso did no longer regard their company, whereat the Archbishop was greatly troubled, and from that time did conceive an extreme hatred against the Earl, who had put that trick upon him, the better thereby to insinuate himself into the King's favour: yet for all that the Marquis of Villena, who was very wise and subtle, and did desire for to maintain the league united, used diverse means to reconcile them, and to apply a plaster to that wound, which in some sort did heal outwardly.  
The Earl in recompense of the good service which he had done to the King, demanded of him the Mastership of Saint james, at that time vacant, the which was granted to him: but persuading himself to make use of the Marquis of Villena's favour, who was his father in law, whom he made believe that he was still of his side, he inwardly found the contrary.  
The continual robberies and outrages committed over all Spain by these Lords and their followers, not only suffered in the country, but even in towns and houses, by reason the wars did constrain the Inhabitants of the towns and cities to make societies, and fellowships, to oppose themselves against these tyrants and robbers; and the better to bring it to pass, they drew certain chief points and Articles, and chose places to meet at, at days appointed, the King backing and assisting them therein, notwithstanding that sundry of his followers, as well as of the league, did go about to hinder so profitable an enterprise, 
Hermandades, or brotherhoods in Castille, union of the Provinces and commonalties holding together for the administration of justice.  whereby the Realm was defended from many evils; it being God's pleasure that the King should persist in his determination to maintain his commonalties, and to do justice, which began to be sincerely administered. The conclusions of these societies was made in the City of Tordesillas, where the Deputies of all the Provinces were assembled, where that of Guipuscoa, most of all shaken and troubled by the factions of the Gamboins and Ognazins, did receive the greatest benefit. They did establish captains and governors over each of them: these are the Hermandades or brotherhoods (as they call them) who in some sort may be likened to the Provincial provost Marshals in sundry places of France; but that they execute their duties with greater care.  
During the assembly at Tordesillas, the King remained at Coca, a town belonging to the Archbishop of Seville, conferring with the confederates under the Bishop's safeconduct: but there was nothing of worth concluded on; so as the King returned to Segobia, and the league to Arevalo. An other assembly, 
Assembly at Madrid.  at the request of divers, was assigned at Madrid, the same town being for six months given to the Archbishop of Seville, to the end that every man might come thither in safety and without suspicion: The King Henry, the Marquis of Villena, and the chief Lords of either faction did meet: the Prince D. Alphonso remained in the mean time at Ocagna, whether the Archbishop of Toledo (who was reconciled to him) had brought him: This other conference was as fruitless as the former. The Lady Leonora Pimentell Countess of Playsancia came to Madrid, being called thither by both sides to mediate the peace: this Lady was held to be greatly affected to King Henry's service. The Lords being busied about these affairs, 
King Henry oppresseth his trusty servants, and dares not touch the rebels.  the Marquis being desirous to entertain the troubles and to extract discord from discord, went about to corrupt Pedro Arias de Auila the King's good servant: finding him firm and constant, he handled the matter so, as the Archbishop of Seville, by slanderous and false reports, did excite the credulous King in such sort against him, as he committed him to prison being sore hurt, and caused him to be shut up in the base court of the castle of Madrid. And not contented therewith, the King went expressly to Segobia, thinking there to surprise the Bishop of the same City, called Don john de Arias, brother to Don Pedro, but the Bishop having notice of what was done to his brother, retired himself thence: wherefore the King seeing that he was escaped, dissembled his intent; nevertheless all honest people were greatly offended to see the King without discretion to oppress his faithful servants, and not dare to lay hand upon rebels.  
The Deputies of the towns, and the captains of the commonalties made means for Don Pedro's deliverance, which the King granted, all men being pleased therewith, except the confederates, who never left practising with the King till they drew him to condescend to go along with them to pleasance, there to confer with more ease and better commodity: which being allowed of by divers of his council, he would needs departed thence with the Queen his wife, the Infanta Donna Isabella, and Donna joane his supposed daughter, upon the safeconduct of the Earl of pleasance. This resolution being understood by others of the King's faithful servants, 
Tumult at Madrid.  which were not made acquainted therewith, they assembled in the Church of Saint 'Gins, where it was resolved, that seeing that the King would needs go on to his destruction, the lower Colonels or Captains of the commonalties, with four other of his own servants should be sent unto him, to advertise him of the danger of such a conference, at the place whether he meant to go and if he would persist in his determination, then to protest, that they would hinder his journey by arms. The King took this message in good part, and feigning to consent thereto, debated again with those which did allow of that journey: wherefore holding his purpose, there arose such a tumult in the City as the Archbishop of Seville and the Countess of pleasance, fearing that the people would fall upon them, in all haste ran out of the town, and waited for the King on the other side of the river, right over against the castle, accompanied with three hundred horse: the King being ready to come forth, the mutiny did so increase, as the people and those of the Court who were discontented with that journey, 
The king will held by force and kept ●●em the amo●●shes of 〈…〉 whereinto he headlong ran.  running to arm themselves, went out of the town, crying out, kill those traitors that lead away the King, whom they compessed about and withheld by force. The Archbishop and the Countess being in great fear, fled to Illesca, where the Infant Don Alphonso lay, with whom they passed over the mountain, and retired to Arevalo. King Henry being brought back to his lodging, received a guard to prevent the practises of the confederates. The Court soon after removed to Segobia, whether Pedro of Hontibero was sent, by the league, having in charge to try if he could draw Pedro Ari●s de Auila to their party, but he lost his labour: and where force could not prevail, treasons and deceits were set on foot of all sides, for Pedro de silva captain of Olmedo delivered up that place to the confederates, who presently lodged therein: by reason whereof the King sent to will the Marquis of Santillana to lie with five hundred horse at Saint Christofers, a Bourrough half a mile distant from Segobia. The King at the request of the Marquis, 
The house of Mendoza at this time, govern the kingdom of Castille.  committed Donna joane, whom he maintained for his daughter, to the keeping of D. Inigo Lopes de Mendoça Earl of Tendilla his brother, who under good guard, placed her in the castle of Buytrago: the Marquis of Santillana, the Earl of Tendilla and the Bishop of Calaorra brethren, were at that time of the council of State and did rule the Kingdom.  
Those of Medina del Campo, being continually vexed by the garrisons of the confederates which held La Mote; demanded aid; wherefore the King in their behalf drew near to Cuellar. Thither came secretly D. Pedro de Velasco, eldest son to the Earl of Haro, by the commandment (as he said) of his father, who craved pardon of the King for offending him, protesting ever afterwards to become his faithful servant, and to bring seven hundred horse to his service, three hundred of which should be genets; and a certain number of footmen for the succour of Medina. The King, who of his own nature was but to mild, and at that time had need of men, did freely pardon him, and sent him back for those men which he offered. Other Noblemen were also sent for by the King, namely the Earl of Alva who made no great haste.  
Don Pedro de Velasco being returned with the seven hundred horse, all the forces came to Cuellar. It is reproted, that Don Pedro used these speeches to the King. Sir, the Earl my father hath commanded me to present this writing unto you (it was a gift for the tenths at sea) beseeching you to sign and grant it, and to receae from him this aid of horse and foot: and if you shall refuse him this grant, he hath put it to my choice to do as I shall think good. The King did very easily yield to his request, considering what great need he had of his service. By this time the King's Army was very strong, and diverse of the great Lords of the King's Council, being tired with such toils which were to no purpose, and would never be ended, unless some violent proceed might be used, were of opinion to seek means to come to blows, and therefore they drew near to Olmedo, provoking the confederates (who had there assembled their forces) to battle: the which was resolved and determined, albeit the King withstood it.  
As the army marched to Olmedo, there arrived in the King's camp a King at arms, sent by the Archbishop of Seville to D. Bertrand de la Cueus Duke of Albuquerque, to give him to understand that there were forty Knights of the confederates of Prince Alphonso's train, that had vowed upon the day of battle to seek him out in the midst of the ranks, and to kill him: wherefore he wished him to fight that day in disguised armour.  
This valiant and generous Knight, whom King Henry with better reason might have made a sharer in his Sceptre then in his bed; answered the Herald, that he did highly thank the Archbishop for the good will which he seemed to bear him, but yet nevertheless he would not disguise himself: then he lead him unto his lodging and showed him the armour and coat of arms which he meant to wear on the day of battle, saying that he esteemed his honour before any danger, and therefore he entreated him to view and mark diligently the fashion of his arms, and the blazon and devices about them, to the end he might make the better and more certain report thereof to the forty Knights, who by that means should be sure to know him in the battle: then giving him a garment of silk with a good handful of ducats, he dismissed and sent him back, who did not fail to relate what he had seen, or heard the Duke say: Beside this, as King Henry's army drew near within two small leagues of Olmedo, D. Garcia of Padilla being come forth of the town, with fifty light horse to discover their forces, the Duke sent to speak with a certain Knight of that troop who was borne in Vbeda, who with his captains leave came and talked with him.  
The Knight being come into the Duke's presence, 
The Duke of Albuquerque desirous to come to battle.  was by him questioned what the confederate Lords in Olmedo meant to do, and whether that to his knowledge they would come to fields to offer battle: he answered him, that he did not only believe it, but that he did assuredly know, that if they came near the city, they would then present them battle: the Duke again asked the same question, and was again by him answered in the same manner: and if they do so quoth the Duke, I will give you ten thousand Maravedies of yearly rent. The Knight accepted the offer, and gave him great thanks, and was stayed their, until the King's whole army arrived, to the end that he might see it: Now the Duke had notice, that half the confederates forces were not joined, and therefore he was the more curious to understand their resolution: but soon after there came unto them the admirals troops, with those of the Archbishop of Seville, of the Earl of pleasance, and his daughter the Countess of Belalcaçar, they themselves remaining at home in their own houses, whilst these things were a doing, the Marquis of Villena, who was a great undertaker and very politic in all his enterprises, having drawn the prior of Uds and the thirteen Electors of the order of Saint james to Ocagna, 
The Marquis of Villena D. john de Pacheco causeth himself to be chosen Master of Saint James.  he caused himself to be chosen Master of the same order, in cannonicall manner, without the council advise or consent of King Henry, Prince Alphonso, nor the Sea of Rome, and without any approbation of the Estates of the Kingdom, and entitled himself Master of Saint james, to the great admiration of the Earl of Benavent, who laid claim thereunto by reason of the King's promise: yet in process of time the Marquis Don john de Pacheco was confirmed therein by the Pope.  
The confederate Knights who were within Olmedo, with the Infant Don Alphonso, being assured that the King's army came under the walls of Olmedo with intent to give them battle, if occasion were offered, came forth to fields to make resistance, and then divers messages and negotiations for peace were sent from side to side, but to no purpose.  
Amongst those which endeavoured to pacify matters and to keep them from fight was Don Pedro of Peralta, 
〈…〉 of Olmed●.  Constable of Navarre, whose daughter was married to Troilus Carillo of Acugna son to the Archbishop of Toledo: all treaties ceasing, the two armies made themselves ready to fight, being divided (as the manner than was) into sundry ●squadrons, the one following the other, the King was not there in person, but the Infant Alphonso appeared armed at all points, mounted upon a strong brave courser, riding from troop to troop encouraging his army. The Archbishop of Toledo did wear upon his armour a white stole, powdered with red crosses, leading a squadron of three hundred and threescore horse, where Alphonso's standard stood, and that day he approved himself a better soldier and man at arms then an Ecclesiastical pastor, for he was hurt in the left arm, and yet for all that he would not give over fight so long as he could sit on horseback, the battle being cruel and furious for the space of three hours, inclining to neither side.  
On the other side the Duke of Albuquerque behaved himself very valiantly; but if he had not been rescued in time by his father-in-law the Marquis of Santillana, he had remained a spoil to the Knights which had conspired his death, who did furiously poursue him: but he freed himself very nobly, and slew with his own hand D. Fernand of Fonseca, who died within four days after.  
Those which writ of this battle fought in the year 1467. 
1467.  two and twenty years and three months after another fought in the same place, 
An uncertain victory.  do not certainly affirm whose side got the victory: for they of the King's part took Don Alphonso's standard, with Don Diego de Melo that carried it, who was sore hurt: the Standards of the Earl of Plaisance, and his daughter the Countess of Belalcaçar, those of the Archbishop of seville, and Don Garcia of Padilla, who conducted the troops of the Marquis of Villena, Master of Saint james then absent, fell likewise into the King's power, divers Knights of these bands were slain, and about threescore and ten taken, among whom was the Earl of Luna, and likewise Don Henry Henriques, third son to the Admiral Don Frederick. The Confederates also took King Henry's banner, although it was not displayed, but found wrapped up among the baggage, a great part whereof they brought to Olmedo, and besides that, they took seven other standards, they slew two hundred and eight horsemen, and took more than four hundred prisoners, and yet for all that, the one side as well as the other, published the victory for his own, and bonfires were made in token of joy, as well at Medina del campo, as at Olmedo. All men affirm that they fought there in great disorder, and in manifest contempt of all martial discipline: the footmen on either side were rascally people, who thought upon nothing but pillage, or flight.  
The King who was absent from the Battle, having gathered his people together, made the same night a triumphant entry into Medina del campo, giving rest to his soldiers who had need thereof, the guard of the town being committed to the inhabitants, against those which held la Mote. The Ensigns and Standards which were won, were carried by the council of the Bishop of Calaorra, against the Kings will, into the Church of Saint Andrew and there left.  
The victory published and believed generally to be on the King's side, drew divers Lords to his service: nevertheless others did join themselves with the Confederates, in the number of whom was the Earl of Alva, whom the King had a long time expected in vain, hoping to meet him at that encounter, who received of the Archbishop and the Marquis the towns of the Archbishops bridge, and Montalban, for the which he was greatly blamed. The Master of S. james, who was absent from the battle, being come from Ocagna to Olmedo, was greatly discontented that they had fought, and did greatly complain of them that had given consent thereunto.  
Certain days after, Antonio de Veneris Bishop of Leon arrived at Medina del campo, scent as Legate from the Pope and the Consistory of Rome, 
The Pope sends a legate to treat of peace.  with ample authority, but no way limited, especially to treat about the pacifying of the wars of Castille: king Henry received him very honourably, and with great modesty and reverence to the Sea of Rome from whence he was sent, he did answer his Legacy, telling him nevertheless that he doubted his journey would prove fruitless, because of the rebels obstinacy. First of all the Legate enjoined both sides upon pain of excommunication, to lay by their arms for one whole year, to the end they might the better treat of peace: but the Confederates thinking that these State-matters and temporal differences were no game for the Pope, 
The confederate Lords contemn the censures.  made no account of Ecclesiastical censures in that point. It was thought fit that the Legate should confer with the confederate Lords betwixt Medina and Olmedo. The appointed day being come, the Legate came to the place, where with great insolency, he was compassed about with above three hundred horse of the league, which did greatly amaze him, for he was none of the stoutest Prelates. Presently after, Don john de Pacheco, 
The Master of S. james contradicts the Pope's authority over the temporal states  Master of Saint james, the Earl of Luna, the Bishop of Coria, with other Lords of the same faction came in place, unto whom the Legate showed his faculties and authority, to do in Spain what he thought good: Whereupon the Master of Saint james made him this answer, that those which had informed the Pope, that he had any power or authority to dispose of the estate of the Kingdoms of Spain or Leon, had deceived him: for that did belong only to him, and to the other great Lords of the same country.  
At this meeting, nor yet at another which was made near to Montejo de la Veja, was there any thing concluded on: Wherefore he began to proceed against the Confederates by Ecclesiastical censures; 
Appeal from the Pope to the next general Council.  but the Lords of the League did appeal to the first general Council, the Licentiate john d' Alco●er, and the Doctor Alphonso of Madrigal throwing in their appeals. The Lega●e perceiving his labour to be lost, would have gone back to Medina, but divers of the Rebels followed after him, crying out, We appeal, 
Insolency against the Legate.  we appeal, and with great outrages brought him back to Olmedo: the Archbishop of Toledo, and the Master of Saint james seeming to be discontented therewith, took upon them to defend him: Whilst the Legate was thus handled, the Confederates practised how to draw to their side Pedro Arias of Auila, and the Bishop Don john of Segobia his brother, who being already offended with the wrong, which the King had offered them, (whereof we have spoken heretofore) were easily persuaded thereunto: the chief doers in this business were Lewis de Mesa, Pedro Arias his familiar friend, Perucho of Munsaras Captain of the Castle of Segobia, Friar Rodrigo of Mesa Abbot of Parral, and brother to Lewis, with other Monks and Churchmen, who did lay a plot to deliver the city of Segobia to the Confederate Lords.  
Queen joane, Donna Izabella, with other Ladies and Gentlewomen of great place, were lodged in the palace of the same City, where they had notice of this practice, some of them with great fear began to dislodge: the Queen withdrew herself into the Cathedral Church, 
The city of Seigo●ia delivered to the confederate Lords.  where thinking herself not safe enough, she entreated to be received into the Castle, with the Duchess of Albuquerque and other Ladies: but the Infanta Donna Izabella had no will to remove: for being incensed against king Henry her brother, she had intelligence with the Prince Don Alphonso, and did wholly adhere to the Confederates, who entered into the City in arms, through a false port of the bishops lodgings, and made themselves master thereof without any resistance, to the great grief of the Inhabitants.  
The Lords of the League went directly to the palace to salute the Infanta, who committed herself wholly into their hands. The king having notice hereof, departed very melancholy from Medina, with such troops as he could get about him, and marched towards Cuellar, where in the mid way, the Castle of Iscar was assailed (at the entreaty of the Earl of Trevigno) in which Castle the Earl of Plaisance kept the Earl of Treuigno's mother in dishonest manner: the place being taken, the Countess was sent away prisoner by her son into his country. The loss of Segobia did much grieve the the King: for his abode there pleased him above all other, as well because he was brought up there from his infancy, 
The King forsaken of his people.  as for the wood of Balsain, and other places thereabouts fit for hunting, and also in regard of his treasure which lay in the castle thereof: and the grief and feeling of his adversities, did so oppress him, as being desperate and almost besides himself, he was contented to be drawn by the devices of the Master of Saint james to the town of Coca, under the promise and assurance of the Archbishop of Sevill, not telling, or making it known to any of the Lords or Knights of his train, and taking but a very few of his household servants with him.  
Wherefore all men being discontented with these courses, which did manifestly tend to the ruin of the King, and of those which did him service, they withdrew themselves discontented to their own houses. The King's Officers and household servants seeing themselves forsaken and left in so pitiful and miserable estate, were ashamed to tell unto whom they did belong, when they came to any place.  
The Licentiate Diego Henriques, the King's Chronicler, having obtained a safe conduct, 
Diego Henriques King Henry's Chronicler  came to Segobia, where he had a house, wherein were divers goods and papers of great consequence: but nevertheless he was taken, and ill entreated, his goods stolen, and his writings scattered abroad, to the great danger of his person, if God had not drawn him out of their hands: for the Rebels were greatly moved against him, because that in his written memories and chronicles he had set down the truth of their proceed.  
The king being come to Coca, they changed the place, and their opinion was to confer at Segobia, in the castle of which city he was lodged and entertained by the Earl of Alva, and the Master of Alcantara, albeit that Peruch● de Munsaras, Captain of the place, was not well contented therewith.  
The King and the Master of Saint james meeting afterward in the great Church, 
Other agreement betwixt the king and the rebels.  after divers reasons on either side, it was agreed, that the king should consent, that the fort of Segobia should remain under the command of the Master of Saint james, the king's treasures and movables to be kept safe and restored to him, who should send them to the castle of Madrid, the Captainship of which, with the keeping of those things, the King should grant to Perucho de Munsaras: Moreover, that the Queen should be given in hostage and left in trust with the Archbishop of Sevile for six months, within which time the King should be restored to all his former honour and dignity. These articles were afterward performed, the treasures transported to Madrid, and Queen joane was sent to the castle of Alaejos, 
Evil life of Queen Ioan● of Castille.  where holding on the course of life which the King had taught her, she fell in love with a certain young man, by whom she had two children, which was the cause of many unworthy outrages, as shall be hereafter declared. After this treaty, the King being in as lamentable an estate as before, went up and done his kingdom, no otherwise than if he had been a poor Gentleman. In this mean equipage, he arrived in the territories of Don Alvaro of Estuniga, Earl of Plaisance, who with the Countess his wife did entertain him very honourably, according to his degree, much compassionating his miseries and adversities, wherewith being moved, they comforted him as much as lay in their power: but it stood him in no stead against the power and obstinacy of the Master of Saint James.  
This year 1468. died Don Fernand of Buxan, 
An. 1468.  Bishop of Siguen●a: the Dean of the same Church, named Don john of Madrid, 
Contention for the Bishopric of Siguenta.  seized both upon the goods of the party deceased, and upon the City likewise, and having learned that a good Bishopric is a thing worthy to be desired, he caused himself to be chosen Bishop by the Chapter, strengthening himself with the party of Don Alphonso, and the Confederates: but Pope Paul the second rejected this election, and gave the Bishopric to the Cardinal Don john de Mella Bishop of Zamorra, who poursuing the possession thereof by arms, (the Dean not obeying, and appealing from the Pope to a Council) died. Then the Pope bestowed it upon Don Pero Gonçales of Mendoza, Bishop of Calaorra, the kings loyal and faithful servant, and excommunicated the Dean and his Canons, granting their benefices and Prebendshipps to others. For all this the Dean would not yield, but made greater resistance than before, notwithstanding that the King offered him, if he would leave the Bishopric of Siguença, to give him that of Calaorra with the Abbey of La Huerta to boot.  
Now seeing that neither right, force, threatenings, nor kind and loving proffers would prevail with this Dean, a politic devise was thought upon: for they practised with an household servant of the Deans named Gonçal Bravo, who on a night should find means for Pedro d' Almaçan, Captain of the Castle of Atiença, to scale the fort of Siguença, where the Dean and his brother were taken and brought to Atiença. The Bishop Don Pero Gonçales having notice hereof, posted thither in all haste, and made himself Master of the city and fort: the King confirmed to Pedro of Almaçan the Captaineshippe of Atiença, and the Pope gave him a good Channonrie in the Church of Siguença in recompense of the good service which he had done to the king and the apostolic sea of Rome.  
In the mean space that these Ecclesiastical businesses were managed with such violence, the Earl of Plaisance had oftentimes treated with the Marquis and the Confederates in the King's behalf, that the matters agreed upon at Coca and Segobia might be performed, but they had no desire thereunto: Wherefore he sent unto them a gentleman of his, named Pedro d' Ontiberos to draw them to some conclusion, being then at A●eualo with the Prince Don Alphonso. This Gentleman brought back no answer: for after that he had negotiated with the confederate Lords, as he returned towards Plaisance, he was upon the way assailed and slain by Gyles of Bivero, the quarrel being about their wives, and at the same time Garcia Mendez of Badajos, one of the King's Captains, was slain at Burgos by the people, for as he had made war upon the inhabitants, 
Garcia Mendez de Badaio slain in Burgos.  who held the part of the League, his friend Pedro de Maçuelo drew him into the town to confer together about the peace: his death did greatly displease his friends, and other good men, but the rude and tumultuous people could not be contained within any bounds.  
Pope Paul having notice of the small respect which the Confederates in Castille had made of his Legate Don Antonio de Venery, Bishop of Leon, was highly displeased therewith: but he wrote nevertheless to King Henry, advising him to pardon his rebels if they did acknowledge their faults, and return to his obedience, comforting him besides, concerning his adversities, by examples drawn from the holy Scriptures to the same purpose: he sent likewise a brief to the Confederates, enjoining them, upon pain of his curse, no longer to call Don Alphonso King, but to acknowledge King Henry for their natural and lawful Prince, and to crave his pardon: The Confederates sent the Abbot of Paraces, and the commannder Fernand d'Arze, the Infant's Secretary to the Pope, to give him reason for what they had done, and to inform him of the justice of their cause: but for certain days space, the Pope would not suffer them to enter into the City of Rome. At the last, upon their great and earnest entreaties to have audience, they were permitted to enter, upon this condition, that they should have an especial care, in any of their speeches, not once to name Don Alphonso King. Having delivered their message, they were by the Pope sharply reprehended, who threatened them and the Confederates more bitterly than he had done by his brief, and it is reported, that in a Prophetical spirit, he declared the death of the Infant Don Alphonso to be near, after which he told them, they would find themselves greatly perplexed: with such like speeches the Ambassadors returned into Spain.  
The City of Toledo taking part with the League, the Secretary Aluar Gomes of Cité real commanded therein, 
Se●●tion in Toledo.  who stood excommunicate, by reason that he was one of the chief of the League: it happened upon a day, that he came into the great Church, at such time as the Priests sang divine service, who perceiving him, presently left off their singing: but he sent unto them, and commanded them to go on, which they refused, sending a certain Clerk to him, who used many proud words, wherewith a soldier of Don Aluars train, being moved, drew his sword, and thrust him through the body, so as he fell down dead in the place: whereupon arose such tumults and seditions in the City, as after divers murders, burnings, and other execrable outrages, the Clergy and their partakers remained masters of the city, chase away and banishing the opposites. Then they sent the Licenciate Don Fernand Calderon with a message to the Infant Don Alphonso, to entreat him to allow of that which they had done, and to request him to grant unto them the goods which they had seized on, and taken from those which were slain in the tumult.  
The Prince having heard the demands of those of Toledo, 
Magnanimity and justice of Don Alphonso.  albeit he was but very young, made them a noble and just answer: First he showed the Licenciate, that it did very ill become him, who was a learned man, and therefore aught to be wise, to be employed in such a message: then detesting the outrages of the Toledains, he told him freely, that he would never authorize their wickedness, nor give away other men's goods so unjustly: the Licenciate replied, and told him, that he undertook that message with a desire to do him service, and for to acquaint him with the good affection which those of Toledo did bear unto him, who would not fail to revolt from his obedience to the King his brother, if he granted not their request: Whereunto he answered, that therein they might do as they pleased, for he was resolved never to commit so unreasonable and dishonest an act, 
The Infant perseveres in being just.  hateful to God and man, and that they ought to be satisfied and contented, that their offences were winked at and not punished, which perhaps time would bring to pass.  
We have showed heretofore, 
Desire to be rich, takes away all natural and civil respect.  how that Don Alphonso Pimentell Earl of Benavent, had been disappointed of the Master ship of Saint james, whereunto he laid claim by his father-in-law Don john de Pacheco, Marquis of Villena: from thence arose deadly hatred against them, which provoked and stirred up the Earl to lay divers trains to take away his life: and this year, the Earl miss very narrowly of his purpose and determination, in the Infant Don Alphonso's house at Arevalo, but the Marquis having intelligence thereof, did ever after stand upon his guard, and went abroad secretly, and well accompanied.  
The Earl nevertheless dissembled, and spoke kindly to his father-in-law, as though he had no such intent at all, still waiting for a fit time and place to dispatch him: then departing from Arevalo, he came to Plaisance, where King Henry did lie, and was there well and kindly entertained both by the King, the Earl Don Alvaro, together with the Countess his wife. There the Archbishop of Sevill, the Earls of Plaisance, Benavent and Miranda held a council: for they had discovered how that the Marquis of Villena, Master of Saint james, sought by all means to deceive the King, and namely, that he practised with Perucho of Munsarras, who was Captain and Keeper of the King's Treasures in the Castle of Madrid, 
A practice against the Master of S. james  to deliver up the place and treasure into his hands. In this Council it was concluded, that they would all go thither, and carry the King along with them, to disappoint the Marquis of his design. The Captain who had some doubt, that they meant to be rid of him, stood upon his guard, and would let the King come but seldom, and with a small company attending upon him into the fortress.  
In the mean time, the Clergy of Toledo and their Faction, bearing no affection to Don Alphonso, 
The Clergy of Tol●do deliver the city to K. Henry.  because he was too just, and did look for greater modesty in them, than there was, practised among themselves to deliver up the City to King Henry. Wherefore they gave order to Don Pedro de silva, Bishop of Badajos, who dwelled amongst them, to try if he could win or induce Don Pero Lopes d'Ayala, Governor of the town, who had married Donna Maria de silva his sister, to lend a helping hand to their proceed.  
The Bishop having sundry times, with great policy, conferred with his sister thereupon, and she being wholly governed and ruled by his council, they two sent Fernand de Rivadeneyra to King Henry (not acquainting Don Pero Lopes of Ayala with any matter) to advertise him what they had determined for his service, and to advise him for the better effecting of their purpose, 
Means devised by the Bishop of Badaios and his sister, to give the king entrance into Toledo.  to come secretly to Toledo. Now their intent and determination was, to bring the King secretly into the town into the bishops house, and then under colour of other business, to send for Don Pero Lopes of Ayala, and to cause him to come suddenly into the King's presence, thinking by that means to make him easily to grant whatsoever the King would demand: The King leaving the Archbishop of Sevill, the Earls of Plaisance and Benavent in Madrid to look unto his Castle and treasure, 
Indiscretion of King Henry.  came to Toledo, where he entered by night disguised, by the gate called Cambron: but as he went toward the Bishop of Badajos house, who dwelled in the Monastery of Saint Pedro Martyr, of the Order of the friars Preachers, a servant of the Marshal Payo de Ribera, who was greatly affectionate to the service of Don Alphonso, knew him, and went and told his master of it. The Marshal went instantly to find out Don Pero of Ayala, and gave an alarm through the town: the people put on arms, and came running in a confused manner to environ the house and Monastery, where the King did lie, who was in great danger, and without all doubt he had been taken by the mutinous people, had not Fernand de Rivadeneyra employed his best endeavours for his safety and delivery: Then the Governor sent his two sons, Pero of Ayala, 
Wisdom of the Governor Don Pero Ayala.  and Alphonso de silva, with Peralfan of Ribera, son to the Marshal Payo, to entreat the King to departed the City, and to avoid the present danger, assuring him that shortly matters would be brought to better pass, and the City restored unto him: Whereunto the king yielding most willingly, they found means about midnight to put him out of the town; and those three Knights kept him company awhile upon the high way to Madrid.  
Now before he came forth of his lodging, 
Unmannerliness of Peralfan de Ribera.  the King who had ridden sixteen miles that day upon his own horse, entreated Peralfan de Ribera to lend him that which he road upon, and to take his which was weary, but he like an uncivil and discourteous Knight, refused it, which the two brethren of Ayala understanding, lighted on foot, and besought the King to take both their horses, one for his own person, and the other for his Page, the which he thankfully accepted of: then these two brothers went with him out of the town on foot, with Fernand de Rivadeneyra, who would not go with him to Madrid, but told him that he would tarry at Toledo, where he would live and die for his service.  
As soon as he was come back into the city, the Governor Don Pero Lopes of Ayala, committed him prisoner in the castle, and commanded the Bishop of Badajos to departed out of the city within an hours space: by these diligent means, he like a wise and discreet person did appease the tumultuous Toledans. 
Courtesy fully recompensed.  Not long after the king sent a grant to the two brothers of Ayala, who had given him their horses, of a perpetual pension of threescore thousand Maravidis, in recompense of their love and loyalty towards him.  
When all men had laid down their weapons, and the city at quiet, the Governor returned home to his house, where he found his wife almost besides herself with grief, for that the King, having come to Toledo by her persuasion, had been so unreverently used and received, and constrained to fly away by night: but like a discreet woman she gathered her spirits together, and did in such sort put her husband in mind of his duty, as she persuaded him to invent some fit means to reduce that City under the obedience of King Henry, their true and lawful Prince: which Don Pedro much affecting, after that he had understood the minds of the Sheriffs and Iurates of the City, the fift day after the King's departure, 
The Governor D. Pero of Ayala putteth Toledo in the king's power.  he commanded the Marshal Payo de Ribera and his son, to get them home to their own houses: Whereunto they yielded without any delay, and forthwith the whole City began to cry, God save king Henry, and let the Rebels be destroyed, so much power hath the presence and authority of one only man to appease or stir up a multitude. The castle gates, bridges, and other strong places, being seized upon by the Governor, and furnished with people at his devotion for the King's service, Fernand of Rivadeneyra being likewise set at liberty, the morrow after, the king came to Toledo, and was lodged in the Governor Don Pero's house, where he gave Donna Maria of silva great thanks for the good service which she had done him, and called back the Bishop of Badajos, who was principal author of that enterprise. After dinner, sundry mechanical tumultuous fellows, two thousand in number, came before the king's lodging, craving confirmation of the cities privileges, and to be freed from the tribute called Alcavales: the king desirous to be rid of this insolent crew, granted their petition.  
The next day, the self same rascally company returned, ask other confirmations of writings, gifts, grants, and liberties: wherewith the king being moved, the Governor who had assembled men at arms, by reason of the former days tumult, joined them with the officers of justice, and ran upon the multitude, who after they had hurt and overthrown divers of them, and put the rest to flight, certain of the principal were committed to prison, and afterward upon enquiry of the matter, according to their deserts, some of them were hanged, and the residue lost their ears, and were whipped. This tumult being appeased, there remained yet in the tower or steeple of the great Church, the Abbot of Medina, and other cannons, who took the part of the Archbishop Don Alphonso Carillo of Acugna, who were besieged by the Governor, and enforced by famine to yield themselves, their lives being saved.  
All troubles being ended, the King confirmed Don Pero Lopes in his government, enjoining the Toledans to obey him as his own person, and so returned to Madrid, where he began to think anew upon the castle and his treasures, which were in the power of Captain Perucho of Munsaras, whom he did not grealy trust, and not without cause: for the Master of Saint james, and the Archbishop of Toledo, had won him to deliver up that place into their hands: But the king upon a time finding means to enter into the castle, being well accompanied, Perucho was constrained to give place, who notwithstanding that he had slain the Porter, and begun to raise a mutiny, was nevertheless taken, and forced to beg pardon; the which, the king being mild and gentle, granted unto him, and gave him leave moreover to carry away what he would, and bestowed sums of money upon him, sending him home to his own house. These news did greatly trouble the Infant Don Alphonso, who was termed King: but above all, the loss of Toledo did amaze the Marquis, and the Archbishop with their Confederates: Wherefore they departed from Arevalo, and took the ready way to Auila, giving out that they went to besiege Toledo. The Infant Alphonso being arrived at Cardegnoça, a town near to Auila, he was stricken with the plague which infected the whole country, whereof he died the fift day after, which was upon the fift of july, in the year 1468. having been declared King three years before, 
Death of ●he In●ant Don. Alphonso.  he died not without suspicion of poison, the which was prodigiously published and believed through the whole Realm three days before it was true indeed: by this accident Pope Paul's Prophecy was verified: for the Confederates at that time found themselves in great perplexity, and wonderfully destitute of counsel: his body for that time was kept in Arevalo in the Monastery of Saint Francis, and since transported to Burgos to the Abbey of Mirefloure, where his father King john was buried.  
The confederate Lords consulting upon what was best to be done, now that they had lost the Prince Alphonso, all of them in a manner were of opinion, that King Henry was to be resisted, and that Donna Izabella his sister, was to be proclaimed and crowned Queen of Castille in her dead brother's stead: the Arch bishop of Toledo being deputed in all their names to go unto her to exhort her, to receive this honour and dignity, who in a well-composed Oration, having propounded unto her the advice of all the Lords of the League: the Infanta, who was endowed with great judgement and singular piety, 
D Izabella rejecteth the title of Queen of Castille.  made him this answer, that she could not entertain in her heart any desire of rule which might prejudice her brother King Henry, unto whom both by divine and human laws the Kingdom did appertain: the which God had manifestly declared, confirming him therein, as well by the victory of Olmedo, as by the death of the Infant D. Alphonso: nevertheless, she did greatly thank ●hem for their loves, which she could feel with more profit, and less labour, if it would please them, by agreeing with the King her brother, to procure him to declare her heir to his Kingdoms after his decease, and to command, that oath should be made unto her to the same effect, according to the custom of Spain: the which she propounded unto them, not so much for any desire that she had to reign, as by that means to keep the kingdom of Castille from falling into the hands of strangers, and into any other blood then that of Castille, meaning thereby donna joane, who was borne in adultery.  
This wise and virtuous answer, 
D. Izabellas' wise answer breaks the League, and procureth the peace of Castil.  was of so great weight and consequence, and so admired by all the Lords of the League, as changing their minds, they resolved to follow the Infantaes advice, and to try if they could win the King to condescend thereunto, the Master of Saint james taking upon him the managing of their business, and presuming to bring it to pass: for (quoth he) I know the king's nature, who doth easily forget things that are past, and I doubt not but he will accept of this condition, for to live in peace, and to recover his former dignity, and will grant a general pardon for all that is past.  
Upon the news of the Infant Don Alphonso's death, the Archbishop of Sevile, the Earls of Plaisance, Benavent, and Miranda, with others which were near the king's person at Madrid, did make a new oath of allegiance unto him, and messengers were dispatched to the Lords of the League, to admonish them to desist from their wicked practices, and to submit themselves to the King's obedience: the confederates answered, that they would send some man of authority to the king, and soon after they did write to the Archbishop of Sevil, entreating him to come to Auila, to treat upon the means of agreement, 
The city of Burgos yields to the king.  who with the King's good liking went unto them. In the mean season the city of Burgos, by the means of Pedro of Velasco, returned to the King's obedience. It was concluded in Arevalo, that the Confederates should entreat the king, that the Infanta Izabella might be sworn unto, and acknowledged Princess and heir of his kingdoms, all other oaths made to the contrary notwithstanding: Which being done, every of them would willingly obey him: these things being related at Madrid by the Archbishop of Seville, the King called a Council thereupon, where the opinions were divers, some affecting Donna joane, whom the King still called his daughter: but the Lord Steward Andrew de Cabrera, could so well join reason to his opinion, as it was resolved to grant what the Confederates requested: then did they set down these Articles:  
That the Infanta Donna Izabella should be declared Princess of the Asturia's, 
Articles of 〈◊〉 agreed upon  and sworn unto, as eldest heir to the Kingdoms of Castille and Leon: That pardon should be granted to the Master of Saint james, and to the other Lords his Confederates, for whatsoever they had committed against his royal Majesty, and free and safe access should be given them to come to Court, with restitution of all that had been taken from them: That the King within four months after should send back his wife Queen joan, and Donna joane his daughter into Portugal, and to be divorced from her by the Pope's authority: and that the cities of Auila, Vbeda, with the towns of Medina del campo, Olmedo, and Escalona, and the Lordship of Molina, should be given to the Princess Donna Izabella, who might not marry with any one without the consent of King Henry her brother, 
The Lords of Mendoza not call●d to the councel● of p●ace.  whereunto she did swear. Into this council were not admitted the Marquis of Santillana, nor his brother the Bishop of Siguença, who were come to court to kiss the King's hand, upon the news of the death of the Infant Don Alphonso, for they favoured and much respected Donna joane, who was resident in the Castle of Buytrago under the keeping of the Marquis: therefore they returned malcontent to Guadalajara.  
The Queen remaining in the Castle of Alaejos under the power of the Arch bishop of Sevill, (as hath been said before) became enamoured on a young man, 
Queen joanes dishmest life.  who had charge to keep her, and as some say, he was the bishops nephew, called Pedro, by whom in time she had two children, namely, Don Fernand, and Don Apostol, who were brought up in the City of Tol●●o, in the Monastery of Saint Dominick the royal, by the Abbess of the house, who was Aunt to their father Don Pedro: and it is reported that the King having notice thereof, caused Don Pedro to be taken, to the end to punish him as he had deserved, but that the Queen shed so many tears, as she saved his life, and begged him of the king, who in those matters was the most careless person living.  
Now these Lords of the house of Mendoza being departed discontented from the Court, thinking themselves to be disgraced, and on the other side, favouring Donna joane, it happened that the Queen, having secret intelligence with certain of her guard within and without, with Don Lewis Hurtado of Mendoza, son to Ruy Diaz, escaped from the Castle of Alaejos, causing herself to be let down in a basket from the Castle walls: but the rope being too short, and those which let her down, thinking that she had been near to the ground, did let her fall a good height, so as she hurt her face and one of her feet, endangering also her life: nevertheless Don Lewis, who was at the foot of the wall, took her up, and laid her in a litter, standing there ready for the same purpose, and so brought her away, the next day, to the Castle of Buytrago, where her daughter remained, who was called all over Spain, La Bertraneja, because she was reputed and supposed to be the daughter of Bertrand de la Cueva, Duke of Albuquerque.  
The Archbishop of Sevill thought himself highly wronged by the violent and fraudulent delivery of the Queen, therefore he hastily persuaded and procured the agreement to the Articles abovementioned, and there was a place appointed and determined, 
Donna Izabe●a declared Princess and heir of Castille.  where the parties should meet, between Zebreros and Cadahalso, at a place called La venta du Tor de Guisando, near to a Monastery of Saint Hierome, the Archbishop being much displeased and discontented with the Queen. These met at Cadahalso upon the day appointed and set down, the King, the Archbishop of Sevill, the Earls of pleasance, Benavent, and Miranda, together with others of the Council on the one side: and the Infanta Donna Izabella, with the Confederates met at Zebreros, the chief of whom were, Don Alphonso Carillo Archbishop of Toledo, Don Lewis of Acugna Bishop of Burgos, Don Inigo Manrique Bishop of Coria, and the Master of Saint james, Don john de Pacheco, every one of these, on the nineteenth day of September, the same year, one thousand, four hundred, sixty eight, in the presence of the Pope's Legate Antonio de Veneris, who afterward was Cardinal, with great solemnity in the place abovementioned, took the oath of allegiance and obedience to the King, and then they did swear to, and declare, the Infanta Donna Izabella, Princess of the Asturia's, and eldest lawful heir to the kingdoms of Castille and Leon, with all the dependences, revenues, and lands annexed and joined thereunto, the Legate Apostolic dispensing and absolving all contrary oaths, which had been made in that nature before, and confirming the present.  
Great numbers and multitudes of people came running joyfully, and with wonderful applause, from all parts of the Country to this sollemm●tie, hoping that peace and quietness should be established and planted in Spain, and that all factions and oppositions of outrageous and civil wars ceasing, justice should every where flourish. That being done and finished, the king with the Princess his sister, and the reconciled Lords came to Cadahalso, the Arch bishop of Toledo excepted, whose mind being not at quiet, returned to Zebreto, with the Bishops of Burgos and Coria. The King passing on, left his sister the Princess, and the whole Court at Casa Rubias, and went with the Master of Saint james to Pard, and to Rascafria; being come thither, he caused Pedro Arrias of Auila, together with the bishop his brother, to leave the city of Segovia, which greatly moved and discontented them, the government whereof was given and made over to his Steward Andrew de Cabrera, one newly come into Castille, and borne at Barcelona, son to john Fernandes, and Grand child to Andrew de Cabrera: Nevertheless for that time, he commanded no where but in the town, for the fort remained in the power of the Master of Saint james, and because the plague was very hot within the City of Segovia, the King, nor the Master would not come into the town, but retired and went back to Casa Rubias, whither came Don Lewis of Mendoza, with a procuration from Queen joane, as Protectress of her daughter, in whose name he protested, that the oath made to the Princess Izabella was of no force nor efficacy, and appealed to the Pope from the dispensations made by the Legate, but small account was made thereof.  
Now did the Master of Saint james consider with himself, that the discontentment of the Marquis of Santillana, and the other Lords of the house of Mendoza, with Pedro de l'clasco, might produce and bring forth some bad effects: He who seemed to be borne to command, took in hand to appease and qualify them, and did invite them to mere at Villarejo, belonging to the Order of Saint james, there to consult and determine about the affairs of State with the King's Commissioners. Thither came Don Pero G●●çales of Mendoza, 
New treaties of marriages ●se a foot by the Master of S. James.  Bishop of Siguença, and Don Pedro Velasco on the one side: and the Archbishop of Sevill, the Master of Saint james, and the Earl of Plaisance on the other: They did conclude, that the Princess Izabella should marry with Alphonso King of Portugal who was a widower: and Donna joane with his eldest son, called Don john heir to the Kingdom, and her cousin-germaine: with condition, that if the Princess Izabella by this marriage should have no children, that then the issue of Donna joane should succeed in the Kingdom of Castille: for the conclusion and confirmation of which marriages, there should be an interview of the King and Queen of Castille, and the King of Portugal. This agreement did not please the Ladies: for the Princess Izabella had no desire to marry with a widower, and the Queen feared, that under colour of this meeting she should be cast off, and sent home to Portugal, according to the treaty at la Venta du Tor de Guisando: wherefore both of them resisted this determination with all their power, by reason whereof the Lords of Mendoza and Velasco were very angry with the Queen and her daughter. The Master of S. james solicited K. Henry to send Ambassadors into Portugal, to request the king to meet, thinking by his coming to win the Princess to condescend thereunto. And not long after, the bishop of Siguença, and Don Pedro de Velasco being with the king, persuaded him, notwithstanding the Queen's obstinacy, underhand to favour D. joane, not acquainting the Archbishop of Scuill, nor the Princess Izabella therewith.  
These businesses being managed with such inconstancy, there arrived daily messengers at Court, who complained, for that the King had caused this new oath to be made to his sister, which most men thought to be a beginning of greater troubles than before, and also because that divers other great Lords of the Kingdom were not called to determine upon a matter of so great consequence. And indeed all those which were discontented therewith, did join themselves in league with the Archbishop of Toledo, who thought himself to be ill dealt with, for that he had not the Princess Izabellain his keeping, as in time before.  
In the mean time, disorders were still committed in divers Provinces, especially in Andalusia, where this year Don john de Guzman, Duke of Medina Sidonia, and Earl of Niebla died, in whose goods, lands, and dignities Don Henry de Guzman his bastard-sonne succeeded. It happened at the same time near to Toledo, that as an husbandman of the country called Pero Moro, did reap a cornfield, at the very first stroke which he gave with his sickle, great quantity of blood issued forth of the stalks, the which his sons perceiving, who were at work in the same field, came running unto him, thinking that he had hurt himself, but seeing he had no harm, they returned to their labour, and cut down the corn in the same place where their father wrought, and at every stroke they fetched, great store of blood issued, which they signified to the Lord of the place, who caused it to be recorded for a strange prodigy.  
Whilst the affairs of Castille stood upon these terms, King john of Arragon being rid of his enemy Don Pedro of Portugal, 
Arragon. and Navarre.  did labour by all means, after the taking of Tortosa, to reduce the Barcelonois to their duties: but they, like obstinate enemies to their Prince, would not hearken thereunto. Great were the alterations which they had among themselves after the death of this Portugois: Some were of opinion to bring their state into the form of a Commonwealth, like Genoa, Venice, and other places of Italy, and others counseled to return to the obedience of King john. Each of these opinions being rejected, they elected for their King Reneé of Anjou, Duke of Lorraine, and Earl of Provence, 
Renee Anjou made king of Arragon.  a Prince of the royal blood of France, who being already old and decrepit, yet nevertheless desirous of the title of King, did accept the offer, and having (with the consent of King Lewis the eleventh) levied soldiers in France, sent his son john Duke of Calabria or Lorraine into Spain, who at Manreça joined with the Cattelans: and having drawn divers of the County of Rossillon to his devotion, he went and besieged Girona, where Peter of Rocabertin was Governor, who forthwith advertised King john thereof, who by reason of his indisposition and blindness, could not come thither in person to aid them, but sent his son Prince Fernand, accompanied with divers Lords and Knights, unto whom, above all other things, he recommended the Prince's person: being on his way from Tortosa towards Girona, Queen joane his mother, who loved him dearly, followed him the next day after: upon the news of the Princes coming, the Duke of Calabria raised his siege, and retired himself to Denjat, from whence he went to Barcelona, and then returned with succours in great secrecy, and no less danger. The Prince D. Fernand, desirous to look upon the enemy, being come near to the place, and provoking the Frenchmen to battle, they, being fortified with a great number of men at arms which K. Lewis had sent them under the conduct of the Earl of Armignac, 
The Arragonois defeated by the French.  came forth into the fields, and fought and vanquished the Arragonois, the Prince Don Fernand narrowly escaping from being taken, who had good means offered to save himself, through the endeavours of Rodrigo of Rebolledo, who was taken in his stead, and brought to Barcelona, and afterwards redeemed for ten thousand Florins. The King Don john having notice of this defeat, came by sea with a great army alongst the coast of Ampurias, blind as he was, who no sooner set foot on land, but miraculously he received his sight. Having joined his forces with those of the Prince his son, he marched courageously against the French which were in the town of Denjat, who putting no great trust in the place, nor yet to the inhabitants thereof, they dislodged, and withdrew themselves to Perpignan, which by reason of engagement, was at that time in the possession of king Lewis, where the Duke of Calabria having left his army, returned into France to make new levies.  
The King of Arragon lodged his army round about Figuera, and there wintered. These things were done in Arragon, at the same time that the battle of Olmedo was fought betwixt King Henry of Castille, and the Lords of the League abovementioned. The Duke of Calabria being afterward returned to Perpignan with a fresh supply of ten thousand men, obtained from King Lewis the eleventh, marched forth with his forces to assail the enemies.  
King john on the other side departed from Figuera, and presented himself in order of battle within two miles near to the French: but it is not known upon what occasion he departed thence, to besiege the town of Peralta, where having begun a furious battery, and already made a large and sufficient breach to assail it, the Duke of Calabria came suddenly, and unlooked for, upon him in the night, not being heard nor perceived by the Sentinels which slept, 
Arragonois surprised by the French.  who cut in pieces the first court of guard that he met with, and entering furiously into the quarters and lodgings of the beseegers, he did strike such a terror amongst them, as every man leaving all that he had behind him, they all betook themselves to flight in great disorder. The King escaped bareheaded, gallowping apace towards Figuera: nevertheless there were some which put themselves in defence, by whose valour the artillery and munition was saved, and the Frenchmen being retired, they held a form of a siege, until that the King with greater forces was returned to Peralta, the which in the end he took. The Authors do greatly praise the valour of a certain Knight of Guipuscoa named Don john de Gamboa in this nightly skirmish, who with his own hand slew three Frenchmen at arms, who having his horse slain under him in the press, did yet notwithstanding save himself, having received eleven wounds. Lewis of Mudar, a Castillan Knight, is likewise remembered for his valour in this fight, where Scipio Patella the Sicillian, mentioned heretofore, being a wise and valiant Knight, was slain, fight courageously. The French being victorious, not caring for Peralta, returned to the siege of Girona, which without any difficulty they took. After this, Duke john of Calabria being come to Barcelona to take order for the affairs of the wars, was tormented with a burning pestilential fever, whereof he died this year 1468. to the great grief of those of Barcelona, 
An. 1468.  and extreme trouble of their affairs.  
Now let us return to Castille, 
Castille.  where the Princess Izabella being discontented with the marriage which was treated of betwixt her and the King of Portugal, solicited hereunto by the Archbishop of Toledo, she came to speak with him at Yepes: where by the persuasion of her master-Pantler named Don Guttiere de Cardegna, he consented, that she should marry Don Fernand, Prince of Girona, the eldest son of Arragon, and heir to the same Crown, who was by the King his father, in favour of that marriage, entitled King of Sicill, much about the time of the Duke of Calabria's death, whereby the affairs of King john began to prosper the better: for the French having lost their head, retired themselves to Perpignan, by means whereof the army of Arragon had leisure to scour the coast of Ampurias, the Castle of which town, with other places yielded themselves: so did Girona and Don john Ferrier Bishop thereof, with the Viscount of Cabrera, Martorella, and soon after Saint Felix, Palamos, and Vergues, with divers Lords and Prelates, who demanded and obtained pardon for their rebellion. Whilst King john was in the same country, Don Alphonso of Arragon, his Bastard-sonne, did greatly molest the Barcelonois, foraging their tetritorie with a thousand horse, and five thousand footmen.  
At this time the Estate of Navarre was not very quiet: 
Treaty of marriage betwixt Donna Izabel and Don Fernand.  for the factions of Grammont and Beaumond reigning in the country, the Earl Gaston of Foix, husband to Donna Leonora heir of the kingdom, who did govern it, persuaded himself, that he ought to enjoy the kingly title, with all other rights and pre-eminences of the same, wherefore strengthening himself with the Beaumontois faction, whilst his father-in-law King john was busied in the wars of Cattelogne, he possessed himself of divers strong places of Navarre, and newly besieged Tudele, whereof K. john being advertised, upon the good hap of his affairs in Cattelogne, he brought his army thither, which was well exercised in the former wars, to succour those which took his part, but before he came thither, Don Lewis seized upon the City of Pampelona, the Inhabitants whereof were for the most part followers of those of Beaumond.  
divers histories, of small authority, make mention, that this Earl of Lerin made sharp war not only upon the Navarrois of the other Faction, but also upon the Arragonois, running on even to jaca and Exea belonging to the Knights: having for companion in his counsels and enterprises, Charles of Artieda, he took from the Constable Don Pedro of Peralta, the town of Andosilla, and from Don Inigo of Estuniga, Earl of Nieva, that of Mendavia: then he took Artaxona and Olito, with many other places, and did many other great exploits, by reason that he held the city of Pampelona, disposing of it, as if he had been Lord and master. At the same time also there was mention made of a famous thief called Sancho Rota, 
Sancho Rotta, a famous thief Death of Q. joane of Arragon.  whose retreat was in a mountain near to Tudele, called las verdenas del Rey, who with thirty horse that he kept, ran into the country of Arragon, bringing from thence great store of pillage, using all such well as he took prisoners. To suppress the insolences done as well by him, as by the Earl of Lerin, the people of jaca, and the Nobility thereabouts, made show of entering into Navarre: but the Earl of Lerin sent a great number of soldiers to meet with them, conducted by Charles of Artieda, Machin de Gongorra Lord of Ciordia, john d'Ayanc, and Fernand d'Aranc, who meeting with the Arragonois near to Sanguessa, at a certain bridge upon the river of Arragon, they lighted from their horses, thinking to fight with greater advantage on foot: and coming to handy-strokes, they did hinder the Arragonois passage, and constrained them to return into their own territories. Now King john's coming with his army, being known in Navarre, encouraged those of Grammont, and did greatly amaze the Beaumonto is, who knew very well that they should not be able to resist such great forces: wherefore taking counsel about the affairs with the Earl of Foix, they advised him to make an agreement with the King his father-in-law, who had already resolved, after his death, to leave the kingdom to his daughter Donna Leonora, and to permit him to enjoy it awhile, who by reason of his extreme age could not hold out long, therefore he should be content to have patience, and to suffer the King to enjoy the title of King of Navarre, the small time he had to live. The Earl was easily drawn thereto, for he saw no hope of victory, if he should have persisted in his rash enterprise by arms: then they began to capitulate, setting down articles, 
Queen joane her last confession.  which shall be hereafter mentioned. Before the final conclusion whereof, King john being already returned to Tarragona, to view his forces, and to take order for the war of Barcelona, his wife Queen joane, being a long time tormented with a canker, which consumed her, drew near her end. It is reported, that when she kuew she must needs die, fetching divers sighs and groans, remembering her son Prince Fernand, she said, 
Death of the younger Gaston de Foix at Lib●rna.  O my son, thou hast cost me dear: and it is constantly affirmed, that ●he did confess to have procured and hastened the death of Prince Charles: wherewith the king was so highly offended with her, as he would never afterward look upon her: yet nevertheless her ambition gave her this content, to see before her death, her son Prince Fernand made king of Sicill: her body according to her will, was buried in the Monastery of Pobleta: about this time in the year 1469. happened the lamentable death of Gaston of Foix the younger, 
An. 1469.  eldest son to the Earl Gaston, and to the Princess Leonora, who should have succeeded them in the kingdom of Navarre. There was a great assembly of Princes & Knights at Liborne near to Bourdeaux, who there met to honour & accompany Charles of France, brother to Lewis the 11. newly reconciled to him, and promoted to the Duchy of Guyenne after the civil war: this young Knight Gaston, running at tilt, which was performed in most costly and sumptuous manner, was run with the splinter of a lance into the braures, whereof he died, to the great grief of as many as knew him, but especially of duke Charles whose sister he had married, whose name was Magdalen, she being likewise sister to Lewis by whom he had two children, to wit, Francis Phoebus, who was king of Navarre, and Earl of Foix, and Catherine his sister, who succeeded her brother dying without heirs. Happily, it shall not be amiss to set down here the succession of the house of Foix, which hath inherited the kingdom of Navarre, fetching it as far as Histories make mention thereof, to the which (as we have said) the Segneury of Bearn was united, about the year 1286.  
We find that the country of Foix was erected into an Earldom about the year 1462. by Raymond, 
Original and continuance of the house of Foix.  Earl of Tholousa, who invested therewith Bernard, youngest son to Roger Earl of Carcassone, and to Adela his wife: of this Bernard, and of Beatrice, daughter to the Earl of Beziers, was borne Roger, who was second Earl of Foix, who begat an other Roger his successor in the County of Foix, second of that name, father to Roger the third, whom he had by Eximena his second wife, having first of all married a Lady of Provence called Estinetta. Of Roger the third, and of Cicelie, daughter to Earl Raymond of Barcelona, was borne Raymond Roger, who married a Lady called Philip, by whom he had a son called Roger Bernard, who succeeded him in the Earldom of Foix, and a daughter called Esclrmonde, married to the King of Majorca. This Raymond Roger caused his lawful wife to suffer many indignities, at the request of a Concubine, who was of the religion of the Albigeois. Roger Bernard was then Earl of Foix after his father, the sixth in number, about the year 1223. and was surnamed the great. He married Brunixenda daughter to the Earl of Castelbon, by whom he had Roger called Rotfer Earl of Foix after him, Esclermond wife to the Viscount of Cardona, and Cicely, wife to the Earl of vrgel. Roger Rotfer seanenth Earl of Foix, and fift of the name, married Brunixenda, daughter to the Viscount, on whom he begat Roger Bernard, the sixth of that name, and eight Earl of Foix: of him, and of Manigarda of Narbona, were borne an other Roger Bernard, who succeeded in the Earldom, Agnes who was wife to Esquibat Earl of Bigorre, and Philip married to Arnold of Spain, Viscount of Conserans. Roger Bernard, seventh of the name, and ninth Earl of Foix, came to the Earldom after the decease of his father, about the year 1262. who married Marguerit, daughter to Gaston de Moncada Lord of Bearne, and of Martha de Foix, by whose means he came to unite the Lordship of Bearne to the Earldom of Foix, by the consent of the estates of Bearne, to the prejudice of the Earl of Armagnac, who had married the elder daughter of Marguerite, whom Gaston disinherited, in disdain that her husband the Earl of Armignac did not help him in certain wars that he made, as well as his other son in law the Earl of Foix. Now Roger Bernard had by his wife Marguerite of Bearne four children, to weet, Gaston the elder, who was Earl of Foix after his father, the tenth in number, and the first of that house, who enjoyed the Lordship of Bearne, Brunixenda wife to Helie of Perigort, Constance married to Anthony de Levi, Lord of Mirepoix, and joane who married Peter, son to King james of Arragon. Gaston then the first of that name, Earl of Foix, and Lord of Bearne, married joane, daughter to Lewis of France Earl of Eureux, and of Marguerite of Artois, from whom issued Gaston heir to the Earldom, Roger Bernard Viscount of Castelbon, father of Matthew, and of Isabella of Castelbon, who succeeded one after an other in the Earldom of Foix, and Robert Bishop of Vaur. He had also a bastard son named the Wolf, Lord of Aravath, who begat Blanch wife to john de Gaulti, or Grailhij Capdau de Buch. Gaston the second, the eleventh Earl of Foix, and second Lord of Bearne, of this family, had by his wife Elinor, daughter to the Earl of Coming, Gaston Phoebus, who succeeded his father, in the year 1344. the fourth of that name, and having married Agnes, daughter to King Philip of Navarre, had by her one only son, whose murderer he was, having found about him a box of poison, which his Uncle King Charles of Navarre had given him to kill the Earl his father, with whom he was offended, the child being in no fault at all, for he knew not what drug it was: wherefore at his death, he left behind him no lawful children, but divers bastards, as jobbain who was one of those which were burnt at the Mummery of King Charles the sixth, at the banquet of Saint Marceau, and Gratian, and possibly that Bernard of Foix, who was married into Spain to Lady Isabel de la Cerde, a Princess of the blood royal of Castille, the stem of the house of the Dukes of Medina Celi, if he were not son to Gaston the second, this man's predecessor. Then the succession of the Earldom of Foix and Lordship of Bearne, fell to Matthew of Castelbon abovenamed, who had no children by his wife joane, daughter to the King of Arragon, wherefore his sister Isabella inherited his Lordships, who was wife to Archambald de Grailtry Captau de Buch, from which marriage issued john the elder, the sisteene Earl of Foix, Gaston Capdau de Buch, from whom descended the Lords of Capdolat and Candale, Archambald Lord of Novailles Peter a friar of Motlas, since Bishop of Lescar, in the end Cardinal and founder of the College of Foix at Tholousa, and Matthew Earl of Comminges: john the fifteenth Earl of Foix (as hath been said) and first of that name, had to his first wife Mary of Navarre, who dying without children, he married joane de Albret, of whom was borne Gaston his successor in the Earldom of Foix and Lordship of Bearne. The house of Foix hath been much ennobled by the deeds of this man: for during the wars betwixt the French and the English, in the days of Charles the seventh, this Earl Gaston was he that made proof of his valour against the English armies which held the Duchy of Guyenne, where he twice took Saint Sever chief of Gascony, and won Dax by force of arms, with great slaughter of Englishmen, who did valiantly defend those places: he did succour Tartax besieged seven months by the governor of Bourdeaux. He restored his uncle Matthew into the Viscounty of Comminges, being dispossessed by the French King, who had installed a Spaniard therein, called Roderigo de Villandrada Earl of Ribadeo, where he overthrew the castle of Rocheford, he made means for the liberty of the Earl of Armagnac, who was in prison for having intelligence with the English, and caused his goods and lands to be restored to him. Being afterwards made Governor of Guyenne by King Charles, he made such cruel war upon the English as in short time he in a manner dispossessed them of all there forces in the same Province, so as Bordeaux, the chief city and seat of the war, was constrained to yield to the French King, in the year 1451. and soon after the city of Bayonne, so as the English were wholly excluded out of all Guyenne. Afterward when the city of Bourdeaux rebelled against the Earl of Clermont john of Bourbon, the English being recalled by them (albeit they had possessed themselves of divers places) were by the valour & good conduct; chief of the Earl Gaston beaten back and repulsed, Cadillac being the last place that he took from them: In all which wars, he was faithfully and diligently accompanied and aided by his brother Peter de Foix Viscount of Lautier, the original of the renowned house of Lautrec, faither to john de Lautrec Posthumus, from whom did spring Odet de Foix, he that was the famous captain in the wars of Lombardy and Naples. Andre de Asperaut, and Thomas called L'Escut: Henry de Lautrec was son to Odet. Charles the seventh did so greatly favour the Earl Gaston de Foix, as he gave in marriage to his eldest son, called Gaston, like him, his daughter Magdalen. At the arraignment of the Duke of Alançon at Vandosme by King Lewis the eleventh, he supplied the place of the Earl of Thoiousa in the rank of the Peers of France, the which pre-eminence hath remained upon such occasions in the house of Foix, the Lordships whereof were by him increased with the Vicounty of Narbona, and with the lands of Capdolat & other purchases, and in the end with the crown of Navarre, by his marriage with Donna Leonora of Arragon, daughter to King john, of whom we now treat: of this man issued the posterity which follows: Gaston who should have succeeded him, who (as we have said) died at Liborne at the tilting which was made at the coming of Charles Duke of Guyenne, brother to King Lewis the eleventh, left heirs behind him, Francis Phoebus, and Catherine his children: then john Lord of Narbone from whom issued Gaston Viscount of Narbone, and since Duke of Nemours, who won the batta●le of Ravenna, where nevertheless he died, 
Gencalogie of Navarre.  and , second wife to Fernand King of Spain: of Gaston and Elinor were borne, the third son named Peter who was Cardinal, and the fourth, james, a valiant Knight, who died in the service of King Lewis the eleventh: more five daughters, Marry, wife to William Marquis of Montferrat, joane wife to the Earl of Armagnac, Marqu●rit● wife to Frances Duke of Britain, mother to Queen Anne of France, Catherine married to the Earl of Candale, who had three children, the eldest of whom was Earl of candal, men an Archbishop of Bourdeaux and a daughter called Anne married to the King of Hungary: the fifth daughter of Gaston and Elinor, was called Elinor, who died unmarried.  
Now let us return to the controversy between Gaston de Foix, father to these, and his father in law King john. 
Covenants betwixt King john and D. L●onora his daughter.  He following the good advice of his friends and servants, and having acquainted the King with his intent by message, the King and D. Leonors his daughter, met at a day appointed at Olita, Gaston being absent in France, where they agreed upon these Articles following: First, that the towns, cities, commonalties of Navarre, nobility and others of what Estate and condition soever, should without contradiction acknowledge and obey King john as their King during his life. That the Earl Gaston and the Princess his wife should promise to maintain the privileges, laws and liberties of the Kingdom, as they had been in times past. That the three Estates should take the oath of allegiance, and do homage to the Princes the husband and wife, and acknowledge them for their natural King and Queen after the decease of king john, notwithstanding any other act to the contrary: that the married couple should irrevocably be perpeturall governors of the Kingdom during the King's life, their government only to cease, when the King in person should be in the Realm: That neither the King nor the married Princes should engage the Kingdom in whole, nor in part: That the three Estates should endeavour that the King and the Princes should accomplish and keep all that had been concluded, and oppose against them that should infringe them.  
The same promise should be made and sworn to by the King and the Princes, and that for the peace of the Kingdom, all crimes and offences, how heinous soever, should be generally pardoned that had been committed till the King's present coming into the country, re-establishing by full power and royal authority, every man in his honour; goods, and reputation, revoking and adnulling all sentences and proceed made to the contrary. That all places, towns and castles, which had been taken from one an other, all offices as well Ecclesiastical as secular & usurped since the taking of the castle of Morillo, should be restored to the first lawful possessors thereof, within the term of seven months, excepting the movables and fruits which were spent, rejecting all gifts, grants and engagements made by the King, Princes, or any other: Nevertheless herein was not to be comprehended the differences betwixt the Earl of Lerin, and Lord john of Beaumond, and Charles de Artieda, against D. Pedro of Peralta Constable of Navarre, and the Marshal of Navarre, who were enjoined to submit themselves to the King's obedience, within twelve days after the publication hereof; to the end to determine those strifes by way of justice, upon pain, doing the contrary, to be held as contumelious rebels, and for such to be pursued and punished, as disturbers of the public quiet: That all those who had been wrongfully imprisoned, since the surceance made by the Archbishop of Saragossa the King's son, in his name, and the Princes, should be released and set at liberty, paying their charges: That the truce granted by them or their captains should be kept as well to strangers as the natural subjects, both in their persons and goods. That whatsoever had been taken, and retaken, to the prejudice of the same truce, should be restored and delivered without other ransom then paying their expenses: that the promises and obligations made in writing, or by word of mouth, betwixt the natural subjects, by reason of such prizes made since the surcease, should be of no effect; and the Ecclesiastical ordinaries should be admonished to absolve them from their oaths made in that behalf, enjoining every one to set the prisoners at liberty within fifteen days, and not to ganesay this present treaty, upon forfeiture of two thousand royals of gold to the King's coffers: As concerning the castle of Leguin, belonging to the Prior of Rounceval, which had been taken before, with great store of goods belonging as well to the prior as the Monastery, they who had taken the same goods were enjoined to restore them, or the value thereof, seeing the Prior had always been a faithful servant to the King and the Princes: That the King and the Princes should solemnly swear to cause all the heads and Articles above mentioned to be effectually observed and kept in every point.  
These things agreed upon were published in the castle or palace of Olita upon Thursday the thirtieth day of May in the year 1471. and were received by the secretary john of Saint jordi: the Bishop of Oleron taking the oath, with promise made by the Princess Donna Leonora, to cause the Earl her husband to confirm these Articles, an authentical copy whereof, sealed with the Earls seal, she would send to the King her father. At which were present the Bishop of Oleroni, Pedro Lord of Ros the Earl's Ambassador, friar Bernard, Hugh de Rocabertin, captain of the Castle of Amposta, Roderigo de Robolledo, Gomes Suares of Figueroa, and john Pays the King's Vicechancellor. After that, the Princess, having ample procuration from her husband, dated at the Baths of Caudes Aigues in the valley of Dosan, sworn in his name to the Bishop of Oleron to observe the above named covenants, in the presence of the captain of the castle of Amposta, john Pays the Vicechancellor, and D. Fernand of Baquedan vicar general of the Church of Pampelona. All these capitulations were not of force to cease the troubles of Navarre, which continued along time after.  
As concerning the affairs of Castille, King Henry, after resolution taken about the marriages of the Princess his sister, 
Castille.  and of Donna joane in Portugal, being desirous to set down some good some of government in his Kingdom, called a Parliament at the city of Ocagna, where the deputies of the towns and commonalties did meet, except those of Andaluzia, the great Lords of which Province were not well pleased with the dealings of the Master of Saint james, whereat the King was much moved, but most of all, when he understood of the marriag which was intended, against his wi●, betwixt the Princess his sister, and the new King of Sicil, Fernand of Arragon which made him now more than before, desirous to advance Donna joane, whom he st●ll aduo●ved for his daughter, notwithstanding he hated the Queen her mother, by reason of her bad life, which he himself had taught her: wherefore with his own hand he wrote a letter to the Pope, entreating him not confirm the succession of the Kingdom of Castille, sworn to the Princess Isabel, but to grant it to Donna joane: He wrote also to his agent at Rome, Doctor Roderigo de Vergara, borne in Logrogna, and likewise to King Alphonso of Portugal, to the end that he should make the like request to the Pope: this was not done so secretly, but that the Archbishop of Seville had notice thereof, who had it not been for fear of the Master of Saint james, who dealt in this business, would willingly have dashed that matter. The King leaving Ocagna came to madrid, where he found john Fernandes Galindo, captain and governor of the fort of Madrid, and keeper of his treasures sick to death, at whose entreaty, he gave the charge of the fort, and of that which was in it to Andrew of Cabrera his Steward, whom he did daily advance, and made partaker of his greatest secrets. The city of Leon, about that time, had like to have been surprised by Diego Fernand de Quignones, Earl of Luna; but the practise being discovered, Aluar Garcia, Citizen of the same town, with whom the Earl had intelligence, was taken and beheaded as a traitor. At the entreaty of the Master of Saint james, the King returned to Ocagna, where he gave the title of Marquis of Villena to Diego Lopes Pacheco his eldest son, 
Diego Lopes de Pacheco son to the Master of Saint james, made Marquis of Villena.  a brave knight, who soon after Married the Countess of Saint Stephen de Gormas, daughter to Don john de Luna, Earl of Saint Stephen, and grandchild to the Constable Aluar de Luna, who was in the keeping of the Master of Saint james, who was at the same time confirmed in his Mastership by the Pope and possessed more riches than any Lord of Spain. The King of Portugal solicited by King Henry about the marriage of the Princess Donna Isabel, sent his Ambassadors, the Archbishop of Lisbon, and two other Lords, who were at the Court more than twenty days without concluding any thing by reason that the Princess had placed her affection upon Prince Fernand, and so returned home, leaving the King highly displeased with his sister, who dissolved the Parliament at Ocagna, not suffering the peers to swear to his sister's succession in the kingdom.  
The assembly at Ocagna being broken up, the king being very desirous to pacify the Country of Andaluzia, 
The King of Castile's voyage into andala●ia.  which was full of dissensions, he went thither in person, leaving for Viceroys in Valiodolit, the Earl of Benavent and Don Pedro de Velasco, with the Precedent and Chancery; the Princess Donna Isabel remaining at Ocagna, who promised not to dispose of her marriage till the return of the King and the Council.  
There went with the king, the Mr. of St. james, the Archbishop of Sivil, the Bishop of Siguença and others of the council, but the Archbishop remained sick at Ciudad-real: the king came to jaen, where he was received & entertained by the Constable Michael Lucas d'Irançu, who protested to him that he would not suffer any one of the rebels in his train to come into the city: wherefore, the Mr. of St. james to be accounted one of the number, stayed at Osuna; but Roderigo of Vlloa, being more foolish hardy than the rest, received the disgrace to be rudely repulsed by the Constable, who couched his lance against his breast sending him thence with many bitter speeches: this Constable was very faithful to the King his Master, 
D. Micha● Lu●as de Iransu Constable of Castille, a free and Generous Knight.  and was a liberal and generous Knight. To Pedro Gonçales de Mendoza Bishop of Siguença, and to the whole house of Mendoza, who entered with the king, the Constable gave openly a singular testimony of their fidelity with a loud voice as they passed thorough the gate. The King and the Lords of his train, were for the space of three days feasted at jaen, from whence he went to Castro del Rio, where D. Pedro of Cordova Earl of Cabra met him with a thousand horse, bringing with him his children, and Martin Alphonso Lord of Alcaudete his son in law, who were all of them faithful and good servants to the King: With this company the King went to Cordova, wherein remained Alphonso de Aiguilar, one of the faction of the Master of Saint james, the city gates were opened to him, and Alphonso in recompense received certain pensions: betwixt whom and the Earl of Cabra had been old grudges, but the King went about to make them friends: the Government of Cordova, which in times past did belong to the Earl of Cabraes predecessors, was given unto him, and the office likewise of Martial. Upon a seditious petition presented by those of Cordova, mentioning that Peter Earl of Cabra, and Martin Alphonso his son-in-law, and Alphonso de Aguilar, should deliver up certain places belonging to the city and communality of Cordova held by them during the troubles, it was determined that they should give caution for the delivery of them by a certain day: this was a trick of Don Alphonso de Aguilar, who stirred up the people to constrain the Earl, and his son-in-law, to restore that which they had usurped, he himself perceiving, that he could no longer hold the places, which he had taken during the trouble, the which did greatly nourish and increase the hatred which the Earl and his son-in-law did bear unto him.  
Whilst the King lay at Cordova, there arrived Ambassadors from the French King Lewis the eleventh, the Cardinal of Albj, being the chief: the effect of his message was, to break the league betwixt the King of Castille and the English, which was very prejudicial to King Lewis his Master: After audience, he obtained what he demanded, the Master of Saint james working the matter, who perhaps was a faithfuller servant to the French King, then to his Master the King of Castille. This year 1469. died Friar Lopes of Barjentes Bishop of Cuenca, the Bishopric of Leon being likewise void, Anthony de Veneris the Pope's Legate had that of Cuenca, and that of Leon was given to Doctor Roderigo de Vergara, the King's agent at Rome.  
The Princess Donna Isabel, during the Kings stay in Andaluzia was ruled by the advice of the Admiral and the Archbishop of Toledo, and forgetting the promise which she had made to the King her brother, she invented means to surprise the town of Arevalo, held in the name of the Earl of pleasance by Alua●o de Beacamont, with whom she practised: but she was disappointed of her purpose, which was discovered by the Earl, who prevented the Princess, and committed the captain to prison. The Earl possessed this place, as a pawn, engaged unto him for a certain sum of money, when the Infant Alphonso was chosen King. The Princess being deceived in her hope, came to Madrigal, and from thence to Valliodolit, unto whom the King sent the Cardinal of Albit the French Kings Ambassador, and the Archbishop of Seville, to possess her with a distaste of Fernand King of Sicill, which marriage did highly displease him, fearing that by reason of the wars of Cattalonia, and former matters betwixt him and King john of Arragon his father, some great loss might happen to Castille by that match.  
The Cardinal, and the Archbishop did their best, and made offer of a marriage betwixt her and Charles Duke of Guyenne, brother to the French King, but she made no account thereof, persisting in her first resolution, wherefore they returned back without effecting that which they went about: the king journeying through Andaluzia, was continually solicited by the Master of Saint james (unto whom he could deny nothing) to remove and displace the captains, governors & other officers of towns and castles, to the end to place therein such as were of his own faction, 
This Master of Saint g●●i● out to displace the captains of the gorris●●s in An●●●zia, and to pla●●●●●rei ●●ch ●●w ●●at his devotion.  which was granted to him at Eccia, where he displaced Martin of Cordova and put in Doctor Garcia Lopes of Madrid, one of his council, and Frederick Manrique, and to recompense Martin, he assigned him certain pensions hard to be recovered. And thinking to do the like to Hernandes of Narbaez, the old Governor of Antiquera, he found himself deceived, for the Governor would not suffer the King to enter into his Fort with above fifteen men, and the residue of his train were constrained to take up their lodging in the country villages there●●abouts.  
These things did not displease the King, who albeit he knew very well, that it was an unjust thing to displace the captains that had been faithful unto him, at a traitor's motion, yet he had not the courage to reject the importunities of the Master, who would have had his friend Alphonso de Aguilar to have commanded in Antiquera. The King being come to Archidonna had conference with a Moor of Malaga called Alquizote, an enemy to the King of Granada, who presented him with certain Barbary horses and other Moorish presents, unto whom the King promised favour and assistance against the King of Granado, as to his vassal. From thence he came to Carmona, where he remained a space: In the same town there was three castles, two of which were at the commandment of the Master of Saint james, but the third was held by Gomes mends de Sotomajor, a Knight wholly leagued with those of Seville, whom the Master had a great desire to dispossess, and did greatly importune the King to consent thereunto, and he did promise Gomes mends a large recompense, the which he refused, saying, that he could not leave that place without the consent of the Knights of Seville, unto whom having declared the wrong that the King would have done to him (only to satisfy the Master of Saint james) the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and Roderigo Ponce of Leon, Pedro de Estuniga, & Alphonso Henriques Governor of the frontiers, sent to advertise the King, that they could not consent to so unreasonable a matter, hurtful to the crown, as to alienate from the same, the town of Carmona; which the King at that time took in good part, but afterward he was overruled by the Master of Saint james, and would have constrained Gomes mends to have left the same place: wherefore the Duke of Medina, and the other Knights with the Inhabitants of Seville, armed themselves, and assailed the castle of Triana, from whence having driven Hernandes Arias of Sahavedra, they placed therein an other captain, then, their power increasing, they came into the field, giving the King and the Master of Saint james new matter to think on, who with the whole Court left Carmona and came to Alcala of Guadiaira, and from thence the King sent to command the Duke to disarm himself and to send away his people: who answered, that he had taken arms for his service, as also to defend himself from his enemy the Master of Saint james: The Master fearing that this fire would kindle to his own hurt, sought means to confer with the Duke, which the other Lords and Knights, with those of Seville would not agree unto, saying that the Master was a crafty wicked man, and that their talk would come to no good effect, and so sent back to the King, entreating him not to alienat Carmona from the crown, and to confirm Gomes mends in his captainship. The King, to avoid farther mischiefs, made means himself, that the Duke and the Master might talk together between Seville and Cantillana. At this meeting it was only determined, that the King should enter into Seville; and that the Master should stay at Cantillana, where they should agree upon those things.  
The King being received with great joy into the city of Seville, whilst he remains there, about the appeasing of those differences, the Princess Isabel his sister, being continually solicited by her Master Pant●er Guttieres of Cardegna to hearken to the marriage of Fernand Prince of Girona, the heir of Arragon, and to reject that of Portugal, and Duke Charles of France, with the King of England's brother who was an other suitor, at the last she gave her full consent thereunto: wherefore the Archbishop of Toledo and the Admiral D. Fredrick, wholly addicted to the service of this Princess, and likewise to Prince Fernand King of Sicill, thinking that this marriage was most convenient and profitable for the affairs of the Kingdom, did consent and conclude thereupon, causing the Bridegroom in a disguised habit to come into Castille, whether he was conducted by D. Pedro Manriques Earl of Trevigno, 
Donna Isabel of Castil● marrieth Fernand of Arragon.  who afterwards was Duke of Nagera, and others, who brought him to Valiodolit. Where being presented before the Princess amongst others, very few (nor yet she herself) did know him: but her faithful servant Guttiere de Cardegna showed her him, saying in his Spanish tongue, Essenes. This is he: to whom the Princess readily replied and Esse shall be thine arms: for this cause, the house and posterity of this Knight, beareth yet to this day, amidst there blazons and devices an S S: The royal aspect and grave countenance of Prince Fernand did soon certify the Princess that it was he, therefore without any more delay, the marriage was sollemnized and accomplished at Valiodolit, the eighteenth of October 1469. in the house of john de Bivero, where at this day the King's Chancery is kept, King Henry not knowing thereof, who would rather have hindered it then otherwise, for the small good which he wished to King john of Arragon his father.  
These news were presently carried to the Master of Saint james, who wrote to the King that he should forthwith without delay come to Cantillana; the which he did, not knowing the cause why he was so hastily sent for: there, to his great grief; he understood of his sister's marriage: wherefore upon the instant he departed out of Andaluzia, leaving those of Seville somewhat moved, until they knew the cause: and taking the ready way to Trugillo, he was there stayed, by the refusal of Garcia de Seize captain of the fort of that city, who would not yield the same place up unto him, the which he meant to have bestowed upon the Earl of pleasance, in recompense of the good service which he had done unto him. This captain had agreed with the townsmen (who had foreseen the King's intent) to hold out and not to permit the same to be alienated from the crown, and given to a private Lord. The King perceiving that he could not gratify the Earl with Trugillo, confirmed unto him, and left for Inheritance to him and his heirs for ever the town of Arevalo, which was pawned unto him; with title of Duke, doing thereby manifest wrong to the widow Queen Isabel, unto whom that town did belong.  
Being at Trugillo, Gomes de Caceres Master of Alcantara came unto him, and craved pardon for his offences, the which he freely obtained: and besides that he was confirmed in the government of Badajos, and Caceres, which he had usurped during the revolts: and at his entreaty, and of the Master of Saint james, he gave to his brother Guttiere de Caceres the city of Coria, with the title of Earl. To Alphonso Monroy, who had been faithful unto him, and followed the wars at his own charges, he gave many great gifts: so this King did good both to his friends and enemies. At the same place of Trugillo, he received letters from the Princess his sister, by the which she gave him reason for her marriage with Prince Fernand, and for her refusal of the others, entreating him to believe that it was done, for the good quiet and commodity of the Kingdom of Castille in time to come, and to assure him both of her good will and her husbands, who would for ever remain his affectionate servants, without inclining to any thing that should displease him; beseeching him to consider with what hearty affection she loved and honoured him, seeing that when it was in her power to take upon her the regal dignity, which was offered her, by the decease of Prince Don Alphonso, she had refused it, and exhorted the confederate Lords to serve and honour him as their King: complaining besides of many other grievous wrongs offered as well unto herself, as to the widow Queen Isabella her mother yet living. The letter being read before the council, the messenger received this answer, that the King would be shortly at Segobia, where all matters should be debated on with reason and equity, and in deed the Court removed thither presently after, where the Ambassadors of the Princes Fernand and Donna Isabel did arrive, who were Don Pedro de Baca, and Diego de Ribera, who had brought up the Infant Don Alphonso deceased: and on the Archbishop of Toledoes part, Lewis of Antecana, who besought the King to approve the marriage, and to excuse the Princes, for that they had not acquainted all the great Lords of the Kingdom therewith, who by reason that they were divided into diverse factions, could not choose thereby but nourish greater occasions of discord: As for themselves, they wished nothing more, then to be obedient unto him, and for such to be reputed, desiring to employ themselves for the maintenance of the peace of the Kingdom, and administration of justice, which in a manner was chased away, in steed whereof all manner of outrages, extortions and confusions did reign. Lastly they entreated him to appoint some place where the Princes might come and visit him, to the end to certify him in person of their sincere affection and desire to do him service.  
Besides these demands, 
Matrimonial Articles betwixt Fernand of Arragon, and Isabel of Castille.  they declared unto the King the Articles and Covenants, whereupon this marriage was contracted, which were these.  
1 First of all, Prince Fernand King of Sicill did promise to be a devout and obedient son to the Sea of Rome, and to honour and well entreat the Ecclesiastical Persons and Ministers of the same.  
2 That he should honour and acknowledge King Henry for his King (if it pleased him to accept thereof) and should employ his person and means to cause all his subjects to do the like.  
3 That he should likewise honour the widow Queen Isabel, mother to the Princess.  
4 That he should cause justice to be established, and should assist the King therein, observing the laws and good customs of the Kingdom.  
5 That he should endeavour, with his uttermost power, to maintain the peace betwixt the King, Himself and the Princess.  
6 That he should not departed out of the Kingdom of Castille, nor carry away the Princess, nor the children that God should send them, especially the Prince his heir, without express deliberation and consent of the council.  
7 That in the letters and royal charters, the Prince and the Princess should be named both together, as well in those which concerned Castille and Leon, as those in the Kingdoms and Lands which the Prince now possesseth, or may enjoy hereafter.  
8 That the natural borne of the Kingdom should be admitted into the council and offices of either of them, with consent of the Princess.  
9 That the Princess should receive the oaths of homage and fidelity, and should have power to place officers, captains and guards, in the cities, castles and fortresses of the Kingdom, as well by her presently possessed, as in others, which might hereafter fall unto her, placing therein persons borne in the Kingdom of Castille, and appurtenances thereof and none others.  
10 That all gifts and pensions granted by the Princess, should be approved and confirmed by Prince Fernand.  
11 That he should not procure the hurt of any one of the Kingdoms of Castille and Leon for the occasion of the wars, quarrels, and outrages past, betwixt Castille and Arragon.  
12 That he should not enterprise, nor make war, league, nor confederacy, with any neighbour King, Lord or Knight of this Kingdom, without the consent of the Princess, and her council.  
13 That for the increase of the Princess dowry, he should give to her Borja and Magallon in the Kingdom of Arragon: and in that of Valencia, Elche and Euillen: and in Sicill, Siracuça and Catanea, according as those places had been assigned and given from time to time to the Queens of Arragon.  
14. Besides, that the Princess should every year, during her life, receive the rents & revenues of one town in the said Kingdoms which she should best like of, provided that it were not a capital or chief town of the Kingdom, or principality, the governors and officers whereof should nevertheless be natives of the same country.  
15 And if the Prince should happen to die first, the Princess should nevertheless, during her life, enjoy those places; after whose decease they should return to the crown, and to the heirs thereof.  
16 And if it should be found, that greater dowries, profits, lands, authority & pre-eminence had been given to Queen joane of Arragon the Prince's mother, or to Queen Mary wife to King Alphonso, daughter to King Henry the Princess grandfather, that the Prince should supply that defect within two months after.  
17 That within the term of four months he should give to the Princess in ready money a hundred thousand florins of the coin of Arragon for her expenses, and to bestow as she pleased.  
18 That if any war or strife should arise in the Kingdom, the Prince did oblige himself to serve in person with four thousand Lances till the war were ended, and if he should not furnish so many lances, that he should then pay with his own money, such forces as should serve under him.  
King Henry having heard the Ambassadors, answered, that the business being of great consequence, it was requisite to advise thereon with mature deliberation, and that after he had consulted with the great Lords of his Court and council, he would then answer their message, and so sent them back.  
In the mean space a notable Insolency was committed in Andaluzia, which caused great stirs: for albeit that through the King's means and authority it seemed that the Bishop of Siguença, had made an agreement and pacified Alphonso de Aguilar with the Earl of Cabra and his children, nevertheless their hatred slept not in their hearts, so as Alphonso upon a time having invited to a banquet in the townhouse of Cordova called Casa del Cabildo, 
A rashact of Alph●nso de Aguilar, against the children of the Earl of Cabra.  D. Diego the Marshal of Cordova, eldest son to the Earl, who held the place of Alguazil Major of the same city, he kept him there prisoner, and sent him away with great indignity, with a sure guard, to his sort of Cagnete, he took also his brother Sancho, and kept him prisoner likewise, having the Magistrates of the city at his devotion: whereof complaints being made to the King, he did write in great cholle● to Alphonso, commanding him without delay to release the brethren; otherwise he would come in person into Andaluzia and enforce him to do it, punishing him as a rebellious person: wherefore the Marshal was released and sent to Baena, who resenting this injury, wrote a letter to the King full of accusations, craving leave of him to defy his enemy, and to provoke him to single fight, thereby to constrain him to repair and satisfy his honour and reputation: The King having heard the messenger and read the letter, would by no means allow of the combat, because sundry disorders arise thereof; as also for that those matters of Duel or single combat, are contrary both to divine and humane laws, especially betwixt subjects belonging to one and the self same Prince, who hath hath power and authority, to bring them to reason by way of justice: 
Duello granted by the King of Granad● to Diego of Cordova against Alphonso de Aguilar.  hereupon the Marshal published infamous libels and declarations, against Alphonso, and he obtained free liberty of the King of Granado to enter the combat in his country, assigning Alphonso to meet in the plain of Granada, and sending him a safeconduct from the Moor King: The day appointed for the fight being come Alphonso would not appear: wherefore after that the Marshal had made the acts and protestarions which are accustomed in in such cases, about the setting of the Sun, he took a picture representing Alphonso de Aguilar, and having tied it to his horse tail with the face to the ground, he galloped up and down the plain, dragging it after him; crying aloud: This is the traitor Alphonso de Aguilar, who durst not meet me in single fight, nor venture his body against mine: Then the King of Granado adjudged him a victor, and condemned Alphonso: diverse draughts of that picture were afterward sent to sundry Lords and Knights of Spain to Alphonso's great disgrace.  
The city of Simancas, 
The Admiral of Castlile surpriseth Simancas.  with the castle thereof, were in this mean time surprised against the King's authority, by the Admiral, wherewith the King was greatly troubled, in regard that the Master of Saint james was very sick, without whom he was not able to negotiate or resolve upon any matter of importance: This year King Lewis the eleventh, demanded Donna joane in marriage for his brother Charles Duke of Guyenne, whose Ambassadors were put in good hope that it should be accomplished. An other embassage was sent to King Henry from the same King Lewis, to induce him to join with him about calling of a council against Pope Paul the second: but his council was of opinion that the King should not meddle in a matter so displeasing to the Pope, by whom, and by the Sea of Rome his progenitors had been always favoured, wherefore the Ambassadors were answered in this manner, that the King would not hearken to their request, and that he did wish King Lewis to desist from his purpose, and to assure him that all the means of Spain should be employed for God's vicar, unto whom King Henry, besides the dignity which he held, was particularly obliged, for that he had aided and comforted him in his troubles. At the same time the Knights of Alcantara, conducted by the treasurer Alphonso de Mont Roy, rose in mutiny against their Master D. Gomes de Caceres, and pursued him to death: so as after they had taken from him Badajos, Alcantara, and Valence of Alcantara, they fought with him and overcame him in battle, so as he could never after raise himself again: his brother Guttiere Earl of Coria, having for his succour demanded soldiers of the Earl of Alva D. Garci Aluares of Toledo his father in law, engaged to him the city of Coria for money to pay them, who being gathered together in great numbers, their passage was hindered at the river of Taio by the diligence of Alphonso de Mont Roy, and the other Knights his adversaries, who broke all the bridges, and sunk all the boats, so as they could not pass: wherefore they returned without doing any thing, and Coria remained to the Earl of Alua. By this evil hap, the Master wholly ruined and in despair, died soon after in great poverty and misery: the Mastership whereof was begged of the Pope, by Donna Leonora Pimencell, 
Donna Leon●r Pimentel Countess of pleasance a woman of manly courage.  Countess of pleasance, for her son D. john de Estuniga. The King did willingly consent to the pursuit of the Countess, whom he honoured above all others, and allowed and confirmed the Pope's Bul. And albeit that the treasurer, Alphonso of Montroy, and the Knights did oppose themselves against such an irregular election, the Countess who had more than a woman's heart, took Alcantara with other places by force, and dealt in such manner, as her son possessed the Mastership: and was the last that had the title of Master of that Order.  
Roderigo Bishop of Zamora at that time flourished in Spain for his learning: but whilst the Prelates and Governors of the Church gave themselves over to worldly greatness, 
Spanish superstitions.  and to nourish and sow discord and divisions, Religion itself was managed according to every man's devotion. There is in the Province of Guipuscoa in the mountain of Aloya, in the territory of Ognate a Covent of Friars, the original, whereof began about this time: for it is reported that a certain herdsman called Roderigo Balcategui who dwelled in Vribarri, keeping his goats upon that mountain, went down the same hill into a rocky place, which was near to no highway, where he found by chance an Image of the Virgin Mary upon a green thorn. This seemed unto him a wonderful matter because of the desertnesse of the place: therefore he fell to saying his ave Maries, and other such like prayers as he had been taught: then night drawing on he covered the Image with boughs and other things, and went home to his village, and told this great wonder: The rumour thereof being spread thorough the town of Ognate, the Ministers of justice, 
The people of Ognate superstitious.  the Clergy, and the common people, being guided by the shepherd, went to the same place, where they found in a hedge a very little Image of the Virgin Mary, holding her Son in her arms, before which they all kneeled down and began to sing many songs and hymns, thanking God that had sent them so precious a jewel, thinking it a great miracle to have found it in so desert and remote a place: wherefore they consulted together about building a Chapel there, and whilst provision was made for the manner and matter of that building, they resolved to enclose it with boards, notwithstanding it was seated very discomodiously, they not daring to undertake to transport it from thence, nor to build an house for it in any other place then where it first appeared, and they named it the hermitage of our Lady of Arançaçu, which is to say, of the thorn; the which in short time was held for a very religious place, being visited, and endowed by diverse devout people. Wherefore those of Ognate and Mondragon, which are the nearest places to it, seeing that great numbers of pilgrims came thither, they began to make the ways plain; and to cut the rock to make the passage thither more easy. Upon this beginning, grounded upon the simple credulity of a sort of rude people, it came to pass that this Image being famous and greatly visited, certain of the religious of La Merced were greatly desirous to build a Covent there, wherein one of them named Friar Peter of Ariaran did greatly employ himself, whose mother was so superstitious, as she dedicated her whole life to the service of this Covent: but these father's being kept there a certain time, as well by the alms of the good people of the country thereabouts as also by the bounty of the pilgrims, in the end by reason of the extreme cold of the winter, and barrenness of the place, they grew weary and left it: in whose rooms came certain religious people of the third Order of Saint Francis, or Tercerones (as they call them) who did enlarge the Covent begun by the Friars of La Merced, 
Friars tranformed to jacobins.  who were by the Popes provided of diverse pardons and indulgencies for those which should visit it, and do them any good: now, in the reign of the Catholic King and Queen Fernand and Isabel, upon the occasion of reforming the religions of Spain, these friars Tercerons were admonished by this Obseruantines to turn to their rule: which is, say they, the true rule of Saint Francis, which they refused, and being urged thereunto by way of justice; these fathers resolved to give over their first religion, and did put on the habit of the jacobins, or friars preachers of Saint Dominike: then there arose an other strife betwixt the Friars of Saint Francis, and the Dominicans, about the possession of this Covent, the Friars saying that it belonged unto them, and to none others, seeing that the brethren of their Order had held it so long a time without contradiction of those of La Merced: Therefore they began by ordinary and extraordinary means to contend about this possession, and at the last fell to blows: but the Dominicans being upheld by the Inhabitants of Ognate, the friars withdrew themselves, not attempting it any more by such means, than they began their suit about it at Rome, whether they sent for their solicitor, a friar called Martin Gartbay, who used such diligence, as the right was judged to the brethren of his order, and the Covent restored to the Observant friars: So at the return of friar Martin into Spain, who brought with him the execution of that sentence, the Dominicans came forth, and left the possession to their adversaries, who at this present do enjoy it, and have greatly augmented it with building; and it is said, that it is an harbour and retreat for many afflicted people specially of Mariners, who come thither to pay their vows: to the great commodity of the friars: these exercizes of religion are greatly used in Spain: but in the year 1552. upon the sixth of December, the whole Cloister, with the lodgings and other buildings were burnt down to the ground by casualty: but the fire touched not the Church which they account for a great miracle.  
This year 1469. died Don Pedro Fernandes of Velasco Earl of Haro who was reputed to be a Knight that led the most Christian life of any other of his time, 
Religious deeds of Pedro Fernandes de Velasco, Earl of Haro.  in testimony whereof the Spaniards writ that he did build the Monastery of Pomar, where he made three of his daughter's Nuns, with an hospital where twelve Gentlemen, fallen into poverty, should be honourably entertained, and a Chapel for the burial of him and his: living afterward very retiredly in Medina de Pomar, eschewing the dangers and troubles of this world: these religious works are practised in Spain, by the great Lords that are rich, when they are become old and have many children. Now his son Don Pedro of Velasco, oftentimes named in this History, succeeded in the Earldom.  
But returning to the History of King Henry, who being come to Segobia, the absence of the Master of Saint james, who was extremely sick of a quartan fever, did greatly trouble him, for without him he could do nothing: therefore it was thought fit, that for their better conferring together, the King should come to Madrid, whether the Master being very weak was brought, the King and the whole Court going forth to meet him, not without the wonder of diverse, which thought it a strange matter to see this Prince, so much to abase himself to john de Pacheco, who notwithstanding that he was sick, yet all matters passed through his hands, and nothing was concluded on without him. About the same time died Don Lewis de la Cerde, who had held Escalona all the time of the troubles, and appointed at his death, that his people should yield it up to the King: the Master of Saint james, demanded this place and obtained it: and because the soldiers of the deceased, did say that they would not deliver it to any other but to the King himself, 
Contempt of justice in these days in Castille.  he came thither in person, and received the town, and gave it forthwith to the master of Saint james: so as all that which had been taken from Aluar de Luna, Master of Saint james, fell to this man.  
In these days the great Lords of Spain grew so licentious, as he which was strongest, would right himself, the King nor his laws being in no sort feared nor reverenced. There was a quarrel betwixt the Earls of Benavent, 
Quarrels betwixt the Earls of Ben●uent and Lemos.  Lemos, and the Vicont of Vaçan, about the town of Matilla, possessed by the Earl of Lemos, the Earl of Luna laboured to reconcile them, and to bring them to talk together; but he of Benavent came thither so well accompanied, as he took the Viscount prisoner, and sent him away to Benavent, than he took the town of Matilla by force, and restored to Garcia of Toledo, Bishop of Astorga, certain places which had been usurped upon him. The sort of Canales was likewise taken from the Archbishop of Toledo by a captain called Peter Bermudes of the King's party, 
Canales taken from the Archbishop of Toledo.  who was nothing sorry therefore. In Biscay and Guipuscoa, the factions of Gamboinnes and Ognazines grew outrageous, the chief heads whereof were Peter Abendagno and john Alphonso of Murica, whereof followed so many murders, 
Factions in Biscay.  rapes, and other cruel and wicked acts, as the King, at the request of them of the country, sent D. Pedro of Velasco the new Earl of Haro thither, with power and authority to find out and punish the offenders, and to reduce those two Provinces into a quiet and peaceable Estate. The Earl upon due information made, banished for ever out of Guipuscoa and Biscay, the two ringleaders of these factions, who upon pain of death and confiscation of their goods, should never more set foot in those countries, and besides he caused diverse thieves and murderers to be executed. We have declared heretofore, how that the confederate Lords, desiring to draw the Earl of Alva to their league, had given him in hostage, for the performance of the capitulations made betwixt them, the towns of Montalban, and the Archbishop's bridge, which place the Marquis of Villena Master of Saint james (who was now rid of his fever, and ruled the King more than before) desiring to draw from him, he used such means with the Earl as he was contented to deliver those towns unto him, the Archbishop of Seville being a third man, and arbitrator betwixt them. They promised the Earl that the King should give him the title of Duke of Alva, and Earl of Barco: and besides, in regard he was possessed of the city of Coria, pawned to him by his son in law, deceased, they would be a means to have it confirmed to him with the title of Marquis thereof, upon this condition that he should deliver up Montalban & the Archbishop's bridge which the Earl agreeing to, the Master of Saint james sent him the King's letters-pattents for the confirmation of his titles: and so they two remained friends. Wherefore D. Garcia Aluares of Toledo was ever after called Duke of Alva, Earl of Barca, and Marquis of Coria. The ordinary invasions and spoils made by the Moors upon the frontiers of Andaluzia in these confusions, by reason that there was small or no resistance at all in that part of the Kingdom, moved the Archbishop of Toledo, and the great Lords of Spain earnestly to solicit the King to call an assembly of the chief men of the Kingdom, where there should assist the Master of Saint james, the Dukes of Arevalo, Alva and Albuquerque, the Admiral and the Marquis of Santillana, the Earls of Benavent and Trevigno, the Pope's Nuntio, the Archbishops of Toledo and Seville, and the Bishops of Siguença, Burgos and Coria, who should advise of some fit expedient to remedy so many inconveniences, and make justice to flourish again in the realms of Castille. The same request was afterwards made by the Princes D. Fernand and Donna Isabel, and by the Deputies of the cities and commonalties, universities, orders of religious men, and the Colleges of Churchmen, to call the assembly in some city or town, under the sufegard of four great Lords, there for to make some good conclusion with a common consent: and if the commissioners should not agree, that the decision of the whole matter might be put to the judgement of four wise religious persons, chosen on't of the Orders of the Chartreux, Saint Francis, Saint Dominike and Saint Jerome, unto these demands, made with so great instance by the States of Castille, the King made none other answer, but that he would think upon it and provide for it accordingly by the advice of his council.  

Muley Albohacen, the nineteenth King of Granado.  
IN the mean space the Moors, of whom we have spoken, did waste and spoil the country of Andalusia. 
Moors.  They were commanded at that time by Muley Albohacen king of Granado, or as some others call him, Haly Muley Hacen, or Hali Aben Açan: for Muley among the Moorish Princes, namely, of Morocco, Sus Fez, Vilez, Tremessen, Tunis and Escuray, is a common title and surname, signifying, Prince, King, or Lord. This man was surnamed the Great, and succeeded his father king Ishmael, who died in Almeria, the year 1465. after he had reigned twelve years: he was a valiant soldier, and yet nevertheless for certain years he was at peace with the Christian Princes: he had two wives which were married to him, the one a Moor, by whom, among other children, he had a son called Mahumet Boabdelin, or Boabdile, who reigned after his father, and was called king Chiquito, which is to say, little: his second wives name was Zoroyra, who having been a Christian, did at her husband's instigation, return to the Arabian Sect of Mahumet: by her he had two sons, the one called God, and the other Nacre, who after the taking of Granado, and the final conquest of that Kingdom, were baptised and took new names, to wit, the mother Izabella, and the children, Fernand and john: of whose royal race, there is yet at this day succession in Castille.  
The Constable Michael Lucas de Irançu, who kept a garrison at jaen, had regard to the dangers that might happen to the kingdom of Castille, on that side of Andalusia in Eccia, Don Martin of Cordova, with others in other places, who were assisted but with weak forces, by Don Pedro of Cordova, Earl of Cabra, and Martin Alphonso of Cordova his sonne-in-law● but within the kingdom of Granado, the Moor King had to enemy, a knight named Alquizot, Captain and Governor of Malaga, who had intelligence with King Henry of Castille then reigning, under whose protection he had put himself, as hath been heretofore declared, and was held by him as one of his vassals: by reason whereof Muley Albohacen, (who desired and sought by all means to drive this Moor out of Malaga) being moved against King Henry, and taking advantage by reason of the troubles and confusions in Castille, he entered oftentimes with a great army into Andalusia, which he led further into the country, than any of his predecessors, Kings of Granado had done, by reason of the weak resistance which he there found, from whence followed death and captivity of people, with burning and desolation to the Country.  
The petitions and complaints which were daily made to king Henry, were full fraught with the contents of these miseries, 
Castille.  but he did not taste them as he ought, but partly through negligence, and hatred which he did bear to businesses, and partly with over much intending his own passions, he did defer the remedies, being at that time busied with a desire to marry his supposed daughter to the Duke of Guienne, and to the same effect he treated with the French Ambassadors, which were arrived at Medina del campo, to wit, the Bishop and Cardinal of Albi abovementioned, and the Lord of Torsi from the French King, and from the Duke of Guienne, the Earl of Bologne, and the Lord of Malicorne, who having declared their Commission to the King, and used some sharp and bitter speeches against the Princess Izabella, he seemed to like very well of the marriage, and appointed the Archbishop of Sevile, the Bishop of Siguença, and the Master of S. james, to agree about the matrimonial conditions: who whilst they were in this sort busied, there happened a great riot at Guadalupa, occasioned by Donna Eluira, Lady of Belalcaçar, who having understood that Don Alphonso Ponce of Leon, Bastard-brother to Don Rodrigo Ponce of Leon, Earl of Arcos, did accompany and bring back two young Ladies, daughters to the Countess of Medellin, who till then had been kept under the power of the Earl of Cifuentes, she sent her brother Don Francisco of Estuniga, accompanied with those of the family of Chaves of Trugillo with a great company of soldiers, to make reprisal of these Ladies for certain prisoners, Kinsfolks, and friends of the Chaves, who were kept by the Countess of Medellin: wherefore Don Francisco having overtaken them at Guadalupa, D. Alphonso Ponce, who conducted them, thought to get the franchise of the Monastery of Guadalupa, where he was besieged, and the Ladies, with those that conducted them, and the Monks of the same place, did suffer many outrages, notwithstanding that the King thought to remedy the matter, by sending thither the Licenciate Don Henriques, who could do no good: in the end Don Francisco of Estuniga and his people having broken up the gates of the Covent, enforced Don Alphonso to yield himself, and to deliver the Ladies into his hands, whom they led away with them. Now the marriage being concluded betwixt Donna joane and the Duke of Guienne, to the great discontent of divers Spaniards, the King and the Ambassadors went to Segobia, 
Conclusion of the marriage betwixt Charles Duke of Guien and D. joane.  there to receive Donna joane, who was at Guadalajara, and also to apply to themselves the pardons of the jubilee, which the Pope granted this year, unto such as would give money for them: to wit, the richer sort, four royals of plate, those of the meaner sort, three, and the meanest of all, two, the third part whereof was to be applied to the sea of Rome and chamber Apostolic, and the other two thirds towards the building of the Cloister of the great Church of the same city, whereunto the King furnished abundantly to that which was wanting, and gave unto it certain Copes of cloth of gold. 
The towns of the Infan●asgo given to the Marquis of Santillana.  Donna joane was in the keeping of the Marquis of Santillana, who in recompense of his pains, and cost, bestowed about her entertainment, received in gift from the King, the three towns of the Infantasgo, namely, Alcoçer, Valdolivas, and Salmeron, the which did belong to the Countess of Saint Steephen, wife to Don Diego Lopes de Pacheco, Marquis of Villena: but she was recompensed four fold, for the King gave her the town of Requegna with the rights of the port thereof: the Master of Saint james, father to the Marquis, being he that did order and dispose of all matters after his own pleasure and profit.  
There arose about the same time a great tumult in Vailliodolit betwixt the old and new Christians, the old being favoured and upheld by john de Bivero, a rich Citizen of the same town, and very affectionate to the service of the Prince's Don Fernand, and Donna Izabella, who upon this occasion came from Duegnas, where they remained, to Vailliodolit, and were lodged in john de Biuero's house: the which did so stir up the mutinous people, as they came running in arms to force that house, the Princes were in danger to have been taken, if the Bishop of Salamanca, who was Precedent of the Chancery, had not suddenly put them out of the town, and caused them to return to Duegnas.  
The King having notice of this tumult, came to Vailliodolit, confiscated john de Biuero's house, and gave it to the Earl of Benavent with the Captainship of the town, and having pacified the people, he returned to Segobia, where his chiefest and most pleasing abode was, the fortress of the which place, held for a certain time by the Master of Saint james, was a little while before yielded up unto him, where he made Andrew de Cabrera Captain.  
Certain days after, the King removed from Segobia, and came to lie in the Monastery of Paular in the valley of Loçoia, bringing with him his wife Queen joane, D. joane her daughter, the French Ambassadors, and others, the Duke of Arevalo and Valence, the Master of Saint james, the Earls of Benavent, Miranda, S. Martha, the Archbishop of Sevile, with many other Lords, Knights, and Prelates: but the Lords of the house of Mendoza, did chief accompany the Queen and her daughter, namely, the Marquis of Santillana, the Bishop of Siguença, the Earls of Tendilla and Crugna, and Don john Hurtado, the which Lords and Ambassadors, being by the King's commandment assembled in an open field, upon the bank of the river which runneth through the same valley, where from all parts of the Country, great numbers of people of all sorts were gathered together.  
The Licentiate Antonio Nugnes of Cité Rodrigo was commanded by the king to read a writing signed with his hand, and sealed with his seal, containing in substance, that whereas he in times past, at the entreaty and request of the great Lords of his kingdom, and for to pacify the troubles and civil wars of the same, had declared his sister Donna Izabella his heir, and successor in the State and royal dignity of Castille, and procured the Lords, Prelates, and Commonalties of the kingdom to swear unto her, upon condition, that she should be obedient unto him: she notwithstanding rejecting all respect and duty due unto him, who was her king, father, and elder brother, had married herself without his knowledge, and against his express commandment; to Don Fernand king of Sicill and Prince of Arragon: in regard whereof, he did at that present manifest and declare her to be fallen from all the right which she might pretend thereunto, and did disinherit her, disannulling all promises, declarations, and institutions made unto her in that behalf: commanding all his subjects, that from thence forward they should not acknowledge her for Princess, but obey (with a follemne oath) his daughter Donna joane there present: This writing being read openly with a loud voice, the Cardinal of Albi, the French Ambassador, came to the Queen, requesting her to affirm by oath, whether Donna joane were truly the daughter of the king her husband or not, whereunto she answered, 
King Henry of Castille his false oath.  that undoubtedly she was: then he made the like request to the king, namely, whether he did steadfastly believe, that Donna joane there present, were his daughter, the which he affirmed, saying, that he had always reputed and accounted her for his own natural daughter ever since she was borne: then presently, the Prelates, Lords, and others which were present at that act, came and kissed the Infanta's hands, and following the King's commandment, 
The Lords of Mendoza refuse to kiss the hands of D. joane.  they took the oath of fidelity unto her, after the manner accustomed to the eldest sons of the kings of Castille, all of them calling her Princess and heir, the Marquis of Santillana, the Bishop of Siguença and his other brethren excepted, who excused themselves, saying, that they had already at another time taken the same oath, which was not now needful to be reiterated. After these things the Earl of Bologne having exhibited the authority which he had from the Duke of Guienne, the Cardinal took Donna joane, and the Earl by the hands, and betrothed them, with all the usual ceremonies and solemnities: and then the drums and trumpets sounded, and all sorts of signs of joy and gladness were made by the assistants. This done, the Ambassadors returned to Segobia, where by the way they were so beaten with a violent tempest of wind, rain and hail, as they were in danger of their lives, and divers of their train perished, which was an evident token, that the miseries of Spain were not yet at an end. From Segobia, the King caused the Bishop of Siguença to accompany them to Burgos, 
The Duke of Guienne his death, breaks this marriage.  from whence they returned highly contented to France: but the Duke of Guienne his death, who lived in continual discord with his brother king Lewis, hindered the accomplishment of this marriage.  
The Archbishop of Toledo was then at home in his house, 
New troubles by the Archbishop of Toledoes means.  contriving of new troubles, and held the party contrary to the Master of S. james, who did wholly possess the King, to the great indignation of the great Lords, who upon that occasion left the Court, and retired themselves home to their houses, the kingdom being oppressed with miseries, plagues, famines, murders, and falsehood in all things, especially in money, to the great hurt of the people, who wanted the administration of justice. Basco de Contreras one of the King's captains, had taken the fortress of Perales from this Archbishop, the which caused new troubles: for the Archbishop being desirous to recover it, assembled forces, and came and besieged it: the King on the other side sent him commandment to withdraw his soldiers, threatening, if he refused, to fall upon him and his, and was already come to Madrid, with troops of horse and foot. The Archbishop perceiving himself inferior in strength, obeyed the King's commandment, and brought back his people to Alcala.  
The Prince's Don Fernand and D. Izabella, remained at Duegas, being counseled and favoured in all things by the Archbishop of Toledo, and his faithful companion Don john of Aria's Bishop of Segobia, 
Proceed against the Archb of Toledo.  by reason whereof the King complained to the Pope by his Ambassador resident at Rome, of both these Prelates, accusing them of committing many things to the prejudice and contempt of his royal Crown. The Pope understanding so much, sent to the Bishop of Segobia, commanding him within the term of ninety days to make his personal appearance at Rome. And he appointed that the Lords of the King's Council, should cause the Archbishop to be summoned and exhorted by four cannons, according to the form of law, to return to the obedience due unto the king, which if he should refuse to do, they should then thunder out his process, and send it to Rome, that the Pope might see it, to the end to proceed against him, and chastise him as a rebellious Prelate. The Pope's Brief being declared in the Chapterhouse of Toledo, there came to the Court at Madrid, Fernand Peres of Ayala, bastard-brother to Pero Lopes of Ayala, who had been Earl of Fuençalida, Diego deal Gadillo, Marco Dias, and Don Francisco of Palencia, Prior of Arrochio, Canons of the same church, who having showed to the King, how highly their Prelate's disobedience did displease not only them, but the whole Chapter, they offered themselves to perform whatsoever the King's Council should think fit to be done for his service, and for reducing the Archbishop to his duty to his royal Majesty. Now, because the King and his train were at that time in the Diocese of Toledo, and fearing the Archbishop's censures and interdictions, they defended themselves with an appeal, putting themselves under the protection of the Sea Apostolic: and then a Knight and a Doctor was sent to give the Archbishop notice of the Brief, and to command him to return to the King's service, and to abandon the Princes, whom the King desired to chase out of the Realm. The Archbishop excused himself, and answered, that heretofore by the King's commandment he had sworn to the Princess Donna Izabella, as to the eldest heir of the Crown, therefore he could not acknowledge any other but her: and he besought the king to deal no farther in that business, because such was his determinate will and purpose. The King understanding this answer, commanded to proceed against the Archbishop with all rigour: but the Master of Saint james, who managed the affairs with more cunning, was of a contrary opinion: he advised the King to send the Licentiate Diego Henriques unto him, to offer him, if he would adhere to the King's party, and forsake the Princess, three thousand tenants, and two forts for his two sons Troilo Carillo of Acugna, and Lope Vasques of Acugna.  
The Archbishop rejected these temptations, and would by no means forsake the Princess service. This notwithstanding, the Master caused all proceed against her to cease, and the four cannons were sent back to Toledo discontented enough, three of them were taken by the way, and brought to Torrejon de Velasco, by Pero Arias of Auila, who by the Archbishops commandment lay in ambush to surprise them. Fernand Peres of Ayala, only saved himself in Canales. The King being very much displeased herewith, sent divers horsemen to field, who took divers friends and servants of the Archbishops, and among others, Don Diego of Guevara, a Cannon of Toledo, in exchange of whom the three Canons were delivered. And so the matter passed on betwixt the King and the Archbishop for that time.  
In the mean time, the Master of Saint james intending his own profit, and being assured of his credit and power, had taken the city of Alcaraz, which imported him very much, being near to his Marquisat of Villena, and was easily confirmed in the possession and revenue of the same by the King, 
Disorders in the government of Castille  which discontented divers: for by his example, the Earl of Benavent, seized upon Villalua, and deposing Pero Nugno from his office of Merin major of the city of Valliodolit, he gave it to his brother Don Pedro Pimentell. It was then an ordinary trick in spain, for those that were able to seize upon any place to do it, without caring for robberies, murders, and other heinous crimes, which they by such attempts afforded matter and occasion too, being assured that if they had any little favour in Court, to possess their booties without control. It happened even so to the Earl of Arcos, Don Rodrigo Ponce of Leon, who having taken, during the furies of the League, the city of Cales, he obtained the same in full propriety, with title of Marquis thereof, by the means and furtherance of the Master of Saint james his father-in-law.  
If two Lords were at strife, without any respect of the Royal Majesty, they would strike up the drum, and raise forces to ruin one another, as if they had been Sovereign Princes, which had held of none but of God and the sword (as they say.) Upon these terms stood Don Manuel Ponce of Leon, brother to the Earl of Arcos, and Don Fernand of Velasco, brother to the Earl of Siruela, who were in the field, accompanied with great number of horsemen ready to come to battle betwixt Madrid and Alcala, near enough to the Court: wherefore the King to hinder them, sent thither his great Master Andrew Cabrera with sufficient forces. Cabrera using great diligence, and gallowping apace in a dusty high way, his horse raising a great cloud of dust, he was not perceived by those which followed him, but was overthrown, and so trodden under the horse feet, that being well-near bruised to death, he was brought back speechless to Madrid, where after he had been well visited by the chirurgeons and Physicians, he recovered at leisure.  
There was a quarrel betwixt the Earls of Haro and Trevigno, about certain words of contempt uttered by the Countess of Haro, 
Quarrel betwixt the Earls of Haro and Trevigno.  the Earl of Trevigno strengthened himself with Pedro Abendagno, and john Alphonso of Muxica, chief of the Mutins of Biscay and Guipuscoa, who were banished not long before by the Earl of Haro, committed by the King for the ordering and pacifying of those Provinces. The Earl of Trevigno then having given them entrance into the country, against the King's leave, and contrary to the sentence: and being confederated together, they joined to their league Don Pedro Lopes of Padilla, Governor and Captain of the frontiers of Castille, riding up and down, and commanding in the Country without any fear at all: wherefore the Earl of Haro, by the King's commandment, came to Burgos, and there levied certain forces in haste as well he, as the Earl of Salines Don Lewis, and Don Sancho of Velasco his brethren, and brought them into Biscay, being most of them horsemen.  
The Earl of Trevigno and the Governor, did the like on their parts, unto whom were joined with great numbers of footmen levied in Biscay and Guipuscoa, the heads of the faction above named, to encourage whom the Earl of Trevigno used a policy. My companions in arms (quoth he) is it possible that you can endure, that this Earl Pedro of Velasco, with his credit and favour gotten by flattery, should henceforth command over you as your Lord, and separate you from the Crown of Castille, into the which your Predecessors were incorporated with so great affection? Will you again subject yourselves to follow those private passions, which have so often troubled the general state of the Kingdom, and exposed the subjects to extreme miseries, whereof you have so many recent examples before your eyes? I do not think that the ancient valour of the Biscans is so far degenerate, as ever to consent to submit themselves to any subaltern jurisdiction, especially when at this instant, an occasion presents itself to be revenged upon him, who is the oppressor of your liberties: For if we do not fight valiantly, and cut this Earl of Haro in pieces, assure you that he will become your Lord: For he hath without all doubt obtained of the King (who respects not the worthiness or unworthiness of those he doth good unto) the Lordship of Biscay, and hath Letters patents thereof, the which I have seen and read: Wherefore it remains then in your prows and valour, to set free yourselves from this inconvenience.  
The biscain's animated by this speech, being come to blows, near the town of Mugnia, in straight places and advantageous for footmen, as they were, against horsemen, did fight so furiously, as they put them to flight, with great slaughter, & taking of diverse persons of worth, among whom were led away the Earl of Salines, and Don Lewis of Velasco. The King having notice that these Lords were in arms, was come as far as Burgos to hinder their fight, but he came not soon enough. Wherefore he went to Odugna, and from thence sent commandment to the two Earls to lay down their arms, and to retire themselves to their own houses, enjoining the Earl of Trevigno, upon pain of his indignation, to deliver the prisoners: then he caused them to make truce, the better to reconcile them, and make them friends. In this encounter, the valour of one john de Lerva was noted on the Earl of Treuigno's party. On the other side Don Pedro Manrique son to the Earl of Paredes, being accompanied with certain base fellows, surprised the City of Alcarras, and enforced john de Haro, who was Governor thereof for the Master of Saint james, to save himself within the Castle, where he besieged him: but the Governor valiantly defended himself, and advertised the Master of his distress, who upon this occasion being come to Ocagna, and having speedily gathered together eight hundred horse, he with his son Don Diego Lopes de Pacheco came to Alcarras, and caused Don Pedro Manriques to dislodge, who at the bare report of his coming did raise his siege, being not strong enough to attend him.  
During these stirs, the Kingdom of Castille was like a Forest, where freely, and without control, all sorts of mischiefs were committed, the head that had power to redress them, not regarding it: Wherefore the towns and commonalties were enforced to set down some remedy for it, to the end they might live in better safety, for men were more assured from the violence of thieves in their own houses, then in the fields: and they established in every corner honest men, 
Hermandades of Castille.  who went up and down well accompanied, preventing those outrages the best they could, punishing the offenders, as often as they could lay hands on them, leaving the ways in some sort assured by that means: the King being contented therewith, and letting them alone, albeit the Factious were greatly displeased therewith, and namely, the Master of Saint james, who said it was not well done, to put base people in authority, and to keep the Nobility under.  
Now the Court being returned to Segobia, in the Castle of the which City, the King had caused his Treasure, jewels, and other rich stuff to be transported from Madrid, he determined to levy an army, being resolved to chase the Prince Don Fernand, and Donna Izabella out of the kingdom of Castille, for they were beams in his eyes, which did hinder him (as he said) from providing for the present calamities and miseries of his kingdom. The Master of Saint james, who ever held the event of battle doubtful and suspicious, was of opinion to use means more cunning, and less dangerous. The King being come to Coca with this purpose and determination, leaving at Segobia the Earl of Vruegna, and Andrew de Cabrera, with the Queen, and Donna joane, whom he called Princess, and the Master, who made use of the Archbishop of Sevile at his own pleasure, caused him to counsel him not to proceed against the Princess by way of force, but to try other means to draw them to his will. The King persuaded thereunto, 
An. 1470. Genealogy of Castille.  dissolved his army. These things passed in the year 1470. at which time the Princess Donna Izabella was delivered of her first child, in the City of Duegnas, the first day of October, to wit, of a daughter called Elizabeth, or Izabella like the mother.  
Then the Moors of Granado, 
Moors.  proud, because of their forepassed prosperities, foraged the Country belonging to the Mastershippe of Alcantara, against whom was sent the new Marquis of Cales, Don Rodrigo Ponce of Leon, Earl of Arcos, who repressed these runagates, and took from them the City of Cardela, the which soon after was taken again by the Moors: nevertheless he carried away with him great spoils, and many Moors prisoners. In the mean space the Duke of Alva came to the Court at Medina del Campo, who was kindly received and welcomed by the King.  
Now the marriage of Donna joane being dashed, by reason of the Duke of Guiens death, 
Castille.  who departed this life at Bourdeaux, the King by the advise of the Master of Saint james, sent Ambassadors to King Don Alphonso of Portugal, to treat with him about a marriage betwixt him and her. This King had no desire thereunto, because of the common report, which was, that she was borne in adultery betwixt Don Bertrand de la Cueu●, and the Queen of Castille: and therefore he had wholly rejected it, at such time as she should have been married to the Prince Don john his son, 
Genealogy of Portugal.  whom he married about that time to Donna Leonora, daughter to the Infant Don Fernand Duke of Viseo, and of Donna Beatrix, daughter to the Infant Don john, who had been in former time Master of Saint james, and the second Constable of Portugal: of the which Don Fernand, and Beatrix were borne, Don Domingo who was Duke of Viseo after his father, and Don Manuel who reigned in Portugal, after this Don john his brother in law. Donna Beatrice had builded the Monastery of Nuns, called the conception of Veja, where she with her husband Don Ferdinand lie buried. Now King Alphonso at such time as this embassage was making ready, was busied with good success about the African expedition: for having in person transported beyond the sea a very mighty army, being followed by the Prince Don john his son, and by many great Lords, and experimented Captains of his kingdom, amongst whom the most renowned were Don john Coutin Earl of Marialua, Don Alvaro de Castro Earl of Montesanto, 
Arzilla and Tanger in Africa taken by the King of Portugal.  and his son Don john de Castro, Don Henry de Meneses Earl of Valencia, Ruy de Merlo Captain of his guards, who afterward was Earl of Olivença, and Don Alphonso Vasconcello, who was Earl of Penela, he took by force Arzilla, and did so terrify them of Tanger, as they forsook the City, and left it empty to the enemy, so as King Don Alphonso having amply enlarged his Empire, beyond the sea, the Kings of Portugal have since entitled themselves, Kings on this side and beyond the Sea. The Earls of Montesanto and Marialua died at the taking of Arzilla.  
The government of Tanger was given to Ruy de Merlo with a good garrison: and the King and the Army being returned to Lisbon, Don Alphonso Basconcello, was made Earl of Penela, 
Marriage of the Prince D joan of Portugal with Donna Leonora of V●sco.  and then was the marriage of the Prince celebrated, being seventeen years of age, with Donna Leonora his cousin germane, with dispensation made since by Pope Sixtus the fourth, who succeeded Paul the second in the Sea of Rome. The Ambassadors of Castille agreed upon an interview of the the two Kings, betwixt the towns of Badajos and Yelues: but they departed one from an other discontented, without any conclusion of the marriage, the principal impediment was, the small trust which the King of Portugal reposed in the Master of Saint james, whose inconstancy he marvelously suspected; together with the disordered life of the Queen, who was detested of all men. This marriage afterwards was thought upon to be renewed, as shall be hereafter declared.  
The King of Castille wanted no troubles and discontents in this journey, by means of the insolency, 
Castille.  wherein the Lords, Prelates, and Knights his subjects were nourished, the one taking evil example from the other. First of all the Bishop of Siguença refused to accompany the King, and notwithstanding any entreaty, he would not stir forth of Guadalajara, whether he had withdrawn himself, being highly displeased that he had been disappointed of a Cardinal's Hat, whereunto by the king's favour he had earnestly aspired, the Master of Saint james having supplanted him, who procured and obtained it for Don Lewis d' A●ugna Bishop of Burgos his nephew, the Bishop of Siguença being never satisfied with speaking evil of Donna joane and the Queen her mother. The king with his train being come to Badajos, 
Insolency of the Master of Saint James.  he was constrained to lodge in the suburbs, and villages thereabouts: for the Earl of Feria shut the gates against him, saying, that he was certain that he would upon his entry give the same town to the Master of Saint james, to whom he durst deny nothing: for he went about not long before to snatch the town of Sepulued by force as it were from the king, which was near to the Earldom of Saint Stevens, the which notwithstanding the request, admonishment, and resistance of the inhabitants, who could not endure to be alienated from the Crown, the king was constrained to grant unto him by reason of his importunity: but the townsmen not resolved to obey the Master, gave themselves over to the Princess, who with Prince Ferdinand her husband came thither, and remained for a certain time in those quarters, and in the territories of the Archbishop of Toledo, who was always their faithful servant. At Seville the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and the Marquis of Cales were at great strife, and joined battle ●he one against the other, by means whereof the Marquis was driven forth of the city, and withdrew himself to Xeres, where being favoured by the knights of Saint james, and those of Calatrava, and the Duke by those of the City, they made cruel wars one upon another, the Master of Saint james upholding the Marquis his son in law.  
In an encounter made betwixt Sevile and Alcala of Guadiaira, two bastard sons of the Duke of Medina were slain, and other disorders followed thereupon: for the redressing whereof, the King sent Don Inigo Lopes of Mendoza, Earl of Tendilla, to Sevile, who by his diligence and good counsel, caused them to lay down their arms, and made those two Lords friends, and the Duke had his town of Medina Sidonia, and the fortress of the same restored unto him.  
At Toledo Pero Lopes of Ayala newly made Earl of Fuensalida, was solicited by the brother of his deceased wife Donna Maria de silva, to wit, the Bishop of Badajos, who was desirous to bring again the Earl of Cifuentes, and his Uncle Don john de Ribera into Toledo, to give his eldest daughter Donna Leonora in marriage to the Earl of Cifuentes, seeking by that means to reconcile and make them friends, which the Master of Saint james did likewise procure, building some designs upon the same city: but the king being advertised thereof, sent forthwith the Licenciate Diego Henriques to advertise the Earl of Fuensalida by no means to make that marriage, and not to suffer the Earl of Cifuentes nor Don john de Ribera to enter into Toledo, because he was assured, that as soon as they should set foot within the city, they would drive him thence.  
The Earl giving more credit to the Bishop, then to the King, was very willing to agree upon the marriage, by reason whereof the Earl of Cifuentes, and Don john de Ribera, 
People of Toledo mutinous.  were no sooner entered into the city, but contrary to their oath and promise, which was not to attempt any innovation, nor stir up any troubles, they put themselves in arms, and bandied themselves in such sort, as there was nothing to be seen but daily and continual skirmishes, fights, murders, robberies, and other miseries, usual in divided Cities, the common people of this town being more mutinous and apt to enter into factions and leagues, than any other City of Spain: Wherefore the King, the better to redress these inconveniences, being at Madrid, sent the Bishop of Burgos, together with the Licentiate Diego Henriques, who for a time caused those insolences to cease.  
The King coming afterwards thither, took away, against all reason, the government of the city from the Earl of Fuensalida, and put it against his will, into the hands of Doctor Garcy Lopes of Madrid, with charge of an assistant, and with great authority, only to please and content the Master of Saint James. The dispossessed Earl went home to his own house, and the Earl of Cifuentes afterward had no desire to accomplish the marriage with Donna Leonora, alleging certain lets and hindrances, by reason of their near consanguinity, and so soon after married elsewhere. The Earl of Cifuentes, and Don john de Ribera, took Doctor Garcy Lopes, committed him to prison, and made themselves masters of the City gates, and other strong places, and besieged the Castle, the which they had taken, with the absolute command over the whole City, had not certain cannons resisted them, who fortifying themselves in the great Church, held out till such time as the Marshals Fernand de Rivadeneyra, and Pera●fan de Ribera were come to their aid, who caused the Earl and his people to withdraw themselves.  
The Master of Saint james, who was at that time in the territory of Leon, making his progress up and down about the ordering of the affairs of that Province, being advertised of that which had befallen Garcy Lopes, came in great haste to Toledo, from whence having driven the Earl of Cifuentes, Don john de Ribera, Lope of Estuniga, with Arias de silva, and other of their complices, he left the City in quiet. The King not long after came to the Monastery of Sisla, half a league distant from the City, but he did in no sort touch any of the seditious, because all the mischief had been procured by the Master. As he thought to return to Segobia, he found the City in a mutiny, and revolted from the Corregidor or Governor of the same, by the means of certain Gentlemen, who were taken, and sent with irons upon their legs to the Castle of Madrid, where they remained a long time after.  
Now if temporal matters were so ill governed, it is to be supposed, that spiritual affairs were far worse: for what good could happen to the people▪ whose Pastors, neglecting their ecclesiastical functions, had no other care but to heap up worldly riches and honours, making themselves heads of Factions, and by their covetousness and ambition, did themselves most of all trouble and disquiet all Kingdoms and Commonwealths.  
Whilst these miseries troubled the Realm of Castille, King john of Arragon did still endeavour to reduce the Rebels of Catralonia to his obedience, 
Arragon.  and after that he had ended the question betwixt himself and his son-in-law Gaston of Foix about the kingdom of Navarre, he did send his son Don Alphonso of Arragon, with the Earl of Prades, who was returned to his service, into the confines of Barcelona, who encamped themselves alongst the river of Beson, and made courses even to the City gates, burning and spoiling, houses, gardens, and other places of pleasure of that country. Then they went to batter a strong castle seated upon the river, which the Barcelonois being desirous to secure, james Galliot Governor of the city, came into the field with a great number of horsemen, and four thousand foot, bringing with him Don Denis of Portugal, and Gratian of Aguirre, who presenting themselves before the enemy, with intent to fight, 
The Barcelonois defeated.  were so rudely received, as within awhile they were defeated, with many of their people slain, hurt, and taken prisoners, in the number of whom were james Galliot, and Denis of Portugal: part of those which fled, came back to the city, and the rest retired themselves into the woods and mountains. This loss did so daunt the courage of those of Barcelona, as despairing of their affairs, they all began to hearken unto peace, whereunto they were the rather incited by the Kings coming, who joined himself soon after with the forces of his son Alphonso, taking the town of Valdonzellas, he made show as if he would besiege the City both by sea and land, 
The city of Barcelona yieldeth to the mercy of the King.  the which being filled with great fear, and yet nevertheless trusting to the King's clemency, they sent Commissioners unto him, to crave his pardon, and to offer him the keys of the City, submitting themselves to his mercy.  
These men being come into the king's presence, did by the mouth of Lewis Setenti a Florentine, confess the citizens fault, and did implore his mercy, presenting him with the keys, the which the King holding in his hands, re-delivered forthwith to the Commissioners, contrary to the expectation of all his followers, 
King john's clemency.  who thought, that in regard he had been so many years troubled and disquieted with the obstinate and cruel wars of the Barcelonois, he would have executed severe vengeance upon them: but he on the contrary, with a singular mildness, did not only pardon them, and their Confederates, for whatsoever they had committed against him, but confirmed them in their goods, liberties, privileges, exemptions, and ancient rights. The next day following, the Citizens had prepared a triumphant chariot for him, that he might make his entry with great pomp and magnificence, the which he would not accept, but was contented to enter into the City riding upon a white Courser, by Saint Anthony's gate of the same city, which he sound unprovided of all manner of victuals, wherewith he caused them presently to be furnished; so as without the abovenamed defeat, necessity would have enforced them to have yielded.  
By this peace which happened so opportunely, the miseries of Cattalonia were ended, which had troubled the whole State of Arragon for the space of ten years. He which showed most prowess, and performed the notablest exploits in this war, was Don Alphonso of Arragon, Duke of Villa hermosa, a Prince worthy of great praise, and high commendation, who died afterwards in the service of his brother King Fernand reigning in Castille, 
D. Alphonso of Arragon his posterity.  at a place called Linares, leaving his son Don Alphonso of Arragon, heir to his Duchy of Villa hermosa, who was Knight of the Order of Saint james, and a Daughter called Donna Maria of Arragon, who was maaried to the Prince of Salerne. He had out of wedlock Don john of Arragon, Earl of Luna, Captain of the Castle of Amposta, Don Alphonso of Arragon, who was Bishop of Tortosa, and afterward Archbishop of Tarragone, Don Fernand of Arragon, Prior of Saint john's of Cattalonia, together with Donna Leonora of Arragon, wife to the Earl of Albayda.  
This peace was no sooner concluded, but the King had news of a new rumult, raised in Navarre, 
Navarre.  whereinto the Princess his daughter voluntarily had run herself with great danger, and many of her servants lost their lives. It happened after this manner: john d' Athondo the King's Auditor of his accounts, and Citizen of Pampelona, with Michael Ollacarizqueta, and others of the same city, servants to the King and the Princess, and of the Faction of Grammont, did undertake, in hatred and disgrace of the contrary party of Beaumond, who possessed the City of Pampelona, to bring the Princess Donna Leonora into the same, 
Practices of D. Leonora Covatesse of Foix.  with troops of soldiers, and to make her peaceable and absolute Lady thereof: they having then communicated together about their plot, it was thought fit, that the Princess should come in a morning before day to the jews gate, otherwise called the Tower of the royal gate, and the marshal Don Pedro of Navarre, should make himself Master of the two next towers. The appointed time being come, the Princess with her attendants, found the gate opened by those of Grammont, 
Rashness of D. Leonora.  through the which being brought in, the Marshal possessed the two Towers with threescore and ten Gentlemen, and on a sudden, they began to cry, God save the Princess, God sane the Princess: at this rumour those of Beaumond, (albeit they were amazed at so unlookedfor an accident happening in the night) ran to arms, and behaved themselves in such sort, as they not only hindered their enemies from further entering into the city, but enforced the Princess and her people to get them thence in great haste: for the most part of the soldiers which should have followed her, were not yet arrived. Having recovered the gate, they besieged the marshal Don Pedro and his soldiers which were in the two towers, who at the first would not yield, but in the end, when they saw the Cannon was ready to play upon them, they were content to parley.  
The Princess fearing least some evil might happen to the Marshal, and those that were besieged with him, sent word to the Citizens, that what was done, was by her special commandment, and therefore entreated them to do them no hurt. At the last they yielded, upon promise made, that they should all departed with their Arms, without any harm either in word or deed, which notwithstanding, they were all taken, and shut up in the King's prisons of the city, 
The Marshal with his followers slain.  where soon after they were cruelly and perfidiously stabbed to death with daggers: and it is reported, that the Marshal was slain by the hands of Philip of Beaumond, brother to the Earl of Lerin. This act did very much displease the Princess, who commanded that the same gate should ever after be called the gate of treason, or the traitors gate: and in some sort to revenge that wrong, they proceeded against the Earl of Lerin, and against Don john of Beaumond, Prior of Saint john's, and Chancellor of the Kingdom, and against Don Philip, and their brethren, and Don john Earl of Luza, Charles of Artieda and his children, Arnold d' Otza, the Provosts and jurates of Pampelona, with others their allies and complices, who by the judgement and authority of the King and his Council, were condemned to death, deprivation of honours, defamation of their houses, and confiscation of their goods, as guilty of high treason.  
The Records of those times tax the Earl of Lerin, saying, that he, to the end he might the better enjoy the city, had driven thence the Kings and Princesses servants, and had established therein Officers and soldiers, such as were at his devotion, contrary to their authority, whose jurisdiction he did usurp, vexing and tyrannising the Kingdom: That by the favour and aid of the Earl, the Guipuscoans had overthrown the forts of Larraun, Lecunberry, Leyça, and Gorriti: and that he being sundry times sent for by the Princess, to come to the Parliament and Assembly of the Estates of the Kingdom, would never obey her commandment: That the Earl of Foix, having sent his children, john and Peter of Foix, both in his own name and the Princess, to persuade him to return to his due obedience, he did reject their admonishments, and derided Pope Paul's commandment in that behalf: the which things, full of contumacy and contempt, had induced the Princess to make that attempt. Others think, that her own extreme ambition and desire to bear rule, did more move her, than any of the Earls misdemeanours which were not lightly to be esteemed.  
On the other side, the Earl of Lerin, and his Faction, did arraign and condemn others of their adverse party, and as for the Marshal's death, he excused himself; saying, that he came to seek him, and had done his best to surprise the City, and to cut the throats of those of Beaumond who were in the same: yet for all that, this could not excuse his breach of promise.  
The King afterward recompensed john d' Athondo, with a perpetual rent to him and his heirs of sixscore golden Florins by the year of the coin of Arragon, and besides that, did permit him to bear in a quarter of his coat, the royal of Arms of Navarre. To Michael Ollacarizqueta was likewise given other rewards. This sedition happened in Pampelona about the end of the year, one thousand, four hundred, seventy one.  
Concerning the affairs of Castille: 
Castille.  about the time that Toledo, and other Cities of the Kingdom did revolt, the which we lately mentioned, Donna Maria of Portocarrero, wife to Don john de Pacheco, Marquis of Villena, and Master of Saint james, died of a canker at Segobia, and it is reported, that she being a wise and virtuous Lady, did greatly reprove her husband's extreme ambition, and that at her death, she made him sundry remonstrances which tended greatly to his honour and commodity, and the preservation of his house, she did greatly advise him to maintain the King in his honour and reputation, towards whom he had insolently behaved himself, and most commonly without respect, to the great grief of all the great Lords of Spain: whereupon the Master made her many fair promises of amendment, which after her death were soon forgotten: therefore considering with himself, that he was now a widower, and badly beloved, he thought it expedient for him, and greatly profitable for his affairs in hand, 
Master of S. james allies himself with the house of Velasco.  to marry again, and to strengthen himself with some good alliance: wherefore he bended his thoughts upon the houses of Mendoza and Velasco, rich and mighty families, the chief of which, he having sounded and practised, there was a meeting betwixt Segobia and Pedraza, by the Bishops of Siguença, Palença, and Burgos, the Earls of Haro, Medina Celi, and the Master, who agreed upon a marriage betwixt the said Master, and the Earl of Haros daughter: wherewith the king was well pleased.  
The marriage was afterward sollemnized at Pegnafiell, a place belonging to the Earl of Vregna, who was Nephew to the Master. By this alliance the Bishop of Siguença was pacified, came to Court, and had promise of the King's favour for his obtaining of a Cardinal's hat, whereon he dreamt day and night, from Pope Sixtus the fourth, newly elected, who was borne in Savona of the family of Rovero, a Friar, and Cardinal of the title of Saint Peter ad vincula, whose Legate Roderigo Borgia, Bishop of Albi, and Cardinal of the title of S. Nicholas in carcere Tulliano, 
Rodrigo Borgia Cardinal●.  Vicechancellor of the sea of Rome, who afterward was Pope, came this year 1471. into Spain, where he was received at Madrid by King Henry, with all the honour and submission, that a servant or an obedient son could use towards his superior and father, as also in all places as he came by the way: as soon as he was entered into Castille, especially when he arrived in the territories belonging to the mastership of Saint james, he went under a rich canopy, the King being on his left hand, yet a little behind him.  
Having then declared his legation, and showed his faculties, which were to visit the Kingdom of Castille, and the Isles near adjacent, to ordain what was necessary for the Church of Rome, the King showing himself very obedient and willing, he deputed the Licenciate Diego Henriques his Chronicler, Chaplain, and councillor, to accompany, and confer with him about these matters. At the entreaty of the King and the Master of Saint james, the Legate dispatched a message to Rome, for the Bishop of Siguença's hat: 
An. 1472.  this was in the year, one thousand, four hundred, seventy two. When the Court and the Legate came to Segobia, there was made a general assembly of the Commissioners of every Cathedral Church of Spain, where a certain Subsidy was granted to the Pope, which was the principal cause of his Legation, in recompense whereof, the Legate bestowed pardons and indulgences upon every place with measure and proportion, according to every man's quality, and besides did ordain to every Church two Channonries, the one for a Divine, the other for a Chanonist, the which should be given by the Bishops and Chapters.  
Some nevertheless, namely, of those which did cleave and adhere to the party of the Prince's Don Ferdinand and Donna Isabel, did not appear at this assembly, in the number of whom was Don Inigo Manrique Bishop of Coria, who requested the legate to come to Valiodolit, saying, that they were to confer with him about matters touching the succession of the kingdoms; but the King persuaded him to the contrary, accusing the Princes and their followers of many matters. The Legate nevertheless went to Alcala to visit the Princes, who remained there with the Archbishop of Toledo, by whom he was sumptuously received and with great pomp, as also in Guadalajara, the Marquis of Santillanas' house, where he remained a certain space, with the Marquis and the Earls his brethren.  
The impieties, superstitions, thefts, rapines, and other insolences used at that time among the Christians in Spain, 
Enormous sins cause those newly converted to return to judaisme.  namely the Prelates and Churchmen, were so scandalous to all men, as diverse new Christians, who were converted from judaisme to the profession of Christianity, being constrained more by the rigour of the laws, then persuaded by wholesome doctrine, and good examples, began to return to judaisme, not being able to believe by humane reason, that the religion professed by such detestable people, could be the true. The remedy applied to this mischief was the same which arrogant men and such as hate correction, 
Massacre of the new Christians.  and are desirous to live in their errors and corruptions, do commonly use, namely the sword, massacres, and all manner of excess. For in the City of Cordova, instead of bringing back these strays by meekness, holiness of life, and such like examples, which is the duty of the ministers of the Church, they did let lose the bridle to the rash mutinous people, who made a cruel slaughter of them, and spoiled their goods.  
Those of jaen followed this example, against whom the Constable Michael Lucas d' Irançu opposing himself, 
The Constable Don Michael Lucas de Iransu, murdered by the people.  was most inhumainly murdered in the Cathedral Church by the enraged multitude. The like cruelties and robberies were committed in Andujar and other places of Andaluzia, wherewith King Henry was extremely discontented, but being faint-hearted and of no courage in these matters, he did no more punish the murderers, than the Pastors were diligent in seeking out fit Christian means to bring back these Apostatas into the right way. The office of Constable was given to Don Pedro Velasco Earl of Haro the King's great Chamberlain, 
D. Pedro de Velasco made Constable of Castill.  at the intercession of the Master of Saint james his Son in law, the which dignity hath ever since, even till our time, continued in that family: The King likewise gave the seals of his Chancery, to the Bishogge of Siguença.  
The King finding that Donna joane his supposed daughter, had very ill success in her treaties of marriage, resolved to bestow her upon Don Henry, Son to the Infant Don Henry who was Master of S. james, & brother to Don Ferdinand Infant of Castille, which was King of Arragon, who at the same time, remained in the City of Barcelona, from whence he caused him to come secretly into Castille. This Prince, who by the commandment of King john his uncle, was called in his dominions, the Infant of Arragon, and by some others the fortunate Infant, 
Pride hinders the Infant Don Henry from his preferment in Castil.  was very proud, the which he showed in Castille before his time, which did greatly hinder his advancement, in that Kingdom. He with his mother Donna Beatrice Pimentell, Aunt to the Earl of Benavent, arrived at Requegna, from whence afterward, (the King having furnished them with all things necessary for their calling, and place which they held) the Master of Saint james caused them to come to the Castle of Garcy Nugnos, sending two of his Gentlemen to accompany them thither. During the time that this Don Henry remained there, sundry Lords and Knights came to visit him, divers of whom because they would be reputed civil and courteous, offered to kiss his hand, thinking that he would not have suffered it, but he keeping a great gravity presented his hand freely unto them: but one amongst the rest taking him by the hand, said to him in derision, my Lord you have a very fair hand, and so without kissing it let go his hold, whereat D. Henry was much offended.  
The Master of Saint james remained at that time in Madrill, being discontented with an accident happened at Segobia: He had sundry times solicited the king to commit the Castle and gates of the city to his keeping, alleging that in that place Queen joane and her daughter, might lodge more safely than any where else, and that he should by no means give the charge thereof to Andrew de Cabrera, because he was assured that Beatrice of Bovadilla his wife, was drawn to the Princess party, and besides, that he being a Cattelan, was an affectionate servant to Prince Fernand, all which was very true. The King yielded to the masters request; 
Enterprise of the Master of Saint james against Andrew de Cabrera captain of the castle of Segobia.  But Andrew de Cabrera refused to dispossess himself of the castle: whereat the Master being highly offended, practised his ruin, and thought to effect it by this practice: He casued Diego Tapia and certain other Gentlemen to come into the city, giving them charge to stir up the people, whom he knew to be desirous to fall upon the new converted Christians, and to spoil them of their goods, as they of Cordova and other places of Andaluzia had lately done; and they appointed that during the tumult, some band of soldiers should force the King's house and take both him and Andrew de Cabrera, his Steward, to make him deliver up the castle: Diego de Tapia needed not to use much labour to stir up the people who were overmuch addicted to mischief: wherefore it was concluded that at the ringing of a alarm bell in the Church of Saint Peter de los Picos, they should assail the city in five sundry places, on a sunday after dinner, namely in the quarter of Saint Olalla, in that of Saint Colomba, Saint Martin, Saint john, and that of Saint Michael, appointing a squadron to go up and down, and to discover in every place of the city. But it was the will of God, that this complot came to the knowledge of the Legate, who lay then at Guadalajara, who forthwith revealed it to the King, the King sent word thereof to Andrew de Cabrera, captain of the sort, to the end he should stand upon his guard, & prevent this danger in the city; Cabrera having secretly armed many soldiers, and all the Converts which were fit to bear arms, did so prevent his enemies, as he slew and defeated most of them, and Diego Tapia was shot through the body with an arrow. The Master having failed in his enterprise, 
The Master of Saint james fails of his purpose.  and fearing least some evil might betide him, departed the same night from Segobia, and came to the Monastery of Parrall, to go from thence to Madrid: the King took the pains to come and visit him in the Monastery, and used all the entreaties that he could to bring him back: but the Master said unto him, that he had no confidence in Andrew de Cabrera nor his wife, and that he would never set foot in Segobia until such time as he were possessed of the castle: wherefore the King returned to Segobia to pacify and appease the tumult. It is most certain that the enterprises of the Master, being prejudicial to an other, were very dangerous to himself: for his son-in-law the Earl of Benavent, still bearing in mind how he had prevented him of the Mastership of Saint james, did keep armed men in his house, who were appointed to have slain him in that tumult, wherefore he did wisely to go to Madrid, whether nevertheless, all matters being appeased, the King and the whole Court came, and namely the Earl of Benavent: and thither were also brought the Queen, and D. joane her daughter. At Madrid there arrived a messenger from the Pope, who advertised the King that D. Pero Gonçal de Mendoza, 
D. Pero Gonsal de Mendosa Cardinal of Spain.  Bishop of Siguença, was created Cardinal of the title of holy Cross, the which did greatly please the King, who commanded him to be called the Cardinal of Spain, the which title he used during his life, and received many honours of King Henry.  
In these times began the Order of the Religious of Saint Francis of Paul, who was a Portuguese borne at a place called Paul, who was drawn into France by King Lewis the eleventh, and died at Tours; his Order called the Minims of Saint Francis, was approved by Pope Sixtus this year 1473. and afterwards at the request of King Francis the first, 
An. 1473. Order of Saint Francis of Paul.  of Queen claud his wife, and of Donna Lovise of Savoy his mother, the Author was canonised by Pope Leo the tenth, in the year 1529. of this Religious Order there are many Monasteries in Spain, divided into two Provinces.  
King Henry being desirous to consummate the marriage, betwixt Donna joane and his cousin the Infant Don Henry, took council thereupon of the Bishop of Siguença chosen Cardinal, and of others of his council, and caused the Infant with his mother to come to Xetafa, betwixt which place and Madrid, he did see them, and would willingly have brought them to Madrid, but the Master of Saint james, who did not allow of this marriage, dealt in such sort as they came not thither: afterward, the king having sounded the master concerning this match, 
Marriage of D. joane supposed daughter of Henry of Arragon, broken by the Master of S. James.  he did openly dissuade him from it, saying, that he ought not to marry his daughter to any other then to a King or a mighty Prince: and that if he were determined to give her to Don Henry, it behoved him then to levy men of war, and to appoint for their pay, more than twenty millions of Maravedis; the King (who had treasures in the Castle of Segobia) said, that he would not want money; and therefore, he sent the Master, and the new elected Cardinal to Segobia, to take out of the Castle such sums as he appointed: but the Captain Andrew de Cabrera, delayed them many days, saying, that he would cause the money to be told out, but yet they did it not; for indeed he was servant to the Princes, and wholly contrary to the Kings will, as concerning Donna joanes marriage; and besides that he would have nothing to do with the Master, whom he deadly hated, fearing that all that he went about tended to no other end but to dispossess him of his Government. In the mean time the Earl of Benavent (who was cousin germane to to Don Henry,) perceiving that chief by the practices of the Master, the marriage was delayed, and incensed with an old hatred against him, about the Mastership of Saint james, had bitter words with him, telling him that he should better have considered of matters, and not to have procured the Infant Don Henry to have come into Spain, in a manner to deride him, and under colour of lies to abuse the King, the Realm, and the great Lords, with many other bitter words, which the Master endured with patience.  
The death of Don Alphonso of Fonseca, Archbishop of Seville, did promote Pero Goncales of Mendoça Bishop of Siguença to that dignity, unto whom almost at the same time that his Bulls were dispatched from Rome, was the Cardinal's Hat presented. And the King being solicited to provide for the troubles and miseries of his kingdom, he did the same year one thousand, four hundred, seventy and three, call the Estates to Saint Mary de Nieva, whether came the Deputies of the Commonalties and cities of Castille, and Regions annexed to the same. There were sundry exactions abolished, which had been levied upon the poor people by the King's officers, 
Taxes levied by usurpation upon the poor people abolished.  and by subaltern Lords following his example, as payments for the Ports, bridges, taxes, watching and warding, and other such like impositions, levied without any lawful cause, upon wayfaring men, passengers, and the inhabitants of places. There was also granted to the King a certain Subsidy of money: At this parliament the Infant Don Henry, and his mother Donna Beatrice Pimentell were present. And then the Master of Saint james bethinking himself of another policy, by means whereof he might get the city of Segobia into his hands, he counseled the King to remove the assembly of the estates to Segobia, where more commodiously the affairs of the kingdom might be managed, 
The Master of S. james his covetousness cut short.  and Donna joanes marriage concluded upon: the which assembly should be there in safety, under the faith and safeguard of the Marquis of Santillana, whom he persuaded to demand, for the same purpose, the Keys of the gates of Saint john and Saint Martin, of the same city, of Andrew de Cabrera: but Cabrera perceiving very well whereunto it tended, and being resolved courageously to oppose himself against the Master of Saint james, found many probable excuses, and delayed the matter, till some other determination was taken, wherein he was supported and favoured by the new Archbishop of Seville, and Cardinal of Spain, who had secretly united himself to the Princes, and was wholly against Donna joane. In this manner the Master was disappointed of his purposes to his great grief, who in like manner sought to surprise the castle of Toledo, and raised such a tumult there, as the King was feign to go thither in person to appease it: 
Impunity, the nurse of all disorders.  but he caused no enquiry to be made for the ringleaders to that mischief, to punish them according to their deserts: by reason whereof every man almost committed what mischief he pleased, without any fear of the laws.  
Whilst the king remained at Toledo, the Marquis of Villena, son to the Master of Saint james, came to do him reverence, whom he received with extraordinary kindness, the Master being then at Pignafiell with his wife the Duchess of Escalona. And when the King returned to Segobia, the Marquis of Villena followed him, but he lodged without the city at the Monastery of Parrall, because of the quarrels betwixt his father and Andrew de Cabrera: the King went often to hear mass at this Monastery, and to visit the Marquis.  
As these matters passed, the Princess D. Isabel having intelligence with the Inhabitants of Aranda de Duero, took that place which belonged to the Queen, whereat the King marvelously storming, Andrew de Cabrera put him in mind of the great tyrannies of the Master of Saint james, and of his insatiable covetousness in getting of towns and cities, and how he had continually, without any respect, hurried and tired his royal person, as he himself very well knew: and therefore he persuaded him to be pleased, that the Princess his sister might safely come to the castle of Segobia, where they might see one an other, and confer together, which could not choose but be exceeding profitable for the Kingdom and for all good men. The King, who was tender hearted, and easy to be carried away, was pleased therewith, and after that he had heard the opinion of the Cardinal of Spain, and of the Earl of Benavent, he was more desirous of it; and Donna Beatrice of Bovadilla, wife to Andrew of Cabrera, disguised in the habit of a countryman, and riding upon an ass, went herself to Aranda to cause the Princess to come to the castle of Segobia, who being accompanied with the Archbishop of Toledo, 
Interview of King Henry and the Princess Isabel his sister.  and others, came thither, and entered the castle in a morning before day, where she was courteously entertained. Her coming was on the sudden, the King being absent at that time from Segobia, hunting in the forest of Balsain, who was hastened by Cabrera, who did greatly suspect the stay of the Marquis of Villena at the Monastery of Parrall, fearing that he remained there to make some practice upon him. Now as soon as the Marquis of Villena knew that the Princess was come to the castle of Segobia, he dislodged in all haste, and never left galloping till he was arrived at Aillon, fearing to be taken.  
The Earl of Benavent, and Cabrera, road forthwith to the forest to give the King notice that his sister was come, who returned to Segobia, and after that he had dined, he came to the castle to see the Princess, to whom he used all signs of love and friendship: and sitting down, one near to an other, they talked a long while together, and at last the King took his leave of her with many courteous ceremonies, seeming to be highly pleased. The Master of Saint james having intelligence of all these matters, thought to provide for his own safety whatsoever should happen, and therefore he went to Cuellar to talk with D. Bertrand de la Cueva Duke of Albuquerque, whether, at his entreaty, came the new Constable Don Pedro de Velasco Earl of Haro his father in law, and there they made a league and confederacy together: afterward they began to solicit the King, to put the Princess his sister forth of Segobia; whereunto (being bewitched by the Master) he consented, but his council therein was divided. The Princess, the better to order her affairs, was of opinion to cause the Prince her husband to come to the castle of Segobia, thinking by his presence the King would be sooner brought to reason, 
Prince Fernand comes to Segobia.  and all matters concluded with more facility. The Prince being come, the King saw him, and received him with a cheerful countenance, and they road together on horseback through the city, to the great contentment of the people, and likewise of the Courtiers, though not of all. The great Master Andrew de Cabrera made them a Royal banquet in the Bishop's house, 
Privilege of the Earls of Ribadeo.  at which the Earl of Ribadeo, by privilege from his ancestors, did eat at the King and the Prince's table. The feast being ended, with store of music and other delights, the King grew sick and complained of his side, and was carried into his lodging, where after a while, he recovered, but not without having certain relics of rheum, fluxes of blood by urine, with vomitings, and other such like mortal accidents: The Princes did hourly visit him, and caused others to solicit him to declare the Princess his sister heir to the Kingdoms, whereupon there passed diverse strange and bitter words betwixt those which managed this business on either side: but nothing being concluded, the Princess resolved not to leave Segobia. The Master of Saint james was advertised of all that passed, by the King himself, who went about on a night to put certain companies of soldiers into the city, who should seize upon certain Towers, Churches and Houses, to the end to give entrance to him and other greater troops, with which forces he would take the Princes, and Andrew de Cabrera prisoners. The Master had as bad success in this plot as in the former: for God who had predestinated the Princes Fernand and Isabel to reign in Spain, suffered this practise to be discovered, by means whereof the danger was prevented, the Princess stood upon her guard, and the Prince retired himself in time, and went into Arragon, whether he was called by wars and troubles which there happened.  
King john of Arragon, his father, was in his old age oppressed with crosses, as well in Navarre, 
Navarre, and Arragon.  by the seditions of his subjects, as on the frontiers of France and County of Rossillon. In Navarre, soon after that the Princess Donna Leonora failed in her enterprise of taking Pampelona, 
Death of Gaston de Foix.  her husband the Earl Gaston of Foix, returning out of France into Navarre, fell sick and died at a place called Roncevaux, in the year 1472. leaving heir of his Lands and Lordships of Bearn and Foix his sons son, Francis Phoebus a child of the age of five years, who remaining under the government of his mother Donna Magdalen of France, and of the Princess Donna Leonora his grandmother, was likewise, after her death, heir to the Kingdom of Navarre. Donna Leonora's titles were then, 
Titles of D. Leonor of Navarre.  Princess, heir of Navarre, Infanta of Arragon and Sicill, and Lieutenant General for the King her Lord and father in the said Kingdom of Navarre.  
After the decease of Gaston Earl of Foix, this Princess making her abode in the city of Tafalla, called there a Parliament, to the which the great Lords came, and especially the chief of the faction of Grammont and Beaumond, who inflamed with envy were still desirous to ruin one an other. It happened (as it is easy amongst those that are of troublesome and envious dispositions) that diverse bitter speeches passed betwixt the Earl of Lerin and the Constable of Navarre Pedro de Peralta, which caused great contention: into the which quarrel Nicholas de Echavarri, Bishop of Pampelona, did so far enter, as the Constable thinking himself greatly injured by him, threatened him that it should cost him his life.  
This Bishop was suspected to be more familiar with the Princess Donna Leonora then honesty required, 
Suspicion of love betwixt the Princess D. Leonora, and the Bishop of Pampel●na.  which caused him to be hated of diverse men, who were jealous of their Princess honour, taking it more heinously at his hands, who was a prelate and aught to give good example, then if it had been any other. The Bishop, after this threatening, being fearful, would by no means come forth of his house. The Princess, either desirous to pacify this quarrel, or else not able to endure him long out of her sight, sent diverse messengers to him, to bring him unto her to the Monastery of Saint Sebastian of the Order of Saint Francis at Tafalla, where she accomplished a nine days vows which she had made, for she used great devotion to those fathers, and bestowed many benefits upon them: but the Bishop still fearing to be met with by the way, prayed her for to excuse him. At the last she sent unto him one of her familiar friends called Fernand de Baquedan with an other Knight named Sir Hugh, 
The Bishop of Pampelon● slain by the Constable.  who promised to conduct him safely thither, whereupon he mounted on his Mule, and road in their company towards Tafalla, whereof the Constable being advertised, he was so far transported with rage, as leaping on horseback, he met with the Bishop on the way, and slew him hard by the gates of Tafalla, not respecting or regarding the Princess' word, nor yet his Episcopal dignity, for the which inhuman fact he remained diverse months together excommunicate.  
This man's death did greatly offend diverse both in Navarre and in King john of Arragon's Court, but especially the Princess. Don Alphonso Carillo a Spaniard, was promoted to that dignity in his stead, being in number the fortieth Bishop of that Sea.  
On the other side, King john being then threescore and ten years of age, was engaged in a tedious quarrel with the French, upon this occasion: The Earldom of Rossillan was engaged unto King Lewis the eleventh for the sum of three hundred thousand crowns, who kept therein Governors and Officers which did oppress the people, and committed diverse insupportable outrages, where the inhabitants daily complained, 
The Earldom of Rossillou, original of all the wars betwixt France and Spain in our days.  requesting their King to protect them, wherewith the Frenchmen were displeased: in regard whereof King Lewis sent Ambassadors to King john, who summoned him to make payment of the three hundred thousand crowns, and to receive his Earldom, or else to appropriate it unto him for the same sum, or if he were not pleased with these two motions: that then he should give him sureties in France, for the payment of the money at a certain time. This did greatly trouble King john, nevertheless, with great modesty he made answer, that he would request King Lewis not to urge him at so unseasonable a time, after his long and chargeable wars made against his subjects, to repay the said sum, which as then was impossible for him to do, much less to sell the Earldom unto him, and wholly to alienate that which did belong to the crown of Arragon: And as for the sureties which he demanded; he did not think it a reasonable request, nor yet beseeming him, who had (God be thanked) wherewith to pay his debts in time: with this answer the Ambassadors were not satisfied, as also by reason that those of Perpignan, impatient of the French yoke, began manifestly to rebel against them: wherefore King Lewis sent forces into the county of Rossillon, to chastise those of Perpignan, who had constrained the Frenchmen dwelling amongst them, to retire themselves into the castle, from whence they shot into the town with the Canon, doing great harm thereunto. King john came thither in haste to appease this stir, and endeavoured by all means to persuade the people to obey the French, promising them shortly to deliver them from that trouble: but they answered him boldly, that they had rather suffer death then return to the subjection of such Lords.  
During these disputations King john was on a sudden besieged in the town by the French army, which the Spanish Author's number to be forty thousand, who having environed it on every side, began to batter it without, and within to assail it from the castle, so as it behoved the besieged to be courageous, and valiantly to defend themselves, the King's presence serving them greatly to that purpose. The siege continued four months: in the end, at the report of Prince Fernands coming, who upon the news of the French men's arrival, had levied soldiers both in Castille, Arragon and Cattalonia, they raised their siege and retired themselves into France. King john and the town being delivered from this danger, all men went out to meet the Prince, and the father and the son embraced one an other with great joy, who came together into Perpignan. The King did again entreat the Inhabitants to obey the French for a short time, till he could otherwise dispose of his affairs, assuring them that he would pay the French King his money, and take them again to himself. They being obstinate refused it, and requested him, to give King Lewis other pledges, or else to suffer them to departed thence, for they would willingly give over their houses, goods, yea and their own lives, rather than to submit themselves to the wild usage of the French. King john seeing them so resolved, left D. Lewis de Requesens for the Governor, and with the Prince his son returned to Barcelona.  
Before the Prince's departure out of Castille, there arose a great quarrel betwixt the Marquis of Santillana, 
Castille. Quarrel betwixt the houses of Mendosa, and Pimentel.  and the Earl of Benavent, because that the Earl (possessing the town of Carrion, by the King's permission, the which he had held during the former troubles, had vildly and injuriously entreated certain Gentlemen which dwelled in the same town, who were near in blood and parentage to the Marquis, who having notice thereof sent unto him, and desired him in regard that those Gentlemen did belong unto him, that he would for reverence due to the bones of his ancestors spare and respect them: the Earl made him a proud answer and said, that he would cause his ancestors bones to be taken up, and send them unto him in baskets, to the end he might bestow them safer with himself at Guadalajara amongst the rest of his progenitors. The Marquis being justly moved hereat, conspired with the Earl of Trevigno, and others his friends and kinsfolks, to take that place from the Earl, who had builded a new fort there; the Earl of Trevigno having intelligence with the wronged Gentlemen (his lands lying near to Carrion) he entered the town with soldiers, 
The Marquis of Santillana surpriseth the town of Cari●●.  and besieged the fort and soon after the Marquis arrived with troops of horse and foot, as well of his own tenants as those of the Constable Pedro de Velasco, the duke of Albuquerque and others, who supported him in this quarrel. The Earl of Benavent having notice of what the Marquis had done, and meant to do, came in speedily to Valiodolit, and gathered his friends together, so as with the help of the Master of Saint james his father in law, who in this took his part, he found himself able to offer battle to his adversary: but the King being accompanied with the Cardinal of Spain brother to the Marquis, and with the Master, father in law to the Earl, did put himself betwixt them, and handled the matter in such sort by the cardinals means, as he hindered them from joining battle: and it was agreed, that the town of Carrion should return to the crown, and the Earl should have the town of Magava in recompense, which belonged to the Cardinal, who to make them friends was content to dispossess himself thereof, and received other recompenses for the same. Prince Fernand when this quarrel began, was ready to departed into Arragon, and had levied certain companies of soldiers, the which which his own person he offered to the Marquis who gave him humble thanks, saying that he was strong enough to encounter a greater Lord than the Earl of Benavent: and therefore he besought him to preserve his person in safety, that he might in time to come reign in Spain, and not to hazard it now when there was no need.  
The Marquis afterwards returned to Guadalajara, and went to Saint Christofers to visit the Princess Donna Isabel, who went forth to meet him: he offered her his service, and all aid and assistance for the obtaining of her right, after the King her brother's death. The Earl of Benavent returned into his own possessions, the King with the Cardinal to Segobia, and the Master to Cuellar: but soon after, the King with the whole Court, and the Master likewise, came to Madrid, where by the Master his Council it was thought fit that the Cardinal should return to Segobia to treat with the Princess, and the Master brought the King to Trugillo, to cause the fort of the same city to be delivered unto him, which he had so importunately a long time begged: but the Governor of that place whose name was Gratian de Seize would not consent thereunto, nor obey the King's commandment; yet nevertheless he having been solicited by the Master with promise of great recompenses he began to negotiate about the delivery thereof: but the matter being delayed, the King, who since his last sickness decayed in his health, was constrained to return to Madrid, there to take his rest: In the same place remained Donna joane in the keeping of the Marquis of Villena: as for the Queen, she was else where, and lead a pleasant life without any shame at all. In the mean time the Master of Saint james, who remained at Santa Cruz de la Sierra, dealt in such sort as captain Gratian of Seize delivered him the fort of Trugillo, being recompensed with the Lordship of Saint Helice de los Gallegos, where shortly after he was cruelly murdered and stoned to death by his own tenants. About the same time the Master of Saint james D. john de Pacheco fell sick of an Impostume in his throat, which caused him to void great quantity of putrefied blood at his mouth, which in the end strangled him, 
Death of D. john de 〈◊〉 Master of Sain● James.  he died in the threescore and fourth year of his age, having more credit and authority in Spain, than any Lord in his time: his death was kept secret by his servants, until the fort of Trugillo was yielded up, which was forthwith done, and then it was openly declared to all men: his body was carried to Parrall near Segobia, a Monastery of Saint jerosme, founded by King Henry then reigning for his place of burial, and the Master was buried in the chief chapel with great pomp and solemnity. Great was the King's sorrow for the masters death, to whose son and heir Don Diego Lopes de Pacheco Marquis of Villena, he did not only confirm the gifts of the towns, cities and castles, granted to his father, but bestowed likewise upon him the Mastership of Saint james, and sent a messenger to the Pope to obtain the confirmation thereof, not respecting the Knights of the same Order, who began to murmur and strongly to oppose themselves against it, and they did not only bandy themselves against the Marquis of Villena, who was not chosen according to the rules of the Order, but they likewise fell at variance amongst themselves: for D. Roderigo Manrique Earl of Paredes Commander of Segura, said, that the election of the new Master ought to be made in the Covent of Vcles, according to the ancient custom: On the other side, D. Alphonso de Cardegna great Commander of Leon, affirmed, that it stood with great reason that the election should be made in Saint Marks of Leon, in regard the deceased Master died in the confines of Leon: wherefore each of them standing firm in their allegations, and having their factions and 〈◊〉, those two were chosen and saluted for Masters; in such sort as the Order of Saint james, had at that time three heads, like unto C●rber●s the three headed ●ogge 〈◊〉 The Marquis of Villena, besides the King's favour, did hope that the Earl of 〈…〉 Commander of Castille would take his part; and because he had the keeping of Donna 〈◊〉 the King's supposed daughter, it made the King more bound unto him, and in 〈◊〉 deed by reason thereof the King did groatly advance him: the which gained divers servants to the Princess Donna Isabel, who were jealous to see his son who had done them so much mischief in so great credit and authority.  
The Cardinal of Spain having been a certain time at Segobia with the Princess, came back to Madrid to the King, with the Constable Don Pedro 〈◊〉 Velafco, who jointly spoke to the King with the great boldness ●ouching the succession of the Kingdom, beseeching him to take in good part, that which they should say unto him upon their consciences, 
King Henry takes no care for the succ●ssion of his Kingdom.  which was, that he ought to maintain the Princess Isabella's right, because he knew better than any that this Donna joane was not his daughter: and they requested him, in the name of God, not to be the cause of so great miseries which would oppress his Kingdom after his decease, if he should dissemble in that behalf, but to speak the truth, for his people's sake, in declaring his sister the Princess his true and lawful heir: whereunto the King without any trouble made answer, that Order should be taken for them both; nevertheless he delayed all he could from meddling in that business. In the mean space the Marquis of Villena, who promised to himself the Mastership of Saint james, thinking to practise with the Knights of Castille, and chief with the Earl of Osorno, the great Commander, came to Villarejo, in which place the interview of him and the Earl was agreed upon: 
The Marquis of Villen● taken prisoner by his competitor.  but the Earl feigning himself sick, sent thither his wife, well accompanied with men at arms, by whom the Marquis, at his lighting from his horse was seized upon, and carried away prisoner into the castle of Fuente Duegna.  
The King being advertised hereof, did presently take horse, notwithstanding he was very sick, and came to the Earl of Osorno, who showed himself stern and obstinate, without respect or reverence, wherefore the King returned highly displeased to Madrid. By the way he met with the Archbishop of Toledo at Villa Verde, who offered him his service, and thereupon, to please him he besieged out of hand the castle of Fuente Duegna, whether the King likewise came in person. The siege lasting long, Lopes Vasques de Acugna, brother to the Archbishop, making show of ending this strife as a friend, found means to bring the Countess of Osorno to a parley, who coming abroad with a son of hers, was deceived in the same manner as she had beguiled the Marquis, and the mother and the son were brought prisoners into the castle of Hueta.  
This policy did highly please the King and the Archbishop, 
The Countess of Osorno, and her son taken, the Marquis of V●llena set at 〈◊〉.  and was the cause that the Marquis was delivered: the Cardinal and the Constable made an end of the matter, and the prisoners were set at liberty on either side: the Archbishop of Toledo returned to Alcala, and the King, being much afflicted and weak, to Madrid, where Catarrhs, vomitings, and other mortal accidents brought him to his last hour. The physicians having told the Cardinal of Spain, the Constable, the Marquis of Villena, the Earl of Benavent and other Lords of his Council there present, that his sickness was mortal, they caused Friar Peter Maçuelo, prior of Saint jerosme of Madrid, his confessor, to put him in mind of matters belonging to his soul's health, and the peace of his Kingdom. He had long discourse with the prior in confession; then he made his will, appointing the Cardinal, the Duke de Arevalo, the Marquis of Villena, and the Earl of Benavent for his executors; and he commanded that his servants should be paid and well recompensed with his treasure and jewels, and declared Donna joane to be his lawful daughter, and true heir to his Kingdoms; the which will was written by john de Ouiedo, one of his secretaries: nevertheless, divers authors affirm, that he made no will, and say, that as he was in the agony of death, those that were present, asked him whom he would declare to be his heir, to whom he made none other answer, but that john Gonçall his Chaplain knew his mind therein, unto whom he referred them, naming the four above mentioned for the executors of his last will and testament, and ordained his body to be buried at Guadalupa. Upon this doubt, whether the King made a will or not, were afterward great troubles raised, but that which is most likely to be true, is the testimony of the Lieutenant Diego Henriques his Chronicler and Counsellor, who saith, that he did make a will, and in deed his testament was found the year 1504 thirty years after his death.  
In this manner King Henry the fourth, ended his unfortunate days, and his reign full of troubles and disgrace, 
An. 1474.  the one and fortieth year of his age, and twentieth of his reign, being in his latter days so lean, dry and meager, as he represented rather an Anatomy of bones, than a man, by reason whereof, his Physicians had no need to embalm him: his body was kept for a time in the Monastery of Pas in Madrid: and afterward transported to Guadalupa and buried in the chief Chapel there, where three and fifty lamps of silver do continually burn for him day and night, two and fifty whereof have rend assigned them for the expense of the oil.  
The end of the one and twentieth Book.    

SEMPER EADEM THE TWO AND twentieth Book of the General History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 Done Fernand the fifth of that name, and Donna Isabel King and Queen of Castille by her, twentieth in the Order of the kings of Castille, and forty one of Leon: their dispositions and qualities. Estate of the affairs of Castille, at their coming to the Crown.  
2 War betwixt the French and the Arragonois in the county of Rossi●lon.  
3 Contention betwixt King Fernand and Queen Isabel, about the government of the Kingdom, and order taken for the same.  
4 Duisions in Castille: practises of certain Lords in Portugal to the prejudice of king Fernand and Queen Isabel.  
5 Alphonso the fifth King of Portugal entereth Castille with an army: treaty of a marriage betwixt him and Donna joane, supposed daughter to the late King Henry the fourth, and progress of the war in the confines of Zamora, Toro, Burgos, and elsewhere.  
6 Alliances betwixt France and Castille broken; the French army enters into Guipuscoa, under the conduct of Monsieur de Albret.  
7 Continuance of the war betwixt Castille and Portugal: Battle of Toro lost by the Portugoise.  
8 The Estates at Madrigal, where Donna Isabel, daughter to King Fernand and Queen Isabella, was sworn unto, as Princess and heir of the kingdoms etc.  
9 Practices to join the Kingdom of Navarre to that of Castille.  
10 Bishops forbidden to enter into Biscay, by an ancient privilege.  
11 Continuance of the war betwixt France, Portugal, and Castille. Diligence used for the renewing of the alliance of the two Realms of France and Castille: war of Voles against the Marquis of Villena.  
12 Vain practices of the king of Portugal, in France, in pursuit of the war of Castille.  
13 The Spaniards first voyage into Guyney.  
14 Toro surprised by the Spaniards, and the league of the confederate Lords dissolved.  
15 Election of the Masters of Saint james, in king Fernands' power.  
16 King Fernand and Queen Isabel at Toledo: the building of the Monastery of Saint john of the king's War on the coast of Badajos.  
17 Donna Isabel reformeth the Estate of the Cities and Country of Andal●zia.  
18 Interview of the Kings D. john of Arragon, and D. Fernand of Castille father and son, at Victoria. Cutting off certain cities of the Realm of Navarre in favour of Castille.  
19 Navigations and conquests of the Spaniards in the Ocean sea.  
20 Institution of the ordinary inquisition of Spain against the jews and Moors.  
21 Troubles raised by the Archbishop of Toledo.  
22 Seditious prelates, and other petty tyrants punished.  
23 Exploits of war on the frontiers of Extremadura, and at sea betwixt the Portugals and Spaniards.  
24 Treaty of peace betwixt Spain and Portugal propounded by D. Beatrice, Duchess of Viseo.  
25 Union of Castille and Arragon in D. Fernand the second, the nineteenth King of Arragon.  
26 D. Leono●● of Navarre the four and thi●tith, in the order of the Kings of Navarre, succeed King john her father: but she dieth almost as soon as he; her children and posterity.  
27 D. Francis Phoebus, first of that name, the four and thirtieth King of Navarre: seditions at his come to the crown by the factions of Beaumond and Grammont.  
28 Estates of Castille assembled at Toledo: their decrees and ordonances.  
29 Affairs of Navarre. Estates assembled at Tudela. Feigned reconciliation of the two families of Beaumond and Grammont. Impieties, treasons, murders.  
30 Execution of the decrees of the Estates of Toledo.  
31 Spanish army in Sicill.  
32 Rigours of the Spanish inquisition: jurisdictions and tribunals thereof.  
33 A great quarrel betwixt D. Ramir Nugnes de Guzman, and D. Fredrick Henriques, in the Court of Castille.  
34 D. john second of that name, and thirteenth King of Portugal.  
35 Contentions betwixt the Pope, and the Kings of Castille, for the election to benefices: agreements betwixt the Pope, King Fernand and Queen Isabel.  
36 King Francis Phoebus enters into Navarre: provisions and orders for the quiet of that Kingdom.   
Order and continuance of the Kings reigning in Spain, written in this two and twentieth Book.  

CASTILLE. LEON. ARRAGON. PORTUGAL. NAVARRE.  
20. D Fernand th● 5. and Queen Isabel 41. 19 the same Ferdi 2. 13. D. Leonora the 1. 34. D. Francis Phoebus 1.  
D. Fernand the 5. King 20. of Castille and 41. of Leon, and Donna Isabel the 4. a woman which inherited the Kingdom of Castille, and the 5. which inherited in Leon.   
AT such time as the Princes D. Fernand, and Donna Isabel came to the crown of Castille, and Leon, by the decease of King Henry the fourth, then did justice and peace begin to smile upon Spain. And it seemed that for the quiet, honour and exaltation of the Spanish nation, God had chosen and defended them, in the midst of so many straits and difficulties, wherein they were oftentimes plunged, as well during the reign of the Lord King Henry, as afterward: adorning each of them for that purpose with royal qualities, and heroic virtues, both of body and mind. For, as well Don Fernand as Queen Isabel, were of mean stature and proportion, 
Qualities of the Princes Fernand and Isabel.  yet well composed, fair and pleasant aspect, gracious in their speeches and of such Majesty in the gesture and motion of their bodies, as was requisite for such grent Princes: they were sober and moderate in their diet, and all other their actions, devout and religious, as they had been instructed, but yet for all that a little to much covetous of glory and honour which made them oftentimes stumble, and transported them out of the right way of equity, especially D. Fernand. To love, and desire honour and glory, is in deed an affection beseeming great persons, and without the which they can hardly give themselves to any laudable exercise: but the excess thereof, which men call ambition, is always accompanied with the greatest vices: They were also maintainers of justice in Spain, the which they executed in such sort, as their severity did not deprive them of the praise which they deserved by their mildness and clemency. The plays and pastimes which King Fernand used in his youth, were Cards and Chess; but afterward he became inclined to hunting and hawking, to the exercise of arms, and he did prove excellent in all kinds of horsemanship: he loved learned men: but his evil hap was, not to be instructed therein in his youth, which was through his father's negligence, who was also himself in a manner wholly unlearned: King Fernand did greatly delight to hear learned men talk, and to understand of the laudable actions of great men, but especially of his ancestors.  
Queen Isabel, for her part, took great pleasure in learning the Latin tongue, and proffi●ed so well therein, as in less than a year, she was able to understand what herself did read, or what was spoken unto her in the same language: her continency and chastity was rare, and it did appear in all her actions, speeches, attire and countenance. She kept ordinarily in her house young men and women of noble parentage, whom she brought up, and also Ladies of great place, who were honoured for their virtue and honesty: She would willingly have had the King her husband like herself, of whom she was extremely jealous, and if at any time she perceived him familiar with any of her Ladies or Gentlewomen, she presenty sought means to quench those unlawful fires yet without scandal, either by marrying them, sending them away, or admonishing them, or by some other honest and discreet means, desiring that the Ladies of her train should be rather virtuous then fair.  
It is noted of her, that in her travail of child, what pain soever she endured, she did never fetch one sigh or groan, and at that time she would cause her face to be covered. Charms and enchantments she abhorred as became a Christian: she did greatly love learned men, who were of good conversation; especially prelates of an holy and religious life, doing more good unto such, and sooner preferring them to livings and dignities, than others of greater houses, who made more show of the fame and glory of their ancestors then of their own virtues.  
These Princes being thus qualified, obtained the crown of Castille and afterwards, that of Arragon, not without pain, travail and great oppositions (as hereafter shall appear) which being by them surmounted and passed over, they established justice, gave peace to the Spaniards, quenching all forepast civil wars, and did zealously labour about the ordering of religion, wherein they wanted good-helpe: this at the leastwise redounded to their honour, that they did root the Moors out of Spain, and made conquests in Africa, they did quicken up the Spaniards spirits, and incited them to all excellent arts and sciences, ordaining great stipends to learned men, namely benefices and Ecclesiastical revenues: they made diverse good and profitable laws, and by their authority and means, the inhabitants of a new world came to the knowledge of those Regions, the which hath for all that in diverse sorts redounded to the hurt of mankind: not by these Prince's occasion, but by the covetousness and cruelty of those which came after them.  
The Princess Isabella (as hath been already said) was at Segobia, at the time her brother King Henry died, whither the Princes and Lords, which took his part, did come, after the King's obsequies were finished, which lasted nine days, and there they saluted her as Queen of Castille and Leon, taking the oath of fealty, and doing her homage after the accustomed manner. There were present when this was done Don Alphonso Cari●●o d' Acugna Archbishop of Toledo, 
Lords holding the party of the Princes Ferdinand & Isabel.  D. Pero Gonçall of Mendoça Archbishop of Seville, called Cardinal of Spain, and the Bishop of Siguença, Don Pedro de Velasco, Constable of Castille, Don Alphonso Henriques Admiral of Castille, by the death of his father Don Frederick, newly deceased, and Uncle by the mother's side to the new King, Don Garcy Aluares of Toledo, Duke of Alva, Don Bertrand de la Cueva Duke of Albuquerque, Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoçca Marquis of Santillana, Don Roderigo Alphonso Pimentel Earl of Benavent, Don Pedro Manrique Earl of Trevigno, and others, some of whom were already with the Princess before the King's death.  
Prince Ferdinand was at the same time in Cattalonia with his father King john, who being advertised of that which happened, came speedily to Segobia, where he in like manner was received and acknowledged as King, to the great joy and contentment, not only of the City but of the whole kingdom, who sent their Deputies unto him, to do him homage and service, as to their lawful Lord and King, in the right of his wife: it being a matter out of all question, that Donna joane was a bastard, borne in adultery, and not capable of any right to the Crown. Other Lords, which were absent, did in like manner send their deputies to make their submissions, and to take the oaths due to the new King. But the Marquis of Villena, who had Donna joane in keeping, 
Lords, contrary to the Princes, taking Donna joanes part.  and Don Alvaro d' Estuniga Duke of Arevalo, Don Roderigo Tellas Gyron, Master of Calatrava, and Don john Gyron Earl of Vregna, cousins to the Marquis of Villen●, with others their confederates and adherents, were of another opinion, and did not only favour Donna joane, who called herself Queen of Castille, but craved many things for their own particular profit. The Marquis would have the Mastership of Saint james, and the places belonging thereunto, which Don john de Pacheco his father had enjoyed: The Duke of Arevalo would have his Duchy confirmed to him, and the Mastership of Alcantara for Don john d' Estuniga his son; other men demanded other matters. Now the first thing that was thought upon by the King and Queen's Council, 
justice, and treasures the principal members of a state.  was, about the ordering of their treasures, and administration of justice, the managing and execution whereof, was to be committed to fit persons, and capable of such affairs: wherefore Don Guttiere de Cardegna, the Queen's Chamberlain, and Gonçalo Chacon, were created chief Treasurers, and with them Roderigo de Vllao was joined: then they sent Ambassadors to Lewis the eleventh the French King, to advertise him of King Henry's death, of their promotion, and to request him to continue, and confirm the ancient alliance with the house of Spain. The Ambassadors had likewise commission and instructions, for the restitution of the Earldom of Rossillon to the King of Arragon. King Lewis made a show of sorrow for King Henry's death, and seemed to rejoice that they had succeeded him: but touching the restoring of the County of Rossillon, he would by no means hearken thereunto, but sent a learned Lawyer to King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella to show his reasons for the contrary, who came to Valiodolit with the Ambassadors, his coming being to no purpose.  
The city of Perpignan being succoured (as heretofore hath been said) by Prince Ferdinand, 
Arragon.  was after his return into Castille again besieged by the French. King Lewis willing and commanding his Captains, who had shamefully raised their siege, and were retired into the country and territory of Narbona, on pain of being punished as traitors to their king and country, to return and assail the town, and not to stir from thence till they had taken it, although it should cost all their lives: whereupon, they came back, and by the help of the Castle, did for eight months space, so press the besieged, as they brought them to the extremest point of necessity: for besides the continual toil, watchings, fights, and daily reparations of the breaches, whereunto they were constrained, the want of victuals was so great in the town, as they were not only enforced to eat dogs, 
Famine in Perpignan.  cats, and all other sorts of unclean meats, but also the very bodies of men, friends or enemies, which were slain in the assault, yea mothers did devour their own children: such was the obstinacy of those people, who would not yield to an enemy, whom they had despised and offended and from whom they did expect no mercy: but in the end, extreme necessity, and inexorable famine brought them to that point which they sought most to avoid, 
Perpignan yielded to the French.  and they found more mercy than they hoped for: for they were taken by composition, their offences pardoned, and the Garrison permitted to departed with their armour and weapons: so as King Lewis, by the taking thereof; pretended now more interest to it then before. This was the last quarrel which King john of Arragon had with the French, or any other: for the gout, his years, and other discommodities of old age, persuaded him to spend the remainder of his days in rest and quiet in the city of Barcelona, leaving the government of the Kingdom of Navarre to his daughter, who was heir thereunto, and his other dominions to the rest of his children and Lieutenants.  
This year 1457. there grew a contention betwixt King Fernand and Queen Izabella about the government of Castille, disputing which of them two had most tied to the succession thereof: 
Castille.  she, as daughter to King john of Castille the second: and he, as son to King john of Arragon, who descended in direct masculine line from King john the first, in the third degree. Some, who took the King's part, did say, that it was a thing against nature and all good order, that the regiment of so great a State should be in a woman's power, and that so many great Lords and brave Knights should be under the command of that sex, weak both in body and mind, without experience, wisdom or knowledge of what was profitable or hurtful to a kingdom, unless it were by hearsay, being oftenest deceived by ignorance, and which did follow their own passions, and those of them that they favoured, who for the most part were chosen amongst the worst sort of people.  
That all kingdoms, jurisdictions, and well-governed Commonwealths, as well ancient as modern, had wholly rejected a woman's empire, and if at any time they had submitted themselves thereunto, 
Contentions betwixt king Fernand and Q. Izabella.  their ruin and desolation had soon after ensued: alleging for example the Sallicke law of France, which is a good old custom, always profitable when it was observed, either in the total government, or parts thereof. On the contrary part, others who held with Queen Izabella, did say, that every one ought to be maintained in their right, and that there was nothing more consonant to nature, than that children should succeed their fathers and nearest kinsfolk: that divers women had been profitable to Kingdoms and Commonwealths, as well in old times, as of fresh memory, namely, that there were sundry recent examples thereof in the Monarchy of Castille. And as for Queen Izabella, her constancy, judgement, and wisdom was sufficiently known, and that all men were assured of her good government, and that she was not the first woman which had inherited that kingdom.  
This last opinion was followed and allowed of, whereat king Fernand seemed to be highly displeased: but the Queen, who did dearly love him, and would not willingly have him discontented, told him, that her intent was not in matters concerning the affairs of Castille and Leon to be more obeyed than himself, and requested him to consider, that whatsoever was decreed in that point, was for the good and benefit of their only daughter Donna Izabella: if so be that they should happen to have no issue male, who otherwise should be wholly deprived of that honour and royal dignity, if what he had poursued and alleged, should take place, by these probable reasons the king was satisfied with that which the great Lords had decreed.  
Yet nevertheless it was concluded and determined, that all letters missive, writings, and other expeditions, should be made in both their names, and under the seal of the two kingdoms of Castille and Arragon, and that all coin should be likewise stamped with both their arms quartered therein.  
The Marquis of Villena moved the King and Queen, that by their favour he might be confirmed in the Mastershippe of Saint james, 
The Marquis of Villena his demands.  and that a husband might be provided for Donna joane, with a dowry befitting her estate: which being performed, he promised to become their faithful and obedient servant: he was one of the bravest Knights, and best men at arms in all Spain: tthe King and Queen sent him word, that concerning the Mastershippe, he should have all their favours and assistance, as well to the Pope, as to the Knights of the same Order, notwithstanding that Don Alphonso of Cardegna, and Don Roderigo Manrique had divided it betwixt themselves, and were in possession thereof, and that as for Donna joane, they would entreat her kindly and honourably, and provide her a husband, but in any case it behoved him to deliver her into their hands.  
The Marquis who had bad counsel, and was still accompanied with seditious persons, refused to deliver the Lady, and that which was worse, at the persuasion of Doctor Anthony Nugnes of Cité Rodrigo, 
A seditious Prelate.  he began to broach new practices with Don Alphonso king of Portugal, for to procure him to marry Donna joane, promising to make him King of Castille. On the other side the Archbishop of Toledo, a man of a turbulent spirit, and a lover of Innovations, complained, that the King and Queen, did not accomplish that which he had hoped for and deserved, nor yet what they had promised him before their coming to the Crown, seeking all means and occasions to free himself from their service. But envy was it that vexed him, to see the Cardinal of Spain (whom he hated) to be in so great credit and authority by their means: for these respects he left the Court, being accompanied by Hernando Alarçon his familiar councillor, the great and renowned Alchemist of those days.  
The king and Queen being come to Vailliodolit, 
Hernando Alarcon.  by the way of Medina del Campo, the mote or fort whereof they left in the keeping of the Duke of Alva, they were visited by divers Deputies of Towns and Cities, who came to do them homage, and to offer them all duty and obedience. In the mean time, the Marquis of Villena importuned the king of Portugal to marry Donna joane, with the kingdom for her dowry, or else to defend her as an Uncle, assuring him that he should find ready to do him service, himself, the Master of Calatrava, the Earl of Vregna, the Marquis of Cales his brother-in-law, Don Alphonso of Aguilar, the Earl of Benavent, and also the Dukes of Arevalo and Albuquerque, and the Archbishop of Toledo, together with fourteen of the chief Cities of Castille, who wanted but a head, who at his first arrival would furnish him with five thousand Lances, with other forces and means. And among these bargains, he demanded of King Don Alphonso divers great gifts and advancements both for himself and for others.  
The king of Portugal having consulted with his Council about this business, 
Practices of the Marquis of Villenain Portugal.  notwithstanding that their opinions were divers and contrarious, yet he sent Commissioners to treat of this marriage with Donna joane his Niece, and by Ruy de Soça his Ambassador, he willed king Don Fernand and Queen Izabella, to give over freely unto him the kingdoms of Castille and Leon, the which they did unjustly possess and inherit, in regard they did belong and appertain to D. joane, whom the Ambassador called Queen, saying, that if they had any right or interest in those Realms, they should submit themselves to the trial of law, and that he would lay down his arms, so as they would dispossess themselves, and leave the kingdoms in the hands of a third person: and if they should refuse so to do, he then took God for witness and judge, that he was not the author of those miseries which should ensue.  
Until that time, king Don Alphonso had lived and reigned in great credit, magnificence, and reputation, and with good and happy success in his affairs concerning his State: but the covetous and greedy desire he had to reign in Spain, by the means of Donna joane, whom he had oftentimes rejected and refused, as being assured, and confidently resolved, that she was not lawful daughter to the late king Henry, did cast him headlong into a gulf of miseries, by the unlucky and intestine wars, which he took in hand by her means against the Kings Fernand and Izabella: who by the advice of their Council, did wisely answer his demands, showing him, that there was no reason in that which he went about, and that he ought to call to mind the cause why he had refused Donna joane in King Henry's lifetime, whose daughter he very well knew she was not, and that therefore they did greatly marvel at that which he now began to attempt: and they did likewise protest not to be guilty of any miseries which follow war, being determined by all means to defend and protect their kingdoms.  
The King and Queen finding hereby, 
Castille.  that war would follow, they did seek by all means to give contentment to the Marquis, the Archbishop of Toledo and others, on whom those affairs depended, but their labour was in vain. The Archbishop showed himself most obstinate, who among other furious speeches, said, that he would teach the King and Queen what it was to offend the Archbishop of Toledo: 
Audarious speech of the Archb.  and no persuasions nor entreaty of Don Pedro of Acugna, Earl of Buendia his brother, nor of other grave and religious persons, could alter his determination, but he did still with great obstinacy persist in that which Hernando Alarcon had suggested: Therefore on either side great preparitions of war were made, and the Kingdom was in such sort divided, as divers, who seemed to be desirous of quiet, gave occasion to have their loyalty called in question: soldiers were levied every where, and diligent watch was kept in all the Cities, Towns, and Castles, some taking the Kings and Queen's part, others adhering to the King of Portugal, who advertised his Partisans, that he would shortly come into the Country with a great army.  
The King Don Fernand, and Queen Izabella divided betwixt them the charge of the defence of the Kingdoms, so as King Fernand should have a care of that part which was toward the North, that is to say, old Castille, Leon, and the country's next adjacent, and Queen Izabella should look to those Regions and Provinces which are beyond the mountains, namely, Toledo, Andalusia, and Murcia: she was accompanied by Don Pedro de Velasco the Constable, 
Dutch is of Infantasgo.  Don Diego Hurtado of Mendoza, who was created Duke of Infantasgo, and by Don Garcy Aluares of Toledo Duke of Alva: by the way she caused the Archbishop to be founded once again, who lay at Alcala, sending the Constable unto him, who was a wise and discreet Knight, who did so well handle the matter, as the Archbishop had condescended to the Queen's demands, had not Hernando Alarcon and his associates persuaded him to the contrary.  
King Ferdinand being desirous to have the Cities of Salamanca and Zamora to take a new oath of allegiance, went thither, and would willingly have exacted the like from them of Toro, but he would not hazard his person in going thither, albeit that Roderigo de Vlloa his chief Treasurer, had the Castle in his power: for not long before, his elder brother john de Vlloa, had made himself Master of the City, whither he had drawn divers lewd persons; who fearing punishment, for their many heinous crimes, did shadow themselves under his protection: who for his own part did greatly tyrannize in the city and had newly caused the Licenciate Roderigo of Valdiviesso to be hanged forth at the windows of his own house, and had moreover received money of the king of Portugal, at whose service and devotion he kept the same place.  
The Cardinal of Spain did at the same time write to King Don Alphonso, alleging many reasons to divert him from a war so dangerous and uncertain, but the King in his answer wanted no contrary reasons. Queen Izabella in the mean time furnished Toledo with Garrisons, and placed Don Roderigo Manriques, Earl of Paredes for an assistant there, who termed himself Master of Saint james, and having by her presence well ordered that City, and by letters and commandments other places of Andalusia and Murcia, she returned to Vailliodolit. At the same time the Inhabitants of Alcarras rebelled against the Marquis of Villena, and craved aid of Don Roderigo Manriques against the Marquis, who intended to besiege them, the which they obtained, moreover the King and Queen sent unto them the Bishop of Auila, and the Lord of Coca and Alaexos, who were both of them called Alphonso de Fonseca.  
The Marquis fearing least other places might revolt, by the example of Alcarras, solicited the Kings of Portugal to make haste, and having taken Donna joane whom he termed Queen, out of Escalona, he brought her by Trugillo unto Plaisance, whereas King Alfonso of Portugal arrived with an army of five thousand horse, 
The army of Portugal entereth into Castill.  of all sorts, and fifteen thousand foot. He was attended on by the Archbishop of Lisbon, the Bishop of Ebora and Coimbra, and many other Prelates, and Churchmen, who are alway desirous to be where stirs and tumults are, albeit the true followers of Christ jesus, have peace in greatest recommendation: moreover, there were with him, the Constable, and Marshal of Portugal, the Duke of Bragança, and his brother the Earl of Faro, the Earls of Villa-real, Penela, Marialua, and Pegnamaçor, with a great number of other Nobility, desirous to serve their King to win honour, and to increase their estates by the enlargement of so great a conquest as they hoped to make upon the Kingdoms of Castille and Leon, with the territories annexed thereunto, the most part of whom, having upon this uncertain ground, sold or mortgaged their lands and livings.  
The King of Portugal and Donna joane were betrothed each to other in the City of pleasance, 
The king of Portugal and Donna joane betrothed each to other.  protesting to crave a dispensation from the Pope: there were present, Don Diego de Estuniga Duke of Arevalo, and his brother the Earl of Miranda, and King Alfonso, and Donna joane, were at that act and ceremony called and entitled, King and Queen of Castille and Leon. King Alfonso at his departure out of Portugal, lest his Son the Prince Don john Regent and governor there, 
Geneologie of Portugal.  who was newly made father to a Son by his wife Donna Leonor, who was named Alfonso being borne at Lisbon in the year 1475. 
An. 1475.  King Fernand and Queen Isabella did likewise entitle themselves Kings of Portugal and of the Algarues, and either-fide did bear the arms of both the Kingdoms indifferently. The governors of the frontiers were commanded to invade one another, which they readily executed with great cruelty, and to the great spoil of the realm of Portugal, the people of Castille putting all to fire and sword that were near to their borders, especially on the coast of Badajos, where the Castle of Nodar was taken from the portugals, and Martin de Sepulueda, one of the four and twenty of Seville, was made governor thereof, who from thence made sharp war upon the Portugois, and yet in the end he proved scarce faithful to his Kings. Don Alfonso of Montroy, Treasurer of the order of Alcantara, who seemed himself Master thereof, did on the otherside win Algretta.  
In like manner Don Alfonso de Cardegna, great commander of Leon, who called himself master of Saint james, did with sundry troops of horse forage and spoil the fronters of Portugal, and brought great booties from thence. Don Pero Aluares de Soto mayor, showed himself on the King of Portugall's side, and took Tuy, calling himself Viscount thereof, and took also Bayon of Minio: sundry other exploits of war, with burning of houses and robberies, were committed on the frontiers by this enraged multitude.  
Now the king of Portugal did perceive that the war was likely to last longer and be more difficult than he had expected, and almost despairing of ending it with honour, unless he had the aid and supply of some greater power, he sought by all means to incite the French King, Lewis the leaventh, to break his alliance with the Kings of Castille, 
Toro delivered to the King of Portugal.  and to assaille them on that side of Guipuscoa, the which he obtained, as hereafter shallbe mentioned. In the mean time, having received the City of Toro, by the treason of john Vlloa, he assailed the Castle, and took it by force, and by the like treason made himself Master of Zamora, the which was delivered unto him, by john de Porras one of the chief citizens thereof, whose Son in law named Alfonso de Valencia being Mashall, was Captain of the Castle, who had rather trust to the uncertain promises of the King of Portugal, 
Zam●ra in the power of the King Portugal.  than respecting his own honour, rely upon the offers of King Fernand and Queen Isabella: from Zamora King Alfonso came back to Toro, where his new betrothed wife and her mother Queen joane lay, who was sister to this King, who died about that time, and was very honourably buried at Madrid in the monastery of S. Francis.  
The Kings, Fernand and Izabella, greatly apprehending the wrongs and losses which they daily sustained, they hasted on their subjects and soldiers to suppress the Portugois, or else to fight with them. Great numbers of Lords, Knights, and men at arms came to Vailliodolit, where the whole body of the army, from all places of Spain, was assembled, Andalusia excepted, in which Province the quarrel did still continue betwixt the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and the Marquis of Cales, and betwixt the Earl of Cabrera, and Don Alphonso of Aguilar: and there was some likeli-hood, that the Marquis, and Don Alphonso would take the Marquis of Villena's part their brother-in-law. The men of note that were come to Vailliodolit, were these, Don Pedro G●nçal of Mendoza, Cardinal of Spain, and his brethren Don Diego Hurtado of Mendoza, Duke of Infantasgo, Don Inigo Lopes of Mendoza, Earl of Tendilla, Don Lorenzo Suares, Earl of Crugna, Don Pedro de Velasco, Constable of Castille, Don Alphonso Henriques high Admiral, Don Garcy Aluares of Toledo, Duke of Alva, Don Roderigo Alphonso Pimentel, Earl of Benavent, Don Henry Henriques, Earl of Alva de Lista, Don Pedro Manrique Earl of Trevigno, Don john Manrique, Earl of Castagneda, and his brother Don Gabriel Manrique, Earl of Osorno, Don Pedro Aluares of Osorio, Marquis of Astorga, D. Diego Lopes Sarmiento, Earl of Salinas, Don Pedro of Mendoza, Earl of Montagu, D. Alphonso d'Areillan, Earl of Aguilar, Don Pedro of Acugna, Earl of Buendia, with other Lords ecclesiastical and temporal.  
Don Bertrand de la Cueva, Duke of Albuquerque remained neuter, knowing not how to resolve: he would willingly have adhered to the King of Portugal, who was to be husband to her, who was reputed to be his daughter, but he durst not: yet for all that at the last, he took the party of king Fernand and Queen Izabella, by means whereof divers did take their parts, who before that time were doubtful what to do: Garcy Lopes of Padilla Treasurer of Alcantara, who was the last Master of that Order, and Don Diego of Castille, with divers Knights and Commanders came to the Kings and Queen's service. The army being mustered, there were of the Provinces of Guipuscoa, Biscay, Alava, Gallicia, and the Asturia's, thirty thousand foot, four thousand men at arms, and eight hundred Genets or light horse. King Fernand with this mighty army marched along the river of Duero against the city of Toro, where the King of Portugal, with his betrothed bride, did remain: by the way the Biscans and Guipuscoans did take by force a place called 'las Hazegnas de los Hierros, and some of the Inhabitants thereof in regard of the rebellion, were hanged.  
The King of Portugal who was inferior in forces, would not come to field, but kept himself within Toro, 
Toro besieged by King Fernand.  before which city king Fernand stood with his army embatteled above five hours, and at the last he sent Don Gomez Manrique, to tell king Alphonso, that he should do well to give over the title of king of Castille, and to return into his own kingdom, and that if his future wife did lay any claim to the Realm of Castille, that the same might be referred to the judgement of the Sea of Rome, or if he had rather to try the matter by arms, that then he should come forth to fight, or else to accept the single combat betwixt them two, to save that effusion of innocent blood: King Alphonso made answer to every point with great modesty, but to that of Duel or single fight, he required, that Izabella, and Donna joane, (who pretended each of them to be Queen of Castille) should be kept as hostages, to the end that he which should prove conqueror, might enjoy his prize, to wit, the kingdoms of Castille and Leon: thereupon were divers messages and answers sent too and fro, but to no purpose; so as King Don Fernand having tarried certain days about Toro, his army beginning to want victuals, and other necessaries, he was advised to retire from thence, notwithstanding that he was assured, that the Portugals were in the self same estate. Howsoever, the army was brought back, to the great discontent of the soldiers, who were extremely sorrowful, that so great a force had been so unprofitably and idly employed: and they did much murmur against the great Lords, whom the king had much ado to qualify and appease.  
Being returned to Medina del Campo, Queen Izabella came thither from Tordesillas: then the king had great need of money, by reason that his treasures were drawn dry, having spent all that which King Henry had left in the Castle of Segobia, whereof Andrew de Cabrera was keeper, who was newly made Marquis of Moya, in recompense of his good service: 
jewels and plate taken from the churches by the Kings of Castil.  the means to get money, and least hurtful to the people, who were overmuch spoiled and consumed, was to take the jewels and plate of the Church, whereunto the Archishops and Bishops did consent, in regard of the King's necessity, seeing it had been advised by good council. Whilst these things were doing the Earl of Par●des, and other the King's servants did assail Ciudad Real, which the Master of Calatrava, with other places, had usurped: Moreover, the Earl being come to Vcles, made such sharp war upon the Marquis of Villena, as he hindered both of them from going to the aid of the King of Portugal, taking divers commodious places belonging to the Marquisate of Villena, thereby to frustrate the Marquis of the revenues thereof, which he received of the tenants with a better will than they paid it to the Marquis, in regard they did extremely hate the Portugals. Having rebelled, they did favour the Earl in the taking of the Castle of Villena, who was likewise aided therein by the Arragonois, 
Marquisate of Villena reunited to the Crown.  and by that means the Marquisate was reunited to the Crown, with promise, never more to alienate it. The Captain of Requegna delivered up the fort to King Fernand, which held for the Marquis, being advertised that the people were in arms ready to assail it.  
In these adversities the Marquis always showed an incredible constancy, and said, that he did not respect the loss of a little, seeing that he hoped to have the command of Toledo, Burgos, Cordova, and Sevile; and he did place good Garrisons in those towns and fortresses which were left. The Master of Calatrava, the Earl of Vregna, and the Duke of Arevalo were almost in the like distress, for they were earnestly solicited by the King of Portugal, to accomplish what they had promised him, the which they could not perform, and they excused themselves, in regard they were of necessity to defend the towns and forts which had taken his part, acquainting him with the toil and travail which they did endure and undergo, in going about to make him the king of Castille.  
The King of Portugal being in want and greatly troubled in his mind, was at the same time sounded by letters from the Cardinal of Spain, upon what conditions he would end that war, who made answer, that if they would give over to him Toro, Zamora, with the Kingdom of Gallicia, 
Queen Izabellas' magnanimity.  and ready money to pay his army, he would then with draw his forces, and pretend no more title: But Queen Izabella having notice thereof, said, that she would never suffer the Kingdom which was left by her predecessors to be dismembered of one poor Town or Village: yet notwithstanding if peace might be bought with money, she would consent, that the King of Portugal should receive such a sum as should be agreed upon, and thought fit, by any reasonable and indifferent judges.  
The Castle of Burgos was at the same time in the keeping of Don john of Estuniga, who held it for his Uncle the Duke of Arevalo, one of the King of Portugal's faction, who did great hurt to the townsmen and inhabitants, assailing them on the sudden, spoiling, kill, and taking all those prisoners whom he could lay hands on: D. Lewis of Acugna, Bishop of the same City, committed the like disorders in the Country round about: Wherefore the King and Queen sent thither to the aude of the oppressed, Don Alphonso of Areillan Earl of Aguilar, Don Pedro Manrique, Don Sancho de Rojas, and Don Stephano of Villacreces, who were followed soon after by the King, with great troops of biscain's, Guipuscoans, Alavois, Asturians, and others. There came unto him also his bastard-brother Don Alphonso of Arragon, Duke of Villahermosa: by these forces the castle was much distressed, and a Church near to the same was taken, which was called Saint Mary the white, within the which the besieged kept their munition, wherein the king placed a company of soldiers, whose Captain was Don john of Gamboa, borne at Motrico in the Province of Guipuscoa, the assaults continuing, the besieged sent to demand aid of the Duke of Arevalo, who wrote to the King of Portugal by john de Sarmiento, who was one of those who had been driven out of the Church of Saint Mary the White, advertising him, that if that Castle, which was the fort of the City of the Kingdom were lost, he should never hope to reign in Castille, therefore it behoved him to come and secure it: when the king of Portugal understood thus much, he gathered together as great forces as he could conveniently, and marched towards Arevalo, where the Archbishop of Toledo, and the Marquis of Villena did meet him with troops of chosen soldiers, who again did swear unto him, not to acknowledge any other King in Castille but himself. Queen Izabella was at the same time newly come to Vailliodolit out of Leon, where she had displaced the Captain of the towers of the same city, whom she knew to have intelligence with the Portugois, and placed an other in his room; and hearing of King Alphonso's coming to Arevalo, and that the abovenamed Lords were joined with him, she speedily sent Don john de silva, Earl of Cifuentes to Olmedo, and Don Guttiere of Cardegna to Medina del Campo, to the end to hinder the enemies from enterprising upon those places, and to weary them.  
The Earl of Cifuentes, who was young, hot, and desirous to win honour, would (contrary to the advice of the elder, and more experienced Captains) needs run to Arevalo, and there to lay an ambush for the enemy, but he was discovered, and the enemy came forth upon him with greater forces, so as he was constrained with great dishonour to return back to Olmedo, being defeated and ashamed. 
The Earl of Cifuentes defeated by the Portugo●s.  After this victory the King of Portugal, the Archbishop of Toledo, the Marquis of Villena and other Lords marched towards Pegnafiel, a town belonging to the Earl of Vregna, where they remained, expecting some other companies which were to be joined to their army.  
Upon this occasion Queen Izabella came to Palença, with the Cardinal of Spain, the Admiral, the Earl of Benavent, and others, from whence she sent the Earl of Benavent with certain men at arms, who lodged in Baltanas, a town near to Pegnafiel, and from thence made continual roads, cutting off those which carried victuals to the Portugals camp, who were greatly distressed thereby, wherefore the King of Portugal sent to assail the same place, where the Portugals sought so furiously, as notwithstanding the great resistance which the Earl and his soldiers made, 
The Earl of 〈◊〉 taken prisoner.  they entered and took it, and brought away the Earl of Benavent prisoner, being wounded, to the campelying at Pegnafiel, with divers other brave Knights.  
These two overthrows of the Earls of Cifuentes and Benavent, did greatly trouble the Queen, who was advised for the best to go to Burgos to the king her husband, where the castle still held out, and made wonderful resistance. The king of Portugal in the mean time made no haste to secure it: for he was inferior in forces to the army of the Kings his adversaries, and withal he greatly feared, that the city of Zamora stood not firm for his service, therefore he chose the safest way, which was to return to Arevalo, with purpose to put greater garrisons into Zamora and Toro. Donna Leonora Pimentell Duchess of Arevalo, who was sister to the Earl of Benavent, and a Lady of great worth, obtained her brother's liberty of King Alphonso, agreeing upon his ransom, and promised that he should no more serve the King and Queen in those wars: for assurance whereof, he gave the towns of Portillo, Villalua and Majorga in pawn: and albeit the king promised great honours and rewards to the Earl of Benavent, to the end to draw him to his service, yet he would never consent thereto, but in regard of this mishap, he remained as neuter.  
The year one thousand, 
An. 1476.  four hundred, seventy six, those of Ocagna being kept short by the Garrisons of the Marquis of Villena, and tired with their oppressions, returned to the service of the King and Queen, being aided and favoured by the Earl of Cifuentes, and by Don john de Ribera, who came thither with great troops of soldiers: Queen Izabella gave the government of that place to the Earl of Paredes, enemy and competitor to the Marquis, who being by little and little dispossessed of what he held, did greatly complain thereof to the king of Portugal, saying, that he had sustained those losses by being in his service, and he did request him to pass on with his forces to Madrid, assuring him that by the assistance of the Archb. of Toledo, the Master of Calatrava, and with the forces of the same kingdom of Toledo, which took his part, not only in a short time to recover what was taken from him, but that his affairs would prosper the better.  
The King of Portugal having had thereupon the advise of the Lords, and Captains, of his army, was advised not to leave the hilly country on that side of Burgos: for whosoever was possessed thereof, might boldly term himself Master of Castill and Leon: and withal, if he should seem to march towards Toledo, the enemy would say, that he did run away from them: wherefore he entertained the Marquis, with promise to aid him in all he could, and moreover to recompense him with great gifts, and honours, provided that he would take some good order for his affairs, and in some sort provide for the present danger.  
From that time, the Marquis, who felt his losses, and saw no hope of rising again, 
The Marquis of Villena beginneth to incline to King Ferdinand & Queen Isabella's side.  began to think upon fit means to return to the King and Queen's service: At the same time, the City of Zamora did seek some fit occasion to rebel against the King of Portugal, whereof he stood in some doubt, and used such diligence, for the discovery of their practises, as he had notice of a plot, which they had laid, for the which he caused four of the chiefest Citizens to be put to death. Yet notwithstanding, Francis de valdez, Captain of the bridge of Zamora, being solicited by Queen Isabella, did promise to deliver that fort into her hand, and withal to give her entry into the City, but that it behoved King Ferdinand to be present in person at so great an enterprise.  
The King was not slack at such an occasion, but leaving his brother Don Alphonso of Arragon, and the Constable at the siege of the Castle of Burgos, he came thither in a disguised habit, being accompanied with three horsemen, by the way of Valiodolit, causing it to be given out, that he was sick, and kept his chamber. Although this enterprise seemed to be kept close, yet the King of Portugal had notice thereof, and did mean to put a new supply, of such as he durst trust, into the bridge, under colour of sending certain soldiers forth in the night a boot haling: but the Captain would not suffer them to pass, bidding them come in the day time, saying that the night is ever dangerous to strong places, and passages of importance, as this was. The day following the King attempted the like, and finding the like resistance, would by force have taken the passage, but those of the guard of the bridge did valiantly defend it, and did kill and hurt divers Portugois: 
The King of Portugal forsaketh the city of Zamora.  wherefore, King Alphonso, by the Arch●Bishoppe of Toledoes council, withdrew his forces from the fight, and he with Donna joane, his betrothed wife, left the City about midnight, suspecting some treason, in regard that the bridge alone made such resistance, he being there in person.  
The inhabitants at the same instant brought in Don Alvaro de Mendoza by an other gate, who took and spoiled the Portugois, which were left, excepting a few, who saved themselves in the Cathedral Church, who on the morrow after by break of day yielded themselves, King Fernand, the Admiral, the Duke of Alva, and other Lords being there arrived. These soldiers were sent away without paying any ransom, and carried their baggage away with them to Toro, where their King remained, who to encourage his people, said, that the victory of a war did not consist in the gain, or loss of a few towns, or Cities, but in the issue of a battle, the which alone would decide the quarrel, about the succession of Castille and Leon: for the which purpose he did write to Prince john his Son, to make as great a levy of soldiers in his Kingdom as possibly he could, and with all speed to bring them to his aid. King Ferdinand being master of Zamora, began to better the Castle, and caused the traitors to be arraigned, and condemned, confiscating the goods of john de Porras, and others.  
Whilst these matters were handled at Zamora, Don Alphonso of Arragon, Duke of Villahermosa, and the other Captains who besieged the Castle of Burgos, did continually batter it, and gave it many dangerous and rude assaults, but they that were within it wanted no courage to defend themselves. And as the sentinels and those of the guard, were reviling one another, an Alcayde, or Sheriff of Burgos, called Alphouso de las Cuevas, began to talk to those of the Castle, and used such persuasive reasons and arguments, as they were resolved to hearken to some composition, especially when they did see a great quarter of their wall beaten down, by means whereof they lay open to their enemy's assaults: therefore being solicited, they did capitulate about they yielding of the castle, upon condition, that all faults past should be forgiven, 
The Castle of Burges yielded.  the which was granted by the Queen, who for that regard came from Vailliodolit to Burgos, and did receive the Castle her own self, whereof she made Diego de Ribera Governor, who had been tutor and bringer up of her brother the Prince Don Alphonso: and having appointed that which was requisite for the peace and quiet of the City, she returned to Vailliodolit, and from thence went to Tordesillas, to the end to be nearer to the enemy, the better to have an eye to his enterprises and proceed.  
Thither Don Pedro of Estuniga, eldest son to the Duke of Arevalo, did come to the Queen, whose part he had still taken, and had showed himself faithful unto her, in regard whereof he was unkindly used by his father, and by Donna Leonora Pimentel his mother-in-law. He besought the Queen to receive the Duke his father into grace and favour, promising to put all that he did possess into her hands, making an apology, and excusing the faults which he had committed by reason of his decrepit age, being wholly possessed and ruled by his second wife. It did greatly displease the Queen to pardon him, who had showed himself so mortal and hateful an enemy to the King her husband, nevertheless, for the sons sake she did pardon the father, and the whole family. The title of the Duchy was transposed from Arevalo to the City of Plaisance, and ever afterward the Lords of the house of Estuniga became affectionate servants to the King and Queen.  
The wars continuing after this sort in Castille, the French King inclining to the demands and persuasions of the King of Portugal, and bearing no great good will to the house of Arragon ever since the war of Perpignan, 
Alliance betwixt France and Castille.  sent a great army into the Province of Guipuscoa, under the conduct and command of Aman Lord of Abrit or Albret, whose posterity hath reigned in Navarre, as shall hereafter be declared. divers Gentlemen and brave soldiers of the country of Guipuscoa, upon the report of the coming of this army, did shut themselves up in Fontaraby, others went to Irun, by which place the Frenchmen were of necessity to pass, who did burn Irun, and slew certain men: there they went up and down for the space of six weeks spoiling the country, not once attempting or offering to besiege Fontarabie, which was their chief design.  
In the mean time john Lopes de Lascano, and Sancho del campo, entered the town, being sent from the Court with about fifty horse, at whose coming, the soldiers which were within the town, made a sally, and came forth unto the very limits of Irun, where they found about a thousand French-foote of the forward of their army with their Captain Purguet of Bayonne, who being assailed and set upon on the sudden, through want of good and provident watch, 
Purquet a French Captain defeated.  and having no faithful discoverers, were easily overthrown, and put to a disordered flight: some of them, in this confusion, thinking to save themselves in a Tower of a manor-house belonging to those of Vrdanivia, they were there besieged, and burnt with Purguet their Captain, the Master of the same house being the first man that set fire thereunto. The poor distressed soldiers, to avoid and escape the implacable torments of the merciless fire, leapt out of the tower windows in most desperate manner, and were with scoffs and mocks received upon the enemy's pikes. The Spanish Authors say, that three hundred were there slain and pitifully massacred, besides divers others that were captivated and taken prisoners.  
Soon after Don Diego Lopes de Sarmiento, Earl of Salinas, Captain general for the King and Queen, came into the Province with certain troops of horse, bringing letters to the worthy persons and chief Magistrates of Queen Izabella's country, who, with persuasive admonitions exhorted the Guipuscoans, to stand and continue faithful to their Princes, for which they were renowned above all other Provinces of Spain.  
Now upon the eighth day of April this year one thousand, 
An. 1476.  four hundred, seventy six, being Saint Denis day, the town of Fontarabie was besieged by the French, where no matter of worth was performed, saving some few light skirmishes with loss of men on either side, for the space of five days only, whilst the siege continued: for they easily found, that in regard of the strength of the place, it was to no purpose for them to tarry there: yet the Lord of Albret did not intend to departed out of the country, without leaving some worthy marks behind him, and perceiving his own army to be mighty, and that the King and Queen of Castille, by reason of their wars with the King of Portugal, 
The French do waist Guipuscoa.  and their own subjects, could not readily send an army against him, he therefore determined to forage and spoil the country with fire and sword: then he entered into the valley of Ojarçun, two leagues from Fontarabie, where he burned the parish Church, with fifty men, who had withdrawn themselves into the steeple: they likewise burned and destroyed divers houses in the same valley, and notwithstanding that the Earl of Salinas endeavoured to defend the town of Renterie, yet the Frenchmen took and burned it, and slew fifteen men there, taking the Lord of Lescan his son, and Martin Peres of Alcega prisoners.  
The Earl of Salinas being not strong enough to hinder those ruins and spoils, and having regard to his own safety, and being to look to many other places, retired himself in safety to Saint Sebastian's. 
Fontaraby besieged.  The Frenchmen returned the second time to the siege of Fontarabie, where they began a sharp battery. In the same city remained at that time Don john of Gamboa with a thousand soldiers, who was a valiant man, and borne in the City of Motrico in the same Province, upon whom King john of Arragon had bestowed many favours in recompense of his many years faithful service, and had also ennobled him in Arragon, and made him of his privy Council, permitting him to bear in a quarter of his own shield of Arms, those of the kingdoms of Arragon and Sicill, for a note or mark of his valour and prowess, and besides that, had married him to Donna Leonora of Castro, giving him means to maintain his estate honourably, whereunto, his son King Fernand, and Queen Izabella have added more honours, making him of their privy Council, and great Master of their horse.  
The beseegers as well as they that were besieged, did not spare the Cannon, which wrought no other effect, but the death of some sixty persons in the town, and a Captain named Fortunato Sarauz, 
The siege of Fontaraby raised.  and the number of the assailants which were slain with the Artillery, was uncertain: and this second siege lasted little longer than the former, for the succours by sea which came to the town from Saint Sebastian's, being discovered, the Frenchmen raised their siege, and having no hope at all to take it, they had begun to make a great trench round about the City, which came to none effect.  
In Castille King Fernand besieged the Castle of Zamora (as hath been beforementioned) and not being able, either by prayers, promises, or threatenings to bring the besieged to yield, he commanded certain pieces of battery to be brought to enforce them thereunto: Whereof the King of Portugal having notice, and knowing that King Fernand had not forces sufficient to maintain the siege of Zamora, and to defend and guard his Artillery, if it were assailed, he forthwith made an enterprise upon it, hoping by that means, either to take his pieces of battery by force of arms, or else, if the king his adversary should come to defend them, that then the besieged should have some time to ease and refresh themselves. Being come forth to Toro with all his forces for the same intent, he had intelligence that the Artillery was safely arrived at the Camp: Being disappointed of his purpose, he showed himself in order of battle ready to fight, and he sent to defy king Fernand; who, if he should refuse the fight, was advised by him to return into Arragon with his wife.  
The castilian knights, and men at Arms, which were in the king Don Fernands' army, were exceeding glad of this challenge, desiring nothing more than to come to blows: the King likewise was of the same opinion, but the Earl of Alva de Lista was of another mind, and persuaded the contrary, with divers forcible reasons: Whereupon answer was made to the King of Portugal, that if he had a desire to fight, he might come and raise the siege before the castle of Zamora, which the King meant not to give over, till he had taken it, and chastised the Rebels. With this answer the King of Portugal returned to Toro, where he expected the succour which his son Prince john was bringing to him.  
In the mean time, 
The Portugals defeated.  Don Alvaro of Mendoza having met with the Earl of Pennamaçot both of them leading certain bands of soldiers, did charge one another, in such sort, as the Portugals were defeated and put to flight, with great effusion of their blood, the Earl being taken prisoner. Not long after, the Cardinal of Spain came to king Fernands' camp, bringing with him great supplies from the Queen his wife, to the end he might be able to give the King of Portugal battle, without discontinuing his siege at the Castle of Zamora, as also to animate and encourage the King's soldiers who had heard the challenge. There came likewise from Gallicia, the troops of horse and foot, which the Earl of Lemos, and Don Pero Aluares Osorio, Lord of Cabtera did send to the King and Queen, with those of the Earl of Montroy, all of them being bravely armed, and choice soldiers.  
King Fernands' army being strengthened by this supply, he left sufficient forces before the Castle of Zamora, and marched towards Toro, where staying within half a mile of the City, in order ready to fight, he sent to the King of Portugal, who lay in the Town, to present him battle, offering him the like bravado, which not long before he had received from him at Zamora: but his expected forces out of Portugal being not yet arrived, he refused it, and there was nothing performed, but a few light skirmishes, so as King Fernand brought back his army to Zamora. Not long after, the Prince Don john arrived at Toro, bringing with him twenty thousand fight men, to the exceeding great joy of the king his father, who did hide from him the Duke of Areualo's revolt, and did write to the Duke, and advertised him of the mighty aid, which the Prince his son had brought him, exhorting him to come in person to the camp, and to bring his forces with him, 
The King of Portugal forsaken.  or else to send them thither with all speed. The Duke made him a free and plain answer what he meant to do, and complained of sundry of the king's negligences, by means whereof he had lost the castle of Burgos, and let slip divers fit occasions. King Alphonso did in like manner solicit the Marquis of Villena and others, who excused themselves, in regard they were to resist their own and his enemies: so as there remained no more Lords of Spain in his army, but the Archbishop of Toledo only.  
These Portugal forces being joined together, made up the mass of a great army: the king left the duke of Guimaranes within Toro, and marched towards Zamora, on the other side opposite to the Castle, the river being betwixt them, and having planted his camp round about the bridge, he did thereby hinder all men from coming forth of the city on that side. The placing of the camp seemed strange to king Fernand, for the Portugals could no way from thence help those of the Castle, nor yet hinder his army, much less could they come to battle: 
The King of Portugal's vanity.  and it seemed, that he did rather seek vainly to be accounted bold and valiant by lodging so near his enemy, than to perform any worthy act, as it appeared by that which he did write to the French king, the Pope, and to divers other Princes, as also by that which he published throughout all Spain. Queen Izabella sent the Duke of Villahermosa her brother-in-law, and the Constable with two thousand horse to Fuente del Sabuco, and to Alaheyos, to keep and cut off the enemy's camp from victuals, and to distress it. In the mean time there wanted no mediators for peace betwixt both the kings, but it was in vain, and to no purpose.  
The Portugal army having for the space of fifteen days been abroad in the fields in the dead time of cold winter, the king Alphonso determined to return to Toro. And to to the end he might do it safely, he sent Don Alvaro of Portugal, son to the Duke of Bragança, and the Licentiate Anthony Nugnes of Cite Roderigo to the King of Castille, to treat of a peace upon certain conditions, which being refused them, they had in charge to demand a truce for a few days, thereby to bring matters to a final agreement.  
This was but a policy to avoid battle, and to be able to bring his army in safety back to Toro: There were sundry opinions thereupon, and at the last, they were answered, that the truce which should be granted, should be but short, and if there were nothing concluded betwixt the two Kings, 
King Alphonso of Portugal disl●dgeth from before Zamora  he of Portugal might be well assured not to be suffered to departed thence with so great ease, as he imagined. King Alphonso having understood this answer, began to dislodge secretly the same night: the next day, the scouts seeing the place empty, advertised the King, that the enemy was dislodged, who forthwith commanded the Captains to lead the army forth into the field, and to follow them: the press was so great at the passage of the bridge, and at the going over the river of Duero, by boat and otherways, as the soldiers could conveniently, as a good part of the day was spent before the army could pass the river, and much time was afterward lost in ranging the battle into wings and squadrons, which was ordered after this manner:  
They made a squadron of the king's Guard, 
Battle betwixt the Spania●ds and Portugois.  and of the troops of horse of Lemos and Salamanca, of the Towns of Olmedo, Valiodolit, Medina del Campo, with others, which was commanded by the great Master Don Henry Henriques. On the right hand of this squadron were six battalions, the first was conducted by Don Alvaro of Mendoza, who a little before that time was created Earl of Castro Xeris, and Don Guttiere of Cardegnas, and Rodrigo of Vlloa: the second, by the two Alphonso's of Fonseca, the one Bishop of Auila, and the other Lord of Coca and Alaexos: the third, by Pedro de Guzman, the fourth, by Bernard Franc, the fifth, by Don Pedro de Velasco, and the sixth by Vasco de Bi●ar, brother to the Bishop of Salamanca. On the left hand, the Cardinal of Spain led the first battalion, the second, the Duke of Alva, the third, the Earl of Alva de Lista, the fourth, Don Garcia Osorio, who brought thither the troops of the Marquis of Astorga his Nephew: betwixt these two, the footmen were placed, and in this manner the army marched on unto the hills which are betwixt Zamora and Toro, and there it stayed. It was thought that the Portugals making such haste, would be at Toro before the Spanish army should pass these hills: and a Council being called to determine what was best to be done, the most part were of opinion to turn back again, and to content themselves to have gained the honour, that the enemies had fled from them: but the Cardinal of Spain being a wise man, and of an exceeding great spirit, thinking that they did judge amiss of the King of Portugal's designs, entreated the king to suffer him to go to the top of those hills with certain troops of horse, for discovery, who having obtained leave, and being gotten up to a very high place, he espied the army of Portugal in order of battle, without any trouble or confusion at all. Returning then to the king, he told him, that the enemies meant nothing less than to fly, and that he had seen them standing in good and martial order, waiting if any would follow to fight with them: Whereupon, every man being placed and ranked in his order and squadron, the army, with great courage and resolution, marched on.  
The king of Portugal descrying the Spaniards marching towards them, caused his people forthwith to make a stand, and with great magnanimity to turn their faces towards them, resolving rather to die fight, then to retirie with shame. He was at the same time stronger in horsemen than king Ferdinand: wherefore after he had divided his squadrons, betwixt himself, his son the Prince, the Bishop of Ebora, the Earls of Ph●ro, Villareall, and other Captains, and encouraged the Knights, and soldiers with a large and well-composed speech, putting them in mind of the victory which King john the first won from the Spaniards at Aljubarotta, he caused them to march forward to the fight.  
The chief strength and flower of the Portugal Cavallerie lay in the squadron of Prince john, against whom King Fernand caused the sixth battalion on his right hand to advance themselves altogether, albeit that D. Alphonso de Fonseca first of all, and Don Alvaro de Mendoça Earl of Castro after him, had requested the honour to be the first that might charge them.  
The Portugals which were in that squadron joined with those whom the Bishop of Ebora conducted, made so brave a resistance, as the Spaniards turned their backs: so as at this first encounter, the victory seemed to be on the King of Portugal's side, the Spaniards being sore hurt by the Artillery, and by the Crossbows of the Portugall-footemen. These being retired, the other squadrons gave in upon the residue of the Portugal army with better success. Notwithstanding that the valour of either side made the fight doubtful for three hours space. In the end, the Portugall's not being able to hold out, began to give back, and were disordered and put to flight, taking the highway towards Toro as fast as they could gallop, but being pursued, there was a great slaughter of them, and there died more of them drowned in the river, who thought to have escaped by swimming, then were slain by the enemy's hands. King Alphonso being not succoured by his son, and perceiving that resistance, without order, was to no purpose, did retire himself to Castro Nugno, where he was received by the Governor of the same place whose name was Abendagno de Villareall in Alava, having once lost his royal standard (which nevertheless was recovered again) through the carelessness of Don Pedro de Velasco, and Pedro Vaca, who for want of a good guard suffered the Portugals to take it from them: he which did bear it was taken, and being stripped out of his armour, the King and Queen caused it to be hanged up in the Cathedral Church of Toledo, in the Chapel of the last Kings. On King Fernands' side likewise died a great number of soldiers, though uncertain; and the Earl of Alva de Lista pursuing his enemies over eagerly, and being not well followed and seconded by his people, was taken at the bridge of Toro.  
The Prince of Portugal made his retreat towards night upon a little hill, and as well as he could did gather together his disbanded troops, and then retired towards Toro: and if the Spanish captains had gathered and kept all their forces together they might as easily have defeated all as some: but diverse of them were busied in stripping the dead bodies, and others in pursuing the runne-awaies, who being come to the gates of Toro, the Earl of Guimaranes, who was left there for the guard of the City, fearing that the Spaniards who pursued them, would have entered pel mel with them, would not open the gates for no entreaty of the Archbishop of Toledo, who was the only Spanish Lord that was in that battle, nor yet for the cries & lamentations which the poor hurt soldiers did make, until such time as the Prince Don john arrived with his troops, and then they were all let into the City: but they were marvelously troubled, when they perceived that the King was missing, but the Earl of Guimaranes began to make a most pitiful lamention, shedding abundance of tears, and tore the hair from his head and beard; and believing for a certain that he was either slain or taken, he did greatly reproach and rail upon the portugals, saying, that they were traitors to their King, and that they had basely and treacherously forsaken him.  
But the Kings coming soon after, and news from him by letters to the Prince his son in the mean time, did greatly comfort this Earl and all the rest of the army. It is reported that after the loss of the battle, the King being at Castro Nugno, 
The King of Portugal doth little apprehend the loss of the battle.  fell a sleep as he sat at meat, where at the Governor did greatly wonder, who in regard thereof reputed him a careless man, and said, that honourable Knights and soldiers did greatly wrong themselves in adventuring their lives for such a King, and yet this governor did still show himself faithful and constant in his service.  
Queen Isabella in the mean time did remain at Tordfillas, who being advertised by the King her husband of his victory, she caused general processions to be made, giving thanks to God, after the accustomed manner, and she he self went bare foot to the Abbey of Saint Paul, without the town, and as well there as in other Cities belonging to the Queen, great signs of joy were made, The siege of the Castle of Zamora did still continue after that without any empediment, till Alphonso de Valence the Captain thereof, who was son in law to john de Porras, obtained his pardon by the intercession of the Cardinal of Spain his kinsman, 
The Castle of zamora yielded. King Ferdinand's liberality.  and did yield it up. There was found in the Castle great store of silver, treasure, jewels, and other precious movables, belonging to the King of Portugal, which by King Ferdinand's commandment were all restored unto him, who made Sancho d' Castille Captain of the Castle, & after that he had ordained, and provided all things requisite for the safety of Zamora, he came to Medina del Campo, where the Queen met him; This happy success did daunt the courrages of all the Kings, and Queen's enemies, in so much as the greatest part of them, employed all their means, credit, and friends, to obtain their grace and favour.  
The Constable obtained pardon for the Master of Calatrava, and for the Earl of Vregna his brother, unto whom the Constable gave one of his daughters in marriage. The Archbishop of Toledo, being daily dispossessed of the towns, and places belonging to his Arch-Bishopricke, took leave of the King of Portugal, and withdrew himself to Alcala de Henares, being accompanied with a guard and convoy of horsemen, which did greatly hinder the Earl of Trevignoes enterprise, who was sent by the King for to take him.  
There remained in Atiença a Captain of the King of Portugall's side, which did great hurt to the country round about, who with his wife, family, and all his goods, was taken in a night by a Knight named Garey Bravo, who had entry given him by one of the captains servants. This prey, amounting to better than ten thousand ducats, was given by the King, and Queen, to this Knight, who did in like manner take Camarena, for their service, from which place john de Tovar, did commit infinite spoils. The King of Portugal finding that all matters fell out contrary to his desire, resolved to return into Portugal, with an intent to crave aid of the French King: He carried Donna joane his betrothed wife with him, and left good Garrisons in those towns of Spain which he did possess, especially in Toro, where Don Fancisco Cotino Earl of Marialua was left for Governor, in john de Vlloa his steed, who died not long before by a sudden accident. Rodrigo of Caftagneda, brother to the Earl of Cifuentes, did hold Madrid for the Marquis of Villena, being assisted by john Sapata a Citizen of the town, and a violent and bitter enemy to all those which took the King, and Queen's part, whom by all means he chased from thence. He was chief of that faction. In the number of those that were banished, was Pero Nugnes of Toledo chief, likewise of those on the King, and Queen's side, who had retired himself to the Duke of Infantasgo: this man with others, who were banished from Madrid, having conferred with the Queen's people, did think to surprise the town by intelligence, with some within the same. john Sapata, at the first news thereof, left the City, his own conscience accusing him, and threatening him with death, for his many misdemeanours: nevertheless the commander Pedro of Ayala, a knight of the order of Saint james, being in the City, did defend it for a time, and then did deliver it to the Duke. The Castle held two months for the Marquis, 
Donna Isabella, sworn heir to the kingdoms of Castille.  in which space it was besieged by the Duke, sent thither with certain companies by the Queen. This same year, King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, (their affairs prospering) did celebrate and keep the assembly of the estates at Madrigal, where Donna Isabella, there only daughter, at that time, was sworn unto, and acknowledged, after the ancient accustomed manner of Spain, Princess of the Astiuria's, and eldest lawful heir to the Kingdoms of Castille, and Leon, and the dependences thereof, in case no male child were borne unto them. And in regard of the great zeal and affection they did bear to justice, which had great need of their aid and assistance, the whole state of Spain being so disordered, and full of confusion, as they which were strongest, 
In what cases the provosts of Castle may give judgement.  would without any fear of punishment exercise infinite kinds of cruelties upon the weaker sort, it was decreed, for the preventing thereof, to renew and authorize the brotherhoods, and companies of the commonalties. To the provosts and judicial seats whereof, authority should be given to give judgement in five cases, that is to say, for murder, enforced theft, or those which should be hurt in the country or places far from any dwelling: Secondly, they might judge the self same crimes committed in the towns, and villages, in case the offender should fly away: Thirdly, the breaking open of doors and walls, scaling and burning of houses: Fourthly, the rape and violence offered to women or maids; of what age or condition soever: And fifthly for rebelling against the Ministers of justice executing their charge: which brotherhoods should have their provosts and judges in the towns, and their Ministers in all places of their jurisdiction, and whereas any controversy should arise betwixt the ordinary judges and those provosts upon the inquiry and knowledge of offences, such differences should be judged by the King's Council.  
Don Lope de Ribas Bishop of Carthagena was chosen chief precedent of all those brotherhoods, and it was decreed that an imposition should be laid upon the people, for the entertainment of the soldiers and officers of these judges, every twentieth house to find one horseman: so as by that means a power of two thousand horse was levied, to assist the judges, and to purge and cleanse the country from thieves and robbers. Of whom, Don Alphonso of Arragon, Duke of Villahermosa, the King's brother, was captain general. These things being thus ordered, did nevertheless displease sundry of the great Lords of Spain; but the Constable was well pleased therewith, who was the first that commanded his own tenants, to contribute towards the payment of these companies, whose example divers other great Lords did follow afterward.  
Now the King of Portugal had furnished Toro, Cantalapiedra, and Castro Nugno with good and strong garrisons, which did greatly molest all the country there abouts, especially that of Cantalapiedra where Alphonso Peres de Bivero was governor, who made continual courses, upon the territory of Medina, Salamanca, and other places: which to remedy, King Fernand resolved to besiege it, and sent thither the Duke of Villahermosa his brother, and Don Pedro Manrique Earl of Trevigno, with Artillery to batter it.  
The siege being planted, and the Canon playing on either side, the besieged, who found themselves shut in, demanded aid of King Alphonso, who did forage and over▪ run the territory of Salamanca, thinking by that means both to divert the army from before Cantalapiedra, and to secure the besieged, but it fell not out according to his design; for the Earl of Trevigno marched against the foragers, and did beat them back, and yet the besieged in Cantalapiedra were still as much distressed as before. It was treated concerning the exchange of prisoners: wherefore the Earl of Benavent was freed from his oath, which he made, not to bear arms for King Fernand in that war, and so the Earl of Pegnamaçor was delivered forth of prison, the siege raised from before Cantalapiedra and the Licentiate Antonio Nugnes of Ciudad Rodrigo was restored to his goods, and the garrisons of that place were not to bear arms for a year afterward. The King and Queen gave to the Earl of Benavent, four millions of Maravedis, towards the charges he had been at, and confirmed his former gift of the city of Corunna, or the Groin, but the Inhabitants taking arms, did resist him, intending to maintain themselves under the domains of the crown, without acknowledging any subaltern Lord, and drove those forth of the castle which held it for the Earl. The same time, king Fernand was sent for into Arragon by King john his father, whither he did make a short journey, & because his wars in Castille, but especially in Guipuscoa, concerned him very nearly, he made a quick return to victoria: for the Frenchmen remained still in that Province burning the country, to drive whom away, the King and Queen raised an army of fity thousand men, the most part of them being footmen, out of the Provinces of Guipuscoa, Alava, Biscay, Asturia, and from other places on the confines of Burgos. Upon the report of this great preparation the French men retired to Bayonne, with intent and threatening to return again the spring following.  
At the same time, 
Navarre.  the faction of Beaumond and Grammont in the Kingdom of Navarre, were at as deadly war as ever, 
Lewis of Beaumond coue●s the Realm of Navarre.  and the quarrel betwixt Don Lewis of Beaumond Earl of Lerin, and Pedro of Peralta the Constable, was pursued with all rigour and extremity: the Earl of Lerin began to treat with King Fernand to make him King of Navarre, and to deliver into his hands the city of Pampelona with other fortresses of the fame country: sending certain Knights of Navarre unto him to victoria, to offer him his service with all that he did possess: the King did courteously entertain those Knights, & thanked both the Earl and them for their offers, and good will: but concerning the rest, he said that he would not lay claim to another's right, for the Realm of Navare did in right belong to his sister the Princess Leonora, and after her decease, to her sons Son, Francis Phoebus Earl of Foix and Lord of Bearne, and withal because King john his father did enjoy the royal authority thereof, during his life: therefore, to enterprise any thing against the right of those persons, unto whom he did owe so much honour and respect, it would not only be a sin, but impiety and sacrilege, so as by no means he would hearken thereunto: saying moreover that he was much grieved, to see the inveterate hatred betwixt the Earl and the Constable, and that he would willingly take the pains to make them friends, thinking it an office worthy of him, 
King Ferdinand meditates a peace betwixt the factions of Beaument and Gramont.  to procure the peace and quiet of that Kingdom, which was ruined by the confusions of the civil wars, wherefore he did invite both of them to come to victoria, and to refer their controversies to his arbitrement: with these holy speeches he gave content, and admiration to the Knights of Navarre, at whose return the Earl of Lerin, and the Constable came to Victoria, where if King Fernand could not wholly reconcile them, yet he procured a truce betwixt them, putting each of them in mind with great meekness mixed with gravity of their errors with the amendment thereof, to the good of the Kingdom, their own particular profit and for the service of King john their master.  
The King of Arragon afterwards, perceiving himself at the graves brink, and desiring to leave quietness in that miserable kingdom, where the factions had bred such confusions, as neither the fear of God, nor the respect of justice, nor the love of honesty was able to contain men from executing all kinds of mischiefs, murders, sacrileges, robberies, burnings, and horrible desolations over the whole country, which were followed with the terrible, and fearful judgements of God, as plagues, famines, and other scourges of his wrath, all which were not only increased, but procured by the King's second marriage: 
King john's second marriage 〈◊〉 to the realm of Navarre.  King john I say being moved with these things, sent the Earl of Lerin such assurances, as he caused him to to come to Saragossa, being well accompanied, where the King did gently receive him, granted him peace, and gave a general pardon to all offences past, proceeding from both factions, and for a greater confirmation of the whole, he gave the Earl a bastard daughter of his in marriage, called Donna Leonora of Arragon; by these means the Princess Leonora, widow to the Earl of Foix, 
The Earl of Lerin marrieth a bastard daughter of Arragon and becomes obedient to King john.  and future Queen of Navarre, recovered without force her towns and fortresses, and was every where obeyed, except in the City of Caseda, which was battered, at the taking whereof died that Valiant Captain Sancho of Eruiti, surnamed the obstinate in the service of the Princess Leonora; about which time Alphonso Carillo Bishop of Pampelona called a Synod at Estella, wherein they treated of ceremonies and other matters. After all these things, King john being at rest and quiet●, in the City of Barcelona, notwithstanding he was very aged, and full of sickness, fell in love with a young Gentlewoman called Francina Rosa, with whose beauty and comeliness he did comfort by embraces, and fruitless kisses, the waywardness of his old age, leaving her concerning other matters free, and untouched to him who afterwards married her.  
King Fernand having (as hath been already said) made the pacification of Navarre at Victoria, 
john King of Arragon falls in love in his extreme old age.  and by the renown of his power, delivered the country of Guipuscoa from the French army, would in like manner order the affairs, of Alva, Biscaie, and other places near adjoining, where were many factions, and other disorders: he therefore entered Bicay, being attended on by Don Alphonso Carisso Bishop of Pampelona, Pedro Lopes de Padilla, great governor of the Frontiers of Castille, Don Henry Henriques, the King's Uncle, brother to the Admiral, Don Pedro de Estuniga eldest Son to the Earl of Miranda, Doctor john Dias de Alcocer one of the King's Council, Roderigo Vlloa his great treasurer and councillor, Don Diego de Acugna son to the Bishop of Burgos, Don Fernand de Ayala son to the marshal Don Garcia de Ayala, and by other Knights and Ecclesiastical persons.  
The biscain's had an ancient custom, which was, not to suffer any Bishop to come within their country, 
Bishops exclaved out of the Country of Bisay.  by reason perhaps of the attempts and wrongs which they had in time before sustained by the prelates and Churchmen, the which was unknown to King Fernand, who riding on with the Bishop, he was advertised of their custom, and was constrained to send him back; the peasants and poor country people thinking the ground to be infected whereupon this Prelate and his Mule did tread were busied many days after in scraping together the dust of the highways, 
Strange opinions of the Biscayne's concerning Bishops.  which they laid up in heaps, and threw it afterwards with curses and imprecations into the sea, the which certainly was not done without some mystery, those people not being void of religion, but superstitiously devout, as the rest of the Spaniards are. The King visited Bilboa, and afterward he came to Guernica, where he was received and reverenced with all ceremonious duty. He called the Nobility of the country thither, and confirmed all their privileges by his letters patents, written by Gaspar Arin his secretary, dated the thirtieth day of july, the year 1476. in the presence of divers Noble personages of name.  
The King being busied about these matters, a famous French Pirate named Colora, came with four vessels to a place called the figtree of Fontarabie, to whom after that, five more joined: these nine ships did ride there at an anchor for the space of eleven days, in the view of the town of Fontarabie, and sundry times they landed their soldiers, who ran up and down the country burning and spoiling all they met with; against whom the Garrison went forth, and flew more than a hundred of them; whereupon they set sail towards Galicia, where they burned the suburbs of the City of Ribadeo, then sailing along the coast of Portugal, they met with certain Carrakes of Genoa, 
Combat at sea be wi●t the frenchmen & Genoveses.  with whom they grappled, and the fight betwixt them was so furious, as seven vessels were there burned, to weet two Genoveses and five of the Pirates, who with the other four, which remained were repaired at Lisbon. The report of this Pirate, caused thirty ships of war to be set forth, as well from Saint Sebastian's as from other places on the coast of Biscay, who met altogether at Laredo, and this sea-army parted from Conserua, and sailed towards Galicia, where they took, partly by force, and partly by composition, certain places upon the sea coast next to Portugal, which were revolted from the Kings of Castille. Hereupon truce was granted and agreed upon betwixt the French men and Guipuscoans, by land only, for the space of three months, leaving the sea free for every man to do the best he could: the army above mentioned having done that exploit on the marches of Galicia, returned laden with spoils.  
Amongst other things, those of Saint Sebastian brought away two iron pieces of ordnance, whereof one did carry a stone-bullet of a hundred and threescore pound weight, taken from Bayon de Minio. The charges of this war of Guipuscoa, was heavy to the whole Province with great discommodity and loss of their blood: which war, after the retreat of the French, did continue still at sea, where the French lost more than they did win. King Fernand having discharged, honoured, and praised the soldiers, and punished certain evil livers in that country, and overthrown certain strong houses, he returned to Victoria.  
The Cardinal of Spain, 
The Cardinal of Spain, seeks to renew the peace betwixt France and Spain.  in the mean time, who was a very wise and politic man, did try by all means to draw away the French King from the alliance with Portugal, and to make him friend to his King: he had in former time written sundry letters unto him to that purpose, and now he continued it, sending Alphonso janes', treasurer of the Church of Siguença unto him, to put him in mind of the inviolable Friendship which had been in times passed betwixt the houses of France and Castille, whose forces had been so well united together to the prejudice of the English, ancient enemies and competitors of the crown of France: whereas the portugals on the contrary had always favoured, and followed them to the great hindrance and contempt of the French Nation, and then he besought him to consider what occasion he had to bandy against the King of Castille for Portugal, requesting him henceforward to give place to that which reason, humanity and profit, did require, which was to cause the war to cease, and re-establish the holy friendship and league betwixt France and Castille. This Treasurer made diverse voyages into France for this purpose, and handled the matter so well, as he obtained truce for a year, and there was a place appointed betwixt Bayon and Fontaraby for the two King's Commissioners for to meet at.  
About this time the Earl of Paredes, who called himself Master of Saint james, did besiege Vcles, where he found sharp resistance, and doing his uttermost to take it, the captain, who held it for the Marquis of Villena, certified his Master what need he had of help: the Marquis being then at Alcara de Henares with the Archbishop of Toledo, brought him and as much power as they could raise betwixt them to Vcles, which were about three thousand horse. Yet notwithstanding the Earl made no show that he meant to dislodge, 
War of Vcles against the Marquis of Villena.  but against the opinion of all men he maintained the siege, and he had moreover the courage to go and affront the troops of the Marquis and Archbishop, keeping them a whole day in alarumm, aching sundry charges with advantage: at the last, with the loss of some of his own people he enforced them to return, not being able to drive him from the Castle, where soon after arrived men at arms to his succour, who were sent by the Duke of Infantasgo, and conducted by Don Hurtado de Mendoza his brother, with the which forces, joined to some of his own, he followed the Marquis and the Archbishop with great hope to have defeated them if they would have accepted the fight, but they wanted courage, albeit they were within a bow shot of them; but the Archbishop and the Marquis retired themselves about midnight to a castle called Aravia, despairing ever to succour Vcles: which the besieged perceiving, yielded themselves with safety of lives and goods.  
As these men did thus trouble themselves in Spain, the King of Portugal being vexed, 
Portugal▪ King Alphonso of Portugal doth in vain solicit the French King to undertake with him wars against Spain.  that his affairs succeeded so unluckily, where as he was wont to triumph and be victorious in Africa, would once again solicit King Lewis, and determined to go in person into France: He therefore embarked himself, and having passed the straits, he came to Marseilles, from whence he went to the King who lay at Tours of whom he was kindly entertained: but concerning the affairs for which he came, he gave him no hope at all, but delayed him from day to day, excusing himself by the great wars which he had against the English and the Duke of Bourgondy, enterteyning him without any conclusive answer: at the last he told him, that it behoved him to have a dispensation from Pope Sixtus the fourth then reigning, for to marry with his Niece Donna joane his sister's daughter, before he could pretend any lawful right to the Kingdom of Castille and Leon; whereupon either King did write to Rome to that effect, where the Ambassador of King Fernand and Queen Isabel, did mainly oppose himself against it, alleging the great troubles and miseries which such a dispensation might cause in Spain: Yet notwithstanding at the entreaty of King Lewis, the dispensation was granted, the which did contain that it was lawful for Donna joane to marry any one within the fourth degree. It is reported that King Don Alphonso being in talk with King Lewis, and labouring to induce him to poursue this war, 
The King of Portugall's abject courage.  used many base entreaties, and kneeled to him with other like gestures ill beseeming a King, who ought still to show himself courageous, and constantly to resist all adversities. And perceiving that the controversies betwixt the King and the Duke of Burgundy were a great hindrance to his business, he took upon him to reconcile and make them friends, to the end he might the better procure help from both of them: for Duke Charles of Burgundy was his cousin germane, borne of a sister to King Edward his father: but having made a journey to him, and being returned to Paris, the Duke's overthrow and death did fodainely follow, which happened before Nancy, in the year 1477. which did the more alienate the French King from giving ear to the affairs of Spain, 
An. 1477.  being more attentive to recover both the Burgondies, with the lands and towns of Picardy, Flanders and Artois, which were dependences of his crown, Duke Charles having left no other heir of his great Dominions but his only daughter Mary who was afterward married to Maxmilian of Austria, she was grandmother to the Emperor Charles, heir to all Spain after the death of King Fernand and Queen Isabel, in the right of his mother Donna joane their daughter, as shall be declared in his place. Upon these pretences concerning Bourgondy, King Lewis found sufficient occasion to delay him: promising that those businesses being ended he would do whatsoever the King of Portugal would request him, 
King Alphonso of Portugal in despair.  who being sorrowful and discontented, departed out of France, and was brought into such despair, as he determined to go to jerusalem, and there to become a Monk, without ever seeing Portugal any more▪ from which determination his friends and servants dissuaded him, putting him in mind of the great wrong he should do to his honour and reputation thereby. In his absence, Prince john, by his father's consent, took upon him the title of King, but understanding that King Alphonso was arrived at Casca's, he like an obedient son gave over the title and authority unto him.  
Queen Isabel in this mean space thought to have surprised Toro by the means of the Admiral and the Earl of Benavent, 
Castille.  who after a long and dangerous fight, were repulsed by the Earl of Marialua who was Governor. It happened in like manner, that the great Master Andrew de Cabrera having taken the Lieutenancy, or Captainship of the castle of Segobia from Alphonso Maldonado to bestow it upon Don Pedro de Bovadilla his father in law, Maldonado being enraged thereat, went about to surprise the same place, there to recover his former authority, and had intelligence with certain dead pays of the castle, 
Yumult in Segobia.  and feigning on a day to have need of some certain stones that were within the same, under colour of fetching them out, he put four soldiers into the fortress being instructed what to do, who at the first, slew the porter, and being followed by their Captain, they took Don Pedro de Bovadilla, and constrained the rest which were within it to save themselves in a tower. In the same castle the Princess Isabel, the King and Queen's only daughter, was kept: whereupon there arose a great tumult in the City of Segobia, which being understood by Don john de Arias, the Bishop thereof, who as then lay forth of the City, by reason of the dissension betwixt him and Andrew de Cabrera, he came thither and easily made himself Master of the gates which were held by those of Cabrera's faction, being favoured by divers principal citizens. Queen Isabel being advertised of this inconveniency came thither with the Cardinal of Spain, and having made Gonçalo Chacon Captain, she inquired by way of justice of the captains behaviour, who having yielded good account of himself, his justifications were allowed, and he restored to his government.  
The Archbishop of Toledo, and the Marquis of Villena, being not able any longer to resist the King and Queen, made all the means they could for to obtain their grace and favour, and they practised with the old King john of Arragon, that he would be a means to his children the King and Queen of Castille to receive them as their faithful servants. 
The Archbishop of Toledo and the Marquis of Villena obtain their pardon.  The messengers that went about this business were certain religious persons, who prevailed so much with King john, as by great importunity they obtained their pardon, and caused whatsoever they had possessed in time before, to be restored to them (the castles of Madrid and Trugillo excepted) which remained at the King's dispose and pleasure. The city of Hueta, which King Henry had given to Don Lope Vasques of Acugna, with title of Duke, was at the same time yielded up and willingly surrendered to the King and Queen. The Archbishop was more in fault, and more worthy reprehension, than any one that had resisted the Kings.  
During these wars, the Castillan mariners made their first voyage into Guyeney where were mines of gold, 
The Spaniards first voyage to Guyeney.  whereupon, as hath been before mentioned, there grew a controversy betwixt the Castillans and portugals, who had most right and title unto that navigation.  
Whilst Queen Isabel remained at Segobia, the Spaniards took Toro by means of a shepherd, who certified Don Alphonso de Fonseca Bishop of Auila, that there was a certain part of the City which the Portugals did always leave without any guard, because by nature the seite thereof was strong. The Bishop sent to discover it, and finding the shepherds report to be true, sent thither six hundred men, and him for their guide, they giving no great credit to the poor man, went on very lazily to that enterprise, but being encouraged by Pedro de Velasco, and by an other young man called Alphonso de Fonseca, 
Toro surprised.  who was the first that entered it, they all followed, not being discovered by any one, and having broken open a gate, they gave entry to the rest of their fellows, the Bishop having sent a good troop after them, and so they became Masters of the City, the Earl of Marialua and his people having scarce leisure to recover the castle, from whence afterward he went to Castro Nugno, abandoning the said castle, within the which Donna Maria Sarmiento, widow to john Vlloa, did fortify herself with those of her faction, who desired by all means to return to the Queen's service. The Queen having understood those good news, came speedily to Toro, restored the banished to their goods, did honourably recompense the poor shepherd whom they called. Bartholomew, enfranchising him and all his posterity from tributes beside the ready money and pensions which she gave him: and received Donna Maria Sarmiento into her favour, who was sister to Don Diego Sarmiento Earl of Salinas, for whose sake and deserts she restored her unto all her goods and possessions: and by this means the castle of Toro came into the King's power.  
About this time Don Roderigo Manriques Earl of Paredes, the pretended Master of Saint james died in the City of Ocagna, 
Election of the Masters of S●int james, in the king's power.  whose competitor Don Alphonso de Cardegna, great Commander of Leon did in all haste with great troops of horse march towards Vcles, to the end he might be chosen there by the thirteen Electors: but the Queen prevented him, and dealt in such sort as the thirteen, and the Commander himself were contented to entreat the Pope to put the Mastership to the King's disposing, the which was granted, and the same dignity was afterward bestowed upon the same Commander.  
After that, King Fernand returning from Guipuscoa by Toro and Ocagna, met the Queen at Toledo, in which city they builded that famous Monastery of Saint john of the Kings, which is a Covent of Franciscan friars, and from thence they went to Madrid, where they were advertised that the Portugals had entered Castille by the way of Badajos, and Cite Rodrigo, with two armies, against whom were sent as Generals, Don Lorenzo Suares de Figueroa Earl of Feria, and the great Commander of Leon: These did not only beat back the enemies, but they entered into the country of Portugal putting the poor miserable subjects to fire and sword, who could not remedy their King's ambition; to which place Queen Isabel, who was a woman of a manly courage, did march, the better by her presence to encourage, and favour the enterprises of her army. From Madrid the King went to Medina del Campo, where he took order with his brother the Duke of Villahermosa, and the Constable, about forces sufficient to assa●e four fortresses at one time: by means whereof, in a short time he brought under his obedience, Cantalapiedra Sept, Eglises, and Cubillas': but at Castro Nugno, which was the fourth, he found greater resistance, his siege lasting long, so as all the forces which were dispersed abroad in sundry places, were feign to be drawn together to that place, and the King himself came thither in person, by means whereof the town was taken, but the castle made obstinate resistance, before which having left his army, he returned to Medina del Campo.  
There he received letters from Garcia Osorio, Corregidor of Salamanca, who advertised him of divers outrages committed by a Knight named Roderigo Mildonado, who was of the same city, who held the castle of Monleon, and from thence did many robberies and insolent attempts, as namely coining of false and counterfeit money, with divers others mischiefs: in regard whereof the King would needs go thither, and found means to catch this wicked man, who thought to have saved himself in the Sanctuary of the Covent of Saint Francis, the which nevertheless did save his life, at the earnest entreaty of the Friars; who delivered him upon that condition, as also that he should deliver up the Castle of Monleon, otherwise the King would break open their gates. Maldonado being taken, gave his wife and subjects notice of his estate, and willed them to deliver up the Castle to the King, the which they refused to do, saying, that they would have some recompense of the King, otherwise they would deliver it to the King of Portugal; and if he were taken prisoner, he might thank himself. Then the King caused him to be carried to a place, in the fight of those which were in Monleon, and commanded that in their view his head should be strucken off: but being come to the place, he made such pitiful lamentation, as they compassionating him, yielded the Castle and saved his life. From Salamanca, the King returned to the Camp before Castro Nugnes.  
As Queen Isabella went towards Badajos, she sent from Guadalupa, to Pedro de Baeçs Captain of the Castle of Trugillo, 
Reformation of the towns and state of And●luzia.  who held it for the Marquis of Villena, commanding him, following the agreement betwixt her and the Marquis, to deliver up the fortress to Gonçall d' Auila, the which he refused to do, saying, that he would never yield it whilst he had life in him: the Queen tried by fair means and promises to draw him to deliver it, but all was in vain: wherefore she raised a power, and marched to Trugillo, whether the Master of Calatrava came, and Don Alphonso de Montroy, who called himself Master of Alcantara, with diverse other Lords and Knights: whilst she remained there, she recovered diverse Castles of the same country, some of which she razed. And knowing herself to be strong and well accompanied, she gave over all mild and gentle means, and began to use grievous threatenings, so as Don Pedro de Baeça, became more tractable, and was willing to deliver it, so as the Marquis would come thither in person, and bid him do it. The Marquis was sent for, who to avoid farther quarrels with the Queen, caused it to be delivered, and Gonçal d' Auila was made Captain thereof.  
After that, she did choose certain Arbitrators at Caceres to compose the controversies betwixt her and the Marquis, she reform the state of the town, and made the officers thereof perpetual: and from thence she went to Seville, the which City she found in a miserable estate, 
The City of Seville evil entreated by the factions of Guzman, and Ponce.  and divided into factions; which caused infinite disorders and villainies: for the inhabitants were of a long time bandied one against an other about the quarrels betwixt the houses of Guzman and Ponce: and they were so grounded therein, as they fought for the same with incredible cruelties and impieties, the father against the son, the brother against brother, the wife against the husband, with more fury and obstinacy than the Guelphs and Gibelines in Italy, and the Gamboins and Ognazins in Biscay, the City of Cordova being likewise infected with the same pestilence: Don Alphonso d' Ag●●lar Lord of Montilla, being chief of the faction for the Marquis of Cales, his brother in law, and Don Diego de Cordova for the family of the Guzman's.  
The Queen was received into Seville with great honour, where she made some stay, and took the pains to hear all these controversies, with others, sitting herself in council, and giving audience every Friday, being accompanied with Prelates, Doctors, and other noble personages: whose example is to be followed of all Christian Kings and Princes, who in regard they will not take the pains themselves to hearken unto their affairs, do see and hear by other men's eyes and ears, which causeth them to fall into grievous errors, by not knowing truly what is done in their Realms and dominions, through the pernicious dissimulation, and damnable flattery of their Ministers and officers.  
The Queen determining to punish all those that were guilty of the main miseries which this stately City had endured, 
A Queen careful of doing justice to ●hir subjects.  the Bishop of Cales, Suffragan to the Cardinal of Spain, Archbishop of the same Church, did admonish her in a wise and learned Oration, of the difficulty and danger▪ of that she pretended to do, saying, that it was the end of all good Princes, and of justice, to amend, and not to destroy; 
The end of all good government is to am●nd and not destroy offenders.  otherwise in steed of Kings, they would be accounted barbarous tyrants, greedy of humane blood, true Ministers, not of the divine clemency, but of the destroying spirit, who had been a murderer from the beginning of the world, applying to his speech many examples of old times, drawn out of the Holy scriptures: adding, that the number of the offenders was so great, that if all of them should be punished according to their deserts, the City would want people to dwell in it: the Queen therefore being moved with these reasons, 
Gentle punishments whereby the seditions in Seville are appeased.  gave a general pardon for all matters past (apostasy only and men's private interests excepted.) The Duke of Medina and the Marquis of Cales, who were the causes of all these evils, coming into the Queen's presence with great submission, would have laid the fault one upon other: in the end having delivered up into her hands the places and fortresses which they had usurped, as well the one from the other, as those which did belong to the City of Seville, she made peace betwixt them, and gave to every one his own. The castle of Vtrera only made resistance, the captain thereof saying, that he would not deliver it, because it belonged to the Marshal of Sahavedra unto whose father Gonçalo Arias of Sahavedra the late King Henry had given it, for which contempt, the Queen caused it to be besieged and furiously battered, in regard he did defend it with such obstinacy: in the end, the place being taken by assault, himself, with all those that were within it, lost their lives, the most part of them in the heat of the fight: the residue of them being brought to Seville seruied for an example to others not to resist a greater power, and were publicly hanged.  
King Don Fernand stayed not very long ere he came unto Seville to the Queen, who about that same time was brought in bed and delivered of a son, who was named Don john; for the which, great joy feastings and gladness was made over all Spain.  
There came unto the Kings, being at seville, an embassage from Muley Albohacen King of Granada, with whom they were at peace, notwithstanding he had not paid the tribute which his Predecessors did usually do unto Castille, the which the wars of Portugal had constrained the Kings to dissemble till a fit time. These Ambassadors craved confirmation of the truce betwixt the Realms and Kings of Castille and Granado; the which was refused them, unless that Albohacen would send the arrearages due for the tribute: but the Moors answered (having express commission so to do) that the Kings of Granado, who had been tributaries to Castille were dead, 
Brave answer of the Moorish Ambassadors.  and their bonds buried with them, and that the money of Granado was no more coined of gold or silver, but the iron of lances, darts and many other such like weapons, which they would turn upon their enemies, and deliver themselves from all slavery and bondage.  
This brave answer caused the Kings to think (who were not yet freed from the Portugal wars) that it was not good to draw so many enemies upon them at once, therefore they granted them a truce, being sufficiently advertised that King Muley Albohacen was the best provided of soldiers, armour, horses, artillery and all other munition, and more abounding in treasure, by reason of the long peace he had enjoyed, than any of the Kings of Granado his Predecessors. King Don Fernand being highly offended at the rebellion of the marshal Don Fernand Arrias de Sahavedra, would have had his process made, and have punished him as a contemner of the royal Majesty: but diverse of his friends and kinsfolk who were in the King's favour, and their faithful servants did save him from this danger, and obtained his pardon, with restitution of all his offices and possessions.  
The Admiral recovered the government and captainship of Tariffa with the castle thereof, the which was given to his brother Don Pedro Henriques Governor of the frontiers of Andaluzia, who placed therein Pedro de Godoy, from whom the three castles of Carmona had been taken, and were given to Don Guttiere de Cardegna, who therewith was promoted to the great commandry of Leon, because Don Alphonso de Cardegna who had been great Commander was elected and confirmed Master of Saint james alone, and the last that hath been Master of the same Order, the which dignity, with the rest of the Masterships' hath ever since continued in the hands of the Kings of Castille; the Princes and their prudent Council having considered and well weighed with themselves, that these Masters were ordinarily followed by great numbers of Knights of their Order, men of war; who had for the most part made such tumults and factions in the Realm of Spain, as they have not let for to make heads against their own Kings. Queen Isabel would willingly have had the Mastership of Saint jaimes to have been for ever after extinct, but she could not obtain it. The King her husband leaving her at Seville, returned to Trugillo, where he made Sancho de Auila captain of the castle.  
These matters happened in the year 1478. 
An. 1478.  in the beginning whereof Philip Archduke of Austria was borne, who was son to Maxmilian as then King of the Romans', 
Birth of Philip of Austria.  and to Donna Maria, the heir of Bourgondy, Flanders and other great Dominions, this Philippe was husband unto Donna joane of Castille who, succeeded King Fernand and Queen Isabel her father and mother in all their Kingdoms of Spain.  
At the same time, King john of Arragon being laden with many years and near to his end, 
Arragon▪ and Navarre.  was desirous to see and confer with his son King Fernand, concerning the affairs of Navarre, Arragon, Sicill, and his other Dominions, he therefore sent to request him, if the Portugal wars would permit it, to meet him at Victoria. 
〈◊〉 last interview of Don 〈…〉 of Arragon, and Don Fernand of Castille father and son.  King Fernand being wonderful joyful to see his father, came thither before him, where the King of Arragon soon after arrived, accompanied with a great number of Lords and Gentlemen, chosen amongst the ancientest of Navarre, Arragon, and his other countries, so as the beholding of such a company of reverend old men was very notable and to be admitted, for the youngest amongst them was above three score years of age, all of them in decent habits befitting their years, and yet differing one from an other. The son being gone forth to meet the father they did a great while strive about complement and ceremonies, and the King of Arragon, would never suffer his son of Castille to kiss his hand, neither would he take the place of him, but they entered into Victoria, the father riding on the lower hand of the son: and when they were come before the lodging which was prepared for the King of Arragon, and both of them on foot, as soon as the father perceived that it was his own lodging, he seemed to be very sorry, as though he had committed a great fault, and said,, You my son, who are Lord and head of the Royal house of Spain, 
The King of Arragon the father giveth precedence 〈◊〉 the King of Castille his son.  from whence we are descended, aught to receive from us all honour, reverence, and service due unto you, in regard the obligation which in this respect we own unto you, as to our King and superior, is stronger than that of the son towards the father, therefore take horse again, and I will accompany you to your lodging, for reason commands it to be so,, And King Fernand was constrained so to do through the great importunity of his father, who went with him to his lodging, where he left him, and the old King road back again unto his own.  
For the space of twenty days that these two Kings remained in Victoria, the father did still give the honour, upper hand, and pre-eminence in all matters to the son, were it in sitting or rising up, and in speaking, walking and keeping of company in writing, and in every other thing belonging to honour and dignity, wherein great Lords use ceremony and complement to honour one an other with. Whereupon their arose a disputation and controversy betwixt the Lords and Knights of the Court, to weet, whether it a were a seemly, and a decent matter for a father, to show such great submission to his son, who beside being his father, was also his guest, being an usual thing always to honour and give the places to those whom we receive into our houses, albeit he were of meaner quality than ourselves, and whether the son did well to receive and accept of these honours. The Spaniards thought that either of them had done that which was fit. Now the chiefest communication betwixt these two Princes at this interview was concerning the affairs of Navarre, touching Donna Leonora's future succession to the same, with her grandchild Francis Phoebus' Earl of Foix: and some are of opinion, that the towns and forts of Saint Vincent, Garda, Bernedo, Arcos, 
The father & the son cut off divers places from the kingdom of Navarre.  Larraga, and Miranda de Arga were at the same time wholly cut off from the crown of Navarre, in recompense of the charges which Don Fernand had been at for the war of Perpignan, with an agreement, that the custom's rights and privileges which they had, should for ever be maintained: but seeing it is certain, that a long time before this assembly, Saint Vincent, La guard, and Arcos, were possessed by the King of Castille, it is most likely, that they were at that time only confirmed unto King Don Fernand. They did likewise entreat of many matters belonging to the Kingdoms of Arragon and Sicil, and then they returned each of them into his own Dominions, and the King of Castille did never more after that see his father, who spent the small remainder of his days at Barcelona, afflicted with the gout and other diseases which do ordinarily accompany old men.  
King Don Fernand returned unto the camp before Castro Nugno, 
Castro Nugno yielded to king Fernand.  which was very faithfully and valiantly defended by the captain Nicholas de Abendagno of Villareal, in the Province of Alava, but the great want of victuals and of men (those which were with him, being in part dead, and the others were so tired and weakened with watchings, wardings and hurts received at the assault as they could hold out no longer) did constrain him to yield up the same place, and yet upon very honourable conditions, for he carried away into Portugal all those that were with him, without ransom, with their armour, weapons and baggage, and their ensigns displayed, and drums beating; and was greatly praised by the King, the fort was presently razed down to the ground: after the rendering whereof, the King returned to Seville to the Queen, where order was taken for the well governing of the City, and express commandment given to the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and the Marquis of Cales, not to remain there. Don john de Gamboa Governor of Fontaraby, and the Licenciat john de Medina, both of them of the King's Council were likewise dispatched into Guipuscoa, with instructions and authority, to treat and conclude the peace with the French Kings Ambassadors who were at Bayon. 
Peace betwixt France and Castille.  These, came to Fontarabie, and after that, both sides did meet, at Saint john de Luz, where they conferred together, and concluded the peace, renewing the alliances, leagues, and ancient friendship betwixt the two Kingdoms. The French Commissioners were the Lord of Lescut, and the Abbot of Saint Denis: and so the war ended betwixt France and Castille.  
The King and Queen before their departure from Seville sent an army to conquer the Canaries under the conduct of Pedro de Vera, where, 
Navigations and conquests of the Spaniards in the O●●an sea.  for the space of three years, diverse notable exploits of war were performed by the Castillans: Thirty five ships were likewise sent to Guiney, Pedro de Cobides being their general, from which place great quantity of gold was brought, with great profit for the Kings, who had the fifth penny. In the first, the thing which was most esteemed of that black Nation was cockel-shels, who were of opinion that they had great virtue against thunder and lightning, by means whereof they were sold in Spain at a great rate, so as men could hardly get any for money.  
This year 1478. the inquisition began at Seville, instituted at the first by the Council of Don Pero Gonçales de Mendoza Archbishop of the same City, 
Inquisition in Spain against jews and Moors, did beget the negligences of the Bishops and Pastors.  against the jews and converted Moors, which did return to their superstitious ceremonies: this Prelate, and other, deputed for that search, thinking that for to contain them in the profession of Christianity, rigour and civil punishment was more expedient than other milder means, or greater care: Being content for to take away the occasion of seditions and troubles which grew in the Towns and Provinces of the Realm, against these miserable creatures, most commonly at the instigation of Preachers, and other Clergy men, inciting the people to mutiny against them.  
Whereas in deed, they ought to have been instructed by good and wholesome examples: but the Bishops and Pastors had no great care of their soul's health: for the affairs of State, and worldly greatness hath so busied them for many ages, as they have not had leisure to elevate their eyes and minds higher than the earth. Since that time, the power of the Inquisitions tribunal, which is divided into divers jurisdictions through every Province of Spain, hath been chief banded against those who have dared to speak against the pomp and pride of the Sea of Rome, and the abuses brought into the Church, for to entertain the ease and wealth of the Clergy, a gulf which hath swallowed up many good and honest families. Concerning this Inquisition, which within awhile made itself known for a fruitless invention, more ample mention shall be made hereafter.  
The King and Queen having pacified and ordered the city of Sevile, left Diego de Merlo there, who was a good Knight, in quality of an assistant, and went themselves to Cordova, which was in like manner afflicted by the factions of Don Pero Fernandes of Cordova, Earl of Cabra, and that of Don Alphonso d' Aguilar, who in the last tumults had driven the Earl's forces out of the city, and had taken the forts and places thereof, which were in the keeping of the Earl, detaining them, with other places also belonging to the government and jurisdiction of the city: they and their followers being moreover charged with so many robberies, thefts, and murders, as the King and Queen had much ado to chastise the offenders, 
The city of Cordova pacified.  and to restore every man to his own. Alphonso of Aguilar was driven forth of the city, and the fortresses taken from him. Upon complaint made against the judges and Officers of the legal Courts, who did greatly exact, the King and Queen caused their fees and stipends to be rated, more than which, they were not permitted to take upon pain of forfeiting sevenfold as much, which was executed upon some, who neither feared God, nor reverenced the laws.  
As these businesses were managed in Andalusia, 
The Archb. always disloyal and seditious.  the Archbishop of Toledo, who was ever turbulent and desirous of innovation, had secret intelligence with the King of Portugal, unto whom he undertook to deliver the City of Toledo, and to kill Don Gomes Manriques assistant there: and to the same purpose he had practised with the common people of Toledo, and had executed it, if the assistant had not been a provident and politic man, who having discovered the plot took order for it; standing on his guard and by punishing some of the Conspirators, he caused the rest to contain themselves within their bounds for fear of the like punishment. The Archbishop who remained at Alcala de Henares had invited the King of Portugal to come unto his house of Talavera, assuring him, that he would put him into Toledo: who was in a readiness to have come thither, had not the Prince his son, with his friends and servants, told him what small profit he should receive, and how great danger he should incur by such an enterprise.  
The Kings, Don Fernand and Donna Izabella being advertised of the Archbishops dealings, were justly incensed against him, they caused all his temporalities to be seized on, sending the Duke of Villahermosa to Madrid, to bridle that city, commanding all his tenants and servants to forsake him, and no more to obey him, upon pain of deprivation of their goods: and for a terror to the rest, they did cause the houses of divers of the Rebels, who had contemned their commandment, to be razed down to the ground.  
Wherefore the Archbishop within a few days was left alone, and his great friend Hernand Alarcon did forsake him and fled presently into France, not daring any longer to tarry in Spain. Don Tello de Buendia, archdeacon of Toledo, and a learned man, did undertake to bring the Archbishop to his duty, 
The Archb. enforced to his duty.  he vanquished him by reason, and persuaded him to humble himself to the King and Queen, of whom by his means he obtained pardon: but he gave all the strong castles of his Archbishoppricke in hostage for his future fidelity. The Marquis of Villena on the other side having entered into the Marquisate, began to pick quarrels with the Governor placed there by the Queen, concerning the limits of his power and jurisdiction, saying, that he did usurp more than the covenants would permit him, and would have letted him from punishing those of Cinchilla, with other rebellious and disobedient people, so that a power was sent thither under the conduct of Don George Manrique, and Pedro Ruis Alarcon.  
Great was the King and Queen's toil, in ordering the peace and quiet of the country of Andalusia, 
Offenders forsake the country to avoid punishment.  for the people thereof were so given over to all manner of villainies, as if they had not used their meekness and clemency, the cities and towns would have been void and empty of people: for it is most certain, that this year and the former, there went out of Sevile and Cordova above eight thousand men, tainted of notorious crimes, who left he country for fear of punishment.  
It happened about the same time, that Don Rodrigo de Vergara Bishop of Leon, borne at Logrogno (it is not known upon what occasions) caused Pedro V●●a Treasurer of his Church, 
A murderous Bishop, murdered.  to be slain in the same City, being a Knight of a great parentage, whose death his friends and kinsfolks revenged by the death of the Bishop, who assailed him in his own house, and pursued him, as he thought to have fled for safety to the house of Diego Fernandes Quignones, Earl of Luna, where they murdered him in the bosom of the Countess, who entreated them to spare the spilling of his blood for her sake.  
In the town of Fonteovejuna, the Inhabitants did kill with stones D. Hernand Gomes de Guzman, 
Petty tyrants stoned to death by the common people.  great Commander of Calatrava, for outrages and tyrannies which he had done to them, for the which fact the judges which were sent by the King to inform of the matter, could never find any one witness, which would charge any one particular man with that murder, and they could have no other answer, than this, that Fonteovejuna had slain him, which passed for a Proverb through Spain. This same year the inhabitants of Saint Helizes de los Galegos, a place near to Trugillo did in like manner stone their Lord Gratian de Seize to death, who as it hath been heretofore said, had been Captain of Trugillo.  
In the beginning of the year, 
An. 1479.  one thousand, four hundred, seventy nine, the King and Queen left Cordova, and came with great devotion to the Monastery of Guadalupa, and also to take order for the Portugal war, which they daily feared. From Guadalupa they sent the duke of Villahermosa their brother to Almorox near to Escalona, in which place were Don john de Luxan, and Don john de Pacheco the Marquis of Villena's brother, who ran up and down burning and spoiling the country round about.  
The Marquis on the other side remaining in Garcy Nugnos, did violently resist the the King's soldiers, and defeated the troops of Don George Man●ique, who within a few days after, died of the hurts which he had received in that encounter: By means whereof, others of the King's Captains, being justly moved against him, did hang up six of his servants whom they had taken, to serve for a terror to the rest: the Marquis in like manner would not be indebted to them for revenge: but caused as many heads to be stricken off, casting lots among the prisoners, which fell upon a soldier who dwelled at Villa-nova de Laxara, 
Notable love of one brother towards another  near to Alarcon, who amongst others was to be beheaded, but a younger brother of his did beseech the Marquis, that he might die in his brother's stead, who had wife and children, and did so much importune the matter, as he redeemed him from death, giving his own life for him: a notable example of brotherly love, and well worthy to have been considered by those who did cause the execution, if they had been possessed with a noble and generous disposition. The names of these two brethren are unjustly suppressed by the negligence of the authors. The Marquis yet notwithstanding sent Rodrigo of Castagneda to Court to excuse him to the King and Queen, and to lay the fault upon their Lieutenants and Officers, whose pride and insolency had provoked him to those courses, the King answered that the Marquis should be heard according to law: but being advertised, that Don Roderigo had intelligence with the king of Portugal, they sent him away prisoner to Talavera, where he quickly ended his days.  
Whilst the King and Queen remained at Guadalupa, Donna Maria de Pacheco Countess of Medelin, the Marquis of Villena's bastard-sister, being a proud and haughty woman, who held the town of Merida, and had driven her own son out of all his possessions, presented a petition to the King and Queen, the effect whereof was, that she might enjoy the Earldom of Medellin, during her life, with the commandery of the same city. An other petition came from Don Alphonso de Montroy, treasurer of Alcantara, who called himself Master of the same order, and held most part of the fortresses belonging to the same, 
Usurpers, in regard they might not be authorised in their outrages do bandon themselves against the king  who requested that he might be confirmed in that dignity, notwithstanding any pretence that Don john de Estuniga Son to Don Alvaro Duke of Arevalo could make, upon whom the Pope had bestowed it. Both of them were answered, that upon hearing of the parties, they should have speedy justice. The Countess and the Treasurer not contented therewith, became enemies to the King and Queen, and did cleave to the King of Portugal: Don Alphonso having forgotten, how that when he was taken prisoner by the Captain of Magançala in Extremadura, the King had delivered him and paid his ransom, bestowing divers other benefits upon him.  
Ambassadors from the French King Lewis the eleventh, arrived at Guadalupa to see the peace agreed upon by the Commissioners at Saint john de Luz to be sworn and ratified. There the Pope's Bull was seen, which dispensed with the King of Portugal about the marriage of Donna joane his Niece, not without excuses on the Pope's part, who said, that he had been circumvented, and sinisterly informed, concerning that matter. And to the end the French King should on his part swear, and ratify the articles of the peace, the same commissioners, who had first treated thereof were sent into France, to weet, Don john de Gamboa, and the licenciat Don john de Medina both of them of the King's Council. It was likewise agreed upon with the French Ambassadors, that the town of Perpignan, with other fortresses of the Earldom of Rossillion, should be delivered as hostages, into the Cardinal of Spain's hands, and that with in five years following, arbitrators should decide, whatsoever king Lewis could pretend to be due unto him.  
Whilst the Spanish Court remained at Guadalupa, God (being willing to make peace, betwixt Christian Princes in Spain, to the end they might have leisure to undertake more worthy enterprises,) did inspire Donna Beatrice Duchess of Viseo, widow to the Infant Don Ferdinand of Portugal, Duke of Viseo, and Mother to Donna Leonora, married to Prince john the eldest Son and heir of the Crown of Portugal, with a desire to employ her uttermost credit, and means for the effecting thereof, This Princess having sounded King Alphonso's mind, and finding him to be inclined to an agreement, sent word to her niece Queen Isabella (for she was sister to her Mother Queen Isabella, widow to King john yet living,) that if it would please her to come to the frontiers of Portugal, she did hope that some good agreement would be made betwixt them; whereunto the Queen disposed herself with the consent of King Fernand her husband.  
King john of Arragon died about this time at Barcelona being four score and one years of age, 
Arragon.  having reigned in Navarre fifty three years and four months, and one and twenty years and six months in Arragon: 
The death of john King of Arragon.  he was buried in the monastery of Pobleta. By his last will and testament he left his Son Don Fernand, heir to his Kingdoms of Arragon, and Sicill, and his daughter Princess Leonora, widow to Earl of Foix, heir to the realm of Navarre: and soon after deputies were sent from the states of Arragon, Cattalogne, and Valencia to the Court of Spain, to request King Fernand, to come and take possession of his dominions; they came unto him in an unseasonable time, by reason the Portugal war was hotly began, by the practices of the countess of Medelin, and Don Alphonso de Montroy, the pretended master of Alcantara.  
The King and Queen were advertised that the army of Portugal was in a readiness to invade the country of Extremadura: 
Castille.  by reason whereof they called the Constable, and other Spanish Knights to Court, and sent forces to the frontiers, with great garrisons to Badajos, and other forts of the same marches where Don Alphonso de Cardegna● Master of Saint james was general, who lodged his army at Lobon betwixt Badajos, and Merida, wherein the treasurer of Alcantara remained, attending for the portugals, and the Bishop of Ebora, their General, who came with an intent to join with him: to prevent which, 
The Portugal army defeated at Albuhera.  the Master of Saint james did march against the Bishop, and gave him battle, in the fields of Albuhera, the which was fierce, and bloody, on either side: but the portugals were overthrown, and the Bishop taken, (although afterward he escaped away) having lost their ensigns, baggage, and all the equigage and munition: 
Battle of Albuhera.  the master of Saint james, and all the King of Castile's Captains were hurt: but above the rest the valour and prowess of Don Martin de Cordova Son to the Earl of Cabra, of Sancho del Aquila, of Alphonso Henriques and of Rodrigo de Cardegna, Cousin to the Master of Saint james, was admirable: the which Master by his judgement and valour, having gotten the King, and Queen this victory, was so charitable, as with his own money, he relieved the dearth and famine which at that time, did oppress the country of Extremadura, in regard whereof the King and Queen, did acquit him of three Millions of Maravedis, which he was to pay, as apension unto them out of the revenue of his place. After this battle the Treasurer of Alcantara, went to Deleitosa, which had been taken by Roderigo de Monroy his brother, 
Defeat of the Spanish army by sea.  and the Bishop of Ebora went to Medellin to encourage the Countess, who perhaps, was valianter than himself. God's will was, that the King of Portugal, in recompense of this loss, should by his army at sea, take the five and thirty Spanish ships which came from Guiney wherein was great store of gold, which served well to pay his soldiers, and the prisoners, to exchange for those which were taken at the land Battle of Albuhera. After this manner are the events of joy, and sorrow, mixed in this miserable world.  
King Fernand being importuned to go into Arragon, and considering the notable union of those two Kingdoms, being at that time at Trugillo, where after he had celebrated the obsequies of King john his father, he treated with the Queen his wife, and those of her council about the form of precedency, and the order which should be kept in the letters, and writings concerning the titles of the realms, and dominions, which he commanded: divers of them were of opinion, that they should entitle themselves Kings of Spain, in regard the greatest part thereof did obey them: but they not being willing to exceed the bounds of modesty, nor yet to prejudice in that behalf, the Kings of Navarre and Portugal, with whom they were conjoined in blood, did place their titles after this manner. 
Titles of King Fernand and Queen Isabella  Frenand and Isabella, by the grace of God, King and Queen of Castille, of Leon, of Arragon, of Sicill, of Toldedo, of Valencia, of Galicia, of Majorque, of Seville, of Sardi●ia, of Cordova, of Corsica, of Murcia, of jaen, of Algarbes, of Algezire, of Gibraltar, Earls of Barcelona, Lords of Biscay and Molina, Dukes of Athens and of Neopatria, Earls of Rossillon, and of Cerdaigne, Marquis of Oristagni, and of Gocian. After this manner, were the titles of these Kingdoms and dominions, ordered according to their rank and dignity: and in the shields of their arms, and devices, it was appointed that the arms of Castille and Leon, should be first drawn, and after them those of Arragon and Sicill.  
The Court being come from Trugillo to Caceres, Queen Isabella was greatly solicited by Donna Be●trice Duchess of Viseo, to come to Alcantara, where she promised to meet her, and to confer about the means of a peace betwixt Castille and Portugal: the King and Queen departed the one from the other, she towards Alcantara, which for the same purpose was committed to the keeping of Don Guttiere de Cardegna the great commander by Don Alvaro de Estuniga Duke of pleasance or Arevalo, 
Interview of of Queen Isabella, and the Duchess of visco, sorto treat of peace.  who held it as lawful administrator of Don john de Estuniga his Son, who pretended himself Master of that order: and King Fernand went into Arragon to take possession of his new Kingdoms. These Princesses being arrived at Alcantara, were lodged in one house, namely in the Castle, where they spent thirty days in conference, and agreeing at the last upon certain Articles, the Duchess being highly honoured, by the Queen Isabel of Castille, and rewarded with many rich presents, and jewels, returned into Portugal, carrying Roderigo Maldonado, one of Fernand the King of Castile's council with her, to communicate more at large with the King of Portugal, concerning them.  
In the mean space whilst these matters were conferred on, the Treasurer of Alcantara surprised the fortress of Montanches on the one side, and those of the Countess of Medellins' part made sharp war in Extremadura on the other: the which country besides the miseries which it endured by the war, 
Queen Izabella pursueth the R●bels in Extremadura.  it was oppressed with extreme famine: so as every one persuaded the Queen to go back to Toledo: but her haughty courage, would not suffer her to leave such places where she knew trouble and danger to be, being able by her wisdom, speedily to redress it. She than gave order to besiege divers places at one time, from whence the enemies made sundry roads with incredible spoils, even to the gates of Trugillo.  
The Master of Saint james was sent against Merida, Don Lewis Fernandes de Porto Carrero, Lord of la Palma besieged Medellin, Rodrigo de Monroy d'Eleitosa, and Don Lorenzo Suares of Figueroa, opposed himself against those which molested the country of Badajos. The Treasurer of Alcantara ran up and down, and took booties now from one place, then from another, having his retreat at Piedra nueva, Castro nuevo, Majorga, Azagala, and other forts, and not contented therewith, he went into Portugal, animating King Alphonso, not to give over that war, but courageously to poursue it with great hope, and not be carried away by the persuasions of the Duchess of Viseo: and he did chief urge him to come with a mighty army, to raise the siege before Montanches, that place being the strength and importance of the war: which D. Pero Fernandes de Velasco the Constable fearing, fortified his camp with trenches and walls of stones, so as he could not easily be assailed on the sudden. Don Lewis Fernando Porto Carrero, besieging Medellin, where the Countess, and the Bishop of Ebora remained, sustained infinite difficulties: for besides the continual sallies and skirmishes of the besieged, who were very strong, his camp was troubled with a horrible number of Flies, which constrained him to change his seat, and to retire half a mile from thence.  
At the end of the siege, which lasted three months, those of Deleitosa yielded, saving their lives and goods, and withdrew themselves to Montanches. Great was the pain and toil which the beseegers and besieged of this place did endure, with those likewise of Merida and Medellin, where the Bishop of Ebora spared no care not diligence, to recover his honour, and to cover the losses which he had sustained at Albuhera, and also at the battle of Toro.  
Hunger, sickness, and other inconveniences were the chief enemies, that either pa●tie had to war against: although Queen Izabella to her power had provided for the necessity of her people, who from time to time received letters from Maldonado her Ambassador in Portugal, putting her out of hope of peace, by reason of King Alphonso's obstinacy, who could not be brought to any reasonable conditions: she therefore willed him to return into Castille. The Ambassador being ready to departed, came to take his leave of King Alphonso, who was at the same time accompanied with the Prince his son, and the Lords of his Council, who did persuade him by divers reasons and examples of things fallen out lately in Spain to condescend to a peace: which persuasion of his, being better taken and apprehended by the Prince and the other Lords, then by the King himself, were of such force, as he was drawn by them to receive the peace which the Duchess of Viseo had concluded at Alcantara: 
Peace betwixt Portugal and Castille.  Whereupon the ambassadors departure was prolonged, and the morrow after he assembled his Council, where the Articles were again perused and considered of, which the King allowed, confirmed, and swore to observe, after this manner.  
First, 
Articles.  that the King of Portugal should lay aside the title of King of Castille and Leon, and should wipe out of his shield the arms and devices of the said kingdoms.  
Secondly, that he should swear not to marry Donna joane his Niece, who called herself Queen of Castille and Leon.  
Thirdly, that she being at that time eighteen years of age, should choose one of these things within six months, that is to say, to forsake the Realm of Portugal without having aid, means, or any assistance from king Don Alphonso, or if she would tarry there still, then to marry with Prince john of Castille, who was newly borne, when he should come to age, or else to enter into one of the five Orders of Religion of Saint Clare in Portugal, and if she would consent to marry Prince john, she should live and remain in the mean time, in the company of Donna Beatrix Duchess of Viseo.  
Fourthly, that the Infanta Donna Izabella, eldest daughter to the King and Queen of Castille, should marry the Infant Don Alphonso, eldest son to Prince john, heir to the Kingdom; the which Infant and Infanta should likewise be committed to the keeping of the Duchess of Viseo in the fort of Mora in Portugal.  
Fiftly, that the Kings of Castille should in no sort let or hinder the king of portugals, nor the Prince his sons voyage into Guiney, and that the States and people of Castille should be bound to perform and maintain that point inviolably.  
Sixtly, that all crimes and offences, laid to their charge, who had favoured and taken the King of Portugal's part in those wars, should be abolished, and a general pardon granted to them all, especially to the Countess of Medellin, and to Don Alphonso of Monroy, Treasurer of Alcantara, and every of them to be restored to their goods, livings, and dignities.  
seventhly, that this peace should be kept betwixt the Kings of Castille and Portugal for an hundred and one years.  
This peace thus concluded, was proclaimed in the Court of Portugal, to the great contentment of all men, and presently the Licenciate Figueroa, one of the king's Council, and his Confessor, named Friar Martin, were sent Ambassadors to Queen Izabella, who lay at Trugillo: who on her her part, did likewise swear to ratify it, the Castillans' being no whit displeased thereat; for they were all tired with that pernicious war. The which war did wholly cease, and the sieges, from the abovementioned places, were raised. Merida which belonged to the Order of Saint james, was yielded to the Master thereof: Medellin was committed to the keeping of Don Lewis Fernand Porto Carrero, until the controversy betwixt the Countess and Don Pedro Porto Carrero her son, were decided by order of law. News hereof was carried to Barcelona to King Fernand, the which was most welcome unto him, who gave thanks unto God therefore, causing great signs of joy to be made every where, and did worthily recompense the messenger which brought tidings of so desired a peace: by means whereof those two kingdoms have been increased and maintained in the greatness whereunto they are risen in the days of our fathers, and in our time also.  
In king Fernand, the two kingdoms of Castille and Arragon with their dependencies, 
Union of Castil and Arragon.  were joined together, which had been separated four hundred, forty, and five years, ever since that the two States of Earldoms, became Kingdoms, after the death of Don Sancho the Great, King of Navarre, who was the last Earl of Arragon and Castille.  
Now King Fernand having taken order for all things belonging to so great a succession, wherein he found no difficulty nor resistance, he came to the Queen his wife, who lay in the city of Toledo, where with great solemnity he swore the peace in the presence of the Portugal Ambassadors: and for a greater confirmation thereof, there were sent Ambassadors to the king of Portugal, Friar Hernand of Talavera, the king of Castile's Confessor, of the Order of Saint Hierome, great Prior of Saint Marie du Pré of Vailliodolit, who was afterward Bishop of Auila, and successively first Archbishop of Granado after the conquest, and with him Doctor Alphonso Manuel of Madrigal, one of the king's Council, 
D. joane, called, the Excellent, contemneth the marriage with the b●ire of Castil, Arragon, etc. and becomes a Nun.  to reiterate and swear the peace the second time. Donna joane, who till then was called Queen of Castille and Leon, and by a particular surname the Excellent, being questioned upon the Article of peace, which concerned her marriage with Prince john, did rather choose a Monastic life, who therefore was shorn and veiled in the Monastery of Saint Clare the royal, at Coimbra, and casting off her royal habits, she took the Order of Saint Francis, not without great grief to king Don Alphonso, to see so great a Lady in such manner to abase herself, where if she had so pleased, might have reigned in Castille, Leon, Arragon, and Sicill.  
The Ambassadors of Castille having executed their commission with the king of Portugal, went to the city of Coimbra, where they did see this Princess to profess herself a Nun, with protestation to spend her days in such humility, notwithstanding that they brought her King Fernand and Queen Isabella's honourable word and promise, to accomplish in her behalf, all that which had been agreed upon in the treaty of peace, and to marry her to their son when time should serve: but she with an incredible constancy refused all these dignities, and spent the whole time of her life (which was very long) in religion, and was ever after called, (in stead of royal titles which had had been offered unto her by the King and Queen) Donna joane the Nun.  
The troubles being thus appeased in Castille, Don Diego Lopes de Pacheco, Marquis of Villena, who in his Marquisate had made war upon the King's Lieutenants and Captains, came to the Court at Toledo to justify himself concerning the same: and to speak truth, the matter being well weighed, he was not found to be the principal cause of those mischiefs, 
Marquis of Villena reconciled to the King and Queen.  nor yet to have any intelligence with the King of Portugal, since his last agreement made with the Queen, in regard whereof, the King and Queen received him to grace and favour, unto whom afterwards in the wars of Granado, he did many notable services.  
This year, 1479. in the month of November, Queen Izabella was brought to bed in the City of Toledo, in a house belonging to the Earl of Cifuentes, of a daughter named joane, who in process of time came to succeed in all the kingdoms, as by the progress of this History shall appear. This Infanta did in all points so resemble queen joane of Arragon her grandmother, as when the King her father did play with her, he called her his mother. In like manner the Infanta Izabella, because she was in lineaments like to Queen Izabella her Grandmother, mother to the queen then reigning, was by her called her mother: the rest of queen Izabella's children were commonly called her Angels. At the same time that these things happened in Spain, the army of Mahomet the second of that name, Emperor of the Turks, did hover about the Isle of Rhodes, the seat of the Knights of Saint john of Jerusalem, Peter d' Aubusson a Frenchman, being great Master of that Order: the Sicillians fearing left the Turks would have landed in their Isle, sent messengers to king Fernand, to obtain of him aid and succour, unto whom certain ships laden with munition, armour, and other provision, were sent.  

Donna Leonora Queen of Navarre, and 33. in order.  
AS King Fernand succeeded in the kingdoms of Arragon, Valencia, Sicill, Majorca, and principality of Cattalonia, 
Navarre.  with other dominions and dependencies thereof by the decease of the late king Don john his father: the Princess Leonora in like manner, daughter to him and to his first wife Donna Blanch, queen of Navarre, did inherit the same kingdom, nine years after the death of the Earl of Foix her husband, remaining all that time a widow. She was crowned queen in the city of Tudela, where she did swear and promise to maintain the rights, laws, privileges, franchises, and liberties of the country, in the same manner as her predecessors had done before her. Her reign was so short, as we have no matter afforded to speak of, but only her death, which happened by a sudden sickness fifteen days after she was crowned, in the same city of Tudela: she was buried in the covent of S. Sebastian of the Order of S. Francis, near to the city of Tafalla, which was since ruined by the commandment of Cardinal Francisco Ximeenes, Archbishop of Toledo, and Governor of Castille, who thought that the strong building of that Monastery, was no good neighbour to such a town. Albeit we have already in the precedent book spoken of this Princess' children, yet we will somewhat more amply enlarge the discourse thereof in this place. 
Genealogy of Navarre.  Their eldest son was Gaston, who bearing the title of Prince of Viana, was married to Donna Magdalene of France, and died at Libourne, being misfortunately hurt with the splinter of a Lance, as he there ranue at Tilt: he was father of two children, that is to say, Francis Phoebus and Katherine, who were King and Queen of Navarre, and Earls of Foix, successively the one after the other. Their second son was john, who had the Vicounty of Narbonne for his portion, purchased by his father for ready money, and married Marie, who was daughter to Lewis, Duke of Orleans, who was French king, and the twelfth of that name. Paradin says more truly, that she was daughter to Charles, Duke of Orleans, of whom were borne, Gaston of Foix, Duke of Nemours, who died in the battle of Ravenna, and german, who was second wife to Fernand, the Catholic King, and after that she was secondly married to Fernand of Arragon, Duke of Calabria, lawful son to Frederick king of Naples, who died being Viceroy of Valencia.  
This john Viscount of Narbone, was Governor of Daulphiné, and afterwards of Guyenne, a hardy and valiant Knight, renowned in the wars against the English, and in those of Italy, whither he went with King Charles the eighth, in great credit and authority, and afterwards died in the reign of King Lewis the twelfth at Estampes where he lies buried.  
The third son of Earl Gaston, and Donna Leonora, was Peter borne at Pau in the country of Bearne, the year one thousand, four hundred, forty nine, who gave himself to study, and did choose an ecclesiastical life, under the government of his great Uncle, the Cardinal of Foix, Bishop of Lescar, and the Pope's Legate in Daulphiné and Provence: after whose death having profited at the Universities of Tholousa, Pavia, and Ferrara, in the civil and canon Laws, he was also by Pope Sixtus the fourth, made Cardinal of the title of Saint Cosmo and Damian, being before Bishop of Vannes, and provided of many rich Benefices, by the favour of Francis Duke of Britain his brotherin law, who had married his sister Lady Margaret of Foix, mother to Queen Anne.  
The fourth son of the Earl of Foix, and of Donna Leonora, was called james, he only of all their children was borne in Navarre, and was a Knight highly esteemed, and honoured by King Lewis the twelfth, with the Order of Saint Michael, and with the leading of an hundred men at arms: in the wars of Lombardie and elsewhere; he purchased the commendation of a valiant and wise Captain, but he died young, having not attained to the age of thirty years, and was never married. He left certain base children, who professed an ecclesiastical life, and did possess rich benefices, even till the later days of King Francis the first.  
Besides these four sons, Earl Gaston and Donna Leonora had five daughters, the first whose name was Mary, was married to William Marquis of Montferrat, who, by the Pope's authority, erected the church of casal into a Bishop's Sea: this Lady was brought to her husband, the year one thousand, four hundred, sixty six, by her brother Peter of Foix, by Bernard the Bastard of Foix, Godfrey Basileac, Bishop of Rives, by the Bishop of Conserans, and Peter of Sobreville, and by divers other Lords and Knights: Of this marriage no male children were borne, but daughters only, the eldest of whom was married to Lewis, son to Thomas Marquis of Salusses, and these daughters did not succeed their father in the Marquisat, but a brother of his. joane second daughter of Earl Gaston, and Donna Leonora, was married to the Earl of Armagnac, son to him who was slain by the commandment of King Lewis the eleventh: with which marriage, the King being displeased, the Earl was so persecuted, as he was constrained to fly for safety into Castille, where trusting to the fair speeches, oaths, and promises of the Cardinal of Albi, the French Kings Ambassador, in the said kingdom, being returned into France, he was there cruelly stabbed to death with daggers. Whereupon his wife Donna joane of Foix, returned into Bearne, having had no children by him; The third daughter was Marguerite, wife to Francis the last Duke of Britain, by whom he had two daughters, Anne and Izabella; Izabella died young, but Anne was married to two French Kings successively, Charles the eighth, and Lewis the twelfth: by Lewis she had two daughters claud and Rene; claud who was first promised to Charles, who was since king of Spain, and afterwards Emperor, the fifth of that name, did marry Francis of Valois then duke of Angoulesme, and afterwards French king, first of that name. Rene was married to Hercules of Este duke of Ferrara: the Earl Gaston and his wife D. Leonora, had besides these, Catherine, married to the Earl of Candale, and mother of 3. children, the eldest of whom was Lord of Candale, the second Archbishop of Bourdeaux, and the third who was a daughter named Anne, Queen of Hungary and Bohemia, wife to Vladislaus, son to Casimir King of Polonia. This Vladislaus first king of Bohemia, had before married Donna Beatrix of Arragon, widow to King Mathias of Hungary, for whose sake the Hungarians chose him for their King: but he was divorced from her in regard of her lose life, and afterwards married this Lady Anne of Foix, who was brought to her husband through the Duchy of Milan, at that time possessed by the French, and by the city of Venice, the great friend and ally of this King, Leonardo Lauredan being at that time Duke thereof. Of this marriage was borne Lewis, who succeeded his father in the kingdoms of Bohemia and Hongarie, husband to Queen Marie of Castille, who was sister to the Emperor Charles, and a daughter named Anne married to Ferdinand of Austria, afterwards Emperor and Brother to Charles, and by her, king of Bohemia and Hungary, after the death of his father-in-law King Lewis, of the which Fernand and Anne, the Emperor Maximilian was borne, and many other children: the fifth daughter of Earl Gaston, and Donna Leonora of Navarre, died unmarried, being only promised to the Duke of Medina Celi, issued from the same house of Foix, and was called after her mother's name Leonora. This house of Foix and Navarre hath brought forth this of spring of great and illustrious Princes, giving to Christendom at one time four Queens, who were cousin-germaines, namely, Catherine Queen of Navarre, german Queen of Castille and Arragon, Anne Queen of France, and Anne Queen of Bohemia and Hungary.   

Francis Phoebus, the four and thirtieth King of Navarre.  
LEt us now go forward with our History: after Queen Leonora's decease, her sons son Francis Phoebus of the age of twelve years, succeeded by right to the Crown of Navarre, 
Seditions awaked by those of Beaumond and Grammont in Navarre.  the year, one thousand, four hundred, seventy nine, being brought up in his Earldom of Foix, and Lordship of Bearne, under the government of Donna Magdaleine of France his mother, and the Cardinal his Uncle: but three years were expired before he durst pass into his Kingdom, by reason of the seditions which suddenly after the Queen Leonora's decease, were renewed betwixt the Beaumontois, the Earl of Lerin being their head, who held the City of Pampelona, and those of Grammont, who followed Pedro of Peralta the Constable, and Philip of Navarre the Marshal, who had for their forts the places of Estella, Sanguessa, Olita, and a great part of the city of Tudela.  
The young King's mother made a journey thither, as appeareth by letters granted by her this same year, dated at Pampelona; where she laboured (though in vain) to settle peace and quietness in the Country: divers Prelates and great Lords of Castille and Arragon did in like manner, but to none effect, go about to appease these obstinate seditious persons, who were hardened in their wickedness. The Faction of Grammont was much discontented, to see the Earl of Lerin married to a Lady of the blood royal, sister to King Fernand of Castille, and for that he was possessed of the city of Pampelona, the chief of the Kingdom, they said, that he thought to make himself king of Navarre. These quarrels being sharply poursued by either side, it happened that Philip of Navarre, 
Viana surprised by the Marshal Philip.  successor to his father in the office of Marshal, and in hatred to the Earl of Lerin, did surprise the city of Viana, but he could not get the castle, wherein a knight of the house of Gongora was captain for the Earl: and being out of hope of being able to keep the town, so great was his hatred towards the Earl, as having complotted with Don john of Rivera, Governor of Logrogno for the king of Castille, Captain Mudirre, and other Spanish knights, he delivered the town into their hands: the which deed of his, 
Exploits of the Earl of Lerin.  the Earl of Lerin greatly resenting, endeavoured to recover that loss, which did not so much touch him nor his faction, as the whole Realm in general, and he, did so well bestir himself, as he did not only recover Viana, but Larraga likewise, which had been before that time possessed by the king of Castille, and if he had been as strong as he was courageous and skilful in martial affairs, he would, without all doubt, have recovered the places of Saint Vincent, la guard, and Arcos, the which he attempted: but he was too weak: with this good hap, yet nevertheless he took the town of Miranda upon Arga, and caused those which held it, to leap into the river. In these troubles was the Realm of Navarre, when this young King, Francis Phoebus, came to the Crown, in danger upon such like occasions, to have the kings of Castille attempt some thing to his prejudice, as well through the evil offices of the chief of the Factions, as by the superfluous duties of th● Captains of the frontiers, who to be accounted good and profitable servants, do oftentimes draw their masters into unjust quarrels, contrary to their own minds and dispositions.  
The Court of Castille 
Castille.  remained yet at Toledo, in the which city in the beginning of the year, one thousand, four hundred, eighty, the kings had called a Parliament: 
Parliament at Toledo.  there the Deputies of the cities, who were accustomed to have voices, having well weighed and considered the disposition of the royal revenue, which was alienated to particular persons, in recompenses, perpetual rents, superfluous gifts, and other such like wastes, which were not well digested, did crave reformation thereof, and demanded to have those things which had been given from the Crown, to be restored to the same: and they were the more instant therein, 
Consultation touching the reunion of the royal revenue.  because they did foresee, that if the kings did not look to it, necessity would constrain them, to seek money in another nature, and to charge the people with new tributes and taxes.  
The matter being consulted on by the kings, the Cardinal of Spain, and by other Prelates, Lords, and Knights, it was determined, that regard should be had to the people's admonishment: but concerning the manner how, the opinions were diverse: some thought it fit, that whatsoever had been alienated should be united again: others were of opinion, to call that only in question which had been evil employed: others said, that no distinction ought to be made in that point, but either to take all, or leave all. Upon this diversity of opinions, the Kings knew not what to resolve; but wrote their letters to the great Lords of Spain to come to Toledo to give their opinions concerning that business, and if some of them could not come thither in person, that they should set down in writing, what they thought was fit to be done, and to send it. The most part of them thought it requisite, that the whole revenue of the Crown should be reunited.  
Whereupon the Cardinal did secretly advise the Kings, to make this difference in the matter: namely, to take away from those upon whom the late King Henry had bestowed any thing, that is to say, from the Lords and Knights which had been the cause of the troubles, and had followed the Prince Don Alphonso: and not to mention those gifts which they themselves had given unto such as had served them. In these difficulties the Kings made this conclusion: That all those who had gifts, revenues, and other such like pensions out of the ordinary revenue of the Crown, should by a certain prefixed time come and show cause, how and wherefore they had obtained such grants: and Friar Fernand of Talavera was appointed to search out the truth, and set down an order, upon whose good conscience and integrity, all men reposed great trust, and to satisfy every man according unto right and reason; who with other assistants did so order the matter, as he brought back three millions of revenues into the king's coffers, and divers men had their grants confirmed, others were cut off in part, others had all taken from them, and others enjoyed their pensions during their lives. The Estates were likewise very much busied about other matters, and every day was a Council held, in five several chambers: one was for the State, another for the administration of justice, another for the affairs of Arragon and Sicill, another for the businesses of the commons, and for the jurisdictions of the Hermandades or brotherhoods, and the fift and last, for the treasure and royal revenue.  
At the same time justice, which had a long time been banished out of Spain, was called home again and reverenced, and divers wicked persons punished, among whom Hernand Alarcon, 
〈…〉  the familiar friend and instigator of the Archbishop of Toledo, a seditious and turbulent person, was beheaded, by means of which example, every man submitted himself to law, and framed himself to a civil and honest life: then did the tyrannies of great men cease, the thefts and robberies of their followers were suppressed, in such sort, as the fields were as safe as good towns, those things which were usurped were restored to the right owners: the seats of justice were well ordered, and divers good laws and Edicts were made.  
It was there enacted, that the jews and Moors in towns and cities, should dwell in streets and places by themselves. All Noblemen were forbidden to carry Guards about with them, to place Crowns upon their shields and arms, or to have ushers to carry maces or rods before them, unless they were Magistrates, not to use titles in their letters, 
Charity of K. Fernand and Queen Isabel.  belonging to Princes and Sovereign Lords. And for that the Kings felt their consciences burdened with the death of many poor people, who had followed them in their last wars, whose widows and children were in great necessity, they appointed a sum of twenty millions of Maravidis to be distributed unto such people by Friar Hernand of Talavera, as he should think it meet and convenient, thinking by laying this charge upon him, to discharge themselves.  
In this assembly of the Estates in the month of May, 
Prince joane sworn unto with great solemnity.  the Infant Don john was, according to the custom of Spain, sworn unto, as Prince of the Asturia's, and heir to the Kingdoms of Castille and Leon, in the presence of the Prelates and Lords, whose names follow: The Cardinal Don Pedro Gonçales of Mendoza, Archbishop of Seville, and withal, Bishop of Siguença: Don Diego Hurtado of Mendoza, Bishop of Palence, Friar Alphonso of Burgos, Bishop of Cordova, with others of the Clergy. For the Nobility and State military, Don Alphonso of Cardegna, Master of Saint james, Don Pero Fernandes of Velasco, Constable of Castille, and Earl of Haro: Don Alphonso Henriques great Admiral of Castille, and the King's Uncle: Don Pero Aluares Osorio, Marquis of Astorga, and Earl of Transtamara: Don Alvaro of Mendoza, Earl of Castro: Don Lorenzo Suares of Mendoza, Earl of Crugna: Don Inigo Lopes of Mendoza. Earl of Tendilla, Don Diego Lopes of Estuniga, Earl of Miranda: Don Fernand Aluares of Toledo, Earl of Oropesa, Don Guttiere de Sottomajor Earl of Benalcaçar: Don Bertrand de la Cueva, Earl of Ledesma, Don Diego Fernandes of Quignones, Earl of Luna, Don john de Ribera, Lord of Montemajor, Don Aluar Peres of Guzman, Lord of Saint Eulalia: Don Guttiere of Cardegna, great Commander of Leon, with divers others of name and place: For the third estate, the Deputies of the Cities on this side, and beyond the mounts, did take the accustomed oath, to wit, for old Castille, Burgos, Leon, Segobia, Auila, Soria, Zamora, Toro, and Salamanca: and for the other part, Toledo, Guadalajara, and Cuenca: and for Andalusia, Seville, Cordova, and jaen, and the City of Murcia for that Country: divers Lords likewise of the Realm Arragon were present at this solemnity, as Don Raymond Bishop of vrgel, and Don Philip of Arragon bastard-sonne to the late Prince Charles, Nephew to the King, and cousin germane to Prince john.  
At this assembly, Don Andrea de Cabrera, and Donna Beatrix of Bovadilla his wife were created Marquises of Moya, with grant of twelve hundred vassals near to Segobia for the good services which they had done to the king's Don Ferdinand, and Donna Isabel, at whose table, the more to honour them, they did eat, the same day. The Parliament or assembly of States being ended, the Court came to Medina del campo, where they began to take great pains to have the ordonances of the Estates executed, and put in practice, upon the usurpations, tyrannies, quarrels, and enmities which were passed. In the same town a knight, whose name was Aluar janes' of Lugo, was put to death, who being covetous to add to his own great wealth the goods of a certain Citizen, hired a certain Notary or Scrivener to make some false and counterfeit contracts, and to the end the deceit might not be known, he forthwith paid him his hire, cutting his throat, and burying him secretly in the backside of his own house: the which murder was discovered by the diligent inquiry of the poor widow, whose husband was never seen abroad, since he was seen to go into the Knight's house. This Gentleman was taken, 
A murderous gentleman c●e●u●ed.  convicted, and beheaded notwithstanding his great friends and kindred, who offered forty thousand Ducats for to save his life, which was a great sum in those days, which sundry of the Council wished the Kings to take: but these Princes being great justicers, would not hearken to it: but the Knight was executed according to his deserts.  
The year 1481. the Kings departed from Medina, 
King Fernand and Queen Isabella zealous of justice.  and did take leave the one of the other for a certain time, the Queen went to Vailliodolit, and the King made a voyage into Arragon with intent to have the like oath made, there to his son Prince john, as the States of Castille had done at Toledo, and to order the State of his own patrimonial Kingdom, as also to demand a certain subsidy of money of his subjects there.  
The King being at Sarragossa, the Cardinal of Foix, and his brother Don james, Uncles to the young King Francis Phoebus of Navarre, 
Navarre.  came thither to him, to beseech him to aid him with forces and means to suppress his audacious subjects, which did disturb the peace of his Kingdom, who contemning his youth, did commit infinite tyrannies there, whom king Fernand did most lovingly receive as his Nephews, sons to Queen Leonora his sister, and did promise concerning their demands, to perform the office of a Christian Prince, friend, and near kinsman to the young king. During his abode at Sarragossa, the Marshal of Navarre, who was at Tudela, had ordinary intelligence with divers Castillan Lords, some of whom knowing their masters will, did begin to treat of means for the pacification of the factions of Beaumond and Grammont, by whom the kingdom was spoiled. Amongst those which did most earnestly employ themselves therein, was a Friar, Preacher to king Fernand, whose name was Abarca, 
The Estates of Navarre at Tafalla.  who dealt in such sort, as he agreed upon a marriage betwixt Philip of Navarre the Marshal, and a daughter of the Earl Lewis of Lerin, which he thought would be a means, that these two Lords would forget all former hatred, and become hearty and affectionate friends, by whose example, the rest of the factions would do the like, but the poor Friar was deceived in his hope: for those of the Grammontois faction, rejecting this marriage, as hurtful to their side, and fearing to lose so mighty a Captain, did so prevail with the Marshal Philip, as notwithstanding that matters were in such forwardness, as neither of the parties could go back with honour and credit, the Marshal nevertheless refused that alliance, and went wholly back from his former promises: whereat the Earl of Lerin being extremely enraged, and being of a haughty and proud spirit, was fore revenged, by killing the Marshal, as he road from Sanguessa to Villa-franca to speak with Don john de Ribera, the Earl having attended for him upon the way, as well for to chastise his lightness and inconstancy, as for jealousy that he had, concerning the business that the Marshal went about in conferring with that Castillan, doubting some treason as well towards himself as the kingdom, like to that of Viana which he still remembered, and could by no means forget.  
In this manner, the father and the son, both of them Marshals of the Realm of Navarre, did perish by one self same hand: in which Office Peter of Navarre succeeded, who was younger brother to Philip, and the fourth of that family, who had held the same dignity. The Constable Pedro de Peralta was at the same time out of the Realm, who having with great labour obtained absolution from the Pope, for the murder committed on the person of Don Nicholas of Echavarri, 
Bishop of Pampelona slain by D. Pedro de Peralta.  Bishop of Pampelona, did publicly acknowledge his fault in the cathedral Church of Valencia, and lived not long after, leaving one only daughter who was called joane of Peralta, heir of his house, who was wife to Don Troilo Carillo of Acugna, son to the Archbishop of Toledo, of whom we have often spoken in this History.  
This house of Peralta, descended from the royal stock of Navarre, and by the death of Pedro of Peralta, the office and dignity of Constable ended in that family, the successors whereof were called Earls of Saint Steephen, and great Chamberlains to the Kings of Navarre. Lewis of Beaumond, Earl of Lerin, entering into that Office was afterward dispossessed thereof, and the Constableship fell since to Don Alphonso, grandchild to Pedro of Peralta, the heirs of whose house, in process of time, were called Marquis of Falses, 
Marquis of Falses.  a town in Navarre.  
Civil wars spoiling after this manner the poor Kingdom of Navarre, the young King's uncles returned into the Realm, accompanied with divers Lords and Knights of the King of Castile's Court, who promised them that if by fair means, they could not bring the King's rebellious subjects to his obedience, the which he wished them in any case to try, that he would them furnish him with men, munition and money for the wars: these Lords being come to the town of Tafalla, they did forthwith assemble the general Estates, 
The Estates of Navarre at Tafalla.  by virtue of a commission which they had from the King, the Cardinal and Lord james of Foix promising free and sure access and safe conduct to all men.  
The Deputies of the three Estates of the Kingdom being assembled, and having understood by the Cardinal the cause why they were come into Navarre, whereunto were joined the French King Lewis the elevenths' letters, which did exhort the Navarrois to continue obedient to their King, and to acknowledge and serve him as faithful subjects ought to do, providing thereby, for the welfare, rest and quiet, of their county: they did all with one general consent make answer, that the Lords and people of Navarre, did never mean to forsake their obedience towards Francis Phoebus the young King, whom they did acknowledge for their natural and lawful Prince, but that on the contrary they had ever till now been jealous and fearful, in regard of his youth and absence from the Realm, lest some stranger should have made himself Master thereof, and therefore they did no less desire his coming then himself, and they humbly besought him to make haste as a thing most necessary: and if his coming had been hindered by means of the ambition and tyranny of a few private persons, they gave him to understand, that it was to the great grief of others, and in no sort occasioned by common consent; therefore they entreated him to come in a lucky hour, seeing they were ready to receive and honour him, accordingly as it did become them. The Cardinal and his brother understanding so pleasing and desired an answer, did forthwith write thereof to the young King Francis Phoebus, and to King Fernand his great uncle. And because whatsoever was done, was to no purpose unless those two great houses of the Earl of Lerin and the marshal Don Pedro were reconciled, the Cardinal did use the best means he could to make them friends: but by reason of their inveterate quarrels he found matter enough whereon to set his judgement and industry a work, and also incredible resistance against his brother's authority and his own, 
Perseverance overcommeth all difficulties.  so as divers times they were in despair of the matter: nevertheless, knowing that by perseverance, all difficulties are surmounted, and that in such holy and laudable actions we ought to use our best endeavours, they laboured so earnestly therein, as in the end they thought that they had wholly reconciled them. And for a greater and more strict band of this alliance, 
Feigned reconciliation betwixt the Earl of Lerin and the Marshal of Navarre  this assembly of the Estates being in the time of Lent, the Cardinals would needs have the Constable and the Marshal to receive the Sacrament together, in an hostie parted betwixt them in the Monastery of St. Sebastian in Tafalla. But as the heart of man is oftentimes different from the outward show, so this reconciliation proved but feigned and counterfeit; for notwithstanding promises, oaths, and all respect to Religion which are oftentimes but masks to evil intents, the Earl of Lerin thinking with these ceremonies to have sufficiently secured his adversary, did determine to kill him upon the first proffered occasion, persuading himself that if he could dispatch this man, as he had done his father and brother in time before, that then in Navarre, he should have no more great enemies left to make head against him. Therefore upon the very next day after their reconcilement which was good Friday, 
Treachery of the Earl of Lerin against the Marshal.  he having intelligence that the Marshal road from Tafalla towards Tudela, or else to the Monastery of Oliva, he came with a great troop under the hill of Agnorba and there lay in ambush intending to assail him on the sudden as he should pass that way. The Marshal who feared no such matter, came riding in the company of the Earl of Saint Stevens the Constable of Peraltas successor with their train, and being come near to the place where his death was prepared, God's will was that he had some inkling of the Earl's treachery, whereupon on a sudden he galloped back again as fast as he could, being so hardly pursued by his enemy, as without the assistance of Arnaud governor of Vnçul, who speedily thrust him into a Church, he had been there slain. The Earl being mad that the Marshal had escaped, did the very same day execute his fury upon other Gramontois, for with his own hand he slew Leon de Garro the bastard, 
Mur●h●res committed by the Earl of Lerin.  the Archpriest Mendiogorria left john de Velez of Medran for dead, with diverse others slain and hurt, and then returned home to his house: not long after that, certain of the family of Artieda, having murdered some of the house of Ayanc, the murderers were upheld and received by the Constable the Earl of Beaumond, by reason whereof, those of the family of Aranc, who had ever followed the Beaumontois faction, revolted from their side to those of Grammont. These things are set down by some, to be more likely to have been done after the assembly of the estates, and they say, that it is not to be believed that the Constable would so much forget himself, as to commit such an act the next day after his reconcilement, which was made in so religious a manner, especially seeing the Cardinal and his brother were in the realm, and the estates of the kingdom there assembled, and they rather believe, that this quarrel was renewed a long time afterward in the reign of Queen Catherine, upon some new wrongs offered betwixt these Lords.  
The peace of Castille, according to the determination of the States at Toledo, 
Castille.  was virtuously procured by Queen Isabella, 
The decrees of the Estates executed.  who in her husband's absence remained at Valiodolit, being accompanied and counseled by the Cardinal of Spain, the Earl of Benavent and others; by whose advise were sent into Galicia, to order the affairs of that Province, which had been grievously shaken by the forepassed tempests, Don Ferdinand d' Acugna a good and a virtuous Knight, son to the Earl of Buendia, with title of Governor, unto whom the Licenciat Garci Lopes de Chinchilla of the King's council, and a man of great integrity, was joined in qualitity of Corregidor, or judge, who found much to be reform there; for diverse tyrants oppressed their neighbours, usurped the temporal and spiritual patrimony and revenues of the Church, not caring for God, the King, nor justice, nor acknowledging any superiority, and did keep back the King's tribute. The cities of Lugo, Orense, Mondognedo, nor the towns of Bivero and Corunna were exempted from such calamities, in regard whereof the Governor and the Corregidor, accompanied with two hundred horse▪ went to the city of S. james, there to make their residence, and to begin to order the affairs according to the form of law: The inhabitants of Saint james seeing their company so small, were afraid that they were too weak to take in hand to bridle so many tyrants as were in that country, did make some difficulty to let them into the city: but at the last being satisfied by the reasons of the Licenciat, they opened their gates, and promised to their power to aid and assist them to execute justice: 
justice established in Galicia.  wherefore they began to fall to work, and they made such executions, without partiality or respect of persons, as they were not afraid to strike off the head of the Marshal Pero Pardo, who had committed infinite mischiefs, so as in less than three months, more than one thousand five hundred persons, attainted with notorious crimes worthy of death, went out of the country of Galicia: and these Commissioners did raze down to the ground diverse strong houses, which served for places of retreat to thieves and robbers: by means of which executions, every one did acknowledge his duty, and there were many, who without any constraint by justice, did restore that which they held of other men's, by means whereof Don Ferdinand de Acugna, and Garci Lopes de Chinchilla got much honour and credit.  
This year, fifty ships of war, 
Spanish Army in Sicily.  with men and munition, were set forth out of Biscay, Guipuscoa and Castille, under the title of war against the Turks, whereunto the people of Bicay did contribute, not prejudicing their privileges and exemptions, only for the present occasion of so holy a war, the Army met together at Laredo, and was sent into Sicill, under the conduct of Don Francisco Henriques, son to the Admiral of Castille, and served at the taking of Ottranto, which the Turks had taken from Don Ferdinand the bastard of Arragon, who at the same time reigned at Naples: Before the Army departed from Laredo, the standards and banners of the ships were blessed, Don john de Ortega Pouruoier of Villafranca, singing a solemn mass: then they sailed alongst the coast of Spain, and joined with other twenty vessels that came from Galicia, so as the whole army of Castille consisted of three score and ten ships gallantly rigged and furnished, who sailing towards Ottranto perceived the army of Portugal to be there before them. By this succour the town was recovered from the Turks, who yielded it up upon the news of the death of their Emperor Mahumet, which happened at the same time. The Turks being gone forth of Italy, and the suspicion of other enterprises ceasing, the Spanish and Portugal ships returned home into their own country.  
The first acts of the new Inquisition in Spain were at that time so sharp and violent, 
Rigour of the Spanish Inquisitien moderated.  as this year 1481. Don Pero Gonçales de Mendoza Cardinal of Spain upon the extreme complaints which the Converts did make, by reason of their unjust persecutions were enforced to take some milder and gentler course: for there were already more than three thousand household destroyed and rooted out, only in Seville, and the Diocese thereof. For these causes the Cardinal and other Prelates met together to moderate the cruelty and violence of the pitiless Inquisitors. 
Friar Thomas of Torquemada.  Then friar Thomas of Torquemada, a jacobin, was chosen chief inquisitor: who by the King's leave did appoint divers judges in the Provinces of Spain, which by the Pope's authority did inquire of every one's faith and manners. This jurisdiction hath been oftentimes since then amplified and reform until that the tribunals and seats were established in manner following. Valiodolit, and Calaorra on that side of the mounts towards Burgos, and Toledo and Cuença on the other side, Murcia in her own jurisdiction: Siuil and Cordova in Andaluzia: and Erena in Extremadura: then after the conquest of Granado in the same city.  
The Inquisition was successively received into Arragon, 
Power of the Inquisitors.  at Saragossa, and Valencia, and at Barcelona for Cattalognia: All which Provinces are twelve in number. Navarre answereth to Calaorra, the seat whereof was transported to Logrogno for better ease and commodity. The knowledge of these judges Inquisitors did at the same time chiefly extend to the jews, and Moors, which were converted, and yet nevertheless did secretly adhere to their old sects: then to heretics, and such as were revolted from the Catholic saith, to Magicians, Blasphemers, and those that were attainted with the sin against nature. The general Inquisition remaining at Court near to the King's person did rule and were chief over all these other Tribunals. At the same time Pope Sixtus the fifth, did allow and authorize all that the Cardinal and his Council had decreed concerning that matter, and he did confirm the election of friar Thomas of Torquemada of the order of the Preachers, and Prior of the Monastery of Santa Cruz in Segobia, unto whom Diego de Merla the Assistant of Seville, and Pero Martin's Camagno the Kings Secretary were joined as coadjutors. The first effect of the Inquisition after that it was ordained, was to set down an edict that all Heretics and Apostotaes should appear, and reunite themselves to the Church of Rome, acknowledging their offences: More than seventeen thousand persons, did appear at this commandment, who were enjoined what to say and do; then they proceeded against the obstinate and rebellious, more than two thousand of them were burned and their goods confiscated, and taken from their children and heirs: the same sentence was executed upon those that were absent and dead, 
Sharp and rigorous executions of the Inquisitions.  digging up their bones and burning them: in such sort as the Inquisition continuing thus rigorous, great numbers did leave Castille, and withdrew themselves into the Kingdoms of Navarre and Portugal; others went into France, England and to other far Countries.  
Let us now return unto the Court, which was then at Valiodolit where the Queen of Castille was accompanied after the accustomed manner with a great train of Ladies and Gentlewomen, the Nobility (who in these latter times give themselves wholly to the exercise of arms, and do for the most part contemn all other course of life which causeth them and not without cause to be esteemed of all men as people very unprofitable in time of peace) did in this Court think upon nothing else then for to serve and court the Ladies and Gentlewomen, and gave themselves, to such other like vain and idle pleasures, accustomed in Prince's Courts, and most of all in that of Spain from whence did spring such fruits as vice doth produce, namely quarrels and dishonour and loss, which evils had almost spread themselves from the particular to the general, corrupting the public peace, by troubles, seditions and mutinous wars.  
Don Ramir Nugnes de Guzman, 
Quarrel betwixt D. Fredrick Henques and Don Ramir Nugnes de Guzman.  son to Don Gonçall de Guzman Lord of toral, being in an evening in talk with Donna Maria Manuel in the Queen's presence Chamber, was interrupted in his speech by Don Fredrick Henriques eldest son to the Admiral, who either through the insolency of his youth, or else to content Don Guttiere de Sottomajor his brother-in-law, who made love to that Lady, and was loath to have an other man walk in his purlieus, caused Don Ramir to arise as he sat by her, making as though he would have gone by him to have spoken with Don Marine Zapate, and suddenly sat down in his place by her, whereat Don Ramir being offended, began to murmur against Don Fredrick, so as they threatened to bastinado one an other, and fell to bitter and reproachful speeches: in such manner as Don Ramir Nugnes his honour was greatly interessed: for Don Fredrick going forth of the Queen's lodging called him drunkard, and base fellow, with many such like bitter terms. The Queen having notice of this quarrel, commanded both of them to departed forth of the palace, than she confined Don Fredrick to the Admiral his father's lodgings and committed Don Ramir Nugnes to the keeping of Garci Laso de la Vega, Master of the Hall, until it were known who was in the fault, as also to keep them from hurting one an other in action as they had done a little before in words. Having understood afterwards that Don Fredrick had committed the greatest insolency, her will was to have them still to keep their Chambers till such time as she had made them friends.  
Notwithstanding which commandment of the Queen's Don Fredrick went abroad to a tournament which was held the next day following, by reason whereof the Queen was extremely moved against him and the Admiral his father, and told them that if they went about to use their power against Don Ramir Nugnes, he should find those to take his part as would not suffer him to sustain any wrong or injury at their hands. The Admiral finding the Queen to be much displeased, did begin to humble himself, and did assure her that Don Ramir needed not to fear any wrong either from himself, his son, or any of their followers; wherewith the Queen being contented did permit Don Ramir freely to go out and come into the palace, acquainting him with what the Admiral had promised her, bidding him to rely upon her word, and to walk abroad under her royal safeguard and protection. Don Ramir was well assured by her Princely and comfortable words, and. Don Fredrick had saluted him, and talked familiarly with him and met diverse times for the space of three days together, yet notwithstanding this outward show of reconcilement, Don Ramir was upon a day bastonaded as he walked in the streets by certain persons unknown unto him, who presently after having their horses ready, galloped away.  
The Queen being advertised of this disgrace offered to Don Ramir, contrary to the Admiral's promise, and her own royal assurance, did rigorously pursue the Admiral, and did not leave (having seized upon two of the chiefest places that he had namely the castle of Simancas and ●iosecco) until she had his sons person in her power, saying that those blows lighted upon herself, and that she had felt them, and that she would know whether it were the manner of Spain, that Kings should be so contemned and despised by their subjects. The Admiral notwithstanding that he was the King's uncle, was constrained to deliver his son Don Fredrick to the Queen; with promise that he should receive no harm in his person, who by the Queen's commandment (who would not see him) was sent prisoner to the castle of Arevalo. Don Ramir having received this disgrace went to toral with an intent to be revenged in a most rigorous manner, 
Effects of immoderate choler.  and was very glad to hea●e of his adversaries imprisonment: but not contenting himself with the right which the Queen meant to do him, he invented means how to be revenged on him with his own hands, wherefore divers nights together he caused the castle of Arevalo to be watched whether that he might find any means to enter the same, and to kill Don Fredrick, who was to narrowly guarded: so as hatred daily increasing in Don Ramir, who not being able to execute that which his choler had pretended, he did resolve to kill the Admiral Don Alphonso Henriques, father to his adversary, and in the same mind he road secretly towards the Court, whether he had first of all sent Alvaro de Valderas one of his confederates to observe the admirals actions, and to espy●a fit time when he might execute his design, that he might advertise him of the time and place. Alvaro de Valderas cunning enough in other matters, communicated the business to Garci Franco, reposing trust in him, because that his eldest son had married not long before Don Ramir Nugnes sister, but he found himself deceived, for Garci Franco did forthwith advertise the Admiral thereof, to the end that he might stand upon his guard: therefore Don Ramir lost his labour, and had no other recompense for that painful journey, but only danger to be drowned, as he did inconsiderately and hastily pass over a river near to Saldaigne. The Admiral did not fail to complain that the Queen, how that, notwithstanding they were upon terms of law, Don Ramir had practised against his life: this was done in the presence of the Cardinal of Spain, who afterward pursued the matter in his behalf: whereupon she did write to Don Ramir Nugnes, commanding him by no means to attempt any thing against the persons of the Admiral, his kinfolkes and servants; and Pedro Mercado, who brought the Queen's letters, did demand letters of assurance from him to perform that which the Queen commanded him. Don Ramir answered the messenger that he would send his brother to the Court with his answer, and having consulted thereupon with his friends and kinsfolks, within a few days after, he did write to the Queen that he did assure the Admiral and all his followers until her return from Arragon, whither she was then going, and for five and twenty days after her return, the which did content the Queen, who gave the Admiral that letter.  
In the mean time Don Fredrick was delivered out of the castle of Arevalo, 
D Fredrick Henriques confined in●o Sicill where he marrieth with the Countess of Modica.  and confined into Sicill, whether he was to have gone howsoever, to marry the Countess and heir of Modica, who was one of the greatest Ladies in the Island, and of whom Queen Isabelli in time made more account, then of any other whatsoever, and it is reported that before King Fernand was married to her, his father King john had thought to have married him to this Countess of Modica. When Don Ramir understood what they meant to do with his Adversary, he thought that the punishment was not sufficient for the offence which he had committed, therefore he sent to beseech the Queen, that it might please her to permit him to endeavour to repair his lost honour, and reputation, by taking vengeance on Don Fredrick, or else to grant them the single combat against him now whilst she held him in her power: The Queen answered that these combats were no matters belonging to women, and that therefore he should content himself till the King were returned, who would see that right should be done unto him, and that his honour and reputation should be maintained. Don Fredrick went into Sicill, passing by Saragossa, and accomplished his marriage. Don Ramir Nugnes being continually solicited by the spirit of revenge, perceiving that he could have none other remedy, did pursue his former enterprise against the Admiral Don frederic's father, and was with great difficuly contained by his friends and kinsfolks from killing of him, but at the last he determined only to cry quittance with him, and to entertain him with bastonadoes as they had served him; the which he executed after the Queen's return from Arragon; so soon as the five and twenty days were expired within the which term he had promised not to touch him, the Court being at Medina del Campo: he assailed the Admiral as he came out of the Queen's house in the company of the Marquis of Astorga, which being done Don Ramir fled away having men and horses ready in the street and at the gates to further his escape, and took the ready way towards Tordesillas, the bridge of the which place upon Duero he passed by night, the gate being opened to him by one that had been sometime his servant, and as then did serve the porter and kept the keys. When he was passed over and the bridge locked again, they took the keys from the poor fellow and threw them into the river, fearing to be pursued by the Queen's people, and by the brea●●● day he arrived at Villalobos, where he changed horse and kept on for his greater sue●●● the way of Benavent though it were the longest, and passing the bridge of Castro G●nçalo, he turned on his left hand towards Saint Cyprian's Church into the which he entered, as triumphing of his victory, with his uncle Don Pedro de Guzman, and his brother Don Pedro Nugnes de Guzman, who waited for him there, and from thence, they came altogether to toral, the which place they began to fortify fearing that the Admiral, who was a great Lord, and the Queen likewise would send thither to besiege him. Ramir Nugnes leaving his uncle and his brother at toral, came to Leon, where diverse of his friends met him, rejoicing with him for what he had done. It is reported that entering into the Church of Saint Dominike in the same city, where divers of his predecessors were buried, after that he had said his prayers he said openly before all men, that since the time he had been disgraced, he durst not come into that Church, being ashamed to be found in a place where the memories and remembrances of so many illustrious and honourable persons did remain: but having now recovered his own honour, his fathers, and that of their whole family, he was boldly come to visit them. Having afterward visited his mother, and his betrothed Lady Donna Maria de Quignones' youngest daughter to the Earl of Luna, and tarried a while in the city, he withdrew himself by his uncles counsel to the castle of Auiados, where he told him that he should be in greater safety then at toral. Now after that this outrage was committed at Medina del Campo, the Marquis of Astorga, being present thereat, did inform the Queen who commanded Alphonso Osorio to pursue Don Ramir Nugnes and his people with fifty horse, who having road all that night and the next day without finding any of those whom he sought for, he came and lodged at Villademor, a place not far distant from toral, where afterward, other captains and soldiers sent from the Queen did meet together, who made a show as if they would besiege the town. The Bachelor La Font, came thither likewise to command Pedro de Guzman in the Queen's name to yield the place, he received this answer, that if Don Ramir Nugnes had done any thing for the recovery of his honour, it was not a fault that did deserve to have him spoiled of his patrimony and goods, left him by his predecessors, therefore he besought the Queen to proceed in this business by order of law, and if that Don Ramir should be found guilty, 
Quarrel between D. Ram●r Nugnes de Guzman and D. Fredrick Henriques.  then to punish him: with these speeches they entertained La Font, and gained time to the end that Don Ramir might have leisure to fortify himself. Whilst La Font went to the Court, the soldiers did much hurt in the country near to toral, and provoked the Inhabitants and soldiers which were within the town, to come forth and skirmish with them, albeit that Don Pedro de Guzman withheld them from so doing, as much as in him lay: for he would not give that advantage to Don Ramires adversaries, to say that those of toral had fought against the Queen's forces, who commanded Alphonso de Quintanilla to use all fit means that he could to take the town and castle of toral, Alphonso having demanded to speak with Don Pedro de Guzman and Pero Nugnes his Nephew, acquainted them with the Queen's resolution, exhorting them not to delay the time till they brought the canon, they answered that they would in no sort show themselves rebellious to the Queen's commandment, but they only entreated that Don Ramir might be proceeded against by the ordinary means of justice, which being granted they were ready not only to yield up toral, but the castle of Auiadoes in like manner, and namely if need required to put Don Ramirs person into the hands of the Duke of Medina Sidonia in hostage, or to Don Gomes Suares de Figueroa Earl of Feria: the which was agreed upon betwixt them and signed by a Notary, and a truce made betwixt the beseegers and besieged whilst that Alphonso de Quintillana might go and come from the Court. That Queen was at the same time gone to Cordova, wherefore Alphonso being come to Valiodolit, and having conferred with the Admiral, sent the dispatch to Cordova to the Queen, who appointed for depositor of D. Ramirs' lands and person the Earl of Feria who had married D. Constance, D. Ramirs Aunt; the Earl accepted it upon condition, that he should be advertised five and twenty days before the sentence should be pronounced, and that the Kings should promise him by writing, not to demand Don Ramirs person during the time of the process, for he would assure him whilst he was in his power: On the other side, Don Ramir sent to the King of Portugal to know, whether that if it should happen, that a sentence should be pronounced against him which might touch his life and honour, he would permit him to come into his Kingdom and Court in safety. These things being granted, Don Ramir was brought to the castle of the town of Feria, for greater surety, and there kept in prison, until his process was ready to be judged, and then the Kings according to their promise, did advertise the Earl of Feria thereof at the appointed time, who sent Don Ramir well accompanied into Portugal, where King john the second of that name did then reign, who entertained him very courteously, as shallbe hereafter declared.  
Queen Isabel as hath been said made a voyage into Arragon, 
The States of Arragon swear to Prince john.  and carried thither with her her husband john Prince of the Asturia's, and was received into the city of Calatajub with great and magnificent triumph, whether the King came not long after, who at the same time was at Barcelona with the Lords and Deputies of the States of Arragon, by whom Prince john was likewise sworn unto and acknowledged for Prince of Girona, heir unto Castille and Arragon, and true successor in these Kingdoms, the Kings in like manner did swear and promise to maintain the rights, privileges and exemptions of the country: That being done they went to Saragossa, where they made as triumphant an entry as at Calatajub. Thither was news brought of the death of the great Turk Mahumet, of the succession of his son Bajazet in that Empire, and of the discord betwixt him and his brother Zemin, and also how that King Fernand of Naples had recovered the town of Ottranto which Acomat Bascia had taken from him the year before. For all which desired news, the Kings yielded thanks unto God by general processions after the accustomed manner. 
Estates at Barcelona and Valencia.  The Kings did in like manner assemble the Estates at Barcelona and Valencia, where the like oaths were made unto Prince john as next future heir: but touching the subsidies they demanded, it was impossible to obtain any, and they were feign on the contrary to grant many things to the people, and in diverse sorts to supply their wants, being but poor ever since the last war that the Cattelans made against the King Don john.   

Don john the second of that name, and 13. King of Portugal.  
ABout the same time died Alphonso King of Portugal at Sintra, who since the last wars betwixt him and Castille, 
Portugal.  had ever led a melancholy and discontented life: he lay sick five and twenty days, and deceased the three and fortieth year of his reign, being of the age of nine and forty years and seven months: his body was buried with great solemnity and funeral pomp in the royal Monastery of the battle, of the Order of the friars preachers: the Catholic Kings remaining still at Barcelona did there celebrate his obsequies. After him reigned his son D. john, father to D. Alphonso who did not succeed him, because he died before his father, as hereafter shallbe mentioned.  
King Fernand having ordered the affairs of Arragon, 
Castille.  Cattalonia and Valencia, returned with the Queen his wife into Castille, where, during her absence, the Constable and the Admiral were appointed Viceroys, who committed the Earls of Luna and Valence to prison, in regard of certain tumults and seditions which they had raised in the Kingdom of Leon. The Court remaining at that time at Medina del Campo, happened, as hath been heretofore declared the revenge of D. Ramir Nugnes de Guzman against the Admiral.  
There arose at the same time a new contention betwixt the Kings of Castille and the Pope, wherein they showed no want of courage. The Episcopal Sea of Cuença was vacant by the decease of the Bishop, Pope Sixtus gave it to a Nephew of his borne in Genoa, Cardinal of the title of Saint George, without the knowledge or consent of the Kings, who being highly displeased that the bishoprics and great benefices of Spain should be possessed by strangers, against the ancient decrees of the Estates of the Kingdom, observed from time to time, did hinder this Cardinal from taking possession of the Bishopric, and gave the Pope to understand how prejudicial it might be to the Realms of Spain, whereof the Pope making no account and continuing in his former purpose, the Kings commanded all their subjects that were in the Court of Rome, to departed from thence, and made protestations to the Pope that they would procure a general Council to be called to redress these and other such like disorders.  
The Pope who abhorred that more than any thing in't the world, 
General counsels abhorred by the Popes.  sent a Gentleman of Genoa, whose name was Dominico Centurion for his Ambassador into Spain, who being come to Medina del Campo, and craving audience, it was refused him, and he was told from the Kings, that because their Ambassadors were evil entreated and contemned at Rome, they would not entertain nor hearken to the Popes, therefore he should do well and wisely, speedily to departed from thence, and concerning his own person, they would no farther assure it in their dominions, then whilst he could return towards Italy. The Ambassador being amazed at this commandment, did forthwith reject the name and privilege of an Ambassador, and besought them to hold him as their subject, for he was borne in their Kingdom. The Kings in regard of this humility, committed him prisoner to the fort of Medina, from whence soon after he was delivered, by the means of the Cardinal of Spain. When the Pope understood what the Kings had done, he was content to let them enjoy their ancient rights, and they made covenants and agreements together, 
Covenants betwixt the Pope and the King of Spain.  by the which it was decreed, that the Kings of Spain's presentations to the bishoprics, should from thenceforth be admitted in the Court of Rome, and they should be bestowed upon such as had well deserved of the Spanish commonwealth: and by this means it hath been oftentimes seen that divers good religious persons have been, against their wills, constrained to become Bishops, as Don Pedro de Maluenda, general of the Order of Saint jerosme, who was enforced to take the Bishopric of Coria, and Doctor Don Tello de Buendia that of Cordova.  
Before we end this book, it shall not be amiss to return to Navarre where we left the Cardinal of Foix, 
Navarre.  and his brother james of Foix, much busied to overrule the chief of the factions in that Kingdom. They having had an answer of the States such as they desired, and ordered the affairs of the country as well as they could, came back into Arragon before King Fernand went thence, with whom having consulted, they concluded that it was expedient, that King Francis Phoebus should come into his Kingdom, and enter it in arms and military Order as soon as conveniently he could, before the people's minds and affections should be changed by any occasion that might happen; wherefore as soon as they were returned into France, they declared to the King and to Donna Magdaleine his mother, what they had effected, as well in Navarre, as in Arragon, signifying unto them that the chiefest hope consisted in in diligence: wherefore they suddenly assembled their friends and servants from all parts, and gathered together a thousand or fifteen hundred horse; and like number of footmen, with which forces, this young Prince, accompanied with his mother, and the Cardinal his uncle entered into Navarre, 
King Francis Phoebus entereth into his Realm of Navarre.  where he was received by the Nobility and towns, without any difficulty or resistance at all, namely the Earl of Lerin albeit he was not pleased with his coming, did deliver up the city of Pampelona unto him, considering that if he should do otherwise, the young King had the King of Castille on one side, and the French King on the other, mighty Princes and his near kinsmen, who would constrain him to do his duty.  
King Francis Phoebus in the month of November the year 1482. made his entry into the City, where the three Estates were assembled, he was there crowned, and did give and receive the oaths of fidelity, and good government, in the Cathedral Church after accustomed manner, in the presence of the Cardinal his uncle, the Lords of his Kingdom, the Princess his mother accompanied with Ladies and Gentlewomen, and by the Ambassadors of Castille, France, and from ●other potentates being at that time not above fifteen years of age: and the same day and many days after, tilts, turneys, and other royal feasts were there made in magnificent manner. These matters being ended, he went in person to visit the towns, cities and fortresses, as well to see the manner of the government of the country, as to receive the particular oaths of the captains and governors, to see justice administered, and to mark how firm and constant every one was in his service: 
Rules and orders for the tranquillity of the Kingdom of Navarre.  and the better to provide for the public peace and quiet, he commanded proclamation to be made by sound of trumpet both in his own Court and over the whole Kingdom, that no man upon pain of death should any more use the seditious names of Beaumond and Grammont. And the more to gratify the Earl of Lerin and to bind him more strictly to his service, he confirmed the office of high Constable unto him which Peter de Peralta deceased had held in time before and gave him moreover Sarraga and other places which he had won from the Spaniards, Viana excepted, because it was the chief of the principality, and the title of the eldest son of Navarre. In the Cathedral Church, where he was crowned, he gave gifts, and granted privileges, namely to be free from lodging, the letters whereof were dated at Tafalla in the month of january, the same year: he did gratify in like manner other Lords, Knights, Churches, Towns, and particular persons with such moderation and equity, as all men did admire so great wisdom in such young years, and did praise God that had given so good a King unto Navarre: 
Titles of Lady Magdaleine of France.  In all which matters, he was ruled by the wisdom of the Princess his mother, of the Cardinal his uncle, and other persons of State and experience which were in his Court and near his person. Whilst in his nonage his mother the Princess did govern the Kingdom, she used these titles in her letters. We Magdalene daughter and sister to the French King, Princess of Viana, governor and protectress of our dear and best beloved son Francis Phoebus by the grace of God King of Navarre etc. This Prince was surnamed Phoebus because he was fair as the sun among the stars, and also in regard divers of his race were of the same name. divers marriages were procured for him, but none was accomplished: for he died fifteen months after he was crowned, having but showed himself to the world, and suddenly vanished in the prime of his youth. King Fernand his great uncle, would have married him to his second daughter Donna joane, who was since heir to all his Kingdoms: but the Princess his mother following the counsel of King Lewis the eleventh, who did not greatly affect the affairs of Castille, did hinder that match. The like hindrance was ministered by her and King Lewis in the marriage of his sister Catherine who was Queen of Navarre and the Prince Don john of Castille heir to the same crown: for King Lewis who had great deseignes in his head, did go about to marry this King Francis Phoebus to Donna joane the Nun at Coimbra the pretended Queen of Castille: and by that pretended right, and the forces of his own Kingdom, to cast King Fernand and Queen Isabel out of the Realms of Castille and Leon, and for ever to keep the Earldom of Rossillion to himself; with other purposes which vanished into air: and the better to effect what he had determined sent Ambassadors into Portugal to King Alphonso, whose death happening this year with that of the King of Navarres soon after, did quite frustrate these practises: to the which, King john of Portugal, who succeeded his father Alphonso, would by no means hearken.  
The end of the two and twentieth Book.    

SEMPER EADEM THE THREE AND twentieth Book of the General History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 THe beginning of the long war of Granado against King Muley Albohacen.  
2 Death of King Francis Phoebus. Marriage procured by the Kings of Castille for their son D. john with Queen Catherine of Navarre.  
3 Continuance of the war of Granado. Conquest of that great Canaries: Swissers hired for this war against the Moors.  
4 Causes of suspicion of King Fernand and Queen Isabel against the heir of Navarre. Intelligences and practises with the factious to get that Kingdom.  
5 Continuance of the war of Granado.  
6 The reign of King john the second of Portugal. Discovery of Manicongo: the King entitles himself Lord of Guiney: Conspiracies: Death of the dukes of Bragança and Viseo, with other tragical acts in the same Court.  
7 Continuance of the war of Granado against Muley Boabdellin the one and twentieth King of that Country: The Pope helpeth forward the war of Granado: Politic acts of the Kings of Castille.  
8 Christofer Columbus his first coming to the Court of Castille: his disposition and qualities.  
10 Siege of Malaga.  
11 Hermandades or brotherhoods: Inquisition in Arragon.  
12 john d' Albret, and Catherine of Navarre the five and thirtieth in Order of the Kings of Navarre: The viscount of Narbonne quarrels about the Earldom of Foix: Enterprises of Castille against Navarre by means of the factions.  
13 King Fernands' favours towards Amand d' Albret: aid granted by him to the Princes and Lords confederate against the French King Charles the eight.  
14 Death of the duke of Alva, and other Lords of Castille. Exploits done against the Moors.  
15 Navigations of the portugals into the Ocean sea: search and discovery of unknown lands, and great diligence of King john of Portugal about these matters.  
16 Treaties of marriage, and other domestical acts in the Court of Castille, oppression of the Converts.  
17 Continuance of the war against the Moors of Granado. Siege of Baça.  
18 Mastership of Calatrava incorporated to the Cowne of Castille, with other matters belonging to the same Order.  
19 Pursuit of the Moorish war, Baça yielded up.  
20 Pursuits against Mahomet the Little, the last King of Granado, to dispossess him of the same city, under colour of right.  
21 Marriage of Prince Alphouso of Portugal with Donna Isabel the Infanta of Castille.  
22 Siege of Granado, and yielding up of the same city.  
23 Politic acts of King Fernand and Queen Isabel of Castille.  
34 D. Alphonso of Portugal his pitiful death.   
In this three and twintith Book, for continuance of the Kings reigning in Spain, mention is made of.  
35. john D' Albret, and Catherine his wife, King and Queen of Navarre, himself the second of that name.  
THe war which King Fernand began and ended against the Moors of Granado, was one of his most memorable acts: for the Kingdom of Granado did flourish more at that time, 
Qualities of King Muley Al●obacen.  than it had done in many years before, being full of men, riches and armour, and governed by one of the wisest and politic Kings that ever reigned over that Nation: namely Muley Albohacen, if he had been a little more faithful, and less ambitious and proud, which qualities did plunge him into troubles, and miserable divisions as well against his subjects in the bowels of his own country as against the castilians his neighbours. He had enjoyed a long peace, and as it were with pride and braving he pulled up the assurance thereof by the roots from the Kings of Caile, having freed and discharged himself from the tribute which his predecessors were accustomed to pay them. And albeit the same was grievous to King Fernand and Queen Isabel, which were magnanimous and impatient of all loss and diminution of their royal Estate: who besides that, were pricked forward as well by their own zeal to Christian Religion, as by the persuasion of the Popes and Prelates to undertake the same war: yet notwithstanding, the truce agreed upon, the charge and discommodities of the wars which they had newly ended against the King of Portugal, the present confusion wherein the Realm of Castille was at the same time, did counsel them to wait for a fit opportunity. Now when it pleased God (unto whom all times and occasions are subject) that this Mahometan superstition should take an end, and that this race of Moors should be rooted out of Spain by arms, seeing that other more convenient means could not be used by the Church, the war which was constantly pursued against them, and wholly ended in the space of ten years, did begin in this manner.  
King Muley Albohacen having been advertised that the city of Zahara was negligently kept by the Christians, 
Navarre.  and presuming upon the truce, caused it to be taken in the night by scaladoe, together with the sort and castle; he carried away the men, cat-tail, and all the riches that he could find therein, and manned it with a good and strong garrison of Moors. The taking thereof being known in Granado, one of their Philosophers which they call Alphaquys cried out publicly: Either mine Oracles deceive me, or the end of the ancient reign of the Moors in Spain is at hand: the which in deed came to pass, the surprising of this town giving King Fernand occasion to lay hand upon this conquest, with all his forces and means, and with incredible perseverance: The news that the truce was broken by the Moors being understood at Medina del Campo where the Court then was, diverse companies were dispatched to the frontiers of Murcia and Andaluzia, under the charge of Don Alphonso de Cardenaz Master of Saint james, who lay in garrison at Eccia, Don Roderigo Tells Giron Master of Calatrava, remained at jaen and others in other places, besides the ordinary garrisons and forces of Don Pedro Henriques Governor general of the frontiers of Andaluzia assisted by Don Pedro Ponce de Leon Marquis of Cales, the Duke of Medina Sidonia and others: the King commanded all of them to make sharp war in the country of Granado with fire and sword, the which they began to execute with all violence; for having overrun and ruined a great part of the country, they did win by the industry of Diego Merlo assistant of Seville, 
Alhama taken by the Castillins.  the city of Alhama, as carelessly guarded by the Moors as Zahara had been by the Christians: by reason that it was almost in the midst of their country: the castle was the first that was taken; being scaled, a valiant soldier of Carmona called john de Ortega a great scaler of walls being the first man that entered it, being nearly followed by Martin Galindo a Knight borne at Eccia, john of Toledo and others to the number of thirty, who cut the next Court of guard in pieces, whom they found fast a sleep, than they break open a postern gate, and gave entrance to the rest of the army.  
The Moors which were resident in the town, hearing the noise and clamour of this surprise, ran confusedly and in great disorder (and not yet thoroughly a waked) to secure the castle: but they soon perceived that it was passed all remedy: therefore they fortified themselves in the Mesquites or Churches, and in the towers of the walls, with all sorts of arms and engines for defence: giving notice to their next neighbours of what had befallen them, and craved speedy aid, which they expected also from Granado, which was ten miles distant from thence. The Christians who in like manner made account, that if they did not drive the enemies forth of the town the same day, they themselves should be overrun with the multitudes which would come thither, did resolve valiantly to assail them, by the persuasion and example of Sancho d' Auila Captain of Carmona, and of Nicholas de Roras Governor of Areos: but finding great resistance, the opinion of those was almost followed, who would have the castle razed down to the ground, and so to return: yet for all that the Marquis of Cales, nor the Assistant of Sivil not consenting thereunto, they began only to overthrow that part of the castle which looked upon the town, and the soldiers being again brought to the fight, did behave themselves so valiantly, as, notwithstanding the Moors brave resistance, before the latter end of the day, all the churches and sorts were taken, and the town wholly won, which was esteemed the goodliest prize, that they could have wished, for the importance of the war. Three thousand Genets or light-horse were brought to this expedition, and as many footmen by Diego Merlo, Don Pedro Henriques, and the Marquis of Cales, who for the hatred which he did ever bear to the duke of Medina Sidonia, would not have him made acquainted with this enterprise. The Moors of Granado being greatly astonished for the loss of Alhama, 
Evil presages of the Moors.  began to make evil presages of the end of the war, and to murmur against King Muley Alboacen, not sparing to say, that his taking of Sahara would stick to him and to his posterity to the world's end. He did speedily send a thousand horse to their aid, but they could not come time enough.  
In the mean space he gathered together all his men at arms from all parts of his kingdom, 
The king of Granado before Alhama.  and came in person to besiege Alhama, not bringing any artillery with him, imagining that the Christians not being yet fortified therein, would quickly leave it, but he was deceived; for he found them sour and stubborn adversaries, but chief there was a bloody encounter at such time as the Moors went about to turn away the river which passeth by the town, where divers of both sides lost their lives: and it is to be doubted, that without the aid of God sent to the besieged, they had been overcome by so great a power, as then fought against them, for they began to be out of hope and began to spoil all that they could not carry away, and were resolved to yield it, when Don Henry de Guzman, Duke of Medina Sidonia, arrived with a sufficient army of his own tenants, friends, and followers, with others entertained with his own money, which (they say) amounted to three thousand horse, and forty thousand foot, with whom were joined the Earl of Cabra, and Don Alphonso of Aguilar, and his brother Don Gonçal Hernandes of Cordova, who was afterward called the great Captain in the wars of Italy, bringing with him the troops of Sevile, Eccia, Cordova, and other places. All these forces, which were great and wonderful, for the short time wherein the were gathered together, did march towards Alhama.  
King Fernand having notice of the taking thereof, made himself forthwith ready for to come into Andalusia, having in his company Don Bertrand de la Cueva, Duke of Albuquerque, and the Earls of Trevigno and Tendilla, with many other knights, the Earl of Cifuentes meeting them at Toledo, and then they altogether passed the mount called Sierra Morena, to join with the army which the king commanded to attend him there: but the Commanders knowing the necessity of those of Alhama, went forward with great diligence to deliver them, the which they did only by the noise of their coming: the Moor King being retired in the night with his whole army. The king who followed, passed on to Anteguera, and there received news, that the siege before Alhama was raised, wherefore he returned to Cordova to meet the Queen whom he had left to levy soldiers.  
Now the Marquis of Cales, who was besieged with great danger in Alhama, considering the generosity of his adversary the Duke of Medina, who for the weal-public and service of the king, having forgotten all enmity, had come to his aid, he did highly esteem of him, 
D Hen●y de Guzm●n comes to the succour of his adversary.  and casting away all evil will and hatred, he ran to him and embraced him with great love, giving him infinite thanks for so great a favour: and these two Lords had such loving and pleasing conference together, as ever after they lived in strict and unfeigned friendship, this Moorish war having brought forth effects contrary to the seditions in Castille. The Chieftains being agreed, there arose contention betwixt the soldiers, 
Debate betwixt the besieged, and those that came to their aid.  those which came to their aid did say, that they ought to have their part of the spoil of the town, the others gainsaid it, in such sort, as if the wisdom of their Captains, and their new reconciliation had not prevented it, they had fallen into tumult. The spoil remained to those who had defended the place, and the new come soldiers were appeased with reason and good words, and they all dislodged with the Duke and the Marquis, and returned every man to his home: after the garrisons were refreshed, and the town well manned, where Diego de Merlo, Don Martin of Cordova, and Hernand Carillo remained Captains. After that the army was gone, the King of Granado having notice thereof, he did forthwith return back to assail Alhama, and brought at this time no more engines of battery with him, than at the former, but only a great number of ladders, thinking in regard it was not yet thoroughly fortified nor rampired, to take it by the multitude of his soldiers: and at last having assailed it day and night without ceasing, he early in a morning scaled it in a place which was not thought upon: so as he put threescore and ten Moorish soldiers into it, and had caused greater numbers to have entered, had not a soldier perceived them, and given the alarm: wherefore the Christians running to that place, did cut in pieces those that were entered, and repulsed the rest who endeavoured to follow them. The success of those assaults was not according to king Muley Albohacens expectation, therefore he went thence once again, with an intent to return thither with artillery. In the mean space Queen Izabella having left the Admiral Viceroy of Castille, marched with those forces which she had levied, towards Cordova, to meet the King, being attended on by the Constable, who refused to be Viceroy of Castille, saying, that war and arms were the proper offices belonging to an high Constable of Spain. The King's Council did determine and almost conclude to raze the City of Alhama, 
Alhama preserved at the instance of Q. Iza●el.  inregard it stood in the midst of the Realm of Granado, and therefore very hardly to be kept: but the Queen, who was desirous to preserve it, as the first conquest of her reign, did persuade the contrary, so as it was not ruined; and order was given to assail, and take in all the sorts and castles near adjoining.  
The Kings came after that to Eccia, 
Death of Don Alphonso Carill●.  where they received news of the decease of D. Alphonso Carillo of Acugna, Archbishop of Toledo, who died at Alcala de Henares: they procured the election to the same dignity for the Cardinal Pero Gonçales of Mendoza, the seventith Archbishop of that Sea and Primate of Spain, and the Archbishoppricke of Sivile was given to Don Inigo Manriques Bishop of jaen. There were at the same time with the King, Don Diego Hurtado of Mendoza Bishop of Palence, the Masters of Saint james and Calarrava, the Constable, the Dukes of Villahermosa, Infantasgo, Medina Celi, Albuquerque, the Marquis of Villena, and Cales, the Earls of Vregna, Cabra, Trevigno, Tendilla, Cifuentes, and Benalcaçar, Don Alphonso d'Aguilar, Don Henry Henriques great Master, and the King's uncle, john Chacon, Roderigo of Vlloa, Don Frederick of Toledo, son to the Duke of Alva, Don john de Ribera Lord of Montmajor, Don Alphonso of Cardenaz, Don Antonio Fonseca, Hernand of Vega, with other Lords and Knights of great name: Don john of Estuniga, master of Alcantara, by reason of his young years was absent, with his father the Duke of Plaisance. With this company the king departed from Eccia, with eight thousand horse, and great numbers of foot, and came to Alhama, the which they fortified with ramparts, bulwarks, and other sufficient defences, and the king made Don Lewis Fernandes Porto Carrero, Lord of Palma, Governor thereof, leaving him four hundred horse: the Cardinal did purify and bless the three Mesquites or churches with the accustomed ceremonies, and dedicated them to other uses: then the army began to overrun the country on every side, whilst the queen busied herself in providing victuals, arms, munition, and other necessaries for the wars.  
The Christian army being strengthened with new supplies, did presently besiege Loxa and was lodged amongst the Olive trees, valleys, and little hills near to the river of Guadaxenil. The Mooreking on his part lost neither time nor courage, but fortified and descended the passages and straits, by the which the enemies might assail him, and approach towards Granado: sending to the Kings and Potentates of Africa, to advertise them of the dangerous war wherein he was engaged, entreating them for the religion common betwixt them, for the honour of their nation, for the equal danger which threatened them, if Granado should be lost, that they would come or send to his aid: and he did in the mean time oppose his own forces against the Christians, and on either part there were valiant encounters and skirmishes performed, where nevertheless Don Roderigo Tells Giron Master of Calatraua's hap was hard, who died being shot through the body with two poisoned arrows, 
The Moors make surious sallies upon the Christians.  and Don Garcia Lopes of Padilla was promoted to his place, and was the last Master of that Order. King Fernand being desirous to change and alter the seat and lodging of his army to a more convenient place, there were sharp skirmishes in the removing of the camp, where the Constable received two wounds in his face: the besieged, who were not above three thousand, made continual sallies upon the Christians with such fury and braving, as it was to be wondered at: and did oftentimes put the great Lords and Captains which kept those quarters which they assailed, in great danger of their lives: committing notable spoils upon their troops, and the Duke of Medina Celi, and the Earl of Tendilla, did hardly escape with their lives, being rescued by the forces of the Earl of pleasance, which his son Don Franciso of Estuniga brought to their aid: the Kings own person was likewise succoured by Don john de Ribera, Lord of Montmajor, assisted greatly by Don Frederick of Toledo, son to the Duke of Alva, Don Antonio de Fonseca, Don Alphonso of Cardenaz, and Hernand of Vega. Such was the enraged hardiness of the Moors, as notwithstanding that they were beaten back and straightly shut in by the valour and industry of the Marquis of Cales, 
The siege of Loxa raised.  yet they constrained King Fernand to raise his siege and return to Cordova.  
The soldiers which lay in Alhama having notice of what had happened, and of the King's retreat from before Loxa, fearing that the Moors would return to besiege them, cried out to have the town razed and overthrown, and to return home to their houses: but Don Lewis Fernandes Porto Carrero, and Pero Ruis of Alarcon, with others, did oppose themselves against it, and hindered it. The king of Granado came thither the third time, and did greatly annoy them: but they valiantly defended themselves until K. Fernand came with succour to deliver them from the siege, who changed both the garrison and the Governor, and left other soldiers there, under the command of Doughty Lewis Osorio archdeacon of Astorga, and brother to the Marquis of the same place. That being done, the Christian army did forage, burn and spoil the country of Granado, from whence they carried away much spoil, and many prisoners to Cordova.  

Mahomet Boabdellin called the Little, and the twentieth king of Granado.  
THe Christian soldiers found small resistance in this latter road, 
Seditions betwixt the father and son.  in regard the Moors were greatly divided among themselves, by means whereof King Muley Alboacen was dispossessed and driven away; for he was much feared and hated, because of his tyrannies which extended chief to the Nobility, and he had namely evil entreated the family of Abencaraxes, one of the most illustrious houses among the Granadins. These men with their complices and allies constrained Muley Alboacen to give place, and they delivered the city with the Alhambra or fort thereof, to his son Mahomet Boabdellin surnamed the Little, who was fled to Guadix for fear of being slain by his father, who was carried away with unreasonable amorous passions, and false suggestions of a second wife, a renied Christian, whom he had married for her rare and excellent beauty, in regard whereof she was called Zoraya, which signifieth morning-star. This woman being desirous to advance her children which she had by the King, did endeavour by all means to root out those which he had begotten on the Queen Aixa his wife, a Lady of a great and illustrious house, and his near kinswoman, who because she would not see her eldest son murdered, which was this Boabdellin, she caused him on a night to be let down out of the window of the castle with the help of her woman by a rope made of their veils, and night tires, and thereby gave him means to save himself in the city of Guadix, where the Abenceraxes his kinsmen, who were of great power there, did kindly receive him, and dealt in such sort with their friends of the city of Granado, as they acknowledged him for their king. The father having retired himself somewhere else, made fierce and sharp war upon his son, which caused the loss of their Crown, and total ruin to the reign of the Moors in Spain.  
Albeit that those barbarous people were at such dissension among themselves, 
The Moors take Cagnette.  yet when there was any cause they would agree together to annoy the Christians, so as they took the town of Cagnette, spoiled it, and carried away all the inhabitants and soldiers for slaves, and afterwards razed it down to the ground. These things were done in the year 1482. wherein is to be noted, that four several Christian armies entered in a few months space into the kingdom of Granado. 
An. 1482.  King Fernand and Queen Izabella appointed Captains for the frontiers, namely, for jaen Don Pedro Manrique Earl of Trevigno, who was newly made Duke of Nagera: the Master of Saint james for Eccia, and Don john de silva Earl of Cifuentes for Seville, the assistant Diego Merlo being lately dead. 
●onna Mary borne.  Towards the end of the year, the Queen in the city of Cordova was delivered of a daughter, called the Infanta Maria, who was afterward Queen of Portugal, and after she was churched, the Court removed to Madrid.  
The beginning of the year 1483. was sorrowful to the Navarrois, 
Navarre.  by reason of the death of their king Francis Phoebus, whom the Princess his mother had carried back into France, to avoid the importunate soliciting of marriages which they would have procured in Spain both for him and his sister Donna Catherina, wherewith King Lewis the eleventh was not contented: he died not without suspicion of poison: for without any appearance at all of sickness, 
Francis Phoebus poisoned.  he felt himself to be stricken with a deadly pricking, as he was playing upon a flute, which was presented unto him, in which, and all other instruments of music, he did greatly delight. Being near to his end he repeated these words taken out of the Gospel: My kingdom is not of this world, therefore I leave the world: trouble not yourselves, for I go to the Father. He died in Bearne, in the castle of Pa● the fourth year of his reign, if we reckon from his grandmothers death, Queen Leonora, being but fifteen years of age fully complete: he lies buried at Lescar in the Cathedral Church of S. Mary.  
King Fernand and Queen Izabella received news of his death at Madrid, 
Castille.  where they had called a Parliament, and because the Crown of Navarre descended to the Infanta Donna Catherine sister to the deceased king, they sent the Licenciate Rodrigo Maldonado of Talavera, one of their Council Ambassador into Bearne, to the Princess Magdalen her mother, to demand the Infanta in marriage, for the Prince Don john their son. The mother Princess notwithstanding that she would willingly have condescended thereunto, made answer that she could not bestow her without the consent of his brother the French king. Upon this answer, the Catholic kings sent john de Ribera with troops of men at arms towards the frontiers of Navarre, to have intelligence with the Earl of Lerin, who had married King Fernandes bastard sister, to the end to hinder the Frenchmen from enterprising any thing, and from entering into that kingdom. The Estates assembled at Madrid granted a subsidy to the King, towards the war of Granado: and besides that, the Pope permitted them to levy one hundred thousand Crowns upon the Clergy of Spain, and sent them a Croizado, to gather contributions and gifts for the same purpose: and in this Parliament, the power, authority and jurisdiction of the Hermandades and unions of the Commonalties was ordered and reform. Afterwards the Kings divided the affairs betwixt them, that they might the better provide for all matters: she remained in Castille, and he prepared himself to return into Andalusia, but the troubles which were raised in Gallicia, by the means of D. Pero Aluares Osorio, Earl of Lemos did call him into those parts. The Earl died there before the King's arrival, 
Sedition in Gallicia.  and by that means saved the King a labour, who otherwise would have had him arraigned by order of law. Another contention arose betwixt a bastard son of the late Earls called Rodrigo Osorio, whom his father had appointed heir in the Earldom of Lemos, to the prejudice of his lawful daughter, who was married to the Earl of Benavents son: she said, that in regard Rodrigo was a bastard, he was incapable to inherit: he on the contrary alleged his legitimation by the Pope: the king imposed silence and peace to both parties, and referred the cause to his Council to be ordered according to justice: and in the mean time did commit the town of Ponferrada, and the Lordship thereof, being a parcel of the litigious inheritance, to the keeping of his Uncle Don Henry Henriques great Master, excepting one strong hold of the same Lordship, which he gave in keeping to Don George d'Abendagno his countryman, and a Knight of the King's house. These matters thus ordered, the king returned to Madrid, from whence he dispatched Ambassadors to procure the peace of Italy, which flamed with intestine wars, the Pope and the Venetians having joined, to the prejudice of King Fernand of Naples and the Florentines, drawing all the Potentates of Italy to their Factions: 
Wars of Italy appeased.  who by the diligence and good means of Don john Bishop of Girone, chief of that embassage, and by the favour and authority of the Kings of Castille were reconciled: albeit the Venetians did always nourish a secret hatred and contempt of King Fernand and Queen Izabella, and did not greatly care to observe the peace.  
In this mean space the Captains, which lay upon the frontiers of Granado, made inroads and incredible spoils upon the Moors, especially those of the Garrison of Alhama, from whence a crafty and cunning Squire, whose name was john de Coral, of Diego Lopes d'A●ala his company, came forth by means of a safeconduct, to confer with the King of Granado, giving him to understand, how that he of himself could use means to cause Alhama to be restored unto him, wherewith the Moor king was so pleased, as he offered readily on his part to yield up Zahara, and to set all the Christian prisoners at liberty, giving a great quantity of gold, and besides that, to pay tribute, and for ever to become vassal to the kings of Castille. john de Coral with these promises, came to the Kings, and declared to them in part what he had treated with the King of Granado, his chief drift being only to get gifts and rewards, whereupon the Kings giving credit unto him, gave him limited authority to contract with the Moor.  
Being returned to Granado, the Moor King, who thought that the principal Article of his Commission, was for the restitution of Alhama, had not the patience to consider and look upon john de Coral his authority, but began readily on his part to perform what he had promised, causing divers Christian prisoners to be set at liberty. Then john de Coral contenting himself with that which was done, came to jaen and told the Duke of Nagera how he had deceived the king of Granado, who presently sent to the Duke to complain of this deceit. The Duke sent john de Coral to the Court, advertising the Kings what he had done, whereat they were highly discontented, and they did command that the prisoners ransoms should be paid, 
Integrity of ● Fernand, and Q. Izabel.  and that john de Coral should pay back the money, jewels, and other presents that he had received of the King of Granado, and that he should be kept prisoner in Antequera, until he had made full restitution, and that the war should stand upon the selfsame terms as before.  
Notwithstanding that the Kings had begun the war of Granado, and did greatly suspect the French on the side of Navarre, yet for that they did not give over to undertake matters of great importance, either of them being of an haughty and magnanimous courage.  
Of the seven islands called the Canaries, which are girdled with the Atlantic Ocean, four of them were already conquered by the valour and industry of certain inhabitants of seville, 
Canaries made subjects to the Kings of Castil.  ever since the reign of King john the second, and there remained yet the great Canary, Thenerif, and the I'll of Palms to be brought under the subjection of the kings of Castille: therefore this year 1483. they sent thither Alphonso of Muxica, and Pedro de Vera, valiant Captains, and no less skilful in sea-fights than at land, who landed in the great Canaries, where they found two kings striving for the principality thereof: they favoured one of them, and dealt in such sort, as having rooted out the other, they obtained the government of the Island: the City was erected into a Bishop's Sea, and translated from the Isle of Lançarot.  
In Andalusia the Master of Saint james, the Marquis of Cales, the Earl of Cifuentes, Governor of Seville, Don Alphonso d'Aguilar, Don Pedro Henriques, Captain of the frontiers, and others, came to Antequera with an intent to spoil the country of las Lomas de Malaga, 
The Christians defeated.  called Axarquia, a territory abounding in cattle: of the which enterprise the Moors had notice, who made themselves ready to charge them on the sudden, when they should least look for it, having driven their cattle into straits and strong places. The Christians being entered into the country began to spoil, and they soon found sharp resistance: wherefore in regard of the straightness of the country, and because they found not such booties as they expected, they thought to turn back: but being ignorant of the ways, and overtaken by the night, they fell into straight and narrow places betwixt certain hills, which were filled with enemies, at the last they came into a valley, where with great labour and disadvantage, they were enforced to fight all that night with the Moors, the which did greatly amaze the whole army. The Master of Saint james being valiant and courageous, in striving to ascend an hill, lost his ensign-baerer, and a kinsman of his own called john d'Osorno, john Baçan, and other Commanders, who sold their lives at a dear rate: the Marquis of Cales did in like manner follow the Master of Saint james, but the victorious Moors overthrew his troops likewise, and slew Don Diego, Don Lope, and Don Bertrand his brethren, and Don Lorenzo, and Don Manuel his nephews even in his sight: yet notwithstanding, himself, the Master of Saint james, and Don Pedro Henriques did escape with great danger. The Earl of Cifuentes making means to escape among the rest, was taken prisoner, with Don Bernardin Manrique, the Captains of Antequera, and Moron, and divers others: great was the slaughter of the soldiers at this defeat, the which was notable and of great consequence.  
The Moors carried away the Earl, and the rest of the prisoners to Granado: but they did not long rejoice in the good hap of their victory; for the Christians soon after took a sharp vengeance on them: for King Mahomet Boabdellin, surnamed the Little, having with great troops of horse and foot overrun and spoiled the territory of Lucena and Aguilar, at his return back being pestered with great herds of cat-tail and other booties, Don Diego of Cordova Earl of Cabra, who lay in garrison at Beana to resist such enterprises, and Don Diego Fernandes of Cordova, on the one side, did pursue him to cause him to leave his booty behind him, and Don Alphonso of Aguilar on the other side with his troops placed themselves in ambush in a narrow straight, through which they were to pass at their return with intent to charge them on a sudden. Now the King who had ten Moors for one Christian of the Earl of Cabra's band which followed him, made no difficulty to stay for them, yet they charged one another with great fury, 
The Moors defeated, and their King taken prisoner.  where the Moors notwithstanding their multitudes proved the weaker: and thinking to make a safe retreat, they fell into Don Alphonso d'Aguilars ambush, who slew a thousand of them upon the same place: the rest, leaving their prey behind them, fled away as fast as they could, forsaking their king, who was there taken prisoner. There were taken at this encounter nine hundred mules, five hundred horse, and nine Moorish Standards, besides other spoils, which were distributed among the soldiers, and the King's person fell to the Earl of Cabraes share: in token of which victory the Earls of Cabra, 
The Earl of Cabraes arms.  by the advice and grant of the Kings of Castille, do bear for their arms a Moors head in prison, tied with a chain of gold, with a bend overthwart their shield, wherein nine standards are painted. By this overthrow king Mahumet the Little lost much of his reputation, and many strong Castles revolted from him to his father Muley Albohacen: during his imprisonment he was honourably used and like a king.  
King Fernand being joyful for this victory did think it fit to follow the occasion, and with a great army to assail the Moors, who were astonished with their loss: wherefore he took order that the African moors should not come by sea into Spain to their aid: and then he entered into the Country of Granado with an army of ten thousand horse, and thirty thousand foot: among whom there were great numbers of Swissers, 
Swissers in the wars of Granado.  with a great train of Officers, victuallers, Merchants, and other people who served and followed the camp: before which the Earl of Cabra and Don Alphonso of Aguilar did march with troops of avantcourrers, who burned the country round about Illora and Montefrio: the army passed by Illora which was not easy to be taken without great Artillery: but they took the town and castle of Tagara, which lies betwixt Alhama and Loxa; the King would not take those of the Castle to his mercy, because they did not yield at the first assault, which together with the town was razed to the ground.  
divers valiant men of the Christian camp were hurt at the taking thereof, as namely, Don Henry Henriques the King's Uncle, and Lord great Master of his house. Being come to Alhama, the King caused it to be well fortified, and left Don Inigo Lopes de Mendoza, Earl of Tendilla Governor there, who was a very virtuous Knight: then he led his army farther into the country of Granado, overthrowing and destroying all that stood before him, but for want of victuals, he returned to Cordova. The Moors being thus persecuted and afflicted, did begin to entreat for peace, and offered to pay the King tribute, and some Moor children of Noble houses for hostages: Wherewith King Fernand acquainted the Queen his wife, who then lay at Victoria to look to the affairs of Navarre, which she feared would shortly stir, who was of opinion to have the hostages to be towns and castles, and not children, whereunto the moors not consenting, the war stood at that same stay as it was before. Thereupon the Moor Queen, mother to the King, made means for her sons delivery, and sent to offer King Fernand perpetual homage, twelve thousand Ducats for yearly tribute, and a great sum of ready money for his ransom, and besides, to set three hundred Christian prisoners at liberty, such as he would please to name, and she offered sufficient hostages for the performance of what she promised.  
The King commanded the Earl of Cabra to deliver the prisoner unto him; the which he did, and delivered him to Martin Alarcon, Captain of Porcuna, whether King Fernand sent to visit and comfort him, for the which, Mahumet gave him infinite thanks, saying, that he could not be in care, so long as he was in the hands of so great and courteous a King, whom he had ever desired to serve being at his full liberty, and to receive the Crown of Granado at his hand, in the same manner as king Ishmael his Grandfather had done from King john. And because the King had occasion to go into Castille, and also to Arragon, 
King Mahomet delivered.  he did determine to deliver the Moor King: the opinions concerning his delivery were divers, some agreeing thereunto, and others, not, wherein the master of Saint james, and the Marquis of Cales were contrary one to the other: Wherefore they sent to have the Queen's opinion in the matter, who therein agreed with the Marquis, that he should be delivered: the prisoner was brought to Cordova, where he would have kissed king Fernands' hand, but he would not permit it, the better thereby to oblige him to himself: he did there swear to accomplish whatsoever was agreed upon, and he was set at liberty having been honoured with rich presents. King Fernand after that went to Victoria, from thence he passed into Arragon, and going by Guadalupa, being a devout Prince, he there performed a vow.  
The Frontier was well furnished and provided of all things necessary against the assaults of the Moors: yet notwithstanding, they having notice of the King's departure out of Andalusia, did make divers roads into the country, being extremely moved against King Mahumet, in regard he had been so well entreated by the Catholic King, and was become his vassal, and of whom, besides other benefits, he had promise of aid and assistance against Muley Albohacen his father, and they said, that it was a matter displeasing to God, and against all right for the Mahometan Kings to beg any assistance of Christians against the Princes of their own religion: wherefore divers forsaking him, they took part with Muley Albohacen, and brought him with five hundred Knights into the Castle of Alhapubre, where he slew all such as were of his sons faction, who retired himself to Almeria.  
Now the army of the Moors being strong and resolute to do their worst, entered into the marches of Andalusia, the Garrisons and chief Commanders of the war being in the cities, were forthwith advertised thereof by the soldiers called Almogaraves, or ordinary watches of the frontiers: therefore Don Lewis Fernandes Porto Carrero, Lord of Palms, who was afterward made Earl thereof, with the forces of the Master of Saint james, of the Marquis of Cales, those of Eccia, Xeres, Arcos, and others which were gathered together, did march against the enemies, whom he found disbanded, spoiling and destroying the territory of Vtrera: 
The Moors defeated at Vtrera.  whom he charged with such resolution and courage, as in an instant they were all defeated and put to flight, with loss of divers of their captains, great numbers of soldiers, fifteen ensigns, and all their spoil: of which victory the Queen being advertised, she caused general processions to be made in the city of Victoria: and because this encounter happened upon the sixth day of lanuarie being Twelfth day, she sent a gown of cloth of gold to the Lord of Palmas wife, to the end she should wear it every year upon that solemn festival day.  
The Christians in Andalus●a having this good hap, 
Zahara surprised by the Christians.  the Marquis of Cales was advertised, that Zahara was ill furnished of soldiers and victuals, wherefore having communicated his design with the Lord of Palmas, they went forth on a night being accompanied by the troops of Xeres, and hid themselves in covert places near the town, whither they sent ten men, who in great silence lodged themselves at the foot of the wall, towards the Castle: these were seconded by threescore and ten other soldiers. At the break of day, the Marquis sent certain light horse to run about ●he town, against whom threescore and ten Moorish horsemen came forth, (and with them also, the Sentinels and Guard leaving their places) to skirmish, than the ten men did set up ladders against the Castle, and began to make a show, as if they would have scaled the walls, to the defence whereof as many as stayed within came running: in the mean space the threescore and ten soldiers which were hidden, did seize upon one of the gates: besides that, those which were come forth against the Christian light-horsemen, perceiving themselves to be charged by others, who came to their aid, turned their backs and fled towards the town, and were so narrowly pursued, as they all entered pel mel together: and being in this sort surprised on every side, they lost the town. The castle would have made resistance if it had been well victualled, but for want thereof they yielded, compounding for their lives.  
The Earl of Tendilla who kept Alhama, would not suffer the Moors his neighbours to rest, but he oftentimes annoyed them, so as he was feared like lightning over all the Country. The winter this year was very rainy, by means whereof a great part of the wall of Alhama fell to the ground, making a large breach for the enemies, if they had then assailed it: where at the soldiers which were within were greatly amazed and thought upon nothing but ●light, but the courage and valour of the Captain, which is ever of much worth, contained them in their duties, who dealt in such sort by hanging of painted clothes against the breach with such art and cunning, as the enemies never knew, that the wall was fallen down, till it was made up again stronger than before. The Earl Don Inigo, true son to the Marquis of Santillana, caused the tower of Alcala lafoy real to be repaired, on the top whereof every night a burning lamp was set, which served to direct the poor slaves that fled from Granado. His soldiers being disobedient for want of pay, (money being very dangerous to be sent unto them without the convoy of an army) the Earl invented a certain kind of counterfeit money, 
Counterfeit money.  and of divers stamps, the which he named and prized according to the coins of gold and silver which were currant in Spain, and with the same he paid his soldiers, promising them to change all that false money into good, according to the value of every coin, and by this means he did appease them.  
Whilst these matters fell out in Andalusia, King Fernand and Queen Izabella were in great doubt to be disturbed on that side of Navarre by the French: 
Navarre.  it may be that this suspicion came from their own consciences touched with their sinister proceed with the Earl of Lerin, and with the treaties of marriage of these poor Princes of Navarre, and matters happened upon those occasions. Now Queen Catherine, who was newly come to the Crown of Navarre, besides her being wholly at the devotion of France, and upon the point of her marriage with john d'Albret, son to the Earl Alaine▪ King Lewis his death happened a little before, which had openly troubled and hindered the alliance betwixt these two great kingdoms of France and Spain: for Ambassadors being sent from one to another, as well for to make the accustomed condolements, and consolations ordinary at such accidents, as for to treat of the alliances, and moreover, about the restitution of the Earldom of Rossillon which the French held, the Ambassadors of Spain received no pleasing answer from the young King Charles the eighth, who succeeded King Lewis his father, nor from his tutors and councillors, so as they made the protestations and declarations which Princes usually do make, when they are upon the point of making war one against another: therefore Queen Izabella had furnished the frontier of Castille joining to Navarre with strong garrisons, and sent forces to Tudela a town in Navarre which held their party, under the conduct of john de Ribera.  
After the death of King Francis Phoebus, his mother the Princess fearing, and not with out cause, the revolt of that nation, which was an enemy to rest and quiet, had sent thither the Cardinal of Foix, and the Lord of Abenas, brother to the Lord of Albret, who did call a Parliament, to receive a new oath of fidelity for Queen Catherine, and commanded them moreover to receive the said Lord of Abenas for Viceroy, notwithstanding that the Constable Earl Lewis of Beaumond did resolutely oppose himself against it, having secret intelligence with his brother-in-law King Fernand for the same purpose. The Lord of Abenas was a grave, 
Don Lewis of Beaumond wholly affectionate to the Kings of Castille.  wise, and modest Knight, who by these qualities and virtues had well governed the Realm of Navarre, and maintained it in peace and quiet, until such time as Queen Katherine, having married his Nephew john d'Albret, came herself in person to rule and govern the same. The Constable in the mean time, who held the City of Pampelona under his power, and many other places besides, did raise troubles, and brought the Castillan men at arms into the Kingdom, under colour of the Factions of Beaumond and Grammont, during all these actions they still poursued the marriage, so that after King Lewis his death the Princess Magdalen being continually solicited to marry her daughter Queen Katherine to Prince john of Castille, she was advised to make a final answer, and to say, that the inequality of their years would not permit it to be done, in regard her daughter was marriageable, and the Prince a little child in his cradle: and that in the mean time, before he should come to age, there might be great troubles and combustions in the Realm of Navarre, which stood in need of men to govern it, and to suppress the usual contentions and quarrels which those people did naturally entertain: and that without this let, herself, and her daughter would think themselves happy in so great an alliance; for they esteemed no match in the world like to that of Prince john, who was presumptive heir to so many rich and mighty Kingdoms. All this notwithstanding, Queen Isabel persuading herself to effect this marriage in despite of all these hindrances, tarried still at Victoria, the most part of this year 1484. at which time (as hath been said) she sent Don john de Ribera with forces into Navarre, who having intelligence with the Earl of Lerin, took Viana, the Castle of Saint Gregory, that of Irureta and others: which disorders the Viceroy sought to redress with great providence, and kept the people in their obedience to the Queen their natural Princess. About this time Pope Sixtus the fourth died, in whose place succeeded john Baptista Cibo, Cardinal of the title of Saint Laurence in Lucina, and Bishop of Malfetta, who was called Innocent the eighth. The year before King Lewis the eleventh died, who (as it is reported) had ordained by his last will, that the Earldom of Rossillon should be restored to King Fernand the lawful Prince thereof: but his sons councillors thought it not convenient. This King being very devout and greatly honouring Saint james, had given ten thousand Crowns, and sent great store of metal and workmen to make the greatest bell there in all Christendom.  
Now for the causes heretofore declared, 
Castille.  the Kings of Castille did enterprise against Navarre and France, notwithstanding the war of Granado, the which they would in no sort give over, but did earnestly solicit it, and provided sufficiently for it.  
King Fernand being yet in his Kingdom of Arragon, 
Moors.  there were assembled in the city of Cordova, and afterwards in Antequera, the number of six thousand horse, and twelve thousand footmen, which overranne and spoiled the Countries of Alora, Coin, Caçaranovella and Carthama,, where divers notable skirmishes were made: the Master of Saint james, the Marquis of Cales, and Don Alphonso d'Aguilar were Captains of them. This army was refreshed with victuals from Seville and Xeres, and then returned to Antequera laden with spoils. The Queen in the mean time visited the Provinces of Guipuscoa and Biscay, and at her return to Victoria, the King arrived there out of Arragon, where he found much to do, for the Arragonois were not so easily governed, 
Estates of Arragon.  nor so ready to please their King's appetites, as the castilians, both of them left Victoria, and came to Tarassone, where the Estates of Arragon were appointed to meet; whose Deputies, did set down such difficulties and delays, as they would by no means contribute money towards the wars of Granado, nor against France for the Earldom of Rossillon, so as they were at the point to dissolve the assembly: for the time of making war being come, it behoved them either to assail or defend on the frontiers of Granado.  
The King's Council made long disputations upon the difficulty of making this double war: for King Fernand was desirous to assail the French for the recovery of the Earldom of Rossillon, and the Queen's mind was to poursue the Moors, even to the total ruin of their State, and expulsion out of Spain. The most part of the voices favoured the Queen's desire, and she, to please her husband, was of opinion, that he with the forces of Arragon, Valencia, Cattalonia, and some part of Castille should war upon the French, and herself with the rest of the army would poursue the Moors. hereupon they severed themselves, the Queen went towards Toledo, and the King stayed to make an end of the assembly. The Cardinal of Spain did accompany the Queen, 
The Cardinal entereth Toledo as Archb. The king gives him place that day.  and having not yet made his entry into the city of Toledo, since he was Archbishop thereof, he entered the same in great pomp, in which solemnity upon that day by an ancient custom the Arch bishop of Toledo was preferred in all honours and ceremonies, above the Sovereign Magistrate: nevertheless the Cardinal gave place to the Queen, albeit she would have had the old custom observed. From thence they went to Andalusia, where they ordered and reform certain customs which the people of jaen, Baeça, Vbeda, Caslona, Andujar, and others had concerning feasts and plays nothing profitable to the commonwealth. When they came to Cordova the great Lords did there meet to confer about the wars: there came also divers French and Almain Gunners; for Cannons and Bombards were not as yet much used in Spain. There was likewise a great army by sea set forth, Don Alvaro of Mendoza, Earl of Castro being General. The Queen would have made the Cardinal General over all her land and sea forces: but the kings unlookt-for return, who could do no good with the States of Arragon, gave end to his commission. They were determined to besiege Loxa: but for the easier execution thereof, they first of all did assail Alora, the which they took having beaten down two towers with the Cannon: The Moors fled into the Castle, and did afterwards by composition save their lives and goods.  
The King and Queen's custom was, 
Ceremonies used after the taking of any town from the Moors.  so soon as they had taken any town from the Moors, to send three ensigns thither which were consecrated or blessed, (as they term it) the which were to be set up on the highest tower or place of the same town: the first, was of the Crucifix for a sign and token of the redemption of mankind, the which was carried to the highest top of the town or fort, and there by an ensign-baerer displayed and flourished in the air: the whole army kneeling down, and giving thanks to God in divers prayers: but this prayer was chief rehearsed with a loud voice, as followeth:  
Deus qui per crucem tuam, populo in te credenti triumphum contra inimicos tuos concedere voluisti, quaesumus, ut in tua pietate adorantibus crucem, victoriam semper tribuas & honorem. Others did say: Exaudi nos Domine salutaris noster, et per Triumphum sancta● Crucis a cunctis nos defend periculis. The Clergy and Ministers of the Church did afterwards sing, Te Deum laudamus.  
The second standard was that of the Apostle Saint james the Son of Zebedé, whom the Spaniards acknowledge for Patron, and protector of their Country and state, and for guide and defender of their Kings of Castille and Leon: at the sight whereof the army and the people cried out with great joy, Santiago, Santiago. Saint james, Saint james, And the third was the King and Queen's royal Banner, wherein were pictured the arms of all their realms, and dominions; and when that was lifted up and displayed, they all cried aloud Castille, Castille, for King Fernand, and Queen Isabell. After all this, the prelates, and Clergy did expiate, and purge the mesquites, or Churches, which had served for the reprobate use of the Mahometan religion, blessing and dedicating them to some Saint or other; and if in the town or City taken, any Christian Captives were found, as usually there were some, they after the Priests had sung Te Deum laudamus, were made to answer, Benedictus dominus Israel, quia visitavit et fecit redemptionem plebis suae. These were the ceremonies; used by King Fernand, and Queen Isabella, at the taking of any town from the Moors.  
Alora being taken and fortified, Don Lewis Fernandes Lord of Palma had the keeping thereof, than the royal army passed on to the valley of Carthama, the Marquis of Cales led the vanguard with two thousand horse and as many chosen footmen. 
King Fernand promiseth the Moors, liberty of their conscience.  Those of Alozagra yielded upon condition, they might be maintained in their consciences, and religion, the which the King granted; then they besieged the town of Caçaranovelle where the Moors made incredible resistance, killing in divers skirmishes great numbers of Christians, as namely Don Guttires de Sottomajor Earl of Benalcaçar, a young Nobleman, of four and twenty years of age, hardy and valiant, who was shot throw the body, with a poisoned arrow, for whose death the king and the whole army were very sorry, because these braveries of the Moors, did make them become obstinate, and encouraged others, which would have yielded, to make resistance. The Army, 
A courageous woman and constant in her enterprises.  with this loss, & without performing any other exploit, then burning the country, did return back to Antiqera, where the King received letters from the Queen his wife, which caused the whole army to blush for shame; for she let them understand how that so goodly an army, ought not to live unprofitably, nor return without doing some notable exploit: wherefore, being incourraged by a woman, they retired again into the enemy's country, and spoiled it even to the mountain called, Sierra Nevada▪ the King being lodged with a great body of an army, within half a mile of the City of Granada, to oppose himself against the sallies, which they of the town might make upon those that did forage, the Duke of medina, and the Earl of Cabra, being in an other place, where as much as in them lay, they spoiled the country, and made it unfit to bear fruit, the sooner thereby to starve them. The Queen had laden 5000. beasts of carriage with victuals which by the help of this army, entered into Alhama where the King left Don Guttiere de Padilla governor, who was nephew to Don Garcia Lopes de Padilla, Master of Calatrava, in regard the Master had promised to defend that place, with the forces of his jurisdiction. Afterwards the army returned to Cordova, where the Queen being demanded if she were pleased with what they had done, she answered, that it was not fit they should spend the rest of the year in idleness: whereupon the King returned, and marched against Septenil, which for three days space was battered, and afterwards the Moors yielded it upon composition, that they might departed with their lives, goods and liberty; the place was committed to the keeping of D. Francisco Henriques: from thence the army went to ruin the country of Ronde, and because winter did draw near, it did attempt nothing else, and was brought back to Seville, whether the Queen came. The garrisons of Alhama, Alora, and Septenill, were commanded by the King and Queen to aid King Mahomet the little with all their power against Muley Albohacen his father. 
Portugal. King john a greet justicer, namely against the nobility, with other of his qualities.   
We will here for a while lay by the affairs of Castille and Arragon, and speak of Portugal, and of the reign of john the 2. who succeeded Alphonso 1481. being six and twenty years of age. This Prince was a great justicer, and it may be, over rigorous in the execution thereof, especially against the Nobility and great Lords of his kingdom, whom he did punish, and reclaimed from many oppressions which his father had tolerated: this caused him to be hated, and gave cause unto some who were very near unto him in blood, to practise against his life and state.  
He was of a quick and sharp judgement, and of an excellent memory, he could discourse eloquently of all matters, and would have those that did talk with him, to consider how and what to speak, and he would ordinarily say, that it was impossible but that Kings should be wise men, because every one that spoke to them, whether they were foolish or wise, did strive to speak well and wisely. He showed great wisdom in all his actions, not suffering himself to be carried away by Court-flatterers, and if he did favour any one, 
Mediocrity is to be observed in the advancement of Prince's servants.  he would advance him but to a certain mean and no further, giving authority to no man more than was needful: he was a lover of good council, very true, firm, and constant in whatsoever he granted or denied, liberal aswell to strangers as to his own servants: he was religious according to those times, and charitable towards the poor, for whose ease and comfort, he builded the royal Hospital of Lisbon, in the honour of all Saints: he showed himself very obedient towards his father, and had the good hap, 
Discovery of Manicongo.  to have the kingdom of Manicongo discovered in his reign, at which time with great care and diligence, the navigation for spices did begin, for which things, he was surnamed the Great. When he began to reign, he was already father to the Infant Don Alphonso begotten on Queen Elinor, daughter to Don Fernand Duke of Viseo his Uncle, and to the Infanta Donna Beatrix, she who had procured the peace betwixt Spain and Portugal: 
Genealogy of Portugal.  the Infant was seven years old when his father came to the Crown, who the year 1481. had a son by a Mistress of his called Donna Anne de Mendoza, whose name was George, Master of Saint james and avis, Duke of Coimbra, Lord of Avero and Montemajor the old, who was brought up openly as the King's son, by his Aunt the Infanta Donna joane, a Nun in the Monastery of jesus d'Auero: he was father to Don john Duke of Avero, a worthy Prince in our age.  
This King john of whom we speak, was the first King of Portugal that entitled himself Lord of Guiney, the navigation into which country he maintained and continued, and builded the City and Castle of Saint George, the fort of Tanger and others. He called a Parliament in the City of Ebora, there to receive the oath of fealty and homage due to the Kings his progenitors: at the same time it happened, that Don Fernand Duke of Bragança, being at his house of Villaviciosa, did search for certain records and titles of lands with other letters of privilege, to have them renewed and confirmed by the new king: his Secretary whom he employed in this business, found certain letters of intelligence and practice in a chest, betwixt the Duke his master, and the King and Queen of Castille, contrary to his allegiance to King john: Wherefore this Secretary, 
The Duke of Braganzaes' practices discovered by his Secretary.  whose name was Lope de Figueredo, being moved either with zeal towards his Prince, or with hope of some good reward, did embezil those writings, and gave them to the King, who having copied them, re-delivered the original to Figuereda, who laid them among the rest of the papers which he had found, his Lord not perceiving it: the Duke nevertheless was still favoured and welcomed by the King, who in matters of weight could very well dissemble, and was continually at Court accompanying and serving the King and Queen; until upon a time the Court being at Almerin, where the Queen was brought a bed before her time, and in great danger of her life: the Duke of Bragança came to visit her, with Don Dominicke Duke of Viseo, one of his complices, who was brother to the Queen; the King entertained them with a pleasant countenance, and upon a certain day he took the Duke of Bragança aside into his chapel, within the withdrawing Curtains, and did brotherly admonish him of his fault in these terms:  
Cousin, 
A gentle àdmonishment made by King john to the Duke of Braganza.  I have understood a matter, which I must acquaint you with in this holy place, where I stand in the presence of God, before whom I will not dissemble: therefore believe it, I speak nothing but truth: I hear that you have secret intelligence and practice with the Kings of Castille, against my State and service, greatly forgetting therein the honour faith and loyalty which you own unto me: in regard whereof, considering the reasons on both our sides, I for my part having given none occasion to yourself or any other, and seeing no cause why you should hope for more honour and favour of any other Prince then of me, I can not but be very much troubled, and I know not whether I may firmly believe it or no: yet notwithstanding, howsoever it is, I thought good to admonish you, that if upon any false surmise, you have entered into this unreasonable imagination, to give it over: protesting to you that I mean to forget, and graciously to pardon your offences, requesting you, seeing it hath pleased God to make me heir to his crown to stand steadfastly to me, and to acknowledge this favours towards you, and the place and rank which you hold in this Kingdom, wherein by your own deserts, and those of your ancestors, you are the chief person next unto myself, the which should stir you up to maintain and procure the safety and greatness thereof, especially considering, that God hath as it were parted the faculties and riches of this royal patrimony betwixt us two: and that of two sisters borne of the noble race of the Infant's Don Fernand and Don Beatrice, Dukes of Viseo, I have married the one and you the other. It may be that I am taxed with some fault, common to Kings newly come to their crowns, as to proceed over rigorously against some persons, and to show small liberality and meekness in certain matters, which could not be otherwise managed: but if it were so that some be offended with my new government; you before all men, aught to tolerate it, and to be a singular precedent of loyalty and obedience unto others. If my judges and Commissioners sent into your jurisdiction have exceeded the bounds of modesty in their charge, you know very well that they have had great cause so to do, and that they have many reasons on their sides to justify their proceed, in respect of the present state; but if they were in fault, should not you greatly bind me unto you for bearing with those things? and for your own part you may be assured, that in regard of your place, wisdom and deserts, I can not refuse you any thing that you should crave of me. Now, you are bound, in regard I am planted in the royal seat of Portugal, to aid me both with counsel and arms if need were, and whensoever I shall crave it; therefore I entreat and command you both in heart and will to dispose yourself thereunto ever hereafter.  
When the Duke heard these words, he would have excused himself, and entreated the King not to believe those reports, which (he said) were contrary to his meaning, and that whilst he had a heart, a hand and means, they should all be employed in his service. And so the King left of, hoping that the Duke would amend, and that he should no more need to speak unto him concerning it. But the Court being not long after removed from Almerin to Saint Iren, jasper and Peter de jubartes brethren and servants to the Duke of Bragança, came to the King, and certified him that the Duke their Master did continue his practises with Castille, and that jasper had been twice sent as messenger to the Kings of Castille, and that the Marquis of Montemajor, and the Earl of Faro the Duke's brethren, were consenting to those practises. The King did largely recompense these two brethren for their advertisement, and did resolve to punish the Duke of Bragançaes' treachery, and having a fit occasion by his coming to the court, which lay then at Ebora, whether he accompanied the Prince Don Alphonso, he caused him to be arrested of high treason and to be committed to prison in May the year 1483.  
The King's Aturney General pleaded against him, & he was found guilty of treason, and was judged and condemned by the Lords, 
The Duke of Bragansa beheaded a● Ebora.  to have his head cut off, and all his goods to be confiscate to the crown: the which sentence was executed; and Fernand Duke of Bragança was brought to the public place of execution in the city of Ebora, where he was beheaded and made a pitiful spectacle to all men. Six other gentlemen were likewise beheaded with him, and divers banished, in which number, was the Constable of Portugal. The Duchess Isabel the Queen's sister, as soon as she heard of her husband's imprisonment, sent her three children Don Philip, Don james, and Don Denis into Castille who were kindly received and welcomed by Queen Isabel their Aunt: the poor Lady their mother, having no other comfort in her widowhood but a little daughter called Marguerite, whose company she enjoyed not long, for within a while after she died. D. Philip her eldest son died in Castille: the second Don james returned into Portugal, and Don Denis this third son, did marry the Countess of Lemos in Castille.  
The Marquis of Montemajor, and the Earl of Faro, the Duke's brethren, did likewise fly into Castille, where they spent the remainder of their days being honoured and maintained by King Fernand and Queen Isabel. Now Don Dominico the Queen's brother, was one of the conspiracy as hath been already said; and the King the next day after the Duke of Bragança his execution called him into his presence, and knowing him to be young both in years and discretion, he did admonish him as a father, to behave himself discreetly, 
The King's fatherly adveruerticement to D. Dominico Duke of Viseo.  and told him divers things which concerned his honour and welfare, and did freely pardon him all offences past: to which speech of the Kings, Don Dominico could not answer one word but only kissed the King's hand in sign of thanks. This young Prince had aspired to reign, and being young and inconsiderate, he did oftentimes permit his hand to be kissed, and would receive other honours belonging to a sovereign Prince, the which in the end bred his ruin.  
After all these things the King being gone to visit the towns and fortresses upon the frontiers of Galicia and countries near adjoining, 
D. Ramir Nugnes de Cuzman cometh into Portugal.  Don Ramir Nugnes de Guzman arrived in Portugal, of whose quarrel to the Admiral of Castille and his son we have amply spoken heretofore. This Lord came to the Court at Saint Iren, where having a time appointed him to come into the King's presence, as he was going to mass in Saint james his Church, he kneeled down at the great door with his train and servants; the King presented him his hand to kiss with his glove upon it, but Don Ramir thinking that the King did either contemn or scorn him, and being a knight of an high and courageous spirit, he did pluck the King's glove off, and so, kissed his bare hand, than the King said, I could have done that myself if it had pleased me; but Don Ramir did not hear him in regard he was somewhat deaf: for this cause he was called ever after in Portugal El de la luba, which is as much to say, as He of the glove. Yet nevertheless the King used him very graciously; and did assure him that he was in a place of safety, and therefore willed him to be merry and not to fear any danger at all. Don Ramir gave him many humble thanks, and excused his boldness in plucking off his glove, beseeching him not to take it as done unreverently, in regard it was the custom of Spain to kiss the King's bare hand. Not long after, done Ramir, had some jealousy of the Marquis of Villareall a friend and kinsman to the Admiral of Castille, King john having notice thereof, called the Marquis before him, and told him that his pleasure was, that Don Ramir should live safe and secure in Portugal, free from fear either of the King of Castille or any else, and therefore if any evil did happen to him, his life should answer it: the Marquis answered, that for him Don Ramir should live in all safety, and that he neither had not would procure him any displeasure.  
But the Duke of Bragançaes' death did displease divers great Lords of the Kingdom of Portugal, in regard whereof, new conspiracies were made against the King's life. The chief of the conspirators were Don Garcia Meneses Bishop of Ebora, and Don Fernand de Meneses his brother, Don Lope de Albuquerque Earl of Pegnamaçor, and Don Pedro de Albuquerque his brother, Don Alvaro de Atayde, and Don Pedro d'Atayde the father and son, Don Guttiere Co●tino Commander of Cezimbra son to the Marshal, and Fernand Selueyra, who again did draw Don Domingo the Duke of Viseo into their practices, determining to make him King, and they watched for a fit time and occasion to kill King john, who being at Setuball did discover the treason, by the relation of one called Diego Tinoco, who knew it by the means of a sister of his who was concubine to the above named Bishop no less secret than chaste and faithful, and this Tinoco came of purpose disguised in a friars habit, to disclose it to the King, who in recompense of his good service, gave him five thousand Cruzadoes in ready money and six hundred thousand Maravedis of yearly rent, the which he did not long enjoy, for soon after, he died. Within few days after, the King received the same advertizement from Don Vasco Coutino, unto whom Don Guttiere his brother, one of the confederates had revealed it, thinking that without any danger he might have spoken it to him by reason that he was in disgrace with the King, and meant to have fled into Castille: but he was therein deceived; for Don Vasco by this means made his own peace, was created Earl of Barba with hereditary right, and beside the Castle of Estremos, he received many other advancements. The same day that the confederates should meet the Duke of Viseo at the Court, the King having visited a Church near to Setuball, he went a board of a little fisher-boot to see them take fish, having with him only four of his faithful servants, namely Fernand Martin's Mazearenas captain of the genets or light-horse, Diego d'Almeida, Don john de Meneses, and Don Ramir Nugnes de Guzman: In the evening, as he was returning to Setuball, thirty of the confederates stood upon the bank of the river, with intent to have executed their treason, whereof the King being advertised at his landing, by a Groom of his Chamber named Anthony Faria, who told him in his ear that it behoved him at that time to dissemble, and to show his Kingly courage, expecting a fit time and opportunity to punish them according to their deserts: the King who could very well dissemble, being leapt on horseback, called the Duke of Viseo to him with a smiling and pleasing countenance, and gave him and the rest of the conspirators, many gracious and loving words, so as for that present they had not the hearts to proceed in their determinations: in the mean time, the King who was weakly accompanied, went into a Church called Our Lady the Old, waiting for his guards arrival, and began to talk with them leaning his back against the wall, the better to keep his enemies from coming behind him, among whom was D. Vasco Coutino, whom he called unto him and made a show to divert him from going into Spain, the better thereby, under colour of this talk, to draw the whole conspiracy from him. By these means it was God's pleasure that the King should escape that days danger, and return in safety to his palace. Certain days after, the King being more sufficiently advertised of these Lord's conspiracy against his person, sent to command the Duke of Viseo, who was then at Palmela with his mother the Infanta Beatrice, to come to him to Setuball, who forthwith did so, not doubting any thing, and he was no sooner arrived and come into King john's presence, but he was stabbed to death with a poniard by the Kings own hand, 
The young duke of Viseo slain by King john's own hand.  in the night, in a Chamber in Don Nugno d'Acugnas house where the King then lay, in the presence of Don Pedro Deça, Diego d'Açambuya and Lopes Mendez, with no other words but these, You shall die, and go carry news to the duke of Bragança in what state the treason stands which he began.  
In this manner the Duke of Viseo died a young Prince of twenty years old, 
The Duke of Viseo seduced by Astrologians.  by following naughty counsel, and giving credit to the vain predictions of Astrologers, who had assured him that he should be King. The Duchess his mother was by the King certified of what had happened, who excused himself, in regard that he was constrained by necessity to commit so sudden an execution, and entreated her to bear it patiently: and in some sort to comfort her, the very same night he called Don Manuel her other son into her presence, who was more wise and discreet than his brother unto whom having told the Duke's death, and the causes wherefore he died, he gave all that his brother did possess and more, and conferring with him, with a fatherly affection, he promised to cause him to be sworn and acknowledged for Prince and heir to the crown of Portugal, after his death and Don Alphonso his son: but he would not permit him to name himself Duke of Viseo as his brother had done, but Duke of Beja, Lord of Viseo, and Master of the Order de Christus, and he made him Lord of the Isle of Madera, and gave him other lands.  
The Duke was at the same time only seventeen years of age, 
A Sphere upon the arms of Portugal.  and the King gave him a Sphere for a device to bear in his arms, the which the Kings of Portugal do yet at this day bear in their arms and royal scutcheon: the same was a lucky presage unto him of the conquests and discoveries which were afterward made in his reign and name under both the Poles: the same was likewise foretold by the Bishop of La guard a great Mathematicien; in regard of his Horoscope, and position of the heavens at his Nativity, being in the year 1468. albeit that such judgements are deceivable and unlawful, for the actions of Kings, and the events of all other matters depend upon God's only Ordnance.  
Now when the confederates understood of the Duke of Viseos' death, and that their practises were discovered, each of them thought to save one, but all of them were not quick enough: for Don Pedro d' Albuquerque was taken as he fled towards Lisbon, and Don Pedro d'Atayde at Saint Iren who were brought to the Court. The like happened to the Bishop of Ebora, and to Don Fernand de Meneses his brother, and to Don Gutierre Coutino, As for D' Alvaro D'Atayde who remained at Saint Iren accompanied with men at arms attending the success of their business, meaning to have taken Donna joane surnamed the Excellent, who was a Nun, from the Monastery of Saint Clare at Coimbra, and to have lodged her in the castle, he fled away into Spain, and so did Don Lopes d'Albuquerque Earl of Pennamaçor with all his family. D. Fernand de Silueyra having been hidden by one of his father servants, 
A servants faithfulness.  who neither for grievous threatenings nor for promises of reward from the King could ever be drawn to disclose him did likewise escape, and fled into Spain. The King, to justify the Duke of Viseos' death, and to give notice thereof to all men, caused his process to be made after that he had slain him, and condemned the rest. D. Fernand de Menses and D. Pedro were beheaded and quartered as traitors. As for D. Guttiere Coutino he was committed to the tower of avis, 
The Duke of Viseos' complices and conse●derates are executed.  for D. Vasco his brother who had revealed much of the conspiracy to the King, did a while prolong his life, nevertheless he did not escape, nor is it certainly known how he died. D. Garcia de Meneses Bishop of Ebora, being prisoner in the castle of Palmela, was found dead upon the cistern of the said fort, and there is great presumption that his days were violently shortened. At the same time, the Kings of Castille were at Seville, where receiving news that the conspiracy was discovered, and imagining that the Duke of Viseo should be committed to prison, and that King john would not have proceeded against him so indiscreetly, they having no notice of his sudden death, did send D. Inigo Manriques Bishop of Leon, and Gaspar Fabro a Knight of Arragon Ambassadors into Portugal, with instruction to entreat the King to save the Duke of Viseos' life, if he were yet living, and if he were dead, to comfort the Duchess his mother, who had been the cause of the peace betwixt Spain and Portugal. The Ambassadors perceiving the Duke of Viseo to be dead, did their best to comfort the sorrowful mother, and so returned into Spain without speaking to King john, who never ceased to pursue Don Fernand de Silueyra, until he had driven him out of Spain: He was afterward slain in avignon by an Earl of Cattalonia, who was likewise banished from his country, but the French King had like to have taken his head from his shoulders in requital of his pains. This Earl was afterward liberally rewarded by king john, for that he had rid him of an enemy. The Earl of Pegnamaçor died in Castille, D. Alvaro of Atayde lived a banished man during the life of King john, and in King Manuels' time returned into Portugal. By these severities King john was feared of all his subjects, in regard he had not spared those two great Lords who were of the greatest parentage in Portugal.  
The year 1485. the commons of Castille sent their Deputies and Commissioners to Orgas where D. Alphonso of Arragon, 
An. 1485.  Duke of Villahermosa lay, 
Castille.  who was captain general of their Hermandades or brotherhoods, and with him D. Alphonso de Burgos Bishop of Cuenca, precedent of the royal Council, and Alphonso de Quintanilla, who having propounded the great costs and charges which the Kings were at in following the Moorish wars, did demand a subsidy, the which was very readily graated, in regard they did see that it should be employed in matters so worthy and profitable for the commonwealth.  
The Governors and captains on the frontiers of Andaluzia would lose no fit occasion that might annoy the Moors, who did all of them in a manner follow King Muley Albohacen, 
Moors.  and had almost restored him to all his lands in Granado, revolting from Mahumet the Little, because he had been aided by Christian Kings; so that they left him no other place of retreat, but only the city of Almery, from whence he made cruel war upon the Moors which took his father's part: they meaning altogether to despoil him of all rule and government in Granado, and perceiving King Muley Albohacen to be already old and unfit for war, did elect, a brother of his, one of King Ismaels' sons for their governor in Granado, who was likewise called Muley Boabdalin, who thinking it most necessary for the establishing of his Kingdom to rid his Nephew Mahomet out of the world, he had secret intelligences, with the chief men of his faction which were near in credit about his person in Almery, whom he induced by promises to deliver their Prince and City into his hands at a certain time appointed, before which place Muley Boabdellin showing himself, they failed not to open him the gates, & they let him in upon such a sudden, as Mahumet hardly escaped with life, but God gave him means to escape, leaving a young brother of his behind him, who was cruelly murdered by his enemies: after the taking of which town, Muley Boabdellin openly and without contradiction was chosen King of Granado both against the father and the son, who were driven away, in the year 1485. and the 868. year of the reign of the Arabians there; Muley Albohacen having reigned nineteen years. Now these two Princes of one name did make such cruel war upon each other for the crown of Granado as is not almost to be believed. Boabdellin is a corrupted word, those which speak it better, call both of them Aben Abdileha, but the truest is Aben Abdella. The Moors to make a difference betwixt them by some surname, called King Albohacens brother, Zagall, which signifieth valorous, and Mahumet the little his Nephew, Zagois, that is to say, the unhappy.   

Muley Boabdelin 21. King of Granado.  
IN the beginning of the reign of Muley Boabdelin el Zagal, he had to do with the Earl of Cabra, with Martin Alphonso de Corduba, Lord of Montemajor, Diego del Castillo great Commander of Calatrava, Pedro Ruis d'Alarcon, Diego Lopes d'Ayala, Francisco de Bovadilla, and other, brave captains and Knights, who overranne the country near to Nixar and Guejar beyond the City of Granado near to the hills called Sierra Nevada, where they took great booties, and made their retreat by means of the good guard which they had left at the difficult passages, by the advise of Pedro Ruis d'Alarcon, albeit the new King had drawn great numbers of Moors out of the city of Granado and elsewhere to enclose and defeat them.  
King Fernand and Queen Isabel did then lie at Seville where Don Inigo Manriques the Archbishop being dead, 
Castille.  the Pope by his full power and authority gave that archbishopric to the Cardinal Don Roderigo Borgia, 
Pope's cannot keep themselves from breaking the concordats which restrain their power.  who was afterward Pope Alexander the sixth: these holy father's being not able to abstain from breaking the concordats which did in some sort restrain their power, the which they pretend to be absolute: but these courageous Kings, bridled them at this time likewise, and dealt in such sort as the Cardinal having resigned that archbishopric, and put it into the Pope's hands, it was given at the King's entreaty to Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoça Bishop of Palence, and his Bishopric of Palence resigned to Don Alphonso de Burgos Bishop of Cuenca, that of Cuenca to Don Alphonso de Fonseca Bishop of Auyla, and that of Auyla to friar Hernando of Talavera, and Oropesa, Prior of the Monastery of Pré of Valiodolit and the Queen's Confessor: In this sort did every one affect good bishoprics in recompense of their services: I call them good, in respect of their revenues.  
Whilst the Kings remained this year at Seville, they made divers good Edicts and Ordonances for judges, and for the administration of justice, as also for the managing of the future war: and the time drawing near when as armies use to march into the field; and diverse companies of horse and foot being already arrived from all parts of Spain upon the frontiers of Andaluzia, they left Seville and came to Cordova: diverse great Lords, Knights and people of all sorts did come thither, who suited themselves the best they could, which made a gallant show, wherein great cost and superfluity was used, as likewise, in feasts, games and other military sports: in regard whereof, the Kings thought to redress those matters by two courses▪ both profitable and mild, 
Profitable ways for to redress 〈◊〉, expenses.  namely, by admonishments which they themselves made to the noblest, and to others by religious persons of credit, and afterwards by their own example showing in their apparel, train and manner of life great modesty, wherein nevertheless some Majesty did appear, as was fitting for their degree.  
As concerning the war the opinion was, that Malaga should be besieged, and by the way they laboured (but in vain) to take the castle of Montefrio. Passing forward, they did overrun, spoil and destroy the country near to Carthama, where the common opinion was to seek to take Carthama and Coin before they did attempt any thing against Malaga, to the end to have the country more at their commandment, the which was not the worst counsel: and because the army was great, part thereof was sent to besiege Carthama under the conduct of the Master of Saint james, the Constable, and D. Alphonso▪ D'Aguilar, and the other part to Coin which was commanded by the Marquis of Cales, the Earl of Crugna, and D. Hurtado de Mendoza, with the cardinals people. The King with some part of his forces was lodged betwixt both these sieges, to succour either of them as need should require. In the mean time the town of Benamexi yielded as it had done in time before: but it did revolt when the Earl of Benalcaçar was slain, into the which fault it fell again after it had yielded, and was now taken by assault, the Inhabitants were taken or slain, and the place razed to the ground: 
〈…〉.  the King did choose out one hundred of the principal prisoners and caused them to be hanged for a terror to the rest, chief for an example to them of Carthama, Coin and Ronde; yet notwithstanding they were not negligent in their own defence. Certain African moors of Velez de la Gomera, being moved with zeal to their religion, came over into Spain, and espied a fit occasion whereby to enter into Coin, which they did at such time, as a great and large breach was made, which the Christians did assail, who by this new aid were rudely repulsed with great slaughter: there were slain Pero Ruis Alarcon, a most wise and valiant captain, and Tello d' Aguilar likewise, whose death did greatly grieve King Fernand, whereupon he caused the 〈◊〉 to be redoubled and did so press the besieged, as they began to talk of composition. The King being highly displeased for his loss received at that assault, would not receive them at the first upon any condition, but at the last he granted them their lives and goods, and so the town was yielded up. Coin was a great town and very hard to be kept, wherefore it was razed. Those of Carthama having notice that Coin was yielded, 
Coin, Carthama, and other places taken by composition from the Moors.  did compound in like manner, whose example was followed by 〈…〉, and others. The guard and defence of Carthama was committed to the Master of Saint james upon his entreaty, who left there for Lieutenant under him a Gentleman of his own, named john de Cespedes. About the same time, Don Alphonso Henriques high Admiral of Castille died at Valiodolit, in whose place and dignity Don Fredrick Henriques his son succeeded. The Queen being at Cordova took care to provide the army of money and victuals, 
D. Fredrick Henriques Admiral of Castill.  wherein she used incredible diligence and dexterity.  
After the taking of the places above mentioned, the King passed on with a great number of men at arms and came within sight of Malaga, a strong town and exceeding well furnished with men and all things necessary for a town of war. The Moor King who lay within it made a sally with a thousand horse, which were the flower of his cavalry, where they skirmished valiantly on both sides, where D. Fernand D'Ayalos the eldest of that family was slain. And because the army wanted water, the King went back to Carthama; where sitting in counsel what was best to be done, it was concluded to go and besiege Ronde. D. Pedro Henriques Marquis of Cales and captain of the frontiers of Andaluzia with other captains marched on before with three thousand horse and eight thousand foot to invest the place, and the King followed them at the heels with the rest of the army. The town was strong and defended by very warlike Moors, being besieged and furiously battered, the Christians in a few days won the suburbs thereof, where Alphonso Fayardo showed great proof of his worth and valour. The battery continuing against the town albeit the Moors which were sent to the succour thereof, did their best to enter into it and did put the camp in continual alarms, the Christians nevertheless did so press them as the besieged were feign to yield, upon condition that their goods and lives might be saved, with liberty to live in their own sect in any place of Castille where they pleased. 
Ronda taken, and the Moors lives, goods, and religion granted unto them.  The King entered into the town of Ronda upon Whitsunday; D. Bernardin de Velasco, son to the Constable having first seized upon a tower of the castle, and as soon as the Moor governor was gone forth of it with his people to retire himself into the King of Castile's country to a place in the territory of Sivil, the town was repeopled with Christians drawn from the same city, from Cordova and other places of Andaluzia. The Queen made provision for the ornaments of the Churches, and things necessary for their service, and the government of the town was given to Antonio de Fonseca. The Moors of that country having made themselves Mudejares, 
Equity of the King and Queen of Castille.  that is to say, vassals to Christians, were at that time religiously maintained and preserved, according to the capitulations and promises, by means whereof, divers other towns did voluntarily yield themselves to the Kings, namely, Burga, junquera; Monda, Gan●in, Caseres, Montija, with other castles and fortresses of the mountains of Ronda, Villalonga, and Carthema, who were permitted to live in their own religion, paying the same tribute which they were wont to give to the Moor Kings. The places which did yield were more than forty in number. And because Caçaranovella did make delays, King Fernand caused the Inhabitants thereof to be summoned to yield, upon pain of tasting of all the rigour of war: whereupon they submitted, upon the same conditions as the rest had done, and the garrison thereof was given to D. Sancho de Rojas. Those likewise of Marbela, a sea town, being summoned to yield, made answer that they were contented so to do, and they sent their governor or Alguazil Major to the King, who desiring to be present at the yielding thereof, brought thither his army by the way of Antequera, fetching a long circuit but easy and commodious: By the way he received letters from the Moors of Marbela, who demanded new capitulations, the which were not answered till the army was in sight: wherewith they being amazed, delivered up the town, and retired themselves, some into Africa, and others into the Kingdom of Castille: Montemajor and other places of the country of Marbela did likewise yield. And because the army began to want victuals by reason that the tempests and storms at sea did hinder the ships of burden from sailing, the King was advised to make retreat to Cordova, so the army marched within sight of Malaga once again, from whence the Moors came forth and skirmished, but to no purpose, the siege whereof had not been in vain nor without effect, if victuals had not wanted. The army being returned near to Antequera, it was abundantly refreshed with victuals sent thither by the Queen. The King afterward entered into Cordova with great joy and applaud of the Queen, Prince and Infantas of the Court, the people, Clergy, and sundry Ambassadors: there were solemn processions made, where the King in manner of a triumph caused great number of Christians to be led in pomp, and in a glorious show, which were redeemed from captivity, whose shackles and irons were afterward sent to Toledo, and there hung up against the wall of the Monastery of Saint john of the kings, which are to be seen at this day.  
For the maintenance and preservation of what had been won and conquered, john de Torres, a knight of the King's house, was sent unto the frontiers with a Provost or Alcayde of the Court, named the Licenciate La Font, who distributed the lands to the new Inhabitants, 
Equity of the Kings of Castille.  for the ordinary garrisons were up in the country of the Moors more than twenty leagues; and because divers Pirates had rob sundry Moors as they passed out of Spain into Africa, contrary to the capitulations, informations being made thereupon, the Licenciat recovered all that had been taken away, who demanding a safeconduct for his passage over into Africa to restore to every one what was his own, the Moors made him answer that he needed none other safeconduct than the greatness and renown of the Kings of Castille his Masters: whereupon the Licenciate made himself ready to pass over, yet divers of his friends counseled him not to give overmuch credit to the light faith of the Moors, whereunto with great boldness and constancy he replied, that God forbidden, that the power and greatness of his King's honour should be impaired or diminished thorough his fear: a courageous speech of a most faithful and affectionate subject and servant. And so he passed over and restored the Moors their goods, and promise was kept with him. In the mean time the garrisons of Alhama having overrun the country near to Granado, as they returned with great quantity of cat-tail and other booties, they met on a sudden and unlooked for the King of Granado who came from Malaga thither, accompanied with great numbers of horse, by whom they were charged and pursued unto the very gates of Alhama with great loss of their people, beside the spoils which were recovered from them. There remained yet some small feason of this year 1485. fit to make war in, the which the Kings would not have unproffitably spent, without enterprizing some matter of worth: therefore they caused the forces of Andaluzia, Extremadura, and the Marquisate of Villena to be assembled (for they had licensed the men of war of the farthermost provinces of Spain to departed as soon as they returned to Cordova) whereafter divers consultations, they resolved, at the persuasion of the Earl of Cabra to go and besiege Moclin: the Earl with Martin Alphonso de Cabra Lord of the house of Montemajor, was sent before to shut in those of the town with the forces which he had in Baena, than their followed him with four thousand horse and other forces the Master of Calatrava, the Earl of Buendia and other Knights; the King with the rest of the forces came after, and the Queen with the whole Court came to Baena.  
Those that went first with the Earl of Cabra being arrived on a morning near to Moclin fell unawares upon the King of Granades army which was come to Moclin consisting of twenty thousand Moors as well horse as foot, who nevertheless began to fly as soon as they did see the Christians whom they thought to be far more in number than they were: but having better viewed them they returned and charged them so bravely as they disordered and put them to flight: divers were there slain and taken, 
The Christians defeated at Moclin.  the Earl escaped being hurt in the hand with a arqebus shot, his horse having received four wounds with a lance, his brother D. Gonçall de Cordova was slain, the Moors following the chase were stayed and constrained to turn their backs, by the troops of the Master of Calatrava and the Earl of Buendia. This news did greatly displease the Kings, who altering their determination left Moclin and turned their forces against Cambill and Alhabar, very strong places on the confines of jaen, and within three leagues of the city, always well kept and defended by the Kings of Granado. The Marquis of Cales with the vanguard did approach near unto their forts, whether the Artillery was brought with great difficulty, and the battery made with all diligence: but they yielded forthwith and the Moors which were within it were sent away free with their goods into Granado: the Queen gave these two forts to the city of jaen, where the King with the Master of Saint james did determine to strengthen Alhama with four thousand horse and five thousand foot which were appointed for the same purpose. The Treasurer of Calatrava being governor of Alhama was solicited by a Moor of the garrison of Salea, to come thither with his forces, and he did assure him that he would find means to cause him to enter into it: the Treasurer having first of all well examined the Moor, and being assured that he meant no deceit went on a night to Salea, where the traitor's brother did let down a rope from the walls, and helped to erect the scaling ladders by which the Christians mounted, who after a dangerous fight made themselves Masters of the place, the Inhabitants whereof were all made slaves.  
Pope Innocent the eight being daily advertised of these goodly victories, granted this year to the Kings to raise greater subsidies upon the Clergy, the which were moderated by the Cardinal of Spain to one hundred thousand golden florins of the coin of Arragon. About the end of the year the Court leaving Andaluzia, came to Alcala de Henares, 
Birth of the Infanta Catherine.  where Queen Isabella was brought in bed of a daughter named Catherine who was wife to Arthur Prince of Wales heir to the crown of England, and afterward married to his brother King Henry the eight of that name.  
In Alcala which was a place belonging to the Archbishop of Toledo, the Alcaids and Provosts of the Court executing their offices, were hindered by the Cardinal, who was Archbishop of Toledo, 
Contention betwixt the Archbishop of Toledo and the Queen.  who made grievous complaints to the Queen, how her Officers did usurp upon his authority: the Queen told him, that she being Sovereign in Castille, and in all other her realms, might execute justice in any place. The matter being debated on both sides, it was referred to the compromise and judgement of five persons of the counsel, whom the Queen would name, and to five cannons of the Chapter of Toledo for the Cardinal: but the other affairs of Court, the short stay thereof at Alcala, with other hindrances, did end this strife, the which remained undecided. Then were the judges of the Court discharged of part of the Processes which did abound in all places where the King and Queen went, the which were turned over to the Chancery at Valiodolit, where Don Alphonso de Fonseca Archbishop of Saint james was made Precedent, with eight Doctors for his Council.  
During all these wars and business Don Ramir Nugnes de Guzman, of whom we have often spoken heretofore, had remained in Portugal, greatly honoured by King john. He understanding of the Admiral of Castils death, his ancient enemy, procured his friends to obtain his pardon of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, but being advertised that the matter was now harder to be effected then before, by reason that Don Frederick, son to the deceased Admiral, who had begun the quarrel, was made Admiral in his Father's place, and highly favoured, he desperately resolved to kill him: and to effect his purpose, he departed with leave from the Court of Portugal, and came to Braganca. Don Frederick Henriques being advertised by his friends what his enemy did intend, he thought, like a wise man, that it was not good to hold him still in despair, and therefore he sent to Mary Osorio, Don Ramir Nugnes mother, to let her understand, that if she would come to Valiodolit to sue for her sons restitution, he would assist her therein, provided that she would take order that Don Ramir should return back from Bragança, to the Court of Portugal.  
This Lady being desirous to have her son restored to his lands and goods, did not lose so fit and unlooked for an occasion, but came to the Admiral, with whom after long conference, she went to the court being at Alcala de Henares, where she obtained, but not without difficulty, the goods of Don Ramir, as depositary, and that he might return into Spain, under the keeping of the Earl of Feria. Don Ramir having notice hereof, 
Senten●● of the quarrel betwixt Don Ramir Nugnes de Guzman, and Frederick Henriques.  took his leave of the King of Portugal, and came to the Earl of Ferias house, where he remained three years, until his business were brought to this conclusion; that he might enjoy his goods, and marry with his promised wife, the daughter to the Earl of Luna: but that he might not go to his own lands, until the King and Queen gave him leave. Afterward he was permitted to come into his own houses, upon condition, that during his life he should not come over the river of Duero: such was the end of the quarrel caused by the Ladies of the Court, betwixt Don Ramir Nugnes de Guzman, and Don Frederick Henriques.  
Before the Court departed from Alcala de Henares, Don Inigo Lopes de Mendoza Earl of Tendilla, and Doctor john de Medina, both of them of the King's Council, were sent Ambassadors into Italy, about the war which was betwixt Ferdinand King of Naples, and Pope Innocent; the which embassage they performed so wisely, as they made peace betwixt those great Potentates. These Ambassadors did in open Consistory perform the obedience and submissions due to the Pope. King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella did in the mean time cause diligent search and punishment to be made, upon converted jews and Moors, which did return to their old superstition. In the beginning of the year one thousand, four hundred, eighty and six, the Court removed to Medina del Campo, with intent to punish Don Rodrigo Osorio Earl of Lemos, who did disquiet the country of Galicia, and had surprised the Castle of Ponferrada, driving thence the garrison which Captain George Abendagno held for the King, and had broken in all sorts the truce which the King had made betwixt him and the Earl of Benavent. In regard whereof he was commanded to repair in person to the Court, but he durst not, and adding crimes to crimes, he committed sundry excesses and robberies in Galicia. The Queen being busied about the wars of Granado which she so much affected, and not being able to go in person into Galicia, gave commission to the Earl of Benavent his utter enemy to repress this insolent Earl of Lemos.  
The spring time drawing near, the city of Cordova began already to be filled with soldiers sent for by the Kings out of all the Provinces of Spain for the Moorish wars: wherefore the Kings parted from Medina, and passing along by Toledo came to Cordova. There, did hourly arrive many troops, not only of Spaniards, but of Frenchmen, English and other foreign nations. Amongst the Lords of Castille, D. Inigo L●●es de Mendoza Duke of Infantazgo made the bravest and gallantest show. The army being mustered amounted to the number of twelve thousand horse, and forty thousand able fight footmen, great number of canoneers and pieces of Ordinance of all sorts, thirty thousand beasts of carriage, two thousand wagons with their equipage and meant to drive them. With these forces Loxa was besieged. Into this town King Mahumet the Little had shut himself, breaking his faith given to the Kings of Castille, for to reconcile himself to his uncle: for the Moors perceiving, though to late, that their ordinary divisions and strifes had plunged them into extreme ruin, they did so handle the matter, as they made these two Priences friends, who divided the sovereign authority betwixt them, the city of Granado remaining nevertheless to King Muley Boabdellin el Zag●l: in such sort as communicating their counsels and forces together to annoy the Christians, 
The King of Castile's army at the s●ege of Loxa.  Mahumet the Little, did undertake to defend Loxa, from whence divers sallies and hot skirmishes were made upon the King's vanguard, so as King Mahumet receiving two wounds there, the Moors were shut in, the place was besieged, and the battery furiously begun. The Duke of Infantazgo being one day upon the guard, did take certain Moors of Granado who would have entered into Loxa, by whom he had notice that King Muley Boabdellin came with a great power to the aid of the besieged, whereupon the guards were doubled in all places of the camp, and preparation was made for whatsoever might happen. The suburbs being opened with the Canon, they were sharply assailed and well defended, nevertheless they were taken, with great effusion of Christian blood, where the Lord Scales General of the English was hurt. There was found in the suburbs a Moor that was a Weaver, who was so obstinate, as seeing the place to be taken, and that the other Moors withdrew themselves into the town, would not for all that leave his own house, saying, that he had rather die by iron then die in irons, seeing that Loxa which was wont to defend the Moors and offend the Christians, was now the repair of the enemies, and the grave of her own citizens, and in this obstinacy he was slain. The suburbs being won, they began to batter the town in such sort as in a short time, the walls, towers, and defences were overthrown, so as the Moors which defended them, lay open and exposed to the Cannon's mouth, which did so terrify and discourage them as they craved parley and composition upon these conditions: That King Mahumet the Little should be pardoned for his disobedience passed: that he should give over the title of King of Granado, and entitle himself thence forward Marquis of Guadix, if so be that he could recover the place within six months next ensuing, and that it might be lawful for him to go into Africa, or to live in the country of Granado or else in Castille as should seem best unto him, and that the Moors which were within Loxa might do the like. 
Loxa yielded.  These things agreed upon, Loxa was yielded, and the government thereof committed to Don Alvaro de Luna Lord of Fuente Duegna, processions and signs of joy were made at Cordova and elsewhere for the taking of this town. The Mesquites being purged, the Queen provided them of ornaments after the accustomed manner.  
From thence the King sent the Master of Saint james and the Marquis of Cales, with four thousand horse, and twelve thousand foot to begin the siege of Illora a very strong place and well defended, distant three leagues from Granado: whither the rest of the army being come, the quarters and lodgings appointed, and well fortified having set watches, and sentinels in the fields, upon towers and high eminent places, to discover from a far off, (for being so near Granado, they feared some sudden and unlooked for assault of the Moors) the suburbs were beaten and assailed, where the Duke of Infantazgo with his troops, had the honour of the first assault: but he perceiving his soldiers, who at the muster made the gallantest show in bravery of armour and apparel above all others, to go coldly to the fight, cried out unto them,, How now my fellows, shall men say of you, that you are of the number of those braggarts which are of no other worth then to make a show in the streets and in a muster, where men are out of danger and far from blows; and that you are courageous in nothing but spending of your money in bravery like unto women, no, no, soldiers, your honour consisteth in being valiant in fight, and therefore if you be men, prefer it before your lives, and do not endure, that being beaten back from this place with double shame, other men should carry away the glory from you: for mine own part rather than I will blush at your baseness and cowardice, I am resolved not to survive such a shame, but forgetting the place which I hold, I will cast myself into the breach amid the greatest throng of the enemies; and whosoever love their honour let them follow me.  
The soldiers being ashamed, at this speech reiterated by the Earl of Cabra and others, they took courage, beseeching their captain to command them what they should do, and they marched with such fury against the enemies, as entering into the suburbs, they made a pitiful slaughter of all those which could not soon enough get into the city; against the which, the cannon being planted, the flanks and curtines were soon overthrown and infinite numbers of houses pierced thorough: so as the Moors fearing to be sooner forced by the enemies, then succoured by their friends, yielded themselves and went forth of the town with bag and baggage, 
Illora yieldeth to King Fernand.  and without their arms. The King gave the garrison of Illora, to Don Gonçalo Hernandes de Cordova brother to Don Alphonso d'Aguilar, who was afterward surnamed the great captain.  
The army after that, marched to Moclin, whether Queen Isabel came to join with the camp at Loxa. The town had been newly fortified with towers and bulwarks, more than in former times, but the battery was made with such store of ordinance, as nothing could resist it: the Christians besides did use divers kinds of artificial fires, the which did great hurt to the besieged, and burned all their store of gunpowder, by means of a pot of this wild fire which flew in the air, and did stick fast in a tower where the said powder lay, which was blown up into the air; wherewith the Moors being amazed, 
Moclin taken.  they did compound to departed with their lives and goods saved. Moclin being taken, part of the army was sent to beat Montefrio, they were the troops of Seville, Xeres, and Carmona, whilst the King with the residue thereof made spoil upon the confines of Granado, not without divers encounters and sharp skirmishes with the Moors, who came forth of the head city. The King being returned to Moclin, the captains of Montefrio and Colomera presented themselves unto him demanding composition, which was granted them, and the Moors went forth of those two places to Granado with their goods, but they left their armour, weapons and victuals behind them. All these places which were taken were rampired and fortified with good garrisons, victuals, and other necessaries, and having left D. Fredrick de Toledo, son to D. Garcy Aluares of Toledo Duke of Alva, captain general of the who country newly conquered, the King and Queen returned to Cordova.  
Not long after, they marched towards Leon, to order the affairs of Galicia, which was greatly troubled, by the insolency of the Earl of Lemos, who nevertheless appearing before the Kings, did humbly crave his pardon and obtained it, being favoured by divers great Lords of the Court: He was notwithstanding enjoined not to enter into Galicia for a certain time, and the places of Ponferrada, Sarria and Castro-real were taken from him and were applied to the crown, the Kings nevertheless giving a certain sum of money for the marriage of his aunts. 
The Hospital of Saint Iame●▪ built by King Fernand and Queen Isabel for the releese of pilgrims.   
These things thus ordered, the Kings went to visit Saint james his Church, in the which city they builded a goodly Hospital, for the relief of the poor and of pilgrims, from thence fetching a circuit round about the country of Galicia, they redressed divers tyrannies which were there committed, restoring divers monasteries and Churches, which were by force dispossessed of their goods, lands, and revenues by certain Knights and Gentlemen. To contain whom and all others in their duties, they established a judgement seat of four Auditors, which was the beginning of the Royal Audience of Galicia, and they confirmed Don Diego Lopes Earl of Haro in his dignity of Viceroy of the country, as he had been in time before. And the better to procure the peace of the country, 
Mutinous and qua●re some 〈◊〉 sent forth of the Country under co●tlar of other employment.  they caused diverse strong houses to be overthrown and razed to the ground which served for the repair of thieves and robbers, and carried away with them out of Galicia diverse mutinous and quarrelous Gentlemen, to the end they should employ their strength and courage in the war against the Moors. The Court being returned to Benavent, the Earl showed himself very liberal and magnificent in the entertainment of the Kings and the great Lords: from thence they came to Salamanca, where they spent the remainder of this year 1486.  
It happened this year in the town of Trugillo, that the judge or Corregidor of the place, having laid hands upon a Priest for committing some notorious crime, and not sending him so one enough to his ordinary judge, 
Mutiny under sh●w of religion.  the prisoners kins folke folk having taken a Cross in their hands, ran up and down the City crying out for help, and said that the holy Catholic faith was trodden under foot, the which did so stir up the brutish multitude, as they ran to take Arms, and came in tumultuous manner to the Corrigidors lodging, who was glad to make haste to deliver the prisoner, whereof the King and Queen had notice, who were greatly displeased with such seditions, and sent certain judges and Commissioners to Trugillo with forces, who executed diverse of the mutineers according to law.  
This year, Christopher Colombus borne at Cugurco upon the river of Genoa, came to the Court of Castille, 
The first coming of Christopher Colombus, to the King and Queen of Castille.  who made offer to search the Occidental Ocean, where he did undertake to discover a great land, rich and abundant in gold and other commodities, craving aid of the King and Queen of money and ships, to furnish him out on such a voyage. Colombus was a man very expert in Navigation, and until that time he had gotten his living by making Sea Cards. He being married, and dwelling in the Isle of Madera; a ship of Biscay, which had for many days been driven up and down by tempests, and cast upon the same coasts, whereof he did then speak, did happen to arrive in the Island, Colombus brought the Pilot thereof and three other Mariners home to his house, who having endured much misery at sea, did there die, and in recompense of their kind entertainment, they did amply inform their host, whereabout these lands lay, and with what winds a man might sail thither. Colombus being a man of a quick apprehension, and great courage, came to King john of Portugal, hoping to persuade him to undertake that Navigation, offering him his service therein, and after that to King Henry the seventh of England; in the end to Don Henriques de Guzman Duke of Medina Sidonia, and to Don Lewis de la Cerde Duke of Medina Celi, who held commodious Havens in Castille, beseeching them to aid him in so worthy an enterprise: but all his travail was to no purpose, for they esteemed him as an Italian, who by brags and vaunts of matters which he knew not, endeavoured to relieve his poverty. Now this year he came to Court with letters from Friar john Peres de Marchena, one excellently learned in all human learning, who dwelled at Ravida, which gave good testimony of Colombus skill, yet all this was to small purpose: and without the assistance of Alphonso de Quintanilla, he was at the point to have given over all: Quintanilla having brought him to his house, and well sounded him, gave him access to the Cardinal of Spain, and after that, to diverse of the King's special favourites, by whose means he was sundry times heard discourse, in so much as his speech began to please, and the Kings promised him aid and employment for the discovery of a new world, so soon as the wars of Granado were ended: In this manner Colombus, full of hope and courage, did constantly pursue, for the space of six whole years, the effects of the King's promise, till at last it was performed. 
Qualities of Christopher Colombus.  He was a man firm and constant in what he undertook, strong and able in travail, severe, and choleric, big of limbs and stature, red faced and full of pimples.  
The Court lying at Salamanca, the Kings caused the Court of Chancery to remove from Vailliodolit into their own palace there, which was the Bishop's house, to the end they might be eye witnesses, after what manner they ended suits, and did administer justice, in regard many complaints were made of them. And being advertised that the marshal Don Pero d' Ayala had caused a scriveners head to be cut off, 
Princess core full of justice.  who was one of his tenants, for giving his mother Donna Maria, with whom he was at strife, a copy of his father's will, they sent to take him prisoner, and to seize upon his goods.  
When he was brought to Court, the Constable, who was allied unto him, (for he had married a Niece of his, daughter to the Earl of Miranda) would have departed, saying, that he would not be present at the judgement of one so near unto him: but the Queen assuring the Constable, that the Marshal should not be touched neither in life nor member, stayed him there. The controversy betwixt the mother and the son, was referred to the King's Council, as also the difference betwixt the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and the Earl of Alva de Lista, about the Earldom of Niebla, which the Earl said did belong unto him in right of his mother; which controversy remains at this day undecided. The country of Biscay being at this time somewhat troubled, in regard the King's Officers did seem to encroach upon their privileges, the Licenciate Garcy Lopes of Chincilla, 
Bishop's banishea from Biscay.  one of the King's Council, was sent thither, who did justice, and reform many matters: but he could never obtain of the people, that the Bishops should come into the country to visit the Churches, who said, that it was against their privileges. In regard of the war against the Moors great levies of soldiers were made as well in Biscay, Alava, Guipuscoa, Asturia's, as Gallicia, who marched into Andalusia towards Cordova.  
The state of the Moors, 
Moors.  which was the other day united, became on a sudden divided, it being an impossible matter for two Sovereigns to command in one country. King Muley Boabdellin el Zagal, which possessed the city of Granado, with a great part of the country, began a fresh to poursue his Nephew Mahomet the Little; putting all those Moors to death which took his part, confiscating the goods of such as he could catch: and he laboured by all means to procure King Mahomet's death by poison or otherwise, who after the taking of Loxa, had withdrawn himself into the town of Velez the white. To that place there came to him a very dangerous embassage from his unde Muley, feigning to treat of peace and concord, with too great submissions, the better to disguise his intent, which was to kill Mahomet, and the Ambassadors had express charge so to do, who brought him some poisoned presents, to the end that if they failed in the execution of the one, yet the other might take effect. King Mahumet being advertised by his friends of the ambassadors intents, would by no means hear or see them, nor yet receive their gifts, but sent them word to tell his Uncle Muley Boabdellin, that he was sufficiently warned of his proceed, and that he would accept of no other conditions from him, but only to throw him out of the royal throne of Granado, which was his true inheritance, and did in no sort belong unto him, who was a tyrant and a murderer of the Princes of his blood, for the which he did hope shortly to chastise him, and to cut off his head.  
Now was King Mahomet aided and assisted by the commandment of the kings of Castille, by john de Benavides, Governor of Lorcia, and by Don Frederick of Toledo, Governor of the new-conquered countries, and other Christian Captains, who did often enter into the lands and territories of Granado, and were sundry times constrained to beat back the enemies, and to defend their own governments from their invasions. This assistance notwithstanding, King Mahomet the Little was evil entreated by the contrary party, 
Rosh enterprise of K. Mahumet the Little.  dispossessed almost of all, and brought into despair, by which he was driven to a marvelous hazard, either to lose all, or win all: for he went secretly to Granado, not having any intelligence there, and arriving in the night at the gate of the Albaycin, he called to the guards, by whom he was known and brought in, having but four or five men in his company: there he assembled divers of the inhabitants of the Albaycin, and did so well lay open the tyrannies and wrongs which King Muley his Uncle had done to him, and did so persuade them by forcible reasons to favour his right to the Crown of Granado, as every one being moved with pity towards him, and rage against the tyrant, 
Great sedition in Granado.  did take arms in his behalf, and raised a great tumult in the City, crying out, that Mahomet was lawful King. In the morning King Muley Boabdelin, who lay in the Fort of Alhambra, understanding that his Nephew had seized on the Albaycin, caused his people to arm themselves, and came forth into the City, where he likewise had many partakers, where this cursed nation made such havoc and spoil one upon an other, as imagining the streets not to be spacious enough for their fury, they went forth into the fields, and fought a fierce combat, wherein died multitudes of men, and then returning every one into his own Fort, they renewed the skirmishes and assaults a fresh: but Mahomet the little, perceiving his party to be the weaker, he sent to Don Frederick de Toledo, eldest son to the Duke of Alva, who was General of the Christians in the next garrisons, to entreat aid and secure from him. Don Frederick who was wise and discreet, gathered together all the forces he could, and came near to Granada, but would by no means enter into it, to meet whom King Mahomet sent a Moor Captain named Aben-Comix with certain troops of horse, he himself remaining in the City, fortifying himself in certain places. King Muley understanding of Don frederick's coming, sent to offer him battle, but he would not accept thereof, saying, that the Moors feigned to have quarrels among themselves, by that means to entrap him and his soldiers, and to enclose them: wherefore keeping his forces in good order without stirring, he placed the Moors horsemen led by Aben-comix in the Front to sustain the enemy's skirmishes, which were furious and bloody. King Muley Boabdelin el Zagal, perceiving that the Christians kept themselves in order, and that by no means they would come to battle, he did re-enter the City, and began to assail the Albaycin, which was courageously defended, in regard that Don Frederick stayed more than an hour after, in order of battle before the City: but afterward he returned into his Fort, leaving the Moors to murder one another; and because he knew that upon Mahomet the littles victory, King Ferdinand's and Queen Isabella's content and profit did depend, he sent him certain Harquebuziers under the conduct of Ferdinand Aluares Governor of Colmera, by whose valour the Albaycin held out, and the assaults and combats continued fifty days after, King Boabdelins' people being vexed within by King Mahomet, and abroad, by the Christians of the next garrisons.  
Whilst these troubles continued in Granado betwixt the two factions, 
Castille.  King Ferdinand having assembled and reviewed the troops, which from all parts were arrived at Cordova, he went to field with an Army of twenty thousand horse, as well men at Arms, as Genets, and of fifty thousand foot: the chief Commanders were the Masters of Saint james and Alcantara, the Duke of Nagera, the Marquis of Cales, and Villena, the Earls of Benavent, Vregna, Cabra, Oropesa, Feria, Cifuentes, Osorno, Medellin, and Ribadeo. Don Alphonso d' Aguilar, the Treasurer of Calatrava, with the Captains general of the Frontiers of Andaluzia and Murcia. Those which sent their forces thither were the Cordinall of Spain Archbishop of Toledo, the Archbishop of Seville, the Bishops of Burgos and Cuenca, the Dukes of Medina Sidonia, Alva, pleasance, Medina Celi, and Albuquerque, the master of Calatrava, the Marquis of Astorga, and Agull●r the Earls of Castro, Cragna, Saint Steevens, Miranda, Nieva, Priego, Fuensailda, Alva de Lista, Montagu, the Constable, the great Commanders of Calatrava and Leon, with other Lords and Knights of Castille. There came likewise from Arragon divers great Lords, among whom was Don Philip of Navarre, bastard son to the late Prince Charles of Viana, whom King Ferdinand his Uncle had newly made master of the order of Montesa in the Realm of Valentia, having obtained it of the Pope, and deposed Philip Boyll from the same dignity, who had been elected master thereof conventually. Don Lewis Borgia Duke of Gandia was likewise there, with many others of Arragon, 
1487.  Valentia, Sicill and Sardinia. With these great forces they undertook to go and besiege Malaga, 
Velez Malaga besieged.  but first of all it was thought fit to remove all lets and impediments that Velez Malaga might do unto them, the which place was besieged in April 1487.  
And the king being desirous to lodge certain companies of footmen upon a rising hill, which did greatly import the safety of the army, the Moors making a furious sally forth of the city, did beat them from thence, and the King was the same time armed with a Cuirasse, his sword in his hand, exposing himself that day to the enemy's arrows and shot, which fell round about him as thick as hail, being in great danger of his person: nevertheless his people by his presence were encouraged, and forced the Moors to turn their backs, and to shut themselves into the town.  
Albeit, that this valour of the kings be praiseworthy, and highly to be extolled as a singular example, yet notwithstanding it may be reproved, in regard of the conicquence of a mischief which might have happened, therefore they besought him, no more to hazard his person in such dangerous attempts. The next day they assailed the suburbs, where the Moors had barricadoed themselves, who defended it for the space of six whole hours with such obstinacy, as the Christians could not get one foot of ground from them, until that the Duke of Nagera, and the Earl of Benavent came with fresh succours, who caused the enemies to leave the place, but to the cost of divers: for Nugno d' Aquila, and Don Martin of Acugna were slain there, Don Carlo of Guevara, Garcy Lazo de la Vega, Fernando de Vega, john de Merlo, with divers other men of note were hurt. The Artillery was not yet come to the camp, therefore King Fernand caused divers forts to be made against the city, wherein he lodged divers companies of soldiers, and being well acquainted with the Moors policies, he placed in all the ways that led to the camp, in the mountains and valleys, which might any way be an hindrance to the army, divers watches and sentinels, with places for them to retire unto, which were well furnished and defended by valiant soldiers; upon which occasions, sundry profitable things were ordained necessary for martial discipline, the Moors never ceasing from coming down from the Mountains, and making many enterprises upon the army which they kept in continual alarm.  
King Muley Boabdallin on the other side, being importuned by the African Captains, and old Moors of Granado to succour Velez Malaga, he went to field with great numbers of horse and foot, and passing through sharp and narrow places, he sent part of his forces from Bentomnix against the Master of Alcantara, who conducted the artillery; but having intelligence, that king Fernand had sent the great Commander of Leon for his convoy, he called back the Moors, and with all his forces he began the very same night to come down from the hills, and presented himself in order of battle in the view of the Christian army, making show as if they would secure the besieged, or else die in fight. this sudden and unlookt-for arrival of the enemies, made divers at their wit's end, and did in a manner terrify them: wherefore it behoved king Fernand to use his best skill and discretion, so to order matters, as he might not receive a disgrace: but Don Diego Hurtado of Mendoza, brother to the Cardinal of Spain, a brave and resolute knight, being in the forward with the Cardinal's forces, did put them out of fear: for he gallantly opposed himself against the front of the Moors battalions, 
Shameful retreat of the Moors.  and made them to stand still. They perceiving the Christians valour and boldness, did dislodge by break of day, like runaways in such amazement, as many of them fling away their weapons and armour, to be the lighter to run. This notwithstanding, the king would not be over confident, but caused every man to stand still in his order the whole day long and the night following, until he had certain notice that the Moors flight was not feigned but true.  
King Muley Boabdellin by this shameful retreat lost his reputation amongst his own people, 
Moors.  so as they began to detest him, 
Muley Boabdellin rejected, & Mahomet the Little received by the Granadins.  and to incline to his adversary Mahomet the Little. This Moorish army did disperse itself into sundry places, and Muley withdrew himself to Alnumeçar, and then to Almerie, from whence he went to Guadix. By this disgrace of his, King Mahumet the Little found means to recover the Alhambra, and all the strong places of the City, where he cut off the heads of four Moorish knights of the noble family of Aben Carrax, because they had opposed themselves against him at his return from prison. By this means he remained King of Granado alone, and making use of the king of Castile's friendship, he obtained two truces for his vassals, and sufferance to go and traffic in their dominions, and to buy all kind of merchandizes, armour, and victuals excepted: and he did not not only obtain it for those Moors, which were now obedient unto him, but for all those that would submit themselves to his Crown hereafter, and besides that, soldiers, artillery, and all other provision to poursue his Uncle, and to annoy those places which were under his subjection, publishing declaratory letters of his love and good will towards all such as within six months after would submit themselves to him, and threatening grievous punishment to the obstinate and rebelllous.  
The Moors within Velez Malaga having seen the flight of their King Muley Boabdellin el Zagal were out of all hope to receive any succour from him, 
Castille.  and fearing that as soon as the artillery was come, they should be enforced to yield, they compounded by the means of the Earl of Cifuentes, and yielded up the place, their lives and goods being saved, their victuals and armour excepted: and they had licence to departed into Africa, or elsewhere, or if it pleased them, they might remain in Castille. The town of Bentomnix followed the example of Velez Malaga, and the government thereof was given to Pietro Navarro, who from a poor youth, (although a gentleman) and from being a mariner, as it is reported, attained to the degree of a Captain, and afterward became one of the most famous men of his time, as well in the wars of Spain as Italy, and was created Earl of Albeto. The town of Comares, and divers other Castles of the Country called as Alpuxares, hearing of the Kings of Castile's good success, did at the first summons without any resistance submit themselves to their obedience, paying the same tribute to them which they did use to pay to the Moor kings; and upon other conditions which were imposed upon them, to the end to be the better assured of them, till such time as they did become Mudejares, whereby they might live in their vain superstition. The government of Velez Malaga was given to the great Commander Don Guttiere de Cardegna, superintendant or high Treasurer to the Kings.  
The neighbour Countries being thus cleansed of the enemy's places of retreat, 
Malaga besieged.  the army marched to the siege of Malaga, a city, as hath been said, exceeding strong, and well provided of men, victuals, and all other necessaries: within the which a valiant Captain called Hali Duax, had the command of divers valiant Moors, as well of the Realm of Granado, as of African Gomeres, but underneath a General, or Alcayde major, who was as Constable to the King el Zagal, whose name was Amet-zeli, who was then at Guadix, from whence the King made war upon his Nephew, and from thence, at the earnest entreaty of his subjects, he intended to succour Malaga, if need were; which the Kings of Castille sent to summon, promising liberty to the Moors, and assurance of their lives and goods: but they answered that their king had placed them there, not to give the town to the Kings of Castille, but valiantly to defend it, whereof they meant to show sufficient proofs.  
This answer being made, they consulted whether it were best to batter it, or else to besiege it a far off, cutting off their victuals, and annoying them by the neighbour garrisons, until they were enforced to yield: the king remained firm in his opinion, which was to besiege it roundly near hand, notwithstanding, that they prayed him to consider the great strength thereof, as well by nature as by art: for the city of Malago stands upon a plain on the sea side, which beats upon the walls, wherewith it is well rounded: and it was flanquered with strong towers according to those times, having two Castles seated upon a little hill, one of which is called Alcaçava, and the other Gibralfar, which is the highest of the two, whereunto men go from the one to the other, by a way about six foot broad, betwixt two great walls, wherewith it was covered, and these two fortresses were likewise compassed with strong walls and high towers, furnished with Artillery, engines of defence, and great numbers of valiant soldiers, who were all of them determined rather to die then to yield.  
Now for the more easy and commodious lodging of the army, it was needful to win a little hill, seated a stones cast from the fort of Gibralfar, betwixt the same and an high hill: there the Moors made great resistance, notwithstanding it was won, and fourteen thousand footmen, and five and twenty hundred horse were placed there, under the command of the Marquis of Cales: the next day after, they disposed the quarters round about the town: the Marquis had the first, with whom were Don Gattiere of Sottomajor, Don Alvaro Baçan, Fernand de Vega, and the Pourveyor of Villafranca, Don Pedro Vaca, and Garcy Bravo Captain of Atiença, with other Captains and Knights, namely, Charles Areillan, Hernand Carillo, Don Francisco of Bovadilla, Don Diego Lopes d' Ayala, George de Veteta, Governor of Soria, and Michael d' Abassa. The next quarter belonged to Don Diego Fernand of Cordova, having charge of the forces of the Dukes of Albuquerque, and of Medina Sidonia, and so consequently every man had his quarter disposed to him round about the city, the Earl of Cifuentes, Captain of the men of Seville, Don Lorenzo Suares Figueroa, Earl of Feria, and Don Guttiere of Padilla, Treasurer of Calatrava with the forces of Eccia, those of the Earl of Benavent, those of Pero Carillo of Albornos, and of the Archbishop of Seville, than the companies of the Earl of Vregna, those of Don Alphonso of Aguilar, of the Duke of Nagera, of Don Frederick of Toledo, of john Aluares, and of Alphonso Osorio: Don Diego Hurtado of Mendoza followed after with the forces of the Cardinal his brother, the Earl of Cabra, the great Commander of Leon, with the men of Cordova, those of Don Garcy Lopes of Padilla, Master of Calatrava, of Don Antonio of Fonseca, of Antonio d' Aguilar, of Don Alphonso of Cardegna, Master of Saint james, those of Don Lewis Fernand Porto Carrero Lord of Palma, and of Don john of Estuniga Master of Alcantara.  
Malaga being thus besieged, the King's tent was known by the Moors, who bestowed many cannon shot upon it from the city, so as they were constrained to remove it behind a little hill. The battery planted to the most convenient places was great and furious from the Marquis of Cales quarter against the Castle of Gibralfar, the which in many places was pierced and overthrown in many places, and as soon repaired by the Moors. The Marquis having taken away the towers which did offend him, advanced his lodging a stones cast nearer to the fort, but he was constrained to return to his former quarter by the continual sallies which the Moors made upon him and his people, fight with such fury, as they came to the poniard, and slew the Captain of Atiença, and Inigo Lopes of Medran, Lord of Cavagnillas, Gabriel of So●tomajor, and other valiant men, besides divers hurt, in the number of whom was the Marquis, who was shot into the arm with an arrow, for the Moors fought from a place of great advantage. At this siege, two great ships of war arrived on the coast of Malaga, commanded by Don Ladron de Guevara sent from Flanders by Maximilian of Austria king of the Romans', husband to the heir of Bourgondie, and father to Philip which was son-in-law to the Kings of Castille, 
The Emperor Maxmilian sends Artillery and powder from Flanders to the king of Castille.  who for the service of this war did send these two vessels laden with divers pieces of brass Ordnance, and barrels of powder, bells for the use of the Churches of the places newly conquered, great store of metal, with workmen to work it, with other instruments and things necessary for the war, being desirous for his part to partake in some sort the honour of this great conquest which his posterity enjoyeth at this day. A tower of the city being won with great toil and effusion of blood, was quickly recovered again by the Moors, who grew more obstinate in their defence, by means of a false rumour raised by certain cowards of the camp, which desired to return home again, who said, that Queen Izabella did solicit the King her husband to raise his siege, because the plague was within and about divers places of the City, and in this hope the Barbarians did valiantly resist all assaults. The King to let them understand, that his intent was otherwise, sent for the Queen to come to the camp, who was accompanied thither by great numbers of voluntary Knights: and then he sent word to the besieged, that if they would yield, he would use them gently as he had done others, if not, he gave them to understand, that he would not departed thence, till the city were taken, and that then they should expect nothing but rigour; to the which they made no answer, but did straightly command that not any one amongst them should dare, upon pain of life, to talk of any agreement or composition with the kings of Castille: and they did indeed kill divers upon the same occasion, being resolved to hold out till their last breath, the which did greatly prolong the siege, where powder beginning to fail, the galleys were sent to Valencia, Barcelona, yea into Sicill, which brought thither great quantity.  
The King of Portugal being entreated to send some thither likewise, did it willingly, & with great speed. There was no part of the day almost, which was free from skirmisnes, where many men of either side died daily: wherefore certain Moors of the City being displeased with the loss of their friends, and foreseeing the danger whereinto they were likely to fall, yet not daring to speak of composition, did secretly send a messenger to the camp, to tell king Fernand, that if he would promise to save their lives and goods, they would give him entrance, whereunto the king consented, and as this Moor returned, he was taken by certain Gomeres of Africa, who assailed him with their swords in such sort, as he returning hurt to the camp, died there, and so the treaty ended. As the land skirmishes were continual, so were those at sea, where the army of Castille did hinder, as much as in them lay, any entrance of coming forth of the city, and to redress the sallies by land, there were by the diligence of Garcy Lazo de la Vega, john d' Estuniga, and Diego of Tayde, divers forts made, and great trenches drawn, where divers great Corpse de guard were placed, so as the Moors in that manner shut in, could not do so much hurt, nor vex the army as before it had done, the Moors being nevertheless constant in their resolution to hold out to the last man, notwithstanding that victuals did greatly decrease in the city: for they were advertised by divers traitors of the camp of whatsoever was done there good or bad, and oftentimes they told them, that which was false, in such sort as they were not discouraged, but did believe, that the king and Queen would shortly be constrained to departed thence, and there were some that left the city, under colour of yielding themselves to the King, and to become Christians, who falsely reported, that there was great and incredible abundance of victuals, and all other necessaries in the city, to the end thereby to cause the Christians to leave the siege, the which report did put the King and his Council into a study, whether they should cease the batteries and assaults, and keep the siege by sea with certain galleys, or else by land with certain forts to starve them by little and little: 
The Arabians live with a little.  but weighing the nature of that nation, who live with so little meat, as it is to be wondered at, this counsel was rejected as unfruitful, wherefore the batteries were renewed, and to that end divers artificial engines were made of excellent invention, and mines were wrought in divers places, which being discovered by the industrious and vigilant Moors, were cause of the death of a great number of brave soldiers. King Boabdellin el Zagal being daily solicited to succour Malaga, went forth of Guadix, with certain troops of horse and foot, but being met and encountered by the army of his nephew Mahomet, which came forth of Granado for the same purpose, he was vanquished and put to flight, whereof King Fernand had speedy intelligence, to his great contentment. Within the besieged city were certain Moors that were esteemed holy men, who with mad and idle prattle went about to encourage the soldiers, saying, that the dead did greatly desire to rise again, for to help them to drive the Christians thence, with other such like words, which were of great force to animate that superstitious race. There arrived at the camp fresh supplies of horse and foot from Arragon, Valencia, and Cattalognia, which did much encourage the assailants, who had this advantage, not to want victuals. The K. of Tremessen being advertised by the Moors which daily passed into Africa under the King's safeconduct of their great good success in those wars of Granado, sent his Ambassadors to them with rich presents, who did request their friendship and protection, and permission for their King's subjects to sail upon the seas without hurt or fear of the Spanish galleys, the which was granted them, so as the King their master did not give aid and assistance to those of Malaga, and other Moors of Granado their enemies. Matters standing at a stay, a certain Moor borne at Tunis, leading a solitary life near to Guadix, called Abraham Alguerri, a man of a low stature, and aged, began to preach how that their Prophet Mahumet had revealed to him, that if Malaga were this one time relieved, it should never more be in danger to be taken: therefore under the conduct of this Hermit, who was reputed a holy man, four hundred horsemen did hazard to enter the town, who making way through the guards and trenches of the camp, two hundred of them passed into the city, and the rest of them were cut in pieces.  
The Hermit in the mean time had withdrawn himself aside, and looking as if he had been ravished in spirit, was at his prayers in great devotion: the Christian soldiers which pursued the Moors did find him, and brought him before the Marquis of Cales, who asked him what he was, he made answer that he was an holy man, unto whom God revealed his great secrets, which should happen in that siege, and end by the taking of Malaga,  the number of seven; and what signifies seven said the Marquis, are they years or months? they are neither years nor months, quoth the Hermit but weeks, days, or hours, but inquire no farther of me: for Alla (that is God) hath commanded me, to tell the rest in secret to the King and Queen, and to none others. The Marquis although he made a jest of that he heard the Moor say, did nevertheless send him to the King, by a revolted Moor; for he would not leave his own quarter, especially so soon after the fight: when he arrived, the King was a sleep, and the Queen taking no delight to behold such manner of foolish people, he was brought into a tent, 
A Mahometan Hermits' murderer.  where Don Beatrix de Bovadilla was in talk with Don Alvaro Son to the Duke of Bragança who was fled from Portugal, and Ruy Lopes de Toledo the Queen's Treasurer. The Marchiones looking upon this old Hermit, bade them give him some meat: he seeing her to be richly appareled, and they that were with her in like manner, asked those that were next him, if it was the King, and Queen, they to mock him, told him it was they. Then the villain, who of purpose came from his cell with an intent to kill them, laid hand upon a short Cimetar, that he wore under his habit, and therewith gave Don Alvaro, such a stroke upon the head, as he had well near slain him, and being ready to do as much to the Marquis, the Treasurer there present did hold him back, and the rest run out of the tent, yet at the noise divers of the Marquis servants, came running in and hewed the wicked Hermit in pieces. The King being awake and hearing what was done, did greatly wonder at his boldness, and was afterward better guarded. The pieces of the Moors body, were with engines thrown into the City, in revenge whereof the Moors did kill a Christian prisoner, who was a man of note, and setting him upon an ass, they drove it towards the camp, where at the same instant Don Henriques de Guzman, Duke of Medina Sidonia with his train did arrive, who besides the supply of soldiers, which he brought, did lend the King twenty thousand golden doubles, and the very day of his coming, more than a hundred ships laden with victuals and munition did arrive in the road near to Malaga, wherewith the army was greatly refreshed, and the Duke highly honoured and esteemed, for such a service: Soon after, there arrived other succours from the Duke of Infantasgo. The Moors being again summoned to yield, and not to attend the miseries, which a victory gotten by force doth bring with it, being still obstinate, and having notice of certain diseases in the camp, they would by no means hearken thereunto: wherefore they were assailed a fresh, and did as valiantly defend themselves, killing many Christians. The city being in great want of victuals, the Moors did already begin to eat roasted skins, and other such like things, but they had still some idle Prophet or other which confirmed them in there obstinacy: yet notwithstanding, two of the chiefest Moors in the city, 
Superstitions moors.  whose names were Amet-Aben-Amar, and Ali Dudux, and with them an Alfaqui called Abraham Alharis; with divers Merchants, officers, and men of quality, being joined together, came and besought the governor to take some order, for the people of the City, which died for hunger, who without any hope of relief, could not annoyed the enemy's rigour, and that he needed not to think it a disgrace to him to yield the city of Malaga, seeing that other places as strong as it in the realm of Granado had yielded to the Christians: if he thought to better their estate by a battle, they wished him to march forth to the fight, for they were not able any longer to live, in so great necessity: but all this served to no purpose. The King perceiving the obstinacy of this wretched people, caused certain pieces of ordnance to be bend against the towers of the bridge, the first of which was won by assault, Francisco Ramiers of Madrid Captain of the artillery, hasting and increasing the battery to prepare entrance for the soldiers was by the king made knight the same day for his good service. The besieged being brought to the last despair, a great troop of horse and foot animated by one of their Prophets, made a furious sally upon the quarters of the masters of Saint james, and Alcantara, where at the beginning they caused great disorder coming unlooked for, but at the last they were repulsed and beaten back with great slaughter, and the Moor Prophet was the first man that was slain. By this overthrow the Alcaide or Governor being excused from making any more resistance, gave the inhabitants leave to capitulate as well as they could with the Kings of Castille: wherefore they sent Amet-Aben-Amar, and Ali Dudux, and three other principal Moors to the Camp, who besought the Kings to receive them for Mudejares or vassals, and to give to them and the rest of the Citizens, the town of Coin to dwell in, and to permit those that would, to pass into Africa with their goods: the King told them that the great Commander of Leon should make them an answer, the which was, that for as much as the extremity of hunger had constrained them to yield, and not any good will to the Kings, it behoved them to yield to their mercy. Those of the town having understood the King's resolution by their deputies, did say, that in regard they went about to take away the liberty of their persons, they were resolved to hang five hundred Christian prisoners on the walls, and then to come forth every man with his sword in hand, and to die fight: the King sent them word that if they did put one Christian to death, he would without any mercy, put them all to the edge of the sword. Those of Malaga once again sent fourteen Moors of every quarter of their City to the Camp, who brought with them a writing which they showed for an example of the deceased Kings of Castile's clemency used to the subjugated Moors, and with great humility they begged for mercy. divers of the Lords and Captains were of opinion to put all that rascally obstinate nation to death, who were enemies to the name of a Christian: but the Queen's more just and Christianlike opinion was followed, which was to save all their lives. Then the King wrote back to them, that their lives were only granted, and no more: whereat the Moors being much astonished, were at strife amongst themselves, some being of opinion to make a desperate sally upon the Christians with their weapons, and to set fire on the City, and all the wealth thereof, following the examples of certain towns of Spain in ancient times; but they who thought it better to become slaves, did prevail. Thus was the City of Malaga yielded: 
The City of Malaga yielded.  the great Commander of Leon entering first into it with his troops in arms, by means of hostages, who seized upon the City, towers and Forts thereof, and having disarmed the Moors of all their weapons and munition, all people of both sexes and of all ages were assembled in the two base Courts of the Castle of Alcaçavo, where most lamentable cries of Morish men and women were heard, lamenting their liberty, and goodly City lost, with their Forts, Towers and Castles, which could not defend her citizens lives, nor give them burial after their death. Among the multitude, twelve renegades Christians were found, who served as spies for the Moors, who were stricken thorough with Darts, and so slain: the Christian prisoners were delivered and sent home to their houses, favoured and rewarded by the Kings. Two other Sea towns near to Malaga, were likewise taken, and the Moors made slaves, by Pedro de Vera whom the King had sent thither.  
After that all things were surely possessed by the Christians in Malaga, the Bishops and Clergy made their entrance, who performed the accustomed ceremonies, purifications, dedications, with such other solemnities, as we have heretofore written: and the Kings having at the same time received a Bull from Pope Innocent, by the which he granted them and their successors, authority to name and appoint Bishops and other Ecclesiastical dignities needful in the Realm of Granado, it was thought fit to restore the Bishop's Sea to the City of Malaga, 
Don Pedro de Toleno Bishop of Malaga.  as it had been in times past, and Don Pedro de Toledo was chosen Bishop of the same, who was a Cannon of Seville, a man of great learning and merit, who was confirmed therein by the Pope, unto whom the Kings sent a hundred moors Gomeres of Africa for a present, and to Queen joane of Naples the King's sister, fifty Morish maids, and thirty to the Queen of Portugal: of all the other slaves, the third part of them was divided among the Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, and Captains of the Camp: an other third part was employed for the redemption and exchange of Christian Captines: and an other third part remained to the Kings, towards their great costs and charges sustained in that siege, the which lasted three months and one day, which was the eighteen of August this year 1487.  
The order and government of the City being disposed, the command thereof was given to Don Garcia Fernandes Manrique, who had been Corregidor of Cordova. The judges, Rectors, and Iurates, with other Officers of justice, being established, the goods were distributed to such as were received for new inhabitants, who were provided of good and wholesome laws, though fit and necessary for those times.  
These matters with others being dispatched, the King and Queen returned victorious and triumphant to Cordova; where they were no sooner arrived, but they began to think upon necessary provisions for the next years war: for, seeing they had had so happy success already, they were very loath to give it over by any interruption whatsoever.  
In the interim of these great businesses, the strifes of divers Arragonois did still trouble the King's ears, for that in regard of his long absence, all appeals coming before the Magistrate, whom they call justice of Arragon, all evident wrongs, excesses, and outrages committed by the great ones, were with partiality drawn out in length. The Kings left Cordova and came to Sarragossa, where they assembled the Estates to redress those insolences which were complained of. The Estates being persuaded by the Vicechancellor of the Kingdom, whom the King had appointed to speak unto them, did relinquish divers points of their pretended rights and liberties, and did suffer many things to be reform, and namely, they were content to establish the Courts of justice of the Hermandades or brotherhoods, 
Hermandades in Arragon.  after the manner of Castille, a most profitable and necessary matter for the whole country, and did besides that obtain great subsidies of money for the King towards the wars of Granado. 
Inquisition in Arragon.  And because the Inquisition brought great profit to the King's coffers in Castille, of the goods of the jews and Moors, which were revolted to their foolish superstitions: it was decreed, that like proceeding should be used against them in Arragon, and judges appointed to make their definitive sentence. One of the said Commissioners had like to have been slain, by those manner of people, on a morning in the Church of Sarragossa, which gave them occasion to inquire more diligently of such as were faulty: wherein, choler, greediness of gain, and desire to fill the king's coffers, made them greatly to exceed, the which the practice of their successors at this day can very well witness: the obstinate were burned, and those which did reconcile themselves, or were in any fault at all, were fleeced to the very quick.  
The Kings passing into the Realm of Valencia, which was troubled with the same diseases, did call the Estates to Orihuela, where they made divers goodly Edicts. Whilst the Court lay at Valencia, there entered into Cattalonia an Ambassador from the French king Charles the eighth, sent to King Fernand, who sent to meet him, and to let him understand, that unless he brought with him the restitution of the Earldom of Rossillon, he might return from whence he came, 
King Fernand refuseth to hear or see the French Ambassador.  and for aught that the Ambassador could say or do, he could not be suffered to come to Valencia, but was enforced to return without being heard or seen. King Charles at the same time was troubled with civil wars against the Duke of Orleans, Duke Francis of Britain, and the Lord of Albret, who was dispossessed of his lands, father to john of Albret who was king of Navarre, and with others.   

john of Albret, and Katherine of Navarre, Kings of Navarre, accounted for the 35. in the order of the Kings.  
JOHN of Albret, 
Navarre.  the son of Alain, of whom we have made mention heretofore, was married to Catherine the heir of Navarre: but before we come to the declaration thereof, it shall be needful to speak of the state wherein the late King Francis Phoebus left the succession to his sister Katherine who reigned after him. john, Viscount of Narbone, uncle to her, 
john Viscount of Narbon quarrels for the Earldom of Foix, and signory of Bearne.  and to the deceased King, did forthwith quarrel with the Lords of Foix and Bearne, saying, that for those lands, lying upon the limits of the Realm of France, where women do not succeed, that Queen Catherine his Niece was incapable of enjoying them, and therefore she ought to content herself with her inheritance of Navarre, which is governed by other laws, and to leave those two Lordships to him. Upon this strife great war arose betwixt the parties the Viscount of Narbonne, being favoured by jasper of Villemur, Seneschal of Foix, and the Lord of Calmont, john of castle Verdun, and others; who the year 1484. leading with them forces of horse and foot, took, through the treachery of one called Romengas, the town of Maçeres, and then they seized on Monthault, and in the end they came to assail Pamiers, where the citizens would willingly have received the Viscount, whom they acknowledged to be a son of the house of Foix, but not his soldiers, whereat the Viscount being enraged, went to S. Antony's, which is the Cathedral church, and the Bishop's place of residence, from whence he drove away Paschal, who was Bishop and possessor thereof, and enthronised Matthew Artigalu therein, who pretended and pleaded the said Bishopric against the other: the Viscount moreover, doing his best to enter into Pamiers, but the inhabitants persisting in their resistance, he was constrained to retire to Maseres, from which place he continued the war against his Niece, and the princess Magdalen her mother, who sent in the year 1485. john of Lautrec to keep and defend the country of Foix with divers troops levied in Bearne, and in the Earldom of Bigorre, as also to recover that which john of Foix Viscount had usurped. Lautrec marching on to execute his commission, was prevented by the way by Raymond Lordat, Lord of Rodel, who entreated him, from those of Savardun, who some few days before had yielded to the Viscount, to pardon them, in regard they did it to avoid the present danger, and to appease the viscounts fury, against whom they were not strong enough to resist, they being desirous with all their hearts to serve queen Catherine their natural Princess, and that if her pleasure were to receive them, they would obey her, and most willingly would cast off the viscounts yoke: therefore the Lord of Rodell entreated him to make all the hast he could to Savardun, assuring him that he should be kindly welcomed, and let into the town. Lautrec accepting this offer marched thither, and arrived at the bridge gate, at the same instant, when as the Viscount of Narbone, who was advertised of all their practices entered at another gate called Vlmet. These two Lords being met together in this sort, did in stead of assailing one another, perform offices of complement, and they fell into discourse of peace, which grew to this conclusion, that john of Foix should enjoy Savardun, Maseres, Monthault, and S. Espartio, with the church of S. Anthony, the castle of Heremen and Montagu, with other places and forts, the which agreement, as being unlawful, was not observed: for within a few days after, Odet Cardinal of Carcasson, recovered Montagu and S. Anthony's, and restored them to Queen Catherine. Lautrec likewise on the other side took Montagu, S. Espartio, with the castle of Heremen, which he overthrew. In those businesses was queen Catherine entertained in the beginning of her reign, to the great contentment of the chief Lords of the factions in Navarre, who in the mean time managed their own affairs by the intelligences which they had in Castilè, notwithstanding any impediment that the Lord of Aubenas was able to give them, who was Viceroy in that Kingdom.  
The year following, which was 1486. john Viscount of Foix in recompense of the losses he had sustained, did by intelligence with certain of the Inhabitants surprise the town of Pamiers, and left the Lord of Lavellane with certain companies of soldiers there: but Captain Peter Bunfiere, did, by the self same means, and by the help of a Lock-smith who made false keys to the gate of Conserans, being sent thither by the Princess Magdalen, and the Queen her daughter, recover the said town, slew divers of the Garrison with Lavellanet their Captain, and carried thence whatsoever he found: yet for all this, the war ended not, but continued to the great hindrance and prejudice of the countries of Foix and Bearne: during which turmoils, the Princess Magdalen rejecting the great and profitable match which was offered by the Prince of Castille, married her daughter to john of Albret, which caused many troubles in the Realm of Navarre: 
The factious of Navarr hinder their Princess marriage.  For it was no easy matter to bring the factious to any reason. Those which had any intelligences with Castille, were so far off from desiring this marriage with Prince john of Castille, as they hindered it to their uttermost power, because they would not be subject to a Prince that was mighty, and had means to punish their crimes, and yet nevertheless, they could make use of the occasion, why that match was not accomplished, by resisting their Princess and john of Albret her husband, and by that means upheld themselves in their tyrannies. The absence of the Cardinal of Foix, the Queen's Uncle, was a great hindrance to her affairs: For this year 1486. he was sent for to Rome by Pope Innocent the eighth, to be employed for the pacification of Naples, which was troubled with civil wars betwixt the Barons and their King Fernand, the same king being at great strife with the Pope, who sent this Cardinal to Naples with power as Legate ●a latere, where in some sort, he composed those differences: but he died at Rome, and never returned more into Navarre: the state of which Kingdom being thus miserably distracted, Amand, Lord of Albret, father to the new king, did resolve to enter into Navarre, where having had conference with the Lord of Aubenas his brother, who was Viceroy there, and then with john de Ribera, who spoiling the country for the King of Castille at the same time, under colour of defending and upholding the Constable D. Lewis of Beaumond, Earl of Lerin, and who had taken certain towns, he dealt in such sort, 
Castillans' spoil the Realm of Navarr.  as he persuaded him to go with him to Valencia to king Fernand, where being arrived, the Lord of Albret being welcomed and kindly entreated, did beseech the King to accept of the desire he had to do him service, in stead of the effect, for so much as he was a poor Knight, unjustly expelled from his country by the French King, who was moved against him, 
Amand of Albret, 〈◊〉 the K of Castille to war upon K. Charles the eight.  and john of Albret his son, whose person with his kingdom of Navarre, he came to offer unto him, requesting him to receive them into his protection: and also that he had commission to make the like request for the Dukes, Francis of Britain, and Lewis of Orleans, poursued and afflicted by the same King Charles, each of whom promised him service and aid for the recovery of his Earldom of Rossillon, and in all other occasions. 
King Fernand savoues Amand of Al●ret against King Charles.  The Lord of Albrets' speech was favourably and attentively heard by King Fernand, who granted all that which he demanded in the behalf of the king his son, commanding john de Ribera to restore to him or his Lieutenants Viana, with all the rest of the places, which he held in the Realm of Navar. And did moreover give order for the rigging forth of an army by sea in Guipuscoa and Biscay, against the French King for the aid of the abovenamed Princes, who had likewise solicited Henry the seventh King of England to take their part, who inclined thereunto, so as a great number of Spanish ships did lie upon the coasts of Britain, whose Admiral was Monsieur Gralla, with whom Alain of Albret returned, and an army out of England was likewise sent, conducted by the Lord Scales to the hurt of the Frenchmen, who by means of a victory obtained by K. Charles or his Lieutenants, 
K. Charles his victory at S. Aubin.  at S. Aubin, did deliver themselves from all danger, the D. of Orleans, and Monsieur Gralla being taken prisoners: the Lord of Albret escaped, and the D. of Britain died for grief of mind, leaving two daughters, Anne the eldest, albeit that she was promised to Maximilian King of the Romans, who was of the D. of Orleans faction, was won by King Charles to be his wife, who was desirous by such a marriage to unite the Duchy of Britain to his Crown. And because he was betrothed to Marguerit● of Austria, daughter to the king of the Romans', who being very young, was brought up in France, in hope of the future marriage, he sent her home again, and she was afterwards married to Prince john of Castille. The Bretons ever hating the French government, 
The Britons oppose themselves against the French King.  keeping their Princess in the Castle of Nantes, made new practices with the Kings of Castille and England, and obtained great aid from both of them, Don Diego Peres Sarmjento Earl of Salinas, being General of the Spanish Army on the coast of Britain, with Don Pero Carillo de Albornos, and other renowned Captains, having two hundred men at arms, and great numbers of footmen, Crossbows, Pikes, and Harquebuziers, who were called in those days Espingardiers. King Charles in the mean time came with a mighty Army, and besieged Nantes, and by intelligence with some, he obtained the City, Castle, and the Duchess whom he married in the year 1489. and made her French Queen, making himself Master of her inheritance, in despite of the Britons. This fair and gracious Princess Anne, was daughter to Duchess Marguerite, and grandchild to Queen Leonar of Navarre, as hath been already said, and cousin germane to Queen Catherine of Navarre, of whom we now treat.  
We will now return to the Kings of Castille. 
Castille.  After the assembly of the states of the Realm of Valencia at Orihuela, where diverse ancient customs were reform, and many notable orders received and established, they came to Murcia, with an intent to war upon the Moors from that part. There did Don Frederick de Toledo Captain of the King's guards, 
Death of Don Garcy Aluares and of D Aluarode Estuniga.  ask leave to visit Don Garcy Aluares de Toledo his father, who lay deadly sick; in wose dignities, to wit, the Duchy of Alva, the Marquisat of Coria, and Earldom of Barco, his son succeeded him. This year likewise died Don Alvaro d' Estuniga Duke of pleasance, leaving his son of the same name successor in his Duchy. The Bishop of Astorga likewise died, in whose place Bernardin de Caruajall was substituted, who was afterward Cardinal of the Sea of Rome, of the title of the holy Crosse. The companies from all parts of the kingdom made their rendezvous at Lorca, whether King Ferdinand marched, having in his company the Duke of Albuquerque, the Marquis of Cales, the Earls of Lemos, Saint Steevens, Castro, Cabra, Montagu, Buendia, and Don Henry Henriques the great Master, Don Pero Lopes de Padilla Captain of the frontiers of Castille, Don john Chacon, Captain of the frontier of Murcia and others. The Army being ready to march, the Marquis of Cales, and the Captain of the frontier of Murcia leading the forward, marched against the City of Vera, the inhabitants whereof, who were moors, being assured that they came towards them, 
Vera yielded by composition.  would not fall into the like mischief as those of Malaga, wherefore they sent out before to the Marquis, offering to yield their City to King Ferdinand, if he were there in person: wherefore the King made haste, and the City submitted unto him on condition that their lives, liberties and goods might be saved, with promise to live in their religion in the next towns, or else where they should think good. Garcy Laso de la Vega Master of the King's Hall, was made Governor of Vera. divers others strong towns and castles on those marches, being moved by the reports of the King's clemency, and fearing likewise their great power, sent their Alfaquins or wise Councillors and deputies, 
Places yielded to the King and Queen of Castille.  to offer them obedience and tribute, as they were accustomed to pay to the Moor Kings, and namely the two Velez, the white and the red, Muxicar, Cuevas, Telefique Huescar, and Porchena, Tabara, Alborca, Serena, Torilla, Monjacar, Tabernas and Benamaruel: the inhabitants of which places and divers others, made themselves Mudejares or vassals to king Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, keeping their ceremonies and sect. The Army after this marched towards Almerie, the which town was then only looked upon by certain light skirmishes with the Moors of the garrison: then part of the army marched on forward within the view of Baça, where King Muley Boabdelin was then in person, who came forth with certain troops of horse and foot, and made a great skirmish, where D. Philip of Navarre and Arragon died, who was master of Monteza, nephew to the King, and son to Prince Don Charles of Viana, by us oftentimes heretofore mentioned, with other men of note, the which caused the Christians to make their retreat, who were insolently pursued in the Rear by the Moors, who notwithstanding were afterward beaten back by the Captain of the frontier of Murcia. King Ferdinand leaving for that time Almerie and Baça, two strong places, marched towards Huescar which yielded, and Don Rodrigo Manrique was made Governor thereof.  
Whilst the war continued in these quarters, 
Injury done to one of the king's Receivers of his money, and punishment of the offenders.  the Captain of Alva de Tormes, and the governor of the Duke of Alva's lands, did Bastonado one of the King's Collectors of his rents, which the King having notice of, the Licentiate Lewis de Polanco Provost of the Court was sent thither to do justice thereupon, who took the Captain of Alva in his own Castle, and caused him to be hanged in the same place where he had done the deed: As for the Governor of the Country, he was brought to the Chancery at Valiodolit, and there condemned to have his hand stricken off, and to be for ever banished out of the King's dominions. In the which place of Valiodolit the Court came and wintered: 
Moneys.  there was an Edict made concerning the moneys, that the silver coin should be thenceforth made of the same sterling as that of Paris.  
It was enacted not long before in Portugal, to coin certain kinds of gold of two and twenty Carates, 
Portugal.  of the golden mine of Guiney, and likewise certain silver money, called, Twenties, of the worth of twenty Res, which were equivalent to the Maravedis of Castille: for thirty six Res, were at that time worth a Real, as thirty six Maravedis in Castille and Navarre: The affairs of which kingdom since the execution of the Lords made by King john were quiet and peaceable; for every one seeing that he had not spared his own blood, kept himself still, and this King was not only reverenced in Portugal, but likewise in Africa, where he possessed much land: in so much as the Moors of Azamor, who had been in times passed under the subjection of Portugal, and were now revolted, did again this year submit themselves unto it: about which time he built the Fountain at Setuball. And having no businesses to hinder him, he went about to pursue new enterprises, no less profitable for mankind, than honourable to the house of Portugal: Having had the opinion and advise of diverse great personages skilful in cosmography, and all other Mathematical sciences, and especially good Mariners, he sent away Bartholomew Dias, with a certain religious Friar, named Anthony, enjoining them to coast the shores of Africa of the Ocean sea, 
Navigations of the Portugals into the Ocean sea, pursued by the commandment of King john.  till they could be able to relate unto him how far that land stretched, and how the voyage which he conceived in his own understanding, might be made by the South into the East, to the countries and Islands where the spices grow: Bartholomew Dias and the Friar arrived at the Cape of Bonasperanza, or good hope, which is the farthest stretched out point of Africa beyond the Equinoctial winter Tropic, 
Cape de bona Speranza.  and doubling again the East, 
River of the Infant.  they came to the mouth of the Island termed by them, of the Infant, which is a hundred and fifty leagues farther than the Cape of good hope. There Friar Anthony with the consent of Bartholomew Dias landed, and travailed with such turnings up and down this unknown world, 
Friev Anthony's long and dangerous journey.  as he brought himself with great labour and danger, as it is credible, into Palestine to the City of jerusalem, taking a careful note of all things.  
Bartholomew Dias returned by sea into Portugal, the same way he came, and informed the King of all that he had seen or known of the shores and sea coasts: as Friar Anthony did the like of his land voyage, being returned a good while after, the which increased King john's desire to execute his praiseworthy enterprise, esteeming, and not without reason, that by the knowledge and practice of that Navigation great profit might redound to his kingdom. Now the better to understand the costs and charges of this traffic for Spices brought from the Islands of the Moluccoes', and to be able to reckon what the commodity thereof might come to, following the passage of the Ocean sea: he sent Pedro de Covanilla and Alphonso de Payva into the East, 
King john's diligence to learn the voyage to the East by the Ocean sea, and the Island of Moluccoes'.  who were wise and discreet persons, and very skilful in the Arabian tongue, to bring him word of the traffic of these countries: Having then furnished them with money, credit, and other necessaries for so long a voyage, they went to Naples, and from thence by Rhodes to jerusalem, from whence they passed by Alexandria to Cairo, than they went to Aden, to Ormuz, and at last came to Calicut, and other places of the Indies, carrying with them for their conduct, a Card or Compass made by the licenciate Calsadilla Bishop of Viseo, the Doctor Rodrigue, Pero d' Alcaçaba, and Moses a jew, who had drawn it after the description of Martin of Boheme the great Mathematician, taking information of all the parts of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and of the Indies where there is any traffic, fairs or assemblies of people. Alphonso Payva died in this voyage: Pedro de Covanilla was detained by Prester john Emperor of Ethiopia, so as the King could have no relation from any of them concerning their voyage: yet Covanilla found means to write a discourse of what he had learned, and sent it afterward to the King, by one Rabi Abraham, and joseph de Lamego, who having been already in Persia, were sent back again by King john to here some news of the said Pedro de Covanilla. This discourse did whet on the King's desire to effect this voyage, for the which purpose he did arm certain Caravels this year 1488. at the same time the marriage of his son Prince Alphonso, and the Infanta Isabel eldest daughter to the King of Castille, whereof mention was made in the treaty of peace betwixt Spain and Portugal, was wholly agreed upon, albeit the Prince was then but thirteen years of age: For the charges of which marriage the Estates of the Kingdom gave to King john the sum of a hundred thousand golden crusadoes: at which time the King being desirous to advance to wealth and honour D. Pedro de Meneses Earl of Villareal and Lord of Almeyda being at Beja, he created him Marquis of Villareal, and Earl of Oren.  
There came now into Castille a great embassage from Maxmilian of Austria King of the Romans, 
Castille.  who in the city of Valiodolit propounded to King Fernand and Queen Isabel, the desire which that Prince had to alley himself more straightly with them by marriages, demanding the Infanta Isabel for himself, and the Infanta joane their daughters for his son Philip, setting down divers commodities which such a conjunction might bring with it, namely in making war upon the French. These Ambassadors being come by sea, their charges borne thorough the King's countries, and highly honoured, they did return with an answer, containing very gracious and pertinent excuses: to wit, that the Infanta Donna Isabel was promised to Prince Alphonso of Portugal, but as for the Infanta D. joane, who was a young child, considering that the long attendance for such a marriage might weary the Archduke Philip, they could say nothing, but that as soon as she should be of age, if the occasion should serve, they would esteem the alliance and friendship of so great Princes as most honourable and highly to be desired, and that they being at that instant greatly busied in the wars of Granado, 
Plaisance taken from D. Alvaro's da Estuniga.  could hardly think as yet upon the French wars. Whilst the Court stayed at Valiodolit, Isabel caused the city of pleasance to be surprised and taken from Alvaro d' Estuniga who bore the title of Duke thereof, where she established officers of the crown: and because the castle made some resistance, she caused it to be besieged by those of Salamanca, Ciudad-Roderigo, and the men of Extremadura: but the Duke knowing it to be to no purpose to make resistance did forthwith command to yield it up: so this city was reunited to the crown this year 1488. The Dukes of pleasance did then and afterwards entitle themselves Dukes of Bejar. Those of the family of Caruajall did chiefly assist the Queen in this enterprise. The same year died Donna Beatrice Pimentell, who was wife to Don Alvaro de Luna Constable of Castille and Master of Saint james, who was executed by order of law, she lived five and thirty years in honest widowhood, 
Jews and converted Moors oppressed by standerons reports.  and lies buried in the Cathedral Church of Toledo in the Chapel of Saint james near to her husband. The Kings passed this year in the above named businesses about provision of necessary things for the future war of Granado, doing justice, and in persecuting the new converts returned to judaisme, who were oftentimes overthrown by false and slanderous accusations, whereof inquiry was principally made at Toledo, where divers false witnesses were punished.  
During this stay in old Castille far from the Moors, 
Moors.  they taking advantage of the occasion, did freely overrun the country and surprised the city of Nixar, carelessly kept by captain Bernard Francisco, where they slew three score gentlemen, and prevailed against the Christians in divers other encounters, killing many, in number of whom the Commander Ruy Diaz Maldonado, son to Doctor Roderic, Lord of Aquila Fuente was one, who was a valiant knight, they took and burnt the town of Cuellar, constraining the Christians that kept it to save themselves within the castle, the which they defended by the space of five days against the enraged assaults of the Moors by the discretion and valour of john d' Aualos Lieutenant to captain Charles de Viedma who was absent.  
In the spring of the year 1489. King Fernand and Queen Isabel, departed from Valiodolit, 
Castille.  and came by Guadalupa not without great devotion, to jaen, with intent to go and besiege Baça: for this purpose they had levied thirteen thousand horse, and four and twenty thousand foot, who having mustered at Sottogordo, the army began to march, the Master of Saint james conducted the vanguard, and had for forerunners, according to the ancient custom, the captain de los Donzelles, with the Provost Marshals, whose charge was to provide the lodgings of the camp: King Fernand knowing that the siege would be long and difficult, and that the Moors of Guadix and Almery, which held King Boabdelins' el Zagals part, would desturbe them as much as in them lay, did place guards and watches in fit places, as well to withstand surprises, as to secure the victuallers and other people which served and followed the camp. The first attempt which the army made, was at Cujar, a strong place, and furnished with all manner of munition for the wars, by reason whereof being summoned, they answered with arms, sallying forth to skirmish: but it was to their loss, for being put to flight they lost their suburbs, which they had entrenched and fortified, from whence they were afterward so pressed, and vexed, as abating their courage, they would gladly have yielded upon any reasonable conditions, the which the King refused, 
Despair s●me times bringeth help.  being highly displeased that they had resisted his mighty army: whereat they became so enraged and desperate, as in the next skirmish they made such slaughter of the Christians, as the King resolved to grant them whatsoever they demanded: so they yielded up the town, and retired themselves with all their baggage in safety to Baça: soon after the fortress of Bensalema yielded itself, with others. The Earl of Tendilla received Canillas by composition being a league destant from Baça. 
Siege of Basa.  The taking of these forts prepared the access to Baça, within which place, King Zagall Boabdelin had put ten thousand soldiers as well horse as foot, with divers expert captains, taking the greatest care he could for the well fortifing and keeping thereof, being the place of most importance, and the chief Bulwark of the small state that was left him: for that being lost, he was no more able almost to make any resistance. The Christian army being reinforced with new troops divided itself into two parts, which lodged round about Baça a far off, which gave liberty to the Moors to go out and in at their pleasures without any difficulty or danger: whereupon the King taking counsel, he caused the camp to remove, and to place the quarters nearer to the town: The Moors who thought it was not for their profit, coming forth to fight, did maintain it for the space of twelve hours with a wonderful resolution, and it may well be termed a battle, for the whole forces almost of either side, came to join, and a great number of valiant men were there slain: the conclusion was, that the Moors were glad to retire, and were in despite of them shut in, and the Christian army lodged in their gardens. Yet notwithstanding, this seat of the camp being not thought to be very commodious for divers respects, the King caused the lodgings to be removed where they were at first: and in this retreat the besieged failed not to annoy their enemies by all means possible.  
The difficulty being great to hinder the furious sallies of those barbarous people, the opinions thereupon were sundry and uncertain, so as the King was at the point to raise the siege, and to cause great forts to be raised round about it, furnished with strong guards, and to strengthen the neighbour garrisons, and by these slow means to tame the enemies and make them yield: but because Queen Isabel did greatly desire to see an end of this war of Granado, to whose constancy the pursuit thereof and the conquest of that Kingdom, 
The conquest of Granado attributed to Queen Isabe●s constancy.  so long time held by the Infidel is to be attributed, the King craved her opinion: who being wonderfully displeased that so dishonourable a resolution should be taken, did entreat the King to think better thereon, and for modesty's sake would not utter her opinion: but perceiving that want of victuals and money was the greatest hindrance they stood upon, which in so long a siege might disadvantage the army, she said, that they needed not to doubt any such matter, for she would provide in such sort, as there should be no want of either of them: The King knowing the Queen's diligence in such matters, and the desire she had that Baça might be taken, commanded the siege should be continued with all vehemency, wherewith the whole army in general was well pleased; wherefore the two camps were disposed and placed, a miles distance the one from the other & a great trench drawn from one to an other fortified with piles a●d fifteen forts of timber and flags, where great numbers of soldiers were lodged, and by this means the city was more straightly shut up. An other trench was drawn from the hills side of two miles long, so as the place was environed round about, in which works they spent two months, in all which time they never left skirmishing. And as divers Moors, distrusting the success of the siege, fled to the Christians camp it was known by their means how that the city was not well provided with victuals, wherein King Zagall had greatly failed, and besides, how that they had their water from a fountain at the foot of the hill called Alboahacen, which being taken from them they would be in great want: wherefore the King having resolved upon this intelligence to build a fort upon that hill: The Moors being advertised thereof by some spies, did prevent him, and they themselves made a fort there for the guard of their fountain. In the mean space Don Antonio de la Cuena and others, ran up and down the country, and spoiled the towns and villages near to Guadix, from whence bringing great numbers of cat-tail of all sorts, the Moors came forth to the rescue of them, and there the Christians began to stand at a stay, and knew not whether it were best to leave their booty to betake themselves to flight, or else to tarry still and defend it valiantly. The valour of Hernand Peres de Pulgar encouraged the rest, who hanging an handkerchief upon the top of a pike, cried out aloud, let those that are no cowards follow this Ensign, and in this sort marching against the Moors, they beat them back with great slaughter, and returned victorious to the camp: in regard whereof the King made Hernand Peres Knight: and permitted him to bear a white handkerchief in his arms in token of his valour to his posterity.  
King Muley did oftentimes attempt to victual Baça but it was in vain: and foreseeing that the end of the Moors reign in Spain was at hand, his last refuge was, by the counsel of his friends, to have recourse to the Sultan of Egypt, who in a manner commanded over all the petty Kings of Africa, unto whom he complained of the greediness of the Christian King, who did unjustly dispossess him from the Kingdom which his Ancestors had enjoyed so long a time: whereat the Sultan being moved, sent two friars Ambassadors to Pope Innocent, of those that dwelled in the Temple of jerusalem which they call our saviours Sepulchre: 
The Sultan of Egypt's diligence in the behalf of the Spanish Moors.  to let him understand how that the Kings of Castille did deal unjustly in vexing the Moors that dwelled there by wars, wherein if they persisted, he would use the Christians in the same manner that lived in his countries and dominions: the Pope gave notice thereof to King Fernand and Queen Isabel, yet they for all that would not leave of their design, but satisfied the Pope with reasons wherefore they pursued that war: 
The King of Castille, gave a thousand dueats yearly rent to the friars at jerusalem.  and being devout and charitable Princes they gave and assigned a yearly stipend to the friars of a thousand ducats, which they enjoy and is the fairest revenue they have at these days: Besides that, the Queen sent a vail wrought with her own hand to hang over the Sepulchre at jerusalem.  
During the siege of Baça, this year 1489. Don Garcia Lopes de Padilla the last Master of the Knights of Calatrava died: 
The Mastership of Calatrava incorporated to Castille.  for the Mastership was then incorporated to the Royal crown of Castille by the Pope's authority, as not long after those of Saint james and Alcantara were: remaining ever after in the King's hands with title of perpetual administrators thereof: for in truth these masters did draw after them, by reason of the authority which they had over so great a number of Knights, all gentlemen of great houses, to great a power and to be suspected by the Kings as pernicious to a state, where in conclusion they were heads of factions, by whom, Spain was many times torn in pieces. The Knights of this order were permitted to marry the year one thousand, five hundred and forty, by Pope Paul the third. From the first institution of this order, until this time, and the death of Don Garcy Lopes de Padilla, eight and thirty masters of the same order are reckoned.  
The siege of Baça had already lasted four whole months, without hope of winning it, against which the Artillery wrought no great effect: for that men in those days were not skilful in the approaches and near batteries, as they are now in these times: Nevertheless King Ferdinand thinking it would be a great blemish to his reputation, if he should raise the siege, would by no means give it over, being assured that continuance of time would bring the Moors to reason: the besieged on the contrary, knowing that the loss of Baça would carry with it Almerie, and Guadix, and so consequently the whole ruin of the Moors state in Spain, did all of them resolve to die rather than to yield. And because the trench on the hills side was a great hindrance to them, they went out upon a day to break and fill it up, where they gave a very furious assault, wherein great numbers on both sides were slain. Whereupon the King commanded that no man should go forth to skirmish without leave, and caused all the Moors to departed out of the Camp, commanding that all those that should fly forth of the City should be made slaves, but they had rather undergo that condition then to starve. Being besieged so far of, the sallies were the easier and oftener; but the Moors commonly had the worst: At one of these skirmishes Don john de Luna was slain, a young Knight, and heir to the noble house of Luna in Arragon. Winter drawing on, gave some hope to the besieged that their enemies would shortly dislodge, and therefore they meant to hold out a little longer: but when they saw that King Ferdinand caused Carpenters to build small houses and cabins for the Soldiers, they then perceived that the King meant not to leave them so soon. The season being wet and rainy, did greatly trouble the Army before Baça, and that which was worst of all, the ways were so deep and full of water, that no victuals nor munition could be brought to the Camp, but with incredible difficulty. But the diligence of the noble and courageous Queen surmounted all these inconveniences; for she hired fourteen thousand ordinary beasts of carriage, besides those which went up and down to the Camp for their private gain, taking marvelous pains and care to provide all things necessary for the relief of the Army, not sparing for any cost. For to defray which charges, she engaged part of the Royal patrimony, and assigned pensions: she borrowed money of Cities, and of private men and women, and pawned her own jewels; and for an argument of her great piety and charity, 
The Queen's Hospital in the Campe.  she kept four great tents in the Camp, which were termed the Queen's Hospital, for the relief of hurt and sick Soldiers, seeing for that purpose, diverse Physicians, Surgeons, and Apothecaries, and provided for all other necessity's, with such care, 
Queen Is●bels great diligence.  judgement and diligence, as the conquest of the kingdom of Granada, and expulsion of the Mahometan moors forth of Spain, may more justly be attributed to this Princess then to any other.  
It was thought fit that the Ordinance which was in the Master of Saint james and the Duke of Nageraes' quarter, should be brought nearer to the enemy's forts and defences: the which was done with many bloody encounters: the Moors continuing still more obstinate, were diverse times advised to yield, and to enjoy the favour and bounty of King Ferdinand, who promised them the liberty of their religion, and not to take away their goods, laws, and customs, notwithstanding that they were in great want of victuals and money for the payment of the Soldiers, for whose wages, the Captains took away the Rings and jewels from the women, to the end to avoid sedition and rebellion in the town. The continual miseries of that siege did likewise trouble diverse that were abroad, who cunningly did council the King, who was resolute not to rise from thence, to cause the Queen to come to the Camp, saying, that it would cause the Moors utterly to despair: but indeed they thought that the Queen, seeing with her own eyes the travail and misery which the Army endured, would be a means to dislodge, and that the rejected opinion of besieging them by Forts, would be then renewed. The King wrote diverse letters to the Queen who lay at jaen, to cause her to come to the Camp, the which she did, being accompanied with the Cardinal of Spain, and other Prelates, leaving the Prince her son at Vbeda with the Archbishop of Seville, and some others of her Council. Her coming caused most of the Soldiers to forget their misery and travail, and brought forth an effect contrary to that which some of them, who had been the occasion thereof, did imagine; But the Moors were wholly confounded thereby, and discouraged to make any longer resistance. Wherefore their chief Commander, whose name was Mahomet Abenhazan, began to hearken to that which had been so often propounded by the King and Queen, and craved a parley. Don Guttiere de Cardegna great Commander of Leon, 
The Moors of Baza begin to parley.  had Commission to treat with him, he being an eloquent and discreet Gentleman, showed him what favour and good he might expect and hope for from these victorious Princes, and that there was nothing more plain, then that God had given an end to the Moors happiness in Spain: The Moor apprehending sufficiently what the Commander told him, did with very humble speeches desire to become their vassal, but he said, that it behoved him to confer with the inhabitants of Baça, before he could give any resolute answer: which being granted him; those people of judgement which consented to the yielding of the town, were of opinion to let King Muley understand upon what terms they stood, to the end they might he able to justify the yielding thereof.  
During this negotiation, a suspense from Arms was granted, and King Muley being advertised and persuaded by Mahomet Abenhazan, did not only consent to the yielding of Baça, but compounded likewise for the rest which he held, and for his state hereafter: Namely, that Almerie and Guadix should be delivered into the King's hands; the which was effected assoon as the Governor returned back. The Moors of the garrison of Baça came forth with their Armour and baggage, 
Basa, Guadiz and Almery yielded.  and the inhabitants were permitted to live in the neighbour towns, or elsewhere in Spain, where they thought good, without any molestation in their belief and superstition: and the Governor Mahomet Abenhazen with all his kindred, was received into the King's favour as their subject and vassal.  
The Christian Soldiers entered into Baça the fourth day of December, the seventh month of the siege. The yielding of that place being divulged all over the country, the Captains and Governors of the towns of Almunecar, Porchena, Tabernas, and others of the country of Alpuxarras, from Almerie unto Granado, came and presented their keys to the Kings, remaining their vassals and Mudejares, the Captain of Porchena excepted, who rejecting all entreaties, gifts and offers, would needs pass over into Africa. King Ferdinand went from Baça to Almery, where King Muley lay, who came and met him, having laid by the royal Diadem, and like a private man, alighting from his horse, would in sign of homage have kissed his hands: but King Ferdinand, 
Muley Boabdelin submits himself to the Kings of Castille.  considering the alterations whereunto humane affairs are subject, would not permit it, but caused him to remount his horse, and so received him nevertheless for his vassal. The City of Almerie being received, and the same conditions granted to the Citizens as was to others, namely, to live free, and to enjoy without any molestation their goods, and the exercise of their religion, in paying the same tribute which they were accustomed to give to the Moor Kings, the Kings went to Guadix, where the like was done. This was in the beginning of the year one thousand, four hundred and ninety. The governments of these places were given by the King, that of Baça to Don Henry Henriques his Uncle; Almerie to the great Commander of Leon, and Guadix to Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, 
1490.  the cardinals brother. The Governor of Solobregna and other Moors, 
Moors.  did likewise yield their Forts and Castles to the Kings, and did taste of their mildness and clemency. The town of Andaraz was assigned to Muley Boabdelin for his residence, with a thousand Mudejares to his vassals, and four millions of Maravedis for his pension, which he enjoyed but a year: for disdaining to live as a subject, there where he had reigned, he went over into Africa. By means whereof Mahomet Boabdelin the little, remained sole King of Granado, who not long after, was brought to the same pass like his uncle, as shall appear. The Bishops and the Clergy did in these cities perform the accustomed purifications and ceremonies: and Almery and Guadix were after that erected into Episcopal Seas.  
The power of the Moors after the taking of these places was in a manner brought to nothing: the city of Granado with a few other places remaining to Mahumet the Little: but all that was done was to no purpose unless Granado were taken, which had been the chief of that rich and mighty Kingdom for many years: wherefore Mahumet was entreated by the Kings to give them the city of Granado, alleging a certain agreement and promise which he had made unto them, that upon the conquest of the cities of Baça, Guadix and Almerie, by the King and Queen, they should give them to Mahumet the Little, with certain other places, upon condition, that he should live under them as their vassal, and that he should enjoy the rents and revenues of those places, and he in regard thereof should deliver the city of Granado into their hands. But the said Mahumet thought it an hard matter from a Master to become a servant, and from a King a subject, therefore some times excusing himself, by the resistance of the Moors of Granado, from performing his promise, and at other times demanding more towns and revenues, this last was granted him, with promise to amplify and enlarge his dominion, and as for the rebellious Moors, he was enjoined to disarm them.  
Some, 
King Mahumet the Little enforced to rebel.  who saw that it must needs be so, did yield up their weapons, others who could not endure such baseness, did stir up King Mahomet in such sort as he rebelled openly with them: wherefore this year 1490. the Moor King began the war again, and took divers castles near to the city, driving away the Christians from thence: by reason whereof the garrisons of Alhama, Loxa, the towns of Illora, Moclin, Montefrio, Alhedin and Colomera were fortified by the Kings: who contenting themselves for that time to have secured the frontiers, and the new conquered cities, they went to Cordova, and from thence to Seville: where receiving news how the Moors spoilt the country, they appointed Don Inigo Lopes de Mendoza Earl of Tendilla General, 
Sharp resistance of Moors.  who abiding at Alcala the real, did give and take many defeats: but it was not long after, before King Fernand came in his person, with an army of five thousand horse and twenty thousand foot, and spoiled all the territory of Granado, where he left nothing for the Moors to live on, or to yield them any ease or commodity, not without sharp resistances skirmishes and dangerous and deadly encounters as well on the one side as the other: in the camps retreat the Marquis of Villenas brother called Alphonso de Pacheco, Stefano de Luxon, and an other captain of the Marquis, 
The Marquis of Villena valiant and charitable.  did amongst others lose their lives: the Marquis of Villena himself was hurt in the arm, which he felt ever after during his life, but at that time he purchased the fame of a brave, generous, and charitable Knight towards his servants: for perceiving that a groom of his Chamber was hand to hand in fight with five moors who had the odds of him, he not being able to endure to see his servant in that danger, did not fear to hazard his own person in his rescue, but spurred his horse against those Moors slew two of them with his own hand, and put the other to flight: and there he received that hurt.  
After that King the had made his retreat and was gone to Cordova with the army, sending them home to their houses (for they were all of Andaluzia and the neighbour Provinces) the Moors having gathered together some forces in the city and out of the hill called Sierra Nevada, came and planted their siege before Alhedin, which was kept by Mondo of Quesada, where they did assail furiously seven days and seven nights, in such sort as the Christians, having no leisure to eat or sleep, were constrained to give over the place, except a strong tower whereinto they shut themselves where they made the best resistance they could.  
The King having notice of the danger they were in, did forthwith assemble forces for their succour, but it could not come soon enough, for the besieged Christians, having done as much as men could do in their own defence, were at the last constrained to yield to the enemy's discretion, who carried them all away for slaves to Granado: 
Exploits of the Moors.  when the King heard this, he turned back again: but the Moors proud of their victory, proceeded on in taking of places, as Marchena and others: and because there was nothing to be had in the territory of Granado, they provided their victuals out of Africa, having procured the Moors Mudeiares of Solobregna, a sea town, against their faith given and sworn to the Kings of Castille, to give them safe access in their harbour, with victuals, money, and other commodities, and they received King Mahomet into their town, who a great while besieged the Castle, which was defended by Francisco Ramires of Madrid, till such time as having intelligence of the coming of the Christian Army, he was constrained to abandon it, and to return to Granado: whether King Ferdinand came to make an end of his former spoil. And because he understood that the Moors who remained in Baça, Guadix, and Almerie, had intelligence with King Mahomet, he went thither, and caused that cursed race to be expelled and dislodged out of all the walled towns and Castles, permitting them to dwell in the Villages thereabout if they would, and then went back to Seville.  
In that City in the month of March this year one thousand, four hundred, and ninety, were celebrated the promises of marriage, betwixt the Infanta Isabella, and Prince john of Portugal, Don Fernand Siluera, and Doctor john de Taxeda high Chancellor of that kingdom, being sent thither Ambassadors for that purpose, the Cardinal of Spain performing the ceremony. The feasts, costs, gifts and presents, were great and magnificent, and the Kings being at Constantine, upon their return to Seville, they sent the betrothed Princess into Portugal, who was attended on by the Cardinal of Spain, by Don Lewis Osorio Bishop of jaen, Alphonso de Cardegna Master of Saint james, john de Estuniga Master of Alcantara, Don Rodrigo Alphonso Pimentell Earl of Benavent, Don Lorenz● Suares de Figueroa Earl of Feria, Don Pedro Porto ca●ero Lord of Palma, Rodrigo de Vlloa who went as Ambassador, with other great numbers of nobility. With this company the Princess arrived at Badajos in the beginning of November, 
〈◊〉 a small stream dividing Castille from Portugal.  and passing on to the bridge of Caia, over a little stream which divided Castille from Portugal, she was delivered into the hands of Don Manuel Duke of Beja, cousin germane to the King, who being accompanied with the Bishops of Ebora and Coimbra, with the Earls of Monsanto and Marialua, and diverse other Knights, they brought her to Estremos, where King john and the Prince his son met her, and in that place they were married by George d' Acosta, Archbishop of Braga: after that they went to Ebora, 
Marriage of the Infants D. Alphonso of Portugal and Isabella of Castille  where they feasted with great pomp and magnificence. Don George, bastard son to the King, was present at the wedding, who was newly come from the Monastery of jesus d'Auero, where he had till then been brought up, under the government of Don joane his Aunt the King's sister, who died not long before. At these feasts the King maintained the tilt against all knights that would run, furnishing them with horse and armour.  
This year one thousand, four hundred, ninety and one, the kings of Castille being at Seville, 
Castille.  they began to give order for the siege of Granado, sending for the Knights and men of war from all places of the kingdom, as well on this side as beyond the hills, commanding them to meet at Alcala the real, to which place they went in the month of April, having in their company, the Prince and the Infantas their children, who with the Queen remained at Alcala. The king passing on into the plain country of Granado with the Army, consisting of ten thousand horse, and about forty thousand footmen, in the which were in person, the Master of Saint james, the Marquis of Villena, he of Cales, and his brother in law Don Rodrigo Ponce de Leon, who did begin this war, the Earls of Vregna, Cabro, Cifuentes, and Don Alphonso de Aguilar: diverse great Lords which came not themselves sent thither their forces. The Constable remained Viceroy in Castille the old.  
The Camp having marched as far as the place called Los ojos de Huescar, stayed there, and the Marquis of Vellena was sent with 3. thousand horse, and 5. thousand foot, into the valley of Aletin & to other places and passages of the country called Alpuxarras to spoil it, and because the King was advertised that in the same country were a great number of Moors able to make resistance, he followed the Marquis, and passing along by Granado he maintained skirmish with divers moors which came forth for that purpose, who with great loss were repulsed; the King went forward, and by the way met the Marquis and his troops as they returned, who had burned and destroyed nine towns, and slew more than five hundred Moors, whom they found careless and secure, thinking themselves safe from any search in those sharp and stony places: so their forces being joined together they returned again into Las Alpuxarras to make an end of spoiling what was left. And King Fernand having notice that three captains of the Moors were come forth of Granado, and had made themselves masters of a passage, he sent the Marquis thither, who fought with them and drove them thence, he slew above one hundred of them and took three score prisoners, and they destroyed fifteen towns more in the country, besides those nine above mentioned with great store of spoil which they carried away with them: for the Moors did always think that their goods were safer in those places then in the city of Granado: After which exploit the army was brought back to Pradal & from thence marched to a place called Gosto: There the king by the advice of the Lords which were with him, 
Siege of Granada.  caused the compass of a city to be measured out which was called Saint Foy, with an intent to build houses in that place for the beginning of the army if it should be constrained to winter there, and if the siege of Granado should be drawn out in length, 
The city of Holy faith.  as it was greatly feared: they gave it the title of Saint Foy, in regard that war was undertaken for the augmentation of the Holy Christian faith. Round about the foresaid compass, the camp was lodged, being fortified and rampired with trenches and walls for fear of surprises, in which works the Moors failed not to hinder them by coming forth of Granado with continual skirmishes. The Queen with her children came from Alcala to the camp; the Master of Saint james and the Marquis of Cales went forth to meet them, and she with her Ladies were lodged in the safest place of all the camp, and they did oftentimes ride about the quarters, where for their disport they did many times behold the fights and skirmishes which were almost every hour made a far off, and one especially among the rest where as the Moors in great troops being come forthwith two pieces of Artillery, 
A great skirmish wherein the Moors are defeated.  did lose them, with 600. of their men slain upon the place, and more than fourteen hundred of them hurt, the Marquis of Cales leading the Christians, who attributed that victory to the Queen's good hap, and she ascribed it to the Marquis his good fortune. Now those of Granado were not long able to hold out: for the greater numbers of horsemen which were wont to sally forth of the city, 
Great necessity in the city of Granado.  were so diminished as they hardly had 300. horse of service, the rest, were lost and consumed in the last wars: and besides this; the city which contained above 200. thousand persons was very ill provided of victuals, so that divers cavaliers and men of great note began to devise means how to treat with the Christians for their safety: to be short, all of them considering the state whereinto they were brought, and that they had no hope or expectation of relief from any place, they were glad to hearken unto composition and agreement in yielding up the city to the Kings of Castille: wherefore King Mahomet the Little resolved to give place to necessity, and to receive this fatal wound, to fall from his crown and regal dignity, and to become vassal and subject to his enemies, and to that purpose he sent to entreat the Kings to appoint commissioners to treat and compound with him. This news was pleasing to the Christians, who did not think to have gotten it so good cheap: therefore D. Gonçall Hernandes de Cordova, and the Secretary Hernando de safra, were appointed to capitulate with him; who after divers doings and come, did conclude with the Moors and their Prince Mahomet the Little, upon these conditions following.  
1 That King Mahomet should no more term himself King of Granado: unto whom the Kings of Castille should give an honourable stipend for his entertainment, who might live in the cities, lands, and other revenues, specified, which he had held in the days of his father King Maley Albohacen; and the like to be done to his mother Queen Aixa, his wife, sisters, and children.  
2. That their train, stuff, servants and purveyors should be free from all tax and tribute.  
3. That the Moors should be judged according to their own laws and customs, which they call Xaira, and if any Christian were a party, by judges that were one half Moors, and the rest Christians.  
4 That their Arms should not be taken from them, (their Harquebuses excepted) the which no Moor might keep without special licence.  
5 That all Moors should be suffered to live in Spain, with free liberty of their ceremonies and religion: and if they would go over into Africa, they might do so, and carry with them their movables, money, merchandise, and all other commodities, excepting Armour and munition for the wars, without paying any tribute for three years together, and they should be furnished with shipping for their passage: After three years were expired, those that would departed should pay a Ducat for every head.  
6 That all Moors which possessed immovable goods in Spain, might enjoy them, albeit they themselves were in Africa, 
●●●itulations betwixt Ferdinand and Mahomet the 〈◊〉.  and they might sell, let out, and accommodate them, and for that purpose they might keep factors and Attorneys in the King and Queen's dominions.  
7 That no Renegada Christian should be constrained by force to return to the Christian faith.  
8 That within certain days after the conclusion of this treaty, 
Liberty of religion gran●● to the Moors.  King Mahomet the little, or his Alcaydes, should deliver up the Fortress of Alhambra, with all the towers and other strong places of the city into the King's hands.  
9 That those of Granado should give four hundred principal Moors for hostage. As these matters were handling, the Queen's tents were set on fire by the negligence of one of the Queen's women; so as the whole Army was in an uproar, and fell into order of battle, thinking it to be some Morish stratagem: but when the cause was known, all was quieted. The like inconvenience of fire happened at the same time at Medina del Campo, by means whereof more than two hundred houses were burned. Now after that the abovenamed articles were agreed upon, a great sedition was raised in the city of Granado, by more than twenty thousand of the common people, who took arms, gainsaying the yielding up of the city, in such sort as King Mahomet was glad to take the Fortress of Alhambre with a strong guard, looking every hour when they would have assailed him: but their fury being appeased, he showed them, that there was now no more time to make resistance, 
Wizards stir up the people.  and gave them many reasons for it: Nevertheless, he perceiving that there was ever some frantic Prophet or other among that nation which did put the people in those tumults; he wrote to the Kings, that without staying for the day appointed for the delivery of the Alhambra, they should send to take present possession thereof, which King Ferdinand did forthwith, and marched with his forces against that Fortress: 
The Albambra of Granado yielded the year 1492.  from whence Mahomet the little, no more a King, went out to meet him, who with a sorrowful and dejected countenance, presented him the Keys, saying, that they were the Keys of the Royal Palace of Granado, the which, with himself, and all the men that were in it, were at his service. He pronounced these words with a broken and sorrowful voice, and would have alighted from his horse to have kissed the King's hand, who moved with pity and compassion, would not suffer him so to do, but did very gently and graciously comfort him. King Ferdinand gave the Keys to the Queen, she to Prince john her son, 
Granado yielded up.  and he gave them to Don Inigo Lopes de Mendoza Earl of Tendilla, who with three thousand horse, and like number of footmen, entered into the spacious and royal fortress of the Alhambra, with the Marquis of Villena, and other Knights: & friar Hernando de Talavera Bishop of Auila (who was afterward Archbishop of Granado) did forthwith go up into the highest Tower there, and set up the Cross, which was the very same that the Cardinal of Spain did use to have borne before him as Archbishop of Toledo and Primate, and the which is at this day kept in the Vestry at Toledo: and then were the banners of Saint james and King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella set up, with performance of the accustomed ceremonies: and soon after, other forces were sent to seize upon the gates and towers of the city, where the people were disarmed, and the armour carried into the Alhambra, saving those which were hidden and afterward found, which cost divers their lives, who were executed by course of law.  
The city was yielded up the first day of january 1492. the 675. year of the reign of the Arabians there: 
The end of the Arabians rule in Spain.  and thereby ended the war of Granado, which lasted ten years, and gave end to the Arabians and Moors dominion in Spain; but the most part of the Knights would not tarry there but went over into Africa: the greediness, inconstancy, infidelity, and desire to rule which that Nation had, brought them to this misery. King Fernand advertised Pope Innocent and other Christian Princes his friends of this great victory, and he stayed a great while in the city of Granado, to give order for the government thereof, as also of all that they had newly▪ conquered: wherein Queen Isabells' constancy and magnanimity deserves the first place, then King Fernands' valour, wisdom and good conduct, with other Lords and chief Knights of their Kingdoms: the cities of Seville, Cordova, jaen, Eccia, Xeres, Vbeda, Baeça, Murcia, Carthagena and Lorca did not spare any of their public and particular goods.  
The same day that King Fernand and Queen Isabella made their entry into the city of Granado, D. Pero Fernandes de Velasco Earl of Haro, Viceroy and Constable of Castille died, whom D. Bernardin de Haro his son succeeded as well in the Earldom as Constableship, who this year was made Earl of Frias and married to Donna joane of Arragon the King's daughter.  
A little before the viceroy's death, 
The Precedent and Auditors of Valiodolit deposed and their names.  the Precedent and Auditors of the King's Chancery residing at Valiodolit, did greatly forget themselves, by receiving an Appellation to Rome, for a certain cause depending before them, for which the King and Queen deprived them of their offices, and placed others therein: they that were disposed, were D. Alphonso de Valdiviesso Bishop of Leon who was precedent, and Doctor Martin ● Auila, the Licenciat Cinchilla, Doctor Canon, and Doctor Olmedilla Auditors: In their rooms were placed Doctor john Arias del Villar Bishop of O●iedo for Precedent, 
Subsidy raised upon the jews.  the Licenciat de Villena, Doctor de Palacios, the Licenciate Ville-Muriell, the Licenciate Palacios Rubias, and Doctor de Villoucla Auditors. The jews did also grant a general subsidy to the Kings, which was the last subsidy raised upon that sect: for soon after they were all driven forth of Spain. The King and Queen having begun to take the best order they could for the government of the new conquered Provinces, 
1492.  in the month of March this year 1492. they came to Cordova to intend the affairs of the rest of the Kingdom: there they made a statute, whereby all gentlemen of the Kingdoms and Lordships, subject to the crown of Castille and Arragon, 
Statute of Cordova for the N●bility.  were enjoined to come and make proof of their pedigrees and nobility: and because it was made at Cordova, it was called the statute or law of Cordova.  
Whilst the King and Queen were busied in the wars and siege of Granado, the joy and feasts in Portugal were suddenly turned into tears and lamentations: 
Portugal.  the marriage betwixt Alphonso of Portugal and D. Isabel of Castille being celebrated with great magnificence at Ebora, and the feasts and triumphs continuing at Saint Iren, whether the new married couple were gone to avoid the great heat: the Prince on an Evening accompanying the King his father, and being mounted upon a very ready and swift horse, would needs run a race against an other horse, whereon Don john de Menezes, Commander of Algezier, did ride, but the Commander excused the matter by reason it was late and almost night, the Prince commanded a Mule to be brought unto him, and in the getting up the stirrup broke, wherefore he took his former horse, and continuing in his determination to run, he took the Commander by the hand, 
A pitiful accident happened to Prince Alphonso of Portugal.  and giving spurs to his horse, he constrained him to run the race with him: but the mishap was that the Prince's horse stumbling at the races end, overthrew his rider under him, and did so bruise him, as he lay speechless and almost dead upon the ground. The King and all the standers by, being very sorrowful, caused him to be carried to the next cottage which was a fisherman's, where the Princesses, the mother and the daughter in law, having understood this pitiful accident did come on foot, where finding this poor Prince in such state as for no speech nor any thing else that cold be said or done, he did make any sign or show of understanding aught: They did all melt into tears, 
Prince Alphonso di●s.  uttering forth very strange cries and lamentations. Great and sundry were the dilligences and remedies though superfluous, which the Physicians and Surgeons used for his recovery: the Physicians telling the King that his sons end drew near, he brought the Queen and the Princess to the houses of Vasco Pallas, which are upon the river of Tayo, and the Prince died seven and twenty hours after the accident, who was lamented and bewailed by all men, for the great hope and expectation which he gave of himself in those young years, having hardly attained to seventeen years of age: and that which did more increase the sorrow, was that he left the Princess Isabella a widow even almost as soon as she had been a wife: for they had not been married fully eight months. 
Princess Isabella's lamentation.  The Prince's body was laid in a hearse and carried to the Monastery of battle. The Princess in token of sorrow, did cut off her heir, and clothed herself in garments befitting her grief, and having remained fifteen days in the house of Vasco Pallos she went to the King's palace one evening without any light, where the King, Queen, and she, kept themselves shut up a long time, giving themselves to much over to grief, and forgetting the health of their own persons: and being in this estate they were visited and comforted on the Kings of Castile's part. After this manner King john's Court remained desolate, and it may be, that God caused this loss to fall upon him, for over hastily destroying the great houses of his own Kingdom, especially that of his Aunt D. Beatrice Duchess of Viseo, whose son D. Dominigo a Prince of his blood, he had slain with his own hand. The obsequies and funerals being ended, where the King and the great Lords and Ladies of the Realm were present, Queen Elinor, and the Princess Isabella excepted, she being sorrowful and a widow was brought back into Castille the same time King Fernand and Queen Isabella were about Granado in the New town of Saint Foy which they builded. King john being in this anguish went back to Lisbon, where this year 1492. the two Masterships' of Saint james, and avis, fell to his son D. George: for whose governor he appointed D Diego Almeyda son to the Earl of Abrantes.  
The end of the three and twentieth Book.    

SEMPER EADEM THE FOUR AND twentieth Book of the General History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 CHristopher Columbus his first voyage to the Indies.  
2. Arigorous Edict against the jews and Moors.  
3. King Fernand is hurt at Barcelona: Politic affairs of Spain.  
4. Christopher Columbus returns back: Good and evil which the world hath received by the discovery of the Western Indies: The Pope gives those new lands to the Kings of of Castille: Columbus his second voyage.  
5. The Mastership of S. james in the hands of King Fernand as perpetual administrator thereof: Charles the eight of that name, the French King, restores the Earldom of Rossillon to King Fernand, with other politic affairs.  
6. Orders concerning the Spaniards and Portugals navigations.  
7. The Mastership of Alcantara in the hands of King Fernand as perpetual Administrator thereof: the Chancery of Granado, and of the country beyond Tejo.  
8. Original of the wars betwixt France and Spain.  
9 Don Pero Gonçal of Mendoza, Cardinal of Spain dies. Friar Francis Ximenes of Cisneros is promoted to the Archbishoppricke of Toledo.  
10. Peace betwixt Castille and Navarre: Coronation of King john of Albret, and Queen Catherine, which was the last in that Kingdom: pursuits against the Earl of Lerin.  
11. War of Naples, noble exploits of Gonçalo Fernandes of Cordova, surnamed the great Captain.  
12. The Houses of Austria and Spain, allied together by marriage.  
13. War in the Earldom of Rossillon.  
14. The third voyage of Christopher Columbus to the Indies. Enterprises upon the African Moors.  
15. Don Manuel first of that name, and 14. King of Portugal his qualities and virtues, etc. Edict against the jews.  
16. Vasco de Gama his navigation to Calicut.  
17. The Marriage of King Manuel with D. Isabella of Castille, and the birth of D. Michael their son, heir to Castille, Arragon, and Portugal, if he had lived.  
18. Christopher Columbus and his brother are brought back as prisoners into Spain: rebellion in the Indies: voyages of divers particular persons to the Indies, by the King of Castile's permission.  
19 Conversion of the Moors Mudejares commanded by Edict in Castille.  
20. King john of Albret his journey into Castille: King Fernands' covetousness to get the Kingdom of Navarre.  
21. The war of Italy, which in process of time subjecteth the State of Milan to Castille.  
22. Death of Prince Don Michael, whereby D. joane, mother to Charles of Austria, was advanced to the successive right of Castille and Arragon.  
23. Persecution of the Moors Mudejares in Granado and elsewhere: M●hometans wholly banished out of Spain.  
24. Duke Lewis Sforza is taken by the Frenchmen: The Kingdom of Naples is parted betwixt King Lewis the twelfth, and king Fernand, to the prejudice of king Frederick.  
25. Philip Archduke of Austria, and D. joane his wife, their journey into Castille, where they receive the oath of the castilians, as presumptive heirs to the same Crown.  
26. Peter Martyr of Angleria sent Ambassador to Cayro by king Fernand.  
27. Voyages of divers particular persons to the Western Indies by king Fernand and Queen Isabella's permission.  
28. Voyages of the Portugals into the East, and other places of the Ocean sea, to wit, of Pero Aluares Gabralde, john de la Nueva, Americus Vespucius, etc. Wars raised by the Portugals among the small kings of the East.  
29. Birth of the Infant D. Fernand, son to the Archduke Philip, and to D. joane: their return into Flanders. Treaty of peace betwixt France and Castille to no purpose.  
30. Advancement of Pope julius the second. The Duke of Valentine persecuted by him. Miserable retreat of the French out of the kingdom of Naples. Death of Queen Isabell.   
In this four and twentieth Book followeth in the Line of Portugal,  

14. Don Manuel the first.  
THE war of Granado being happily ended, it was followed with other great enterprises, partly profitable, and partly prejudicial: whereof, that of the discovery of the new world might have been worthy of great praise, if those unto whom the great and good God did the favour to discover those countries and nations, until then unknown to our Hemisphere, and their posterity, could have rightly used, to his honour and glory, the wealth and riches which they found there, as they were bound to have done: but there is no memory of cruelty, avarice, and dishonesty, 
The Spaniard● avarice and cruelty toward the Indians, makes Christian religion odious to the unbelieving nations.  to be compared to the actions of the Spanish Christians in the conquest of the occidental Indies: which their own Histories bear witness of, with terror to those which read it, and is a public scandal to the unbelieving Nations which have heard tell of their dealings, for the Christian Religion: the which they think by reason thereof, to be a bloody Religion, which seeks nothing but gold and wealth with an insatiate desire of ru●e. But we may easily believe, that the excess committed by the evil ministers in these searches of the Western Indies, was not by their King's consent, whose zeal herein is rather praiseworthy, but their negligence in redressing and punishing such mischiefs can hardly be excused. Of which voyages and discoveries we intent not to poursue the History at large, as we did protest in the beginning of this Work, but we will content ourselves with the declarations of the decrees and ordonances made in the Courts and Counsels of the Kings of Spain, for the regard of things executed and done in their names and authority in those farther Regions, and to handle, by the way, that which hath followed thereupon in general: for such matters require particular and distinct Treatises.  
We have heretofore declared, 
Christopher Columbus his first voyage to the Indies.  how that Christopher Columbus having been divers times heard to discourse of the navigation which he had conceived in his mind to be made towards the West, with knowledge of new lands, whereof there was no memory in precedent times, had hope and promises of Fernand and Queen Izabella, to give him means to effect it at a time convenient; the which being offered upon the time that Granado was taken, he obtained three Carvels rigged and furnished with sixscore men, soldiers and mariners: for the setting forth of whom, the Councillor Lewis of Saint Angel did lend the King sixteen thousand Ducats. He departed then from Palos de Moguer in Andalusia, 
An. 1492.  upon a Friday the fourth of August, in the year 1492. and having sailed two months and eight days, he discovered the land which he so much desired, that is to say, upon the eleventh day of October of the same year.  
The first man which cried, Land, was one called Rodrigo de Triane, who descried the Island of Guanahami of Lucaios betwixt Florida and Cuba, where they first landed, and took possession of that new world, in the name of King Fernand and Queen Isabel: then they sailed to Barucoa, the port of the Isle of Cuba, where they took certain Indians, and afterward they turned towards the Isle of Hati, since then called Hispagniola, and entered into the port by them named Royal.  
There the Indians, 
The Indians gentle and tractable.  at the beginning stern and rough, at the view of such new people, did in such manner become tractable, courteous, and gentle, as they came and brought gold, with such victuals as they had to the Spaniards, exchanging them for babbles and toys of small worth. One of their Kings whom they call Cachiques, whose name was Guacanagari, did show himself so kind, tractable and obedient to these new-comers, as they lovingly received from him what commodities they would, so as it was lawful for them, being aided by the Indians and their Cachique, to build a fort in that country, wherein Columbus left eight and thirty Spaniards with a Captain of Cordova named Roderigo d' Arana, and with his two Carvels which were left, (for he had lost the third) he returned to Spain from whence he came, carrying some Indians with him, with gold of the Country, and other singularities, which he brought to the aforenamed place of Palos de Moguer within the space of fifty days: before Columbus departure, King Fernand and Queen Izabella did grant him the twelfth part of all the royal rights of the lands which he should discover, with this reservation, that he should not in his discourie, do any thing that might prejudice the King of Portugal's navigation.  
There was matter resolved upon in the King's Council of Castille, as soon as they found themselves to be Masters of Granado, 
E●i●t against the jews.  fair in show, but of a pernicious consequence: For they made an Edict, whereby all jews, which inhabited in Castille and Leon, were enjoined to turn to the Christian Religion, and to be baptised within three months, on pain of having their goods confiscate, and perpetual banishment. This decree was received, 
Negligent Pastors stir up persecutions.  published, and executed by an inconsiderate zeal, and without the knowledge of the King and Queen, thinking thereby, as it is likely to augment Christian Religion, and to confirm unto themselves the name and title of Catholic Kings: whereunto they were incited by the Prelates and slothful Pastors, who contemned their charge of teaching good and wholesome doctrine; and likewise by the Monks and other seditious Churchmen, who desired rather to destroy, then to feed those miserable creatures, unto whom they were in perpetual detestation and skandall, by means of their wicked and corrupted lives, whereby it came to pass, that the name of God was profaned and blasphemed among the jews and Mahometans of those times, who would rather have retired a thousand leagues, then to draw near to receive any religious instruction, from so irreligious people, whose piety was but childish ceremonies, and external services, their knowledge mere cunning and deceit, to maintain and increase their riches, ease, and unruly appetites, and their aim and end, honours and worldly glory, with a popular opinion of wisdom in the affairs of this world: the which was plain and evident to people of understanding among the Infidels: therefore it behoved such evill-affected persons, and no way disposed to amend, as were the Prelates of those days to set forward such counsels, and to cause the Kings of Spain to practise-courses fit and pleasing to the Devil, who is a murderer from the beginning of the world, and author of all ruin and desolation: the which hath been since practised in all places of Christendom with very bad success: for torments, death, confiscations of goods, and such other like violences, cannot beget a grain of faith in the heart of man, whose seed is the word of God; the watering, the holy works of unfeigned charity, by the example of the heavenly Father, and the increase thereof, the spirit of the Lord: but they may well bring forth Atheism, Hypocrisy, and despair in abundance, which are the offerings which the enemy of Christ jesus doth demand.  
Now the poor jews, 
The 〈◊〉 of those who persecuted the jews.  at the publication of this Edict, were marvelously perplexed, and afflicted with sundry passions, for their religion, lives, and goods which were very great: whereunto perhaps, the King's Council had regard, thinking by their obstinacy, which is a vice proper and peculiar to that nation, to find means to fill the treasury emptied in the last wars, by the confiscation of so great wealth as they possessed in Spain, and to redeem the altenated revenues of the Crown, and the Queens engaged jewels.  
Now the most religious Spanish jews, took counsel in these three months space of delay before they were to leave the country, and found means, to send away their money and chief goods out of Spain, wherein they were aided and befriended by many honest-minded Christians, who being moved with pity and humanity, did help to hide them, and to convey them into Portugal, Africa, Italy, and elsewhere whether that nation went: great numbers of them did spread themselves over Macedon, 
Humanity of Christians towards the banished jews.  Greece, and other Regions possessed by the Turks, whom they taught to make Ordinance and Artillery, and the art of making Gunpowder, Harguebuzes, and such other engines, which they have sufficiently used to the hurt of Christendom.  
The rest of them who loved their ease, did value the country where they were borne, and their goods, 
The Turks and Infidels make profit of the jews banishment.  above all other matters, and were baptised, and profession, either true or feigned, of Christian Religion, such as they could learn and comprehend in so short a time, the which did cause another inconvenience: for in process of time the noble families of Spain, allying themselves by marriage to that race, did wholly contaminate and pollute themselves both in blood and belief. 
The Nobil●tie of Spain contaminated by the alliances with the conuc●●ed jews.  These are the effects which this violent law of King Fernand and Queen Izabella did produce, by the which the Spaniards end in the 2082. year of the jews habitation in Spain, if so be they fail not in their account. The same rigour was observed against them in Arragon, Valencia, Cattalonia, Sicill, and other places under the King's obedience, who from Cordova went into Arragon to order the affairs of that kingdom.  
Being in the City of Barcelona, God sent them a small advertisement: for as King Fernand on a morning came forth of the townhouse, 
King Fernand hurt at Barcelona.  where himself in person had assisted at the pleas of justice, and being come down to the foot of the stairs towards the king's house talking to his Treasurer, a certain mad man borne at Remença, whose name was john de Cagnamares, drew near unto him, and lifting up a short sword, he gave him such a blow from the ear down to the shoulders, as it was a wonder that he strake not off his head: Whereat the King being astonished, and thinking it to be some conspiracy, he cried out, Saint Marie help me, oh what treason, oh what treason; thinking that some others would make an end of what that foolish fellow had begun: but when he perceived that no man stirred, but that every one stepped before him, to the end the other might not redouble his blow, and that a Gentleman that was his Carver, and one more had stepped to the offender, meaning to have stabbed him to deathwith poniard: he commanded not to kill him; therefore they led him to prison; and dressed his wounds: being afterward examined who had procured him to commit that treason, they could neither then, nor after that he was healed, by any torments whatsoever, get any thing out of him, but that the devil had assured him, if he would kill the king, to be king himself.  
The city of Barcelona being highly displeased, that this act had been committed in their jurisdiction, and believing verily that there had been some conspiracy, did put themselves in arms, and the tumult could not be appeased, until the king, whose wound was newly dressed, and stitched up with seven stitches of a needle, did come and show himself out of his lodging windows to the people, to assure them that he was alive: and then every man went home to his own house. The fool who had committed the deed, was by law condemned to have his hands and feet cut off, his eyes pulled forth of his head, to be dismembered, with burning pincers, and to be drawn on a cart to the common dung hill, where his body was burned, having been first strangled, by the Queen's clemency.  
In these businesses the year 1492. was spent, in which the Brotherhood of the Court began, and the building the stately College of the holy Cross at Vailliodolit was ended, and the same year died Don Pero Fernandes, General of the frontier of Andalusia, Don Henrique de Guzman, 
Cales reunited to the Crown of Castille.  Duke of Medina Sidonia, Don Rodrigo Ponce of Leon, Marquis of Cales, by whose decease without children, the city of Cales returned to the Crown: Don Pedro of Estuniga, Earl of Miranda of Duero, and Don Bertrand de la Cueva, first Duke of Albuquerque.  
Pope Innocent the eight died likewise at Rome, in whose stead was chosen Rodrigo Borgia, Cardinal of Saint Nicholas in Carcere Tulliano, Bishop of Alba, Porto, and S. Ruffian, Vicechancellor and Dean of the Church of Rome, son to Don ●effrey Lançol, Lord of Canales, and to a sister of Pope Calixtus the third, who was of the family of Borgia, from whence this man did take his name, and he was called Alexander the sixth, who soon after his assumption to the Papacy, made two Cardinals of his Blood, the one his Nephew, named john Borgia, and the other his own son called Caesar Borgia, of whom we shall have occasion to speak in this History.  
The same year the son of Don Pero Gonçales of Mendoza, Cardinal of Spain, whose name was Rodrigo, was by King Fernand and Queen Izabella, honoured with the title of Marquis of Zenete, and they made an end of building the vaults of the Cathedral Church of Toledo, which were begun in the days of King Fernand the third, and of the Archbishop Don Rodrigo Ximenes: the Court remaining still at Barcelona about the beginning of the year 1493. 
An. 1493.  Christopher Columbus arrived there, 
Christopher Columbus Admiral of the judies.  being returned from the West Indies, whose same, for the discovery of those new lands, was spread abroad over all spain: he presented the Kings with gold, beasts, and other things brought from those Regions, making an ample relation of his voyage, the which did greatly content them, who gave him the title of Admiral of the Indies, with arms, wherein he used this Motto: For Castille and Leon, Columbus hath gotten a new world. If the finding out of the wealth brought from the Indies hath brought any commodity to the covetous negociators of our Regions, the evils which did accompany them, did far surmount and exceed them:  
For than first of all, 
The great Pocks, the d●sease of the Indies brought into Europe.  was the abominable Venerean disease known, which in France is called the great pocks, brought by the Spaniards, which went with Columbus, who having had to do with the Indian women, which were infected therewith, as with a disease proper and peculiar to the Country, did communicate it to the women of seville, and of the Court, who distributed it to others: running on with such contagion and horrible accidents of knobs and rotting soars, as in the beginning, when our Physicians knew not the remedy for such a disease, divers did miserably perish, or remained lame of their members, with a villainous and strange change of their form and favour, the reward of whoredom, over common then in Spain and elsewhere, which nevertheless could not chastise the world in such sort, but that this sin is at this day more in use then ever it was, to the dishonour of God, contempt of his laws, and confusion of all good order. The Spaniards in recompense of this evil brought from the Indies, carried thither the King's evil and madness by the biting of dogs, which they brought thither with them, of which diseases the Indians had no knowledge at all.  
The right remedy of this contagious infirmity, are Guaiacum, Chinaun, and Salsaparilla, which nature bringeth forth in abundance in that new world, where they have daily need thereof. 
The Indies have dinerted the Spaniards from husbandry and a●ts.  Another evil hath the desire of gold, pearls, and other high prized things found in those Islands, brought with it, namely, that the Spaniards have given over all honest and profitable exercises, the ground remaining untilled in divers places of Spain, and other arts contemned, the people of Spain making none account of any other matter, but only of the voyage to the Indies: so that ever since, it hath had continual need of the commodities of the neighbour regions.  
King Fernand and Queen Isabel did forthwith send the desired news of this discovery to Pope Alexander, betwixt whom divers discourses did pass by their Ambassadors, and letters to reduce the brutish and idolatrous people of that country, to the knowledge of the true God, and the benefit of jesus Christ, which would have been a memorable work. This Pope, in the Conhstorie of the Cardinals did approve this enterprise and conquest for the Kings of Castille, 
The Pope gives the w●st Indies to the Kings of Castille.  granting and giving to them and their successors by Apostolical authority, the Indies, Islands and firm land of the West, and did charge and enjoin them to cause the Gospel to be preached: the which moved the kings to furnish forth the number of eighteen ships, using therein the diligence of john Rodrigo of Fonseca, Deane of Seville, who was afterward Bishop of Burgos, and superintendant of the Indian affairs: of which vessels, manned with fifteen hundred men, they gave the charge to the Admiral Columbus, and to a brother of his named Bar tholomew, the dignity of Governor of those new Countries, who departing from Cales, did again cut through the Ocean sea, and landed at the Island called by them the Desired, from whence without staying they pas●ed to the port of la Plata in the Island Hispagniola, and came to the royal port, where they found their fort to be overthrown, and the eight and thirty Spaniards with their Captain, whom they had there left, to be slain by the Indians, who were enforced to fall upon them for the spoils and robberies which they had committed.  
There came in this second voyage with the Admiral Columbus, 
Friar Buyl the Pope's Vicar in the judies.  Friar Buyll, a Monk of the Order of Saint Bennet, a Cattelan by nation, with authority of the Pope's Vicar, and twelve learned clerk of good and holy life, according to those times, divers artificers, beasts, as well horse as neat, with others, store of victuals, stuffs, and necessary and profitable matters for the life of man: with these provisions the better to be furnished for future times, the Admiral Columbus caused a new town to be measured out, which he named Isabel, after the Queen's name, the which he peopled, and poursuing his search, he discovered Cuba and jamaica, and other smaller islands: wherein being busied, the Spaniards, left with the Friar, began to enter into mutiny, and to commit many disorders, the governors authority, nor the Friars exhortations and interdictions not being able to contain them within their bounds, whom the Admiral punishing according to their deserts, at his return it procured him enemies and hatred, who did unworthily vex and poursue him, as shallbe hereafter declared.  
Don Alphonso de Cardegnas, Master of Saint james, being dead this year, King Fernand retained the mastership, 
The Mastership of S. james in beings hands in quality of administrator.  not suffering any new election to be made, as he had done the like to that of Calatrava with the self same considerations and reasons, who by the Pope's authority, remained Administrator of them. Don Alphonso was then the Master of the same Order, and the three and fortieth in order and continuances the same was done to the Order of Alcantara: the which three dignities were since that incorporated to the Crown by Pope Adrian the sixth, in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth, who was heir to the Kingdoms of Castille.  
The same year the Kings of Castille were altogether rid of King Mahomet Boabdellin the Little, who being impatient of the daily solicitations which were made to him, for to become a Christian, and to receive the water of Baptism, did sell all the lands and right which had been given him by the capitulations, at such time as he deluered up the City of Granado, for fourscore thousand Ducats, and with his family retired himself into Africa. There were new tears and lamentations renewed, when his own mother upbraiding him, said, That it well became him to put finger in the eye and weep like a woman, for the loss of his dignity and palaces, seeing that he could not defend them like a man. He was kindly welcomed and received by the King of Fez, but within a few years afterwards he was slain in his fierce and intestine wars against the Xerifs.  
The Spanish Authors set down for a memorable matter, that the Kingdom of Granado began and ended, two kings of Castille of one self same name reigning, namely Ferdinand, and the first and last King of Granado were called Mahomet. At the same time the Earldom of Rossillon was restored to King Fernand by the French king, 
The Earldom of Rossillon restored to King Fernand.  Charles the eighth, who having undertaken at the entreaty and request of Lewis S●orza, named the Moor who did usurp the Duchy of Milan, the Conquest of the Kingdom of Naples, did fear least the King of Castille should in his absence enterprise upon France, in regard of the strife and contention about the said Earldom: Wherefore to free and acquit himself from that fear and suspicion, he yielded it unto him, and renewed the peace and alliances betwixt the Kingdoms of France, Castille and Arragon, but it was evil and unfaithfully kept: Wherein the King's chief councillors did greatly stand him in stead, namely, Steephen Pet●de v●rs, and Friar Alphonso of Albi, and namely, the holy man Friar Francis de Paul, who died at Plessis les Tours, certain of whose letters are yet extant, which he wrote thereupon, and to the same effect to King Fernand.  
It was concluded in this agreement, that King Ferdinand of Castille should not give aid nor assistance to the King of Naples: whereby it appeareth that this Catholic King knew well how to use the uncharitable rule, which says, that Charity gins by itself. 
King Ferdinand uncharitable.  For he to recover the Earldom of Rossillon, without restitution of the money which King john his Father had borrowed of King Lewis the eleventh, did not greatly care to leave the honour, state, and life, of his cousin germane, and brother in law Ferdinand King of Naples for a prey to the French, or at the least he promised it, and swore so to the French King, notwithstanding that he afterward changed his mind. King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella having remained for a while in Cattalonia, and afterward at Saragossa, they came to Valiodolit, where Don Roderigo d'Vlloa being deceased, who was one of the superintendents of the treasure which they call Cantador major, they suppressed that superintendency, retaining no more but the two that remained, namely, Don Guttiere de Cardenas great Commander of Leon, and Don john Chacon governor of the frontier of Murcia. Being departed from Valiodolit to Medina del Campo, they received news of the death of King Ferdinand of Naples, whom his son Don Alphonso Duke of Calabria succeeded. The King at the same time had called in the town of Tordesillas, a Chapter of the order of Saint james, and reform certain abuses, and there the differences were compounded, betwixt Castille and Portugal about the Indian navigation.  
We have declared how that Pope Alexander had granted by his Bull, dated at Saint Peter, 
Portugal.  this present year one thousand, four hundred, ninety and three, and the first of his Popedom, 
1493.  the west Indies to the Kings of Castille. Now for to limit the straits, betwixt Castille and Portugal, 
The Pope limits the Spaniards and Portugals navigation.  he did draw a line or a meridional in the Globe from the Poles of the North to the South, leaving a hundred leagues distance to the Portuguze towards the West, from one of the Isles to Cape vert, to make their navigation of Africa, and the East Indies: wherewith the King of Portugal was highly displeased, and complained in such sort to the Pope, that the Kings of Castille entreated that the navigation might be left free to him towards the west, 
The Portugals navigation limited towards the West.  of four hundred leagues, and the Isles and lands within the same reputed for his conquest, wherewith the King of Castille was not only contented, but added to it threescore and ten leagues more, so as the portugals navigation in all, did stretch from the Isles of Cape vert, towards the west, four hundred and seventy leagues, passing the meridional by that point round about the globe: 
The Moluccoes founa to be within the navigation of the Castillans.  but time made it manifest, that the King of Portugal thereby did smally better his condition: for the rich Islands of the Moluccoes, from whence the spices come, are found to be within the straight of Castille: this Transaction was passed the seventh day of june in the year one thousand, four hundred, ninety and four.  
Now King john thinking that the Moluccoes were his part, he sent certain Carvels this year to seek a passage by the African sea towards the East, but they went not far beyond the Cape of Good hope: wherefore the King being very desirous, that in his days this unknown navigation might be practised, 
The King of Monicongo receives the Christian religion.  could not have that good hap, for he did not live this year. In his time nevertheless the kingdom of Manicongo in Guiney was discovered, the King whereof with the most part of his nobility were Baptized. King john being oppressed with continual melancholy for the death of his son Prince Alphonso, he fell into a dropsy, which by little and little brought him to his end, not without suspicion that his disease was procured or augmented by poison: he nevertheless made his abode in the City of Lisbon, and attended the affairs of his kingdom: but his mind was, above all other matters, set on this navigation, the which he did set down according to the opinions which he had received from diverse places, which did confirm and verify the discourse which Pedro de Cobanilla had sent him, who remained in Prester john's Country Emperor of Aethiopia, from whence there arrived at Lisbon, a little before the King's death, a learned and discreet Monk, who informed the king more particularly of divers matters, which served afterwards to great purpose.  
Now king john feeling himself near his end, made his Will, and having no lawful children, he knew that the kingdom was to fall to Don Manuel Duke of Beja: He was therefore desirous to give Don George his base son a portion, unto whom he gave the City of Coimbra, with the title of Duke, and Montmajor the old, and the lands of the Infantasgo, in the same form, as his Grandfather the Infant Don Pedro, father to Queen Izabella, his mother, had possessed them: he gave him moreover, the Isle of Madera, Beja, and Viseo, which was not performed afterward.  
This will and Testament was signed by Don Manuel, and D. George, and by five other personages of great place, who made up the number of seven witnesses. After this he went into Algarbe to the Baths of Monchiz, in the month of October the season being cold, and unfit for his disease: and hunting the wild Boar upon a wet rainy day, he got a flux: Wherefore as soon as he came to Albor, assured tokens of death began to appear upon him, whereof he was admonished by D. Diego Ortiz Bishop of Tanger, and Don Diego Almeyda, Prior of Saint john's, who was Governor to Don George. then disposing himself to die, he appointed certain things, out of a little Book, to be read, and accomplished at such time as he was ready to give up the ghost. First, he craved pardon of the Duchess Donna Beatrix his mother-in-law, of Queen Leonora his wife, and of the Cardinal Don George of Acosta, who then was at Rome, he likewise craved pardon of the whole Estates of his Kingdom in general. And to the end that his son Don George should not grieve and trouble his mind, he caused him to be led forth of his chamber, and there stood round about his bed, Don George of Almeyda, Bishop of Coimbra, and his brother Don Diego of Almeyda, Prior of Saint john's, Don john de silva Bishop of Silues, Don Diego Ortiz Bishop of Tanger, and Don john de Vasconcellos, Earl of Penela, with certain Chaplains, who exhorted him for his soul's health. In this manner this King died, having held the sceptre of Portugal fourteen years and two months in the year 1495. and in the six and fortieth of his age: 
Death of king john of Portugal.  his body, by his own appointment, was laid in the Cathedral church of Silues, and was afterwards transported by the commandment of the King his successor to the Monastery of Battle, 
1495.  being the last king that was buried there, and it is reported that yet to this day his body lies whole and vnconsumed. He was an excellent King, and esteemed to be so by the other Princes of Christendom.  
Returning to the affairs of Castille, King Ferdinand and Queen Izabella departing from Tordesillas, 
Castille.  went to Arevalo to visit the old Queen Izabella, mother to Queen Izabella then reigning, from whence they came to Segovia, and afterward to Madrid, where by the advice of their Council it was decreed, that the king, should take the Mastership of Alcantara into his own hands, as well as those of Saint james and Calatrava, for to be perpetual Administrator thereof, and to the end that there might be no more masters in Castille, than the King and Queen: the which was approved by authority Apostolical: Don john of Estuniga being bereft of his Mastership, was otherways recompensed. This year also, the new Chancery and royal audience at Cité real was erected for pleas and causes depending beyond Tayo, this river separating the bounds of the two Chanceries: namely, of this, and of that at Vailiodolit, from this Spring in the mountain of Cuenca, where it enters into the lands of Portugal, Don Alphonso Carillo Bishop of Catania, and afterwards of Auilla, was the first Precedent thereof. Now the King and Queen had sent some few days before Antonio Fonseca Ambassador to the French king Charles the eight, to the end to diver him from the war of Naples, enterprised against King Alphonso their Newphew, and to declare plainly to him (now that they had gotten the Earldom of Rossillon) their meaning. And king Charles being already come into Italy with a mighty army, the Ambassador metre him at Vilitri near to Rome, where he delivered his embassage, and did protest, notwithstanding the agreement and promises made at the restitution of the Earldom of Rossillon, that if he did persist to poursue by arms his pretended right to the kingdom of Naples, king Fernand his master could do no less then show himself his enemy, and take upon him his nephews defence, and therefore he entreated him to think of it, and to refer all their differences to the Pope's judgement, who could very well judge whither the kingdom of Naples did belong to the French or to the Arragonois.  
The Ambassador would have said more, but he was interrupted in his speech, by certain hot and fiery French Lords, who made him hold his peace, and told him that he spoke too arrogantly and impertinently: 
Peace betwixt F●ance and Castille broken.  therefore the Ambassador following his instruction, took the Articles of the last agreement betwixt King Charles and King Ferdinand (which he brought with him) and tore them in pieces in the presence of the King, Lords, and Knights of his Army: and he warned at the same instant, Charles de Areillan, and john Petit Ceruillon, Spanish Captains, who served in King Charles his Army: that as subjects to King Ferdinand they should departed thence within three days, and give over the French Kings service, on pain of being held rebels to their Prince: From the same time was the friendship betwixt those two Kings broken, and war in a manner denounced. King Charles pursued his destiny, and without any difficulty made himself master of the Realm of Naples, King Alphonso before he had fully reigned a year, having given over the kingdom to his son Ferdinand, went into Sicill, and there led a monastic life: but not long after, the Kings of Castille being at Tortosa in Cattalonia, did openly and by effect declare themselves enemies to the French, as well for fear lest they being already Masters of Naples, should seize upon Sicill, where they pretended like right, as also at the entreaty of Pope Alexander and other Potentates of Italy, being in the same fear of their own estates, and would not permit the power of the French to grow so great in Italy: therefore they set forth a Navy of Galleys and other ships, with five thousand Spanish footmen, and six hundred horse, under the conduct of Gonçalo Hernandes of Cordova: the which forces departing from Carthagena, arrived safely in the port of Messina, this year one thousand, four hundred, ninety and five, making a show as if they would have succoured the new King Ferdinand driven from Naples. These troops of Spaniards among other memorable matters, brought the great Pocks into Italy, 
The Great Pocks in Italy.  wherewith they of the country were soon possessed, and did communicate it to the French men, which were scattered here and there in the kingdom of Naples, and they afterward brought it on this side the Mounts, and did distribute it to their neighbour nations, so as this disease being indeed of India, was called the Spanish, Neapolitan, and French disease, according to the next subject where it was discovered, and from whence the contagion was perceived to come.  
About the same time in the City of Guadalajara, died Don Pero Gonçales de Mendoza Cardinal, 
Death of the Cardinal Don Pero Gonsall de Mendosa.  and Primate of Spain and Gotike France, Archbishop of Toledo, Patriarch of Alexandria, and Bishop of Siguença (such were his titles) who being visited in his sickness by the Kings, and being demanded whom he thought worthy to succeed him in the Archbishopric of Toledo, he named Friar Francis Ximenes of Cisneros the Queen's Confessor, Provincial of the order of Saint Francis in the Province of Toledo. This Cardinal had a singular affection to holy Cross, who besides that it was his hap to have the holy Cross in jerusalem for the title of his Cardinalship, he builded a College at Valiodolit, and an hospital at Toledo near the place of Codebecer, called Holy Cross: 
Pilat's original title set on the cross of our Saviour, kept for a relic●, in Rome.  he re-edified the Church of Santa Cruz at Rome, where they say the original title written by Pilate on our saviours Cross in Greek, Hebrew, and Latin, was found in an unfit place, the which remains as a famous relic in that Church. Besides, it is reported, that being near his end, a great white Cross of more than forty Cubits length appeared over the house where he lay sick, which being reported to him, he did rejoice, and having caused a Mass of the Holy Cross to be said, he gave up the ghost: these things are written for wonders by the Spaniards: his body lies buried in the chief chapel of the Church of Toledo, in a sumptuous Marble monument. As concerning Friar Francis Ximenes of Cisneros his successor in the Archbishopric of Toledo, he was son to a solicitor of causes in the town of Tordelaguna, called Alphonso Ximenes: his first rising was to the Arch-priesthood of Vzeda, and he was great Chaplain of Siguença, and the lxxi. in the order of the Archbishops, and he was afterward created Cardinal by Pope Alexander the sixth, of the title of Saint Balbine: but D. Bernardin de Caruajall Bishop of Carthagena, was preferred before him to the dignity of a Cardinal by the title of Santa Cruz in jerusalem, and was likewise admitted to the Bishopric of Siguença vacant by the Cardinal's death, and at the last obtained that of pleasance. Friar Diego de Deça, of the order of friars Preachers, Schoolmaster to Prince john of Castille, was likewise made Bishop of Salamanca.  
The affairs betwixt Castille and Navarre, since the time that Alain of Albret came to Valencia to King Fernand, 
The last Coronation at Navarre.  were peaceable: but the kingdom of Navarre was still vexed by the factions: those of Beaumond, had ever for their chief the Constable Lewis of Beaumond, Earl of Lerin: those of Grammont joined themselves with the Lord of Abenas, Viceroy and Governor of the Country, waiting with great desire for the coming of King john and Queen Catherine, unto whom they protested all obedience. Now the great affairs which these Princes had on this side the mountains, detained them a long time there: for besides that they were in no sort favoured by Charles the eight, the poursuites of their uncle john Viscount of Narbonne had continually disquieted them, until the year 1493. that they fell to agreement with him: and to secure the countries of Foix and Bearne in their absence, from his surprises and usurpations, they had made over to him the towns of Savardun, Maseres, Monthault, and Gibel.  
This Viscount was a widower, by the death of Donna Marie of Orleans, sister to Lewis the French King, who left him two children, namely, Gaston, who was duke of Nemours, and german, which was afterward wife to King Fernand of Arragon after Queen Isabella's death. Having then contented the Viscount, and king Charles busied in his journey to Naples, john Lord of Albret, and Queen Catherine his wife, went into Navarre, leading with them great troops of soldiers, for fear lest the Constable should rebel, who held the city of Pampelona in such sort at his command, as he disposed of all matters there, as if he had been King: and when the Princes came to the gates thereof, their entrance was denied, and they were constrained to lodge at Egues, where they remained certain days, until the Constable and his Faction were pleased to give them entrance. In that City were the Estates assembled, and the King and Queen were crowned with the usual ceremonies, in the presence of divers Prelates, Knights, and the Ambassadors of divers Princes. It was the last Coronation which was made in Navarre in our time: for this kingdom being soon after in the Kings of Castile's possession, they would no longer continue such ceremonies, being content to receive the oath of the Estates after the manner of Spain. The titles of King john and Queen Catherine of Navarre, were Kings of Navarre, Dukes of Nemours, Gandia, Momblanc and Pegnafiell, Earls of Foix, and Lords of Bearne, Earls of Bigorre, Ribagorça, Pontieure and Petigort, viscounts of Lymoges, Peers of France, and Lords of the city of Balaguer.  
The year 1494. Caesar Borgia, 
C●sar Borgia Cardinal Bishop of Pampelona.  who was after Duke Valentinois, Cardinal and son to Pope Alexander the sixth, did by his procurators take possession of the perpetual administration of the Church of Pampelona, by the decease of Don Alphonso Carillo the Bishop, and by the grant of the Pope his father: and the year following 1495. Princess Magdalen of France died, who was mother to Queen Catherine, in the same city of Pampelona, who accompanied her daughter to her coronation, and had ever virtuously employed herself about the conservation of her children's estates for the space of five and twenty years, all which time she had lived in holy widow hood: her body lies buried in the great Chapel of the Cathedral church of the same city. About that time Queen Katherine visited the King and Queen of Castille at Alfaro, by whom she was greatly honoured and welcomed, as befitted so great a Princess: and we read of none other occasion of her coming thither, but only for to see them.  
Now after that the King and Queen had made themselves masters of the City of Pampelona, the chief of the Kingdom, and of many other places which they feared, they were obeyed and reverenced by the most part of their subjects, and strongly accompanied with Knights and men at arms, they did call to remembrance many rash actions committed by the Constable Lewis of Beaumond, as well against King john of Arragon, and Queen Leonora their Grandmother, as against king Francis Phoebus and themselves, namely, that the Beaumontois had denied to open them the gates of Pampelona, with other such recent occasions, whereupon they began to persecute him very sharply, so as the Realm of Navarre was again in as great confusion as ever it had been: the two old Factions not forgetting to make use of any occasions that might hurt one another: the which storms were in some sort quietly calmed by the mediation of King Fernand of Castille & Arragon who procured this agreement, that the Constable Lewis of Beaumond his brother in law should withdraw himself into Castille for a certain limited time, in which mean space either part should lay by their arms, and that the said Constables goods and lands should be laid in deposito in King Fernands' hands. And in this sort the Constable left Navarre, 
Lewis of Bea●mont made Marquis of Huescar.  but he lost nothing thereby, for King Fernand gave him twice as much revenue as he had before, and made him Marquis of Huescar in Granado. The name of open war ceased in Navarre, but they left not of committing of many murders and robberies without fear of law, for that nation had been a long time accustomed to such outrages in contempt of the law; the which waxed still worse thorough King john and Queen Catherines negligence, who by evil counsel, and particular affections, unworthy of sovereign Princes, did at the last bandy themselves in leagues one against the other, the King taking part with those of Beaumond, and the Queen with the Grammontois whereof infinite miseries ensued.  
During these troubles Gonçalo Fernandes de Cordova, surnamed the Great captain, having joined the forces that he brought from Spain with those that King Fernand had, 
Castille.  who was driven forth of Naples, and being accompanied with D. Hugo Cardona the Sicillian, did so handle the matter as after that King Charles was departed forth of the Kingdom he recovered Calabria from the French, and drove thence the Lord o' Aubigni who was governor in those marches, notwithstanding that soon after he received an overthrow by him near to Seminara, where King Fernand of Naples had like to have been taken prisoner: after which Goncalo Fernandes having made his retreat to Ri●oles, where he stood a certain time on his defence, and being afterwards reinforced with new supplies out of Sicily, and a navy of three score and ten ships brought from Meffina by King Fernand, he had courage and means to besiege and make himself Master of the city of Naples, 
Exploits of Gonsalo Hernandes of Cordova surnamed the Great captain.  with her castles, and drove thence Lord Guilbert of Montpensier, whom King Charles had left there for governor and Lieutenant General, making such sharp war upon the rest of the French that were left there, as King Fernand in short time was restored to his Kingdom, by the valour prowess, and discretion of this great captain: which when Don Alphonso understood, who of a King was become a Monk in Sicily, 
D. Alphonso from a King become a Monk, striveth in urine, from a Monk to become a King.  he laboured to recover his former dignity: but his son who was in possession thereof, and who had valiantly employed himself in the recovery of that which his father had carelessly lost, would not give it over: wherefore Don Alphonso did not live long after in his monastic state, for he died this year 1495.  
The successful exploits of the Spaniards in the Kingdom of Naples did greatly rejoice King Fernand and Queen Isabel, who being at Tortosa, did agree upon the marriage of Prince john their son and heir to the Kingdoms, with Marguerite of Austria, daughter to Maxmilian then Emperor, who was sent home, as hath been said, 
Alliances betwixt the house of Austria and Cas●le.  by Charles the French King: and by the same means the marriage was concluded betwixt Philip of Austria son to the said Emperor and Donna joane, second daughter to the King and Queen of Castille and Arragon. These Princes and Princesses which were married, brother and sister to the brother and sister, were very near of kin by the line of Portugal: for Donna Isabel of Portugal, wife to Duke Philip of Burgundy, was mother to Duke Charles father to Mary, who was mother to Philip and to Marguerite of Austria.  
And on the other side D. Leonora of Portugal the Empress, wife to Fredrick, mother to Maxmilian, father to Philip and Margnerite, was cousin german to King Fernand daughter to Donna Leonora of Arragon, sister to King john his father, the which Donna Leonora was wife to King Edward of Portugal. These treaties being made, the King made some stay at Tortosa, and then returned into Castille: but they were not long there, 
Wa●e betwixt the French and Spaniards in the Earldom of Ros●●llon.  till the King was constrained to return to Tortosa to take order for the war which the French had raised in the Earldom of Rossillon: for King Charles being highly moved that the King of Castille, contrary to the agreement and promise which he had made him, had sent aid to the King of Naples, fought against his armies and towns which he had conquered, had sent a mighty army to the Pirenean hills, the which did assail Sausses, defended by Captain Bernard Francis, who was overcome and taken, 
Sanses taken by the French.  and almost all the Spaniards were cut in pieces in the sight of the Spanish Armies, commanded by Don Henry Henriques Earl of Alva de Lista, and by the King himself, who was come as far as Gyrone, thinking by vain shows to cause the French to retire: the which they did, but it was because winter drew on, 
1496.  and for want of victuals, the enemy's Army being in the like necessity. Sausses being forsaken, dismantled and burnt by the French, a truce was taken for four months. Among other men of name which died at the taking of Sausses were Don Diego de Azevedo, and Pedro de Solis: the same happened the year one thousand, four hundred, ninety and six.  
Queen Isabella remaining at Burgos, gave order for the journey of her second daughter Don joane into Flanders to Philip of Austria, unto whom she was promised, and for the same purpose she caused a great Navy to be rigged in the port of Laredo, 
Queen Isabella the Dowager sick both in body & mind●.  whether she came in person, after she had celebrated the obsequies of Queen Isabella her Mother, who died at the same time at Arevalo, having lived a widow the space of two and forty years, troubled with sickness both of body and mind, whose body being then laid in the Monastery of Saint Francis of Arevalo, was afterward transported to the Carthusians in the City of Burgos, called Mirefleur, where King john her husband was buried. 
Death of Don john de Gamboa.  The same year died in Guipuscoa Don john de Gamboa, a parsonage full of years and honour, who was Master of the horse to the Kings of Castille, and of their Council, Captain general of the frontiers of France and Navarre, and governor of Fontaraby. This Knight left only two daughters, one of which was married in Guipuscoa in the family of Sarauz, and the other into Biscay into that of Arteaga: 
The Infanta Don joanes voyage into F●anders.  the Queen gave the conduct of the Navy, and of the Infanta Donna joane her daughter, to Don Frederick Henriques high Admiral of Castille her Uncle, being accompanied by Donna Maria de Velasco the admirals Mother, with other Lords, Ladies and Gentlewomen, who being shipped, the Queen went back to Burgos, and from thence into Cattalonia to aid the King her husband.  
In the mean space, the great Captain continued the war on the one side, and King Ferdinand on the other in the kingdom of Naples, who were resisted in Calabria by Eberard Stuard Lord of Aubigni, assisted by the faction of Anjou, and with a few French forces which were left him, and in the territory of Lavoro by the Lord Guilbert of Montpensier Lieutenant general to the French King, in the same kingdom, who was besieged in the City of Auersa by King Ferdinand and the great Captain both together, and was brought to such extremity, as he promised, if within thirty days he were not succoured, to yield up all that the French men held in the kingdom of Naples, excepting Gaieta, Venosa and Tarentum, which were in the hands of strangers, upon condition that they would furnish him with ships to carry him and his people into France: there fell afterwards great sickness among the men of war on either side: and Lord Guilbert of Montpensier died at Pozzuolo with other French Lords, and there died likewise on the enemies part diverse men of note, as namely King Ferdinand, who had for successor his Uncle Don Frederick of Arragon, brother to Don Alphonso. King Frederick stayed not long ere he besieged Gaietta, during which siege the Lord D Aubigni rendered the places which he held in Calabria, by whose example Gaietta, Venosa and Tarentum were yielded, and King Frederick by that means recovered all the realm of Naples.  
In this war all the Potentates of Italy showed themselves enemies to the French, 
All the Potentates of Italy enemies to the French except the Florentines.  the Florentines excepted, who thought by the means of the Frenchmen who held Pisa, to bring that City into their subjection. And the war being ended, Pope Alexander did sharply persecute the Vrsins, friends and servants to the house of France, and the chief of that family Virginio Vrsino, an excellent Captain, of all which matters, King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella of Castille were advertised to their great contentment.  
The beginning of the year one thousand, four hundred, ninety and seven, the Kings being in the City of Burgos, 
1467.  they received advertisement that the Army of Castille was returned, which had conducted the Infanta Donna joane, wife to Philip of Austria, and brought Margueret, sister to the said Philip, betrothed to Prince john, who were married in the same City, 
Friar Francis Ximenes Archbishop of Toledo.  Friar Francis Ximenes of Cisneros Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain doing the ceremony: and they had for their Godfather Don Frederick the Admiral, and Donna Maria de Velasco his mother for their Godmother. The feasts and magnificences weré great and pompous, whereat died Don Alphonso de Cardegna second son to Don 〈◊〉 de Cardegna, great Commander of Leon.  
The wedding being ended, the Co●rt came to Medina del campo, where Christopher Colombus arrived as a prisoner by the slanders and accusations of the Spaniards his enemies, who were impatient of discipline, the most envious of whom was Friar Buil, who came back the same time into Spain: nevertheless the Kings thinking it an unseemly matter that such a parsonage should yield account of his actions in quality of an offender, they did absolve him of the grea● rigour which he had executed by justice on the Spaniards, with commandment thenceforward to use those more gently, who did cross so many seas to do them service, and they willed him to return to the judges, they being highly contented with the reports which he made of the great riches and wealth which those countries yielded: whereof he brought them proofs of gold, Brazil, mother of Pearl, Amber, precious Feathers, Indian tapestry, and other strange things: They did again rig forth eight ships for him, furnished with men and victuals, two whereof he sent away before laden with victuals and weapons to his brother Bartholomew Colombus, who had begun to build the City of Saint Domingo, upon the river of Oçama in the Island of Hispagunola: he with the other six parted from Saint Lucar de Barameda, and being arrived at Madera, understanding that there were French Pirates at sea that watched for him, being drawn thither by the renown of the wealth of the Indies, he sent only three of his ships directly to the Island of Hispagnuola, and he with the other three sailed towards the Isles of Cape vert, tending to the Equinoctial, and after great travail of heats, and calms, he arrived at Paria the firm land of those West Indies: then coasting three hundred and thirty leagues unto Cape de Velas, he discovered and took note of all that country, where are Cabo Anegado, the point of Salinas, Cubagua, otherwise called the Isle of Pearls, the point of Araja, Cumana, Chirivichi, the Gulf of Cariari, Curiana, Saint Roman, Veneçuela Coquibocoa, and other places, from whence he passed to the new City of Saint Domingo, and there was received for Governor, to the great grief of diverse.  
This was the third voyage that Colombus made to the Indies, and then they had already begun to trade and negotiate with the Indians by force of arms: 
Colombus his third voyage to the Indies.  for the violent usage of them had made them become strange, and enemies to the Spaniards, so as they left off tilling of their grounds, and sowing of their Maiz, to the end to constrain them by hunger to leave the country, and at the same time as these ships arrived, great number of Indians being gathered together, did besiege the Spaniards of the Fort of Saint Thomas du Ciabo, who were put to flight by Alphonso de Hoiedo. Having then gotten the Cachique Coanabo into the Fort, keeping him prisoner for the death of diverse Christians, more than five thousand Indians assembled themselves, being conducted by a brother of his, for to deliver him, who were likewise defeated by Hoyeda, having but a hundred Spaniards in his company, and some amongst them were horsemen, the which made the Spaniards to be greatly feared, and much more afterward when Bartholomew Colombus by night defeated fifteen thousand Indians, took fifteen Cachiques, and a General above all the rest named Guarionex, all which he set at liberty upon their words and promises to continue subjects to the Kings of Castille.  
Besides these conquests in the Indies, 
Enterprises upon the african Mooles.  the Spanish Nobility, who seeing that there was no more wars in Spain against the Infidels, began to enterprise upon the neighbour shore of Africa, and this year the City of Melilla, near the sea in the kingdom of Tremessen, was taken by Don john de Guzman, Duke of Medina Sidonia, who led a sufficient army thither, at his own coasts and charges. This was the first place which the crown of Castille did possess in that country beyond the sea, which gave beginning to the wars of Africa, which continued afterward, and whereof we will speak in his place. This exploit of the Duke of Medina was acknowledged and rewarded by the King, who lying at Valencia of Alcantara did treat the marriage of their daughter, the Infanta Isabella the widow, with the new King D. Manuel of Portugal, of whom we must discourse.   

D. Manuel the fourthteenth King of Portugal.  
THis Prince succeeded King john his cousin and brother in law in the crown of Portugal the year 1465. being seven and twenty years of age: 
Portugal.  he was son to Don Fernand Duke of Viseo, and of the Infanta Donna Beatrice, grand child to King Edward, and great grandchild to King john the first, whose advancement to the royal crown had been foretold by certain soothsayers and Astrologians: he obtained it by right of lawful succession, and by the testamentary appointment of King john his predecessor: in whose life time he did in no sort take upon him the title of Prince and heir of Portugal, but only of Duke of Beja and Master of Christus. He was a just King, and loved honour, religious and zealous in the faith which had been taught him, using the Nobility kindly, 
Qualities of King Manuel.  the which he increased and advanced in his dominions as much as he could: he was gentle, liberal and a great giver of alms, especially to religious friars as well of his own Kingdom as to strangers, diligent and careful in the administration of justice, an enterpriser, lucky in voyages, navigations and discoveries of countries, whereby he greatly augmented and amplified his Kingdom and Signories: he was beloved and esteemed as well of his own subjects as of strangers: 
Buildings of King Manuel.  magnificent and sumptuous in buildings, which the royal monastery of Belen or Bethlem, of the order of Saint jerosme doth bear witness of, edified for the burial of the Kings: the castle of Belen, which stands almost in the river of Tayo, for the guard of the Port of Lisbon; the Monastery of Saint Mary de la Pegna of the same order of Saint jerosme near to Sintra, and that of Saint Clare the New in the town of Estremos: all which works were by him built from the foundation; and he did moreover restore and augment the covents of Saint Francis of Lisbon, Ebora and Saint Iren. The bridge of Coimbra, and that of Olivença upon Guadiana are likewise of his structure, with divers others public buildings and reparations: all which virtues and magnificencies were blemished by one vice, whereupon Princes and great Lords do often stumble, namely, he was to light of belief. Whereby he showed himself inconstant and variable, retracting on every small occasion his decrees, orders, gifts and privileges by contrary commandments.  
This King Don Manuel was thrice married, and all his wives were Infantaes of Castille, 
Genealogy of Portugal.  and the two first were sisters: his first wife was Donna Isabel, widow to the Infant Don Alphonso his Nephew his sister's son, on whom he begat a son named D. Michael, who was borne in Arragon in the city of Saragossa at such a time as shallbe set down hereafter, who if he had lived, had been heir to all Spain: Donna Isabel being dead, his second wife was her sister, called the Infanta Maria of Castille, third daughter to King Fernand and Queen Isabel by whom he had a great issue. First of all, D. john heir of Portugal borne at Lisbon in the palace of the River, the Infanta Donna Isabel borne in the same city, who was Queen of Castille, Leon, Arragon and Navarre, and Empress of Germany, married to Charles the fifth. Donna Beatrice who was Duchess of Savoy, wife to Charles the ninth, and mother to Duke Emanuel Philibert of Savoy, D. Lewis borne in Abrantes, father to D. Antonio who was at strife for the kingdom of Portugal with Philip king of Spain in our time; next D. Henry, who in our time was a Cardinal, borne likewise in Abrantes on the river of Tayo, D. Alphonso who was borne in the city of Ebora, and was likewise made Cardinal at seven years of age by Pope Leo the tenth; Don Catherine who died young, then D. Fernand, Don Edward and Don Antonio. His third and last wife was Donna Leonora daughter-to Philip of Austria, Infanta of Castille, and sister to the Emperor Charles the fifth, by whom he had a son named Charles who died young, he had moreover by her a daughter, borne after his death, named Donna Maria, who lived in great chastity in our days: So as this King had by his three married wives thirteen children living, namely nine sons and four daughters: 
Earldoms erected in Portugal by King Manuel.  This Prince coming to the crown he erected diverse Earldoms for the ornament of the Nobility of Portugal, he gave that of Portalegre to Diego de silva his governor, who enjoyed but, the title only, for the Inhabitants of Portalegre did defend themselves, by reason of their privileges: he made Don Vasco de Gama Admiral of Portugal Earl of Bediguera, Don Martin de Castel-blanc Earl of Villanova, Don john de Meneses Earl of Taroco and prior of Saint john's, Don Rodrigo de Merlo Earl of Tentugall, Don Pedro de Castro Earl of Montsancto, Don Francisco de Sosa, son to the Bishop of Ebora Earl of Bemioso, and Don Antonio of Portugal Earl of Lignare, honouring in that manner, by liberality and royal bounty the Nobility of Portugal.  
At the instant entreaties and requests of the widow, 
D. james restored to the Duchy of Visco and to his father's goods.  Queen Leonora his sister, and of the Duchess Donna Isabel, widow of Bragança; he restored to the honours and goods of the deceased Duke, D. james, until then in exile in Castille, who was the Duke's second son, for Don Philip the eldest died in Castille, because the Princes of his blood should not live in such calamity, and that so noble a race might not fail in Portugal: he showed the like grace and bounty to diverse other Lords, who were absent, for offences committed against the crown, albeit that the new Duke D. james had for his own part no way offended, but had run into his father's disgrace who was executed by law. For a notable and religious act, as he and his counsel thought, he gave commandment that all jews and Moors should void forth of Portugal, unless they would be baptised, confiscating their goods, and children of every sex, excepted under thirteen years of age, whom by force he caused to be baptised, but being afterwards better advised, 
Jews constrained to be baptised.  he retained only the men and women of those sects by force, causing them to receive baptism, and to confess jesus Christ with their mouths, but, as it is to be presumed, without believing it in their hearts, and people constrained, and not well instructed, the which did beget infinite apostasies, sects, and heresies in Portugal, as it could not fall out otherwise.  
Following the steps of his predecessor King john, he sent men into the parts of the East to make ample and certain information of the traffic of spices, 
D. Vasco de Gama a Portugal Captain in Calicut.  and he caused Don Vasco de Gama to pursue the navigations and discovery of the shores of Africa, who departing from Lisbon this year 1497. with two ships, the one named the Angel Gabriel, the other the Angel Raphael, manned with a hundred and forty men, coasted about Africa, and touching at the Isle of Saint james, and that of Saint Helen, places by him so named, he came into Maçambuque a country of the Moors, and from thence, by a long and tedious journey passing hard by a rock, which he called Saint George, and by the shelves and sands of Saint Raphaell he arrived at Mombaça a land fertile, pleasant, and of great trade and commerce, then going forward he came to the city of Melinde, in the which he had not only some rest and refreshing from his painful journey, but did likewise contract peace and alliance betwixt the King of Melinde, and King Manuel his Master: at the last sailing farther, he came to Calicut the place so much desired which was the aim of his enterprise. He found Calicut to be a great and well peopled city, and of great trade for spices, he saw in the haven more than a thousand five hundred sail of merchants ships, great and small, but ill built and unserviceable for long voyages, without art in their sails, anchors and tackling, not using the compass, and wholly unfit for sea fights, not being able to sail unless they had a fore wind.  
Now King Manuel being such an one as we have described him, and in his flourishing age, 
Castille.  the marriage betwixt him and the Princess Isabel of Castille; who was a widow was concluded at Valencia of Alcantara, at the same time as Prince john of Castille newly married to Marguerite of Austria fell sick of the disease whereos he died at Salamanca: the which caused king Manuel to hasten the effecting of this marriage: 
Death of Prince john of Castille.  because that after Prince john, the succession of the Realms of Castille and Arragon fell to Donna Isabel as to the eldest. Therefore he used such diligence as the marriage was accomplished before the Prince his death, who deceased to the great grief of the kings his father and mother, 
General mourning.  and of all their subjects, having not fully attained to the twentieth year of his age, and was buried in the Monastery of S. Thomas of the friar preachers in the city of Auila. All the Gentlemen, Knights, Lawyers, and other men of note in all parts of Spain, did in sign of mourning for his death  themselves in black frise, or such like course cloth of mean price. The Princess Marguerite his widow, who was with child, was brought in bed soon after in the town of Alcala de Henares of a dead daughter. King Fernand being the first that received these lamentable news, 
A good means to comfort an extreme sorrow.  fearing lest the Queen his wife would fall into some great perplexity for the loss of an only son, heir to so great a state and of such young years, did determine to send her news that he himself was dead, and then when she should enter into tears and lamentations, to come into her presence at the same instant to comfort her, and then plainly to tell her the truth of their sons death, imagining that a sudden consolation betwixt two extreme griefs, would greatly moderate both the one and the other: the which took good effect, by the good reasons and examples which he alleged unto her. By Prince john's decease, Donna Isabel his sister was Princess of the Asturia's, and eldest heir to the Kingdoms of Castille and Arragon.  
This year died Don john Arias de Villar, who was Bishop of Ouiedo, the which place was given to Don Garcia Ramires de Villa Escusa, last perpetual prior of Saint Marks of Leon, and ever afterward the Priors of that place were but from year to year. There died also by a lamentable chance, the Court being at Alcala, Don Lewis Pimentell Marquis of Villa-franca, eldest son to Don Roder●go Alphonso Pimentell Earl of Benavent, who fell down to the ground out of a gallery. Don Diego of Castille great commander of Calatrova did likewise die, and his commandery was given to Don Guttiere de Padilla Treasurer, and his place to Don Alphonso de silva, brother to the Earl of Cifuentes. Now the new Queen of Portugal, Infanta of Castille and Arragon, having right to so great a succession by the death of Prince john her brother: it behoved the King her husband and herself to pass into Castille, to receive, in quality of future heirs to those Kingdoms, the oath of the States: therefore leaving the widow Queen Leonora Regent in Portugal, they came to the city of Toledo the year 1498. where Queen Isabel of Portugal was sworn, 
An. 1498.  and acknowledged Princess of the Asturia's, heir to Castille and Leon: then going into Arragon, the like was done for the succession in those Kingdoms. But this Princess being with child, she was brought in bed and died in the city of Saragossa, leaving heir to all her fathers and mother's dominions, 
D. Michael that n●w borne Infant sworn heir of Arragon.  the child newly borne if he had lived, who was called D. Michael, who in that infancy was sworn Prince of Girone and heir to Arragon and Sicily. With this sorrow D. Manuel returned a widower into Portugal, leaving his only son in Saragossa. The dead Queen's body was brought to Toledo and buried in the Monastery of Saint Antolm, which is a parish Church where were Religious Nuns, which was builded by Don Agnes d' Ayala, wife to the Admiral of Castille, grandmother to King Fernand. And afterward because of this Princess, which was there buried, it was called the Monastery of Saint Elizabeth, and the parish removed to Saint Marks which was of the number of the Musarabes.  
About this time Lewis the twelfth of that name, before Duke of Orleans having succeeded Charles the eight in the crown of France, and having his thoughts wholly bend to dispossess Duke Lewis Sforza of the Duchy of Milan, which he said was the antient-maternall inheritance of the house of Orleans, peace was granted to King Fredrick of Naples, and in agreement procured betwixt France and Castille: therefore Don Gonçalo Hernandes surnamed the great captain, returned out of Italy into Spain, 
Oath to the Infant D. Michael for the future succession of Castille.  full of victory and honour. The Court being come to Ocagna, where Queen Isabel found herself somewhat well at ease the year 1499. the Infant Don Michael was sworn Prince of the Asturia's, and heir to Castille. There arose a great quarrel in Ocagna amongst the courtiers, wherein Don Alphonso Pimentel, son to Don john Pimentel was slain.  
The Court coming to Madrid, the marriage was celebrated betwixt D. Rodrigo de Mendoza the first Marquis of Zenete, a widower by the death of his wife D. Leonora de la Cerda Marquis of Zenete, 
D. Mencia de Mendoza wife to Earl Henry of Nassau.  only daughter to the Duke of Medina Celi, and Donna Maria de Fonseca, daughter to D. Alphonso de Fonseca, of which marriage was borne a daughter and heir called Mencia de Mendoza, who was wife to Henry Earl of Nassau.  
The affairs of the Indies grew worse and worse, the Spanish arrogancy not being able to endure a bridle to restrain them in their disorders, for Rowland Ximenes from a servant being become great Provost and Precedent of justice in the Indies, by the favour of the Admiral Christopher Colombus, did openly mutiny against Bartholomew Colombus the governor, and with threescore and ten of his confederates, he sequestered himself and went into Xaragua, protesting that he did not forsake the King's service of Castille, but only his obedience to the Genevois, whose pride he could not bear: the Admiral endeavoured by all means to appease this tumult, but he could not, wherefore they fell to writing one against an other into Spain, and to lay great offences to each others charge, so as the Kings sent Francis de Bovadilla, a Knight of the order of Calatrava with four carvels, with ample power and authority to the Indies to make information of these matters, who being arrived in the Island of Hispagnuola, found, after inquiry made in the city of Saint Domingo, that the two brother's Colombs were in the fault, therefore he apprehended them, and sent each of them in a carvel prisoners in setters into Spain.  
Being landed at Cales, 
The brothers Colombus brought back again prisosoners into Spain.  the Kings having notice of their arrival, caused them to be set at liberty and to come to Granado where the Court then lay, where notwithstanding their justifications, the government of the Indies was taken from them. And so the Admiral remained three years in Spain, without returning to the countries by him discovered. The Kings the same year gave leave to Pero Nugno borne at Palos de Moguer to go to the Indies with a ship and thirty mariners, on condition that he should not land, nor come near the lands discovered by Christopher Colombus by fifty leagues: 
Pero Nugnos voyage.  who being arrived at Parias, and having well noted the coast even to Curiana, which is near to Veneçuela, he landed in Curiana, where he found the people to be simple, with whom he exchanged his pedlery ware of small value, for very precious pearls. This Pero Nugno being returned into Galicia was accused by his own fellows, and had a long suit before Hernando de Vega Lord of Grayales viceroy in that country. Other inhabitants of Palos Moguer, who had been in the voyages of Christopher Colombus, and had enriched themselves were desirous to sail again to the Indies, as namely, Vicont james Pins●n, and Arias Pinson his nephew, 
The voyage of Vi●●ent and Arias Pinson.  who at their own charges having victualled and rig'd four carvels, they passed by Saint james his Isle, one of those of Cap-vert, and arrived at the Cap of Saint Augustin, a country very thick of trees, amongst the which they found one that sixteen men could not fathom, where they wrote their names, and those of their King and Queen in token of possession: then coasting along the shores (not without danger) where they thought to land, in regard they found there very fierce and barbarous Indians, they came to the mouth of the great river Maragnon, in the gulph● of Parias, and to that of the river Oreillana, which are the greatest in the world, and do run almost ever under the Equinoctial: the which river of Oreillana the pinson's having sailed, and spent ten months in those navigations; they returned into Spain with two carvels only laden with brasil and drogues, but no gold notr pearls.  
Don Vas●o de Gama arrived likewise this year in Portugal from his voyage of Calicut laden with spices, 
Portugal.  which he had bought at a cheap rate, from which place he departed in the month of September of the precedent year, captain Nicholas Coello going before from the Cap of good hope to bring the King of Portugal good news thereof, after whom the said Vasco arrived, who was most graciously welcomed, and largely rewarded for his travail which lasted six and twenty months, and of all the men which he carried out with him he brought home fifty only. The portugals from that time, did ordinarily sail to the East Indies.  
This year the Princess Margueret of Austria widow, 
Castille.  parted from Spain to return into Flanders, afterward she was married to Philibert Duke of Savoy, by whom having had no children, after his death she remained a widow, and governed the country of Flanders a long time: the Monastery called Bruns near to Bourg in Bresse, was builded by her. The Court being at Granado, Queen joane of Naples, widow to the late King Fernand the first came thither, she was sister to King Fernand of Castille▪ In her company was the Cardinal Lewis of Arragon, son to Don Roderigo of Arragon bastard to the King her husband: and in Flanders the Infanta Donna joane wife to Philip of Austria was brought in bed of a daughter named Leonor, who was Queen of Portugal, married to the King Don Manuel and afterward to the great King Francis of France.  
King Fernand and Queen Isabel being come from Granado to Sivil, being moved with zeal to religion, and the better to obtain the title of Catholic Kings, by the counsel also of the Prelates, and namely of friar Francis Ximenes de Cisneros Archbishop of Toledo, friar Thomas of Torquemada, the chief Inquisitor of Spain being deceased a while before, they undertook the voluntary and forced conversion of the Moors, contrary to the promises and capitulations made unto those which yielded during the wars, whereof great troubles ensued.  
The Archbishop Ximenes was at Granado to assist friar Hernand of Talavera a little before made Archbishop of Granado, who laboured to procure that conversion to be voluntary, 
moors Mudeiares enforced to change their religion.  without using constraint. But he of Toledo imagining that the other had proceeded over gently, did begin to press the Moors that were inhabitants of the Albayzin after his own humour; giving hard speeches to such as would dispute of religion with the Monks and Curates, who thought to convert them: and then coming to deeds, he laid hands upon a chief Moor of the family of Zigri, who was descended from the Kings of Granado, and kept him so long in prison as to recover his liberty, he said that he was contented to believe in jesus Christ, and that he had had a vision which did assure him that it was the right way of salvation. He sent after that, one of his household servants named Sazedo, with a Provost that was very ill beloved to apprehend a woman dwelling in the same Albayzin, but both of them were there slain. divers Moors being gathered together at the woman's cries, who after the deed ran to the Archbishop of Toledoes lodging to have done as much to him: but he and his people did valiantly defend themselves until the Earl of Tendilla the Governor came and freed him from them: the which Earl with the Archbishop of Toledo dealt in such sort as the mutinous people were appeased, and their Alguasils' were heard, who protested that they did not rise against the King, but only to hinder the breaking of the Articles agreed upon, which were, not be enforced to change their religion.  
This was the first attempt of the Moors conversion, with no small danger and tumult, which lasted ten days. The King having notice of what was done, was highly moved against the Archbishop of Toledo; but he contented him with reasons wherewith he was not unfurnished, and caused him to allow and approve to have them converted by force: for at the report of what the Moors of Albayzin had done, those of the mountains, and of the country called Alpuxarres did fall into a mutiny, to chastise whom they were constrained to proceed by arms the year following 1500. In the same year Pope Alexander the sixth, celebrated the tenth jubiley at Rome, whether people of sundry Nations went in great numbers: and they began to convert the Moors of Granado, this year where divers of them did mutiny: nevertheless more than fifty thousand of that sect received the water of Baptism, and their Mosques were blessed and consecrated to ceremonies and uses accustomed amongst the Christians of that age: those amongst them who would not change their religion at the King's command, were constrained to do it by force of arms, and because the towns of Huescar, Lanjaron, and Andarrax in the country of Alpuxarras did make the greatest resistance, the inhabitants being enforced were made slaves. 
Birth of Charles of Austria who was King of Spain and Emperor.  And the same year was borne in the city of Gaunt unto Philip of Austria and Donna joane of Castille upon Saint Mathias day, a son named Charles, who was heir to all the Kingdoms of King Fernand, and Queen Isabel his grandfather and grand mother, and Emperor of Almain, the fifth of that name, a great and an excellent Prince. It is reported that when the news of his birth was brought to Queen Isabel his grandmother, she in a prophetical spirit of his future universal succession in the great dominions of Spain, spoke these words, taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, The lot is fallen upon Mathias, 
Saint Math●●s day lucky to Emperor Charles.  noting thereby, that Don Michael of Portugal then living should not inherit, but that it should be he who was borne upon Saint Mathias day: the which in deed fell out to be happy for the Emperor Charles, it is the four and twentieth day of February.  
King Fernand being returned from the Catholic war of the country of Alpuxarres in the Kingdom of Granado unto Seville, 
Navarre.  he was visited by john d' Albret King of Navarre, whom he welcomed with great honour and courtesy, 
King john of Navarre his ●ourney into Castille.  for the space of seventeen days that he remained there. divers businesses moved this Prince to come into Castille, but there were two of greatest importance, for he imagined to get again the towns of La guard, Arcos, Saint Vincent, and Bermedo, the castles of Toro and Herera, and other places of La Sosierra which the King of Castille possessed of the ancient patrimony of Navarre; he did moreover, in the right of the late Queen Blanch of Navarre, first wife to King john of Arragon, and great grandmother to Queen Catherine then reigning, and by grant made in the contract of her marriage, demand the Infantasgo of Castille, the Duchy of Pegnafiel and Lordship of Lara, with many other lands, and therewith all the son of 420112. florins, six shillings eight pence of the coin of Arragon: for which matters King john d' Albret and Queen Catherine of Navarre being at Pau, had not long since sent two Franciscan friars in embassage to the Kings of Castille, who were men of understanding, namely friar john de Vadre Warden of Corella, and friar john de Ro, warden of Tafalla, with ample instructions to obtain them: but they brought away nothing but pleasing words and dilatory excuses. Besides this business, the suspicion which they had of the Earl of Lerin did greatly trouble them, who was newly come into Castille, and was much honoured and advanced there, and it was reported to them that King Fernand had often times solicited him, to make over unto him all the lands, goods, rights and actions which he had in the Realm of Navarre, promising him triple recompense for them in Castille; the which the Earl had nevertheless refused, either for the natural love which he did bear to his country, or else that he did better esteem the place which he held, almost as King of Navarre, then to be in Castille, where divers others took place before him as it was fit: These two chief occasions caused the King and Queen of Navarre to departed from Pau, whether they were gone as soon as they had news of King Charles the eight his death, and to return into Navarre, where the Queen remained governess assisted by friar Pedro Eraso Abbot of the Monastery of Oliva: King john d' Albret went to Seville to be resolved by King Fernand concerning these businesses, to prevent the inconveniences which he feared, and to renew the peace, friendship and alliance betwixt those two Kingdoms: He was highly honoured, as hath been said, by the Kings of Castille, and lodged with them in the fort of that magnificent city: and the more to gratify and reverence him the Constable, the Earl of Lerin, was forbidden to come into the castle.  
It is reported that King Fernand 
King Fernand desirous to get the Kingdom of Navarre.  caused the King of Navarre to be sounded whether he thought well of the exchange which he desired to make with the Earl of Lerin of the lands which he possessed in his Kingdom, for other recompense in Castille, and that he would give King john d' Albret a good sum of money, 
A man should never exchange lands for money.  if he would consent that those lands should remain to Castille: who notwithstanding the evil will that he did bear to the Earl of Lerin, uttered his opinion concerning it, which was, that a man should never exchange lands and revenues for money. King john d' Albret got no other matter by this journey but good cheer, and divers presents of rich plate, hangings, horse, jewels, and other such like things: wherefore he returned into his Realm of Navarre, leaving the matters he went for un-effected. The Earl of Lerin Constable of Navarre being at that meeting reconciled to him did follow him and stayed in Navarre, certain months in good quiet. We have made mention how that Cardinal Caesar Borgia, son to Pope Alexander, had the Bishopric of Pampelona in nature of perpetual administrator thereof, he resigned the same to the Cardinal of Saint praxedes: 
Caesar Borgia, made Duke Valentinois.  he laid aside likewise his Cardinal's hat, and followed the wars whereunto he was more inclined then to Church matters, and was made by his father Duke of the country called in old time Flaminia, and Gonfaloner and captain General of the Church, this was the Duke Valentinois.  
In these days began the war which in process of time did subject the state of Milan under the dominion of the Kings of Castille. King Lewis the twelfth, 
Castille.  of the house of Orleans, pretending that the right of that Duchy belonged unto him as the proper inheritance of the Duchess Valentine his grandmother, lawful daughter to Duke john Galeas Viscont, and heir to her two brother john Maria, and Philip, successive Dukes on after an other, 
Wars of the French against Lewis Sforza.  who died without children, he gave over all thought of the conquest of Naples, the right of the house of Anjou, and turned his forces against the Duke then reigning, Lewis Sforza usurper of that state, whereat not only the Potentates of Italy, hating the French dominion, were discontented, but they drew the Spanish forces to the defence of Prince Sforza, wherein chiefly King Fredrick of Naples employed himself, soliciting King Fernand, and Queen Isabel by continual messengers and letters to oppose themselves by all means against the greatness of the French in Italy, who if they should obtain the Duchy of Milan, he did assure them that they would pass on to Naples, and after that into Sicily which was their ancient right: Therefore it was concluded in the counsel of Castille, to send back Don Gonçal Hernandes the great captain; who took shipping at Malaga the eight of july, this year 1500. and led into Italy, eight thousand foot, and twelve hundred horse, where being arrived, to avoid idleness, he went over with his army into the Isle of Zante in old time Zacinthium, in the Illiri an sea, to the end to aid the Venetians oppressed by the Turks army, which had taken from them Modon, Coron, Crisse, and Pila in Morea, and the Island of Cephalonia, in which the Spanish army joined to the Venetian, commanded by Benedetto Pezaro, did land, and there behaved themselves so valiantly, as they brought again that Island under the Venetians power, the army of the Turk Bajazet then reigning, being gone to Constantinople. The Venetians in acknowledgement of which service did honour the great captain with the title and privilege, of a Gentleman of their commonwealth, a thing rarely granted by them unto strangers, who brought back his army victorious to Messina, waiting for an occasion to employ it to the prejudice of the French.  
During these stirs, the Court being at Granado, there died the Prince Don Michael heir to these Kingdoms, 
Portugal.  to the great grief of the Kings of Castille his grandfather and grandmother, and of King Manuel his father, having not exceeded the age of two years, who lies buried in the chapel of the Kings, since then builded in the same City: By his decea●e the Infanta Donna joane, wife to the Archduke Philip had right to the succession of these great Estates, and so consequently the lot fell upon her son Charles borne on Saint Mathias day, 
D. joane wife to the Archduke Philip, presumptive heir of Castille and Arragon.  as Queen Isabel had foretold, the Archduke and Donna joane his wife being called upon that occasion, prepared themselves for their journey into Spain. The same year died Don Inigo Lopes de Mendoza, second Duke of Infantasgo, who was buried in the Convent of Saint Francis at Guadalajara, King Manuel being a widower and without children, contracted marriage with the other sister of his deceased Queen named Donna Marie, third daughter to the King and Queen of Castille, by whom he had many children, as hath been heretofore declared. The new Queen of Portugal departed from Granado in the months of September this year 1500. and was conducted to the King her husband by D. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza Archbishop of Seville and Patriarch of Alexandria, who was afterward Cardinal, with divers other Lords and Knights.  
The conversion of the Moors of the Kingdom of Granado, 
Castille.  begun by King Fernand and Queen Isabel, was so greatly by them desired as they would not departed out of that country till they had brought it to such pass as they intended: 
The Moors persecuted in Spain, to cause them to turn to Christian religion.  the Moors on the other side not being instructed, and seeing divers contempts of religion, and infinite evil examples amongst the Prelates and in all the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy of the Christians; they thought it a strange matter to be enforced to change their religion the which they thought to be holy, and that they should so perfidiously break the agreements and promises, upon which they had yielded themselves to the Kings of Castille: wherefore they made all the resistance possible: Nevertheless the inhabitants of Las Alpuxarras, those of the cities of Almerie, Guadix and Baça, did in some sort fashion themselves to the King's religion: but those of Benific, Nixar, and Guijar, ran to arms and resolved rather to die then to be so evil entreated: wherefore they were constrained to send an army thither, 
Cruel execution of the Moors at Benifique, Nixar, etc.  by which those towns were taken by force and cruel slaughter made of the inhabitants: namely after the fury of the fight, the Kings caused all the male children, which were of age to bear arms, to be executed by law, and as for the women they were all sold for slaves, and this was done to quench the bloody thirst of the prelates and monks, counsellors and solicitors of that ill understood conversion. Yet for all that, after the fury was past, the King caused the children of either sex amongst those miserable people under eleven years of age to be separated and baptised, giving them their liberty as innocent of their father's obstinacy. This rigour was so far off from fearing or abating the courage of the rest as they thereby became more stubborn: their being no spur in the world more sharp, than religion, to make men give over and contemn life, and all other things to be beloved in this world, when they are constrained to take arms for that respect: for divers Moors dwelling upon the coast of Ronda, La Sierra Vermeille, and Villa longa: being brought to the last hope of being able to live in the freedom of their consciences, and to keep their old religion, did arm themselves, to the number of twelve thousand persons, which caused the Kings to think that they were entered again into a very difficult war, and that the conquest of the kingdom of Granado was not yet ended.  
And because it behoved them to give a present remedy to this fire which kindled, 
War renewed by the persecuted Moors.  they dispatched away Don Alphonso d' Aguilar, and the Earl of Vregna, with as great forces as the present necessity could furnish: but Don Alphonso who was old, and a well experienced captain, protested that with so small a number he could do the King no service, but should receive loss and dishonour; for the Moors were four to one of his people: nevertheless being urged to it, he marched against the enemies, who keeping themselves close together, and in strong places, would not give the least advantage to the Christians; for whom they laid wait in the valleys and straight places of the country, well known to themselves, to the end to surprise and defeat them, the which came to pass: for the Christians being lodged one night at the foot of Sierra Vermeille, in such a place as Don Alphonso's troops were separated from those of the Earl of Vregna by a great bottom which was betwixt them, the Moors at the shutting in of daylight fell upon Don Alphonso and his people with such fury, as they cut them all in pieces, Don Alphonso himself lay dead upon the place: his son Don Pedro, having his teeth beaten out with the blow of a stone, and hurt with an arrow, with great difficulty escaped at the beginning of the fight, the Earl of Vregna beholding the slaughter of his friends, not being able to secure them by reason of the bottom that lay betwixt them, 
Particular 〈◊〉 among captains of one setfe side, do oftentimes cause the public cause to be forgotten.  or else because he would not, as divers did think, for ever among great Lords, and chief commanders under one Prince are envy, jealousy, and emulation found, which cause such effects to the loss of their Prince and commonwealth.  
King Fernand did greatly apprehend this loss, as also Don Alphonso's death, the which could not be imputed to rashness: for he had protested that such resolute men as those Moors were, who were in their forts, ought not to have been assailed with such weak forces: and that they knew very well, the common proverb, which saith, that for to fetch a dead man out of his own house, there must always be four, how much more than did it behove them to go strongly accompanied against those with whom he had to do, who wear living men, soldiers, and well armed: It is reported that as he was assailed, divers Knights were of opinion to turn their backs and to flee, but he would needs make head, saying, that never any of his race did turn their backs to a Moor. 
Unseasonable magnanimity of D. Alphonso de Aguilar.  Wherefore being kept back by shame and dishonour he sustained that conflict, whereas he might have made an excusable retreat. Now the King being in a marvelous choler, departed from Granado against these Moors, with an intent to punish them rigorously: but perceiving that it is evermore harder to execute then to counsel; he was content to permit them to pass over into Africa, and to leave the country: by this means after sundry defeats and slaughters on either side, he obtained his desire, and returned to Granado, where the marriage of D. Catherine his fourth daughter with Arthur Prince of Wales, heir to the crown of England, was treated of. This Princess took her journey towards her husband the year 1501. accompanied by Don Alphonso de Fonseca, Archbishop of Saint james, Don Antonio de Rojas Bishop of Majorque, who was afterward Archbishop of Granado and Precedent of the royal counsel, and D. Diego Fernandes de Cordova Earl of Cabra: and at the same time Queen joane, the widow of Naples, sister of King Fernand, took her leave of him and withdrew herself to Valencia: The Archduke Philip of Austria making preparation for his voyage into Spain, was father of his third child, Donna joane his wife being brought in bed of a daughter named Donna Isabel. This Princess was wife to Christian King of Denmark, he who was deposed by his uncle Christian King of Swethland, taken by him, and kept in perpetual prison: by which Christian she had two daughters, that is to say, Dorothy, future wife to Fredrick Earl Palatin, and Elector of the Empire, and Christine, who was married to Francisco Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan the year 1534. who died the year after; she was secondly married to Francis Duke of Lorraine, father to Duke Charles who lives in our time. After that King Christerne was deposed from his own Kingdom, for invading that of Swevia: this Princess D. Isabel, went into England, where her Aunt Donna Catherine was married, and then she died being six and twenty years of age.  
Whilst these things passed on in Spain, the French King Lewis the twelfth, did luckily end his enterprise of Milan, 
Sforza taken by the French.  and did shut up into close and perpetual prison Duke Lewis Sforza, surnamed the Moor, the Author of all the wars and ruins of Italy in his time: the which King Frederick of Naples considering, he was moved partly by fear, lest he should again have to do with the victorious French armies, partly not to oblige himself over much to the Kings of Spain, and not to give occasion to the Spanish insolency to grow over saucy in his Kingdom: and namely because King john of Arragon, and Don Fernand his son, had at one time called in question the late King Alphonso his testamentary decree, whereby he had left that Kingdom to his bastard son, incapable thereby (as they said) of so great an inheritance: wherefore he began to have secret intelligence with the French King, whereof King Fernand was soon advertised: who thought, that he was very ingratefully dealt withal and ill requited for all his cost bestowed in the recovery of that kingdom out of the French men's hands: and he imagned that he should not transgress either divine or humane laws, if he reputed that conquest to belong to himself; and if he should join this action to that which his father and he pretended in the said Kingdom by reason of the illegitimate succession of Don Fernand bastard to Don Alphonso of Arragon: 
The King of France and Spain, divide the Realm of Naples, and depose King Fredrick.  wherefore, he using the self same policy, did practise with King Lewis, in such sort, as they parted the Kingdom of Naples betwixt themselves, and dispossessed King Fredrick thereof, whom they condemned for light and inconstant: unto King Fernand were assigned, Calabria, and Puglia, as countries near to his Realm of Sicily: to the French King, Abruzzo, and Terra di Lavor, where stands the city of Naples: on condition that King Fernand should entitle himself, as he was wont to do, King of Sicily; and the French King should add to his titles, King of Naples and of jerusalem, for all rights pretended by the house of Anjou: That these divisions should be conquered from King Fredrick, at the particular costs, and by the forces of either of these great Kings; with condition that the one should not hinder the others conquest. This agreement and division, made and concluded in great secret, was afterward allowed and confirmed at Rome by Pope Alexander the sixth, the two Ambassadors of France and Castille requiring it: and the French King did presently set his hand to the work, sending a mighty army under the conduct of Lewis of Armignac Duke of Nemours, who enuaded the portion assigned to the King his Master, and took the cities of Naples, Capua, and other strong places, being assisted by Caesar Borgia Lançol Duke Valentinois, who from a Cardinal was become a soldier, and murderer of his own brother Don Francisco Borgia Lan●col Duke of Gandia. The great captain on the other side, pressing King Fredrick very hardly, who being amazed to see himself shut in betwixt two such mighty enemies, being not prepared, nor strong enough to resist, at the last giving place to necessity, he resolved to make an agreement with the French King, making over to him all his right, and the forts which he held, on condition that he might be Duke of Anjou, and receive in France where he would remain thirty thousand ducats of yearly rent.  
This agreement was concluded to frederic's great loss; who contemned King Fernand of Castille, or at the least did distrust his friendship, perceiving that contrary to the hope which he had to be aided by him at his need, and wherein he had entertained Prospero Colonna with great numbers of soldiers, he did show himself to be his enemy: It may be that the fear which he had of his own soldiers did hasten him to this conclusion, having no means to pay them their entertainment, the favour of Spain failing him, and fearing lest they would have played him the like trick, as the Swissers, defrauded of their pays, had done to the Duke of Milan, whom they delivered to the French King his enemy. He went into France with his wife and children, his eldest excepted, and carried with him his movables and money, 
King Fredrick of Naples, goes into France.  receiving of Duke Valentine a great sum of glod for his Artillery and munition which he sold to him. This King Fredrick was the fifth of the house of Arragon, who had successively held the crown of Naples, counting from King Alphonso of Arragon, adopted by Queen joane, who deceassing at Naples the year 1458. left it to his base son Fernand, he to his son Alphonso: Alphonso, enforced by Charles the eight, gave it over to his son Fernand, by whose death the Kingdom fell to Fredrick his uncle, 
The great captain makes none account of keeping his faith and promise.  who having reigned four years, made it over to King Lewis of France, and died in the city of Tours; leaving his eldest son D. Fernand of Arragon, Duke of Calabria, heir to all that he possessed, whom he had left fortified in the inexpugnable city of Tarentum, with D. john de Guevara Earl of Potentia, and other Knights, who nevertheless being besieged and assailed by the great captain, did yield, upon condition to be set at liberty: the which was not performed; for the great captain to prevent the inconveniences which might happen, detained and sent them prisoners into Spain.  
About the time of the agreement betwixt these two Kings, not long before. claud daughter to King Lewis was borne, she was presumptive heir to the Duchy of Britan: There was motion made of marrying her, when she should come to age with Charles of Austria, son to the Archduke Philip, and to the Infanta D. joane his wife, who pursuing there voyage into Spain, went thorough France, and were by King Lewis his command greatly honoured in all places, and namely in the city of Paris.  
Among other points and articles of this Treaty of marriage, it was concluded (as the Spaniards writ) betwixt the Emperor Maxmilian, pretending right to the Duchy of Milan, and King Lewis, who then possessed it; that he, by whose fault this marriage was not accomplished, 
Homage for Flanders and Artois refused to the French King.  should forfeit all his right in the said Duchy. The Archduke and the Infanta his wife being at Paris, were required by the King to do him homage, as to their Sovereign, for the Earldom of Flanders, and other lands belonging to the Crown: whereat the Infanta Donna joane was so displeased, as albeit she were in the King's dominions, she did obstinately contradict it, and would never consent thereunto. These two houses by the just judgement of God were appointed to vex one another by long war in time to come, for to scourge the world. It is an hard matter to entertain the friendship of great men, or when it is disjoined, to set it firmly together again.  
The houses of Spain and France, in former times united by holy concord, and most profitable friendship, did first of all disagree about the Earldom of Rossillon, pawned to King Lewis the eleventh by King john of Arragon for 3. hundred thousand crowns, about the restitution whereof, pernicious wars ensued, the which in some sort being composed, they were afterward renewed concerning the Kingdom of Naples, and either part did not let to search, and take all occasions lawful, or feigned, to hurt one another, and to violate and break all agreements procured betwixt them: in such sort as there is no Region on the earth, which hath not been troubled with their quarrels, or felt the miseries and calamities of their wars.  
The agreement made betwixt the two Kings, dividing another man's Kingdom, did not last long: for before the year was ended, there arose a great quarrel betwixt the two King's Governors and Lieutenants in the Kingdom of Naples about a bit of ground lying betwixt Puglia and Abruzzo, called the Capitanato, the which each of them pretended for his own, and maintained it for his part, because that otherwise they should be deprived of a tax raised upon cattle in that country, the which in less than a months space afforded more than fourscore thousand Ducats: and the French men did particularly challenge it, because this Capitanato did abound in corn, wherewith the country of Abruzzo and Terra di Lavor was furnished, thinking it to be a very great loss, if they should leave it to the Spaniards. Howsoever it was, their claim was ambiguous, each others limits being not plainly specified in the division, so as they fell to arms more fiercely than before, wherein for that time the Frenchmen prevailed, and made themselves masters, not only of the ground that was in strife, but likewise of many places of Calabria and Puglia for which there had been no contention at all.  
In the mean space, the Archduke Philip and Donna joane his wife arrived at Guipuscoa, where Don Bernard de Rojas and Sandovall, 
Arrival of the Archduke & D. joane his wife in Castille.  who was afterward Marquis of Denia, with great numbers of Lords and Knights of name, waited for them at Fontarabie, by whom they were conducted, and these Princes passing by Saint Adrians' mount, did christian Philip de Lascan, son and heir to the house of Lascan. From thence by Alava, Bureva, Burgos, Vailliodolit, Medina del campo, Segobia, and Madrid, in all which places they had sumptuous and magnificent entertainment, they came at last to the city of Toledo, where the three Estates of the Realms of Castille and Leon were assembled.  
King Fernand and Queen Izabella departing from Sevile, 
Ceremonies at the swearing to the Princes Philip & joane  came likewise to Toledo, where after they had been feasted, and entertained with disports for the space of fifteen days, Philip of Austria and Donna joane were sworn and acknowledged Princes of the Asturia's, and eldest heirs to the Kingdoms of Castille and Leon, in the right of Donna joane: This was done in the presence of King Fernand and Queen Izabella, the Primate Friar Francis Ximenes, Archbishop of the same city, Don Diego Hurtado of Mendoza, Archbishop of Sevile, Cardinal of Saint Sabine, and Patriarch of Alexandria, the Bishops of Calaorra, Palence, Osma, Cordova, Salamanca, jaen, Cité Rodrigo, Malaga, Mondognedo, and other Prelates: of Bernardin de Velasco Constable of Castille, the Dukes of Infantasgo, Alva, Bejar, Albuquerque, and the Marquis of Villena, the Earls of Oropesa, Miranda, and Benalcaçar, Crugna, Siruella, Ribadeo, Fuençalida, Ajamonte, and others, with the Procurators, and Commissioners of all the cities and provinces of Spain, which have place in such assemblies. This oath being made for Castille, King Fernand was desirous to have the like done for the Kingdom of Arragon and dependencies thereof: and so he journeyed towards Sarragossa, leaving the Queen with the Princes at Toledo, who went to pass away the hot time of july and August at Ocagna, recreating themselves in the pleasant forest of Aranjues near to the river Tayo: and from thence they departed to Sarragossa, where by the Estates they were likewise declared and sworn Princes of Girone, heirs to Arragon, Valence, Cattalognia, Sicill, and other Countries belonging to that Crown. The Queen in the mean time staying at Toledo, removed to Madrid, where she began to be evil disposed of her person, which caused king Fernand to hasten his return to her, the Princes desiring to follow him, did separat themselves, because the Princess was with child, wherefore she remained at Sarragossa, and the Prince went to Madrid. These matters fell out, the year 1502. wherein died the Cardinal Diego Hurtado of Mendoza in the same city of Madrid. Don john of Estuniga, who had been Master of Alcantara, and afterward was Cardinal succeeded him in the Archbishoppricke of Seville. The Marquis of Denja died likewise. The precedent year, about the time that the Princess Catherine departed into England, Don john d' Arias del Villar died, who was Precedent of Vailliodolit, and Bishop of Segobia, in whose place succeeded Doctor john de Medina, Bishop of Carthagena. There died also D. Lewis de la Cerde, first Duke of Medina Celi, son to Earl Gaston. The Prince of Wales, husband to the Infanta Catherine, died likewise this year; and the City of Gibraltar was reunited to the Crown, and another persecution was raised against the Moors.  
Before the Kings of Castille departed from Seville to come to Toledo, they had sent an Ambassador to the soldan of Egypt, 
The king of Castille sends an Ambassade to the grand Cairo.  who was as Emperor of Arabia, acknowledged then for Sovereign, over all the Kings of Africa, who had been informed by the Kings of Tremessen, Fez, Bugie, Tunis and others, of divers rigours and inhumanities' exercised upon the Moors and jews dwelling in Spain, which that Prince did greatly recent. 
Peter Martyr of Angleria Ambassador.  The Ambassador sent thither was called Peter Martyr Angleria of Milan, Deane of Granado, a learned and well-experienced person, unto whom were letters of credit and instructions given, how to appease the soldan, and to persuade him otherwise, than he had been before informed: Wherefore he went by Venice, where the Seigneurie provided him of a ship to carry him to Alexandria: there he found divers Christian Merchants, with a Consul, who was a Cattelan by nation, by whom he was well entertained. The Warden of the Monastery of mount Zion being advertised, some few days before of his coming, sent him word, that he would meet him at Cairo: therefore Peter Martyr sent certain Friars before to Cairo, whom he had brought with him, for to receive that Friar Warden: and to obtain a safeconduct for his own person and train from the soldan, to the end to declare his Ambasie unto him. The father Warden and his Friars being arrived at Cayro found a Truchman or Interpreter there who was a Spaniard borne at Momblanc in the Realm of Valencia, unto whom having given notice of the Ambassadors arrival at Alexandria, and demanded the safeconduct, the soldan granted it, and sent word to the Governor of Alexandria, whom the call Admiral, to cause him to be conducted in safety. But the Monks having understood by their conferences with the Truchman, how sinisterly the soldan was possessed against the Kings of Castil, by the reports of the Moors of Granado, and the jews which were expulsed out of Spain, they did advertise him to be well advised what he did, and to foresee the danger he had put himself in, by coming to the presence of that angry Prince, whose answer, perhaps might be death: but the Ambassador was no whit amazed thereat: but said, that it would be a great happiness for him to die in so honourable a cause: so he took his journey, going against the stream of the river Nilus, accompanied by divers Mameluke soldiers, 
Mamelues in Egypt.  which were Christians renied, or children of bought Christians, in whose hands lay the government of all the affairs of Egypt, and namely, out of their bands was the soldan chosen.  
Being come to Cairo▪ he was longed in the said Truchmans' house, and then the day following, he was led to the Castle to the Souldan's palace, and passing through divers galleries full of Mameluques, he was brought into an hall where the soldan tarried for his coming: He found him sitting upon a bed of State, like unto women, made in fashion of an altar, clothed in a gown of scarlet with large sleeves furred with martin's, and upon his head a rich Turban, with two horns after a strange fashion, and a sword near unto him, being compassed about with divers Governors of Provinces, which they called Admirals. 
Admiral's Governors of Provinces.  Before this Emperor, the Ambassador presented himself, appareled in a coat of black satin, and a gown of purple velvet, kneeling upon one knee, the Monks and other Christians which followed him, kneeled on both their knees and hands, as though they would have kissed the earth, then rising up, and going on nearer by two and two paces, they made three such reverences: then standing upon their feet, the Ambassador went a little forwarder near to the Prince, and having made a fourth reverence, he stood up, and presented the Kings of Castils letters of credit to the Truchman, the which being opened and read with divers ceremonies, the soldan told him, that he was welcome. Then the Ambassador making a great reverence, told him, the Kings his Lords and Masters had sent him thither to salute and visit him in their name, and to offer him whatsoever was in their power, excepting that which belonged to Christian Religion, and that he had commandment and instruction to communicate divers businesses with him, Wherefore he besought him to be pleased to give him audience in a more private manner: the soldan answered him, that he was contented to do so, and told him, that if in the mean time he wanted any thing, he should speak, and that whatsoever he demanded should be given: The Ambassador having again thanked him, and said, that he could desire no more favour and courtesy than he had already received, then took his leave and returned to his lodging; whether the soldan sent him divers presents of meats.  
Three days after, the Ambassador accompanied by the Truchman, was brought again to the Palace early in the morning, before the Ambassadors of the Kings of Africa and the Moors were risen, and finding the soldan at seizure, he gave him secret audience, where he answered very pertinently to all the Souldan's demands, and did highly content him, and this conference betwixt them lasted till two of the clock in the afternoon, all the contrary Ambassadors being come to Court, in hope to see the Spanish disgraced: but they were deceived, for they beheld him return to his house very honourably accompanied. Afterward, the Moorish Ambassadors in two several audiences, pressing and accusing the Kings of Castille, Peter Martyr did so well disguise and handle the matter, as he persuaded the soldan, that whatsoever his adversaries had said, was but mere untruths: Wherefore he being sent back again the same time, the Truchman procured a fourth audience, wherein the Ambassador of Castille being heard almost an whole day, did in such manner content and satisfy the soldan, as he procured his favour and friendship for his King and Queen. And as he was going forth of the Souldan's presence, two Admirals clothed him with a gown of Damask furred with very rich Ermines, (it was in the month of February) for which having given thanks, and made his usual reverences, he returned with his train. In this manner are the faults of great men excused by great men. Before Peter Martyrs departure, he feasted and banqueted the Admirals and chiefest Mamelucs, so as they were highly contented with him: and departing from Cayro, he went to visit the notable places of Egypt and Syria: of which voyage and embassage he wrote a discourse at his return. This is he which wrote an history of the Indies by Decades in Latin, which he entitled, The Ocean, unto the year 1526. He returned into Spain with honour, and gave good account to the Catholic Kings of his Legation.  
The navigations to the Indies were this year very common, divers particular persons, 
Voyages of divers particular persons to the Indies.  tickled with a desire of gain, undertaking those dangerous voyages at their own costs, by the King's permission notwithstanding. Rodrigo de Bastidas was one of those adventurers, who set forth two Carvels at his own costs, and john de Ledesma's and others, carrying with him john de la Cosa, an excellent Mariner borne in Saint Mary port, who departing from Cales, sailed near to Cape de Vela, and ran one hundred three score and ten leagues upon the coast from that Cape to the Gulf of Vraba, and Darian, in which are found Caribana, Zenu, Carthagena, Zamba, and S. Martha, places inhabited by people called Caribes, who feed on man's flesh, without law or natural honesty, being armed with darts and poisoned arrows. Rodrigo de Bastida being afterwards come to the city of Domingo, did lose his Carvels there, and was committed to prison by the Commander Francisco de Bovadilla, Governor of the Island of Hispagniola, laying to his charge, that he had traffic with the Indians for gold, defrauding the king of his right: wherefore he sent him prisoner into Spain: but the kings set him at liberty, knowing that this voyage was for the public good, and gave him 200. Ducats of rent. 
Nicholas d' Ouando Governor of the Indies.  Nicholas d' Ouando, Commander of Larez, of the Order of Alcantara, a valiant Knight, did by the king's commandment, set sail, with thirty ships, and a great company of soldiers, to succeed the Commander Bovadilla, taking along Rowland Ximenes in his company, the enemy and accusers of the brethren Columbus, did embark himself in the same vessel, which had brought the new Governor, whereof Antonio de Torres was Captain, having with them more than an hundred thousand Ducats weight of gold, and among others, a grain of pure gold to present unto the Queen, weighing 3. thousand, three hundred Castillans: but their hap was such, as both they and their wealth perished by sea: the Admiral Columbus, and his brother being by that means revenged of the great rigour that Bovidilla had used towards them, by sending them from the Indies in irons into Spain, 
The Governor Bovadilla drowned, with three hundred Spaniards.  and of Rowland Ximenes ingratitude and rebellion, with whom were drowned more than three hundred men, so as of those thirty ships, hardly six escaped. Nicholas d' Ouando remained in his government of the Island of Hispagniola, the space of six years, all matters succeeding well and prosperously with him, by reason of his humanity and gentleness: he conquered the Provinces of Higney, Zavana, Guaycarima, he pacified that of Xaragua and using all his authority with such courtesy and modesty, he got honour and wealth for himself and the Kings his masters, unto whom he sent great treasures, in recompense whereof he was made great Commander of Alcantara. 
Columbus his fourth and last voyage to the Indies.  Then was the Admiral Columbus permitted to go to sea, who departed with four Carvels set forth at the King's cost, with an hundred, threescore and ten sailors: but being come to the mouth of the river Oçman in the Island of Hispagniola, the Governor Nicholas d' ●uanda would not suffer him to come into the city of S. Domingo: wherefore he sailed to the port Escondido or hidden, and after came to the river and cape of Figtrees: from whence he ran more than three hundred and seventy leagues alongst the Southern coast, desirous to find a passage beyond the Equinoctial, he came to a place called Nombre de Dios, and from thence returned to Cuba, and forthwith passed to jamaica where he lost two Carvels.  
In this Island the Admiral had many crosses, for most of his people fell sick there to the death, than they mutined, and would have slain one another, Francisco de Porras, Treasurer of his navy being author of that sedition: and besides that, the Indians refused to give him victuals, which did greatly trouble him: for this he found a present remedy, and being a good Astronomer, he knew that the day following, there would be a great Eclipse of the Moon, 
Columbus foretells an Eclipse of the Moon to the Indians to fear them.  he told the idolatrous Indians, that if they gave him not victuals, they should all of them die of the plague, and for a true token thereof, they should the morrow after see the Moon appear all bloody; the which by reason of the Eclipse, became dusky and spotted: the Indians were so greatly amazed thereat, as they besought the Admiral to pardon them, and to reconcile them to the Moon, and brought him more victuals than he had need of. Having remained a year in jamaica, the Admiral Columbus returned into Spain, from whence he never afterwards did stir: this was his fourth and last voyage to the Indies.  
The same course held king Manuel in his navigation to the East Indies, wherein he spared no cost: 
Portugal.  for having had ample information of the whole voyage of Calicut by D. Vasco de Gama: he had sent thither in the year 1500. a Navy of twelve Caravels, under the command of Captain Pero Aluares Cabralde, a Gentleman of Portugal, followed by other Gentlemen manned with fifteen hundred soldiers, carrying along with him five Friars, and good store of merchandise, to exchange for spices, and other things which the East produceth, all of it according to the order and appointment of Don Vasco de Gama.  
These Carvels having sailed in view of the islands of the Canaries, and arrived at S. james, as they discovered the Isle of bresil, there appeared to them a Comet with long and fearful beams towards the East: continuing their voyage, there arose so great and strange a tempest, as by day the water of the sea seemed as black as pitch, and in the night like to fire, which swallowed four of those ships, the rest of the Na●y sailing on in great danger, came in sight of cape Double, and from thence arrived at Mosambique, then sailing towards Melinde, and beyond that to Anjavina, they came at last within a league of Calicut: from whence he began to contract with the King of the same country: but afterwards they fell at odds, which caused loss to either of them. Upon this occasion, Pero Aluares Cabralda, went into the land of Malabar, belonging to the King of Cochin, with whom he agreed, and found means to lad his ships with spices: and so returning homewards, he touched at the cape of Good hope, and from thence to Lisbon, where he arrived in july, in the year 1501. 
1501.  with six Caravels of twelve, that he carried out with him, having been in that voyage near sixteen months.  
Before his return john de la Nueva Gallego, 
Voyage of john de la Nueva a Portugal.  departed from Lisbon with three ships and a Carvel for the self same voyage of Calicut: but King Manuel conceiving in his mind to find a way to the Isles of Moluccoes, and those countries where the spices grow, he sent the same year 1501. a skilful mariner called Americus Vespucius a Florentine, with four Caravels, who passed not much farther than Saint Augustine's Cape, and without taking notice of the great river of silver, or Rio de Plata, he returned home.  
The year 1502. Don Vasco de Gama, 
An. 1502.  Admiral of Port●gall, was again sent by the King into the East, 
D Vasco de Gama his second voyage.  with thirteen ships, and three Caravels, manned with great numbers of Gentlemen and soldiers, with Merchandizes, munitions and victuals, and all other things necessary for so long and painful a voyage: and within few days after, he sent other five ships to follow Don Vasco, commanded by Stephano Gamo. By these were new lands discovered, to the great profit and commodity of the nations of Europe. This same year King Manuel had by his wife Queen Mary, 
Birth of prince john of Portugal.  a son called john, who succeeded him in the Kingdom, the day of whose birth was rainy, and such thunder and lightning on the day of his christening, as the Royal palace was in danger of being burned.  
And the year following 1503. his daughter the Infanta Izabella was born, 
An. 1503.  who came to be Empress of Germany, 
Birth of D. Isabel.  and was mother to king Philip the second deceased. Don Vasco being returned from his lucky and prosperous voyage, king Manuel gave no intermission to that most profitable and honourable navigation: but the Portugals having raised war in the East betwixt the Kings of Calicut and Cochin, took the King of Cochins' part, being by him received and welcomed into his country and havens: so as he of Calicut did in short time know, that he had greatly erred in wronging his guests. The year 1504 King Manuel having notice of this war, 
An. 1504  was displeased therewith, and set forth a Navy of twelve great ships, 
Voyage of Lopes Suares de Meneses.  Don Lopes Suares de Mereses being Admiral of the same, who arrived in safety at Cochin, by means whereof they did greatly increase the renown of the Portugals, and established the traffic, pourchasing their King friends, not only among those Eastern people, but also tributary Princes for his servants. These conquests were pursued by Ferdinand of Almeyda, and Alphonso of Albuquerque, and other virtuous and valiant Captains, which have continued those voyages since, and by means thereof have carried some knowledge of the name of jesus Christ to those barbarous and unbelieving people.  
The Court of Castille lying at Alcala de Henares, the year 1503. the Princess D. joane was there brought in bed of a son, who was named Don Ferdinand, who was king of Hongarie and Bohemia, and at the last Emperor. In Alcala died Don Guttiere de Cardegna, great Commander of Leon, a most faithful servant to the Kings, who would have given the great commandry to john Lopes of Leaçarraga their Treasurer, but he refused it, saying, that he had already too much wealth: he likewise refused the place of general superintendant of the King's revenues, and left behind him the report of a loyal, faithful, and just man in all his affairs: he was borne in the town of Ognate.  
The affairs of Italy not succeeding prosperously for the Kings of Spain, they began to resolve upon somewhat that might be hurtful to the French: The great Captain kept himself in Barletta, being constrained to retire himself thither, and wanting all necessary things: so as the French foraged the country at their own pleasure: but at the last having new supplies, as well from Sicill, (from whence Hugo de Cardona entered into Calabria, with certain companies of Spaniards, which had served the Duke Valentinois, when he warred upon the Vrsins, with intent to have made himself Lord of Romagna) as also from Spain, from whence the King sent Don Manuel de Bonarides with certain numbers of horse and foot: 
Antonio de Leva his first passage into Italy.  with which troops Antonio de Leva did first pass into Italy, who was a famous Captain in the wars of Lombardy and Piedmont, betwixt France and Spain, and likewise after that other Spanish companies arrived under the conduct of Don Pedro Puerto Carrero, who dying in Italy, he left his men under the command of Ferdinand of Andrada, who having received by the gulf of Venice some Germans, which had been levied by him, he employed these forces in such sort, being sometimes divided, and sometimes united, as he soon restored all things, and suppressed the enemy by the winning of many victories, Spain having always after that time the advantage. Yet they had treated an accord betwixt the two Kings, Lewis and Ferdinand, 
Prince Philipp in Flanders.  and had sent Ambassadors to that end, but without any effect: until that the passage and the return of the Archduke Philip Prince of Spain, into Flanders, gave some greater hope of an agreement. This Prince passing through France in his return, as he had done going, was honourably received in all places, especially at Blois, whereas King Lewis attended him, who, to use the Archduke with greater courtesy, and to assure him the more, had sent certain French Noblemen into Flanders for hostages, until he were arrived, the which the Archduke caused to return, being loath to yield unto the King, in demonstrations of friendship and ceremonies. Being at Blois, they treated an accord betwixt the French King and him of Spain, the Archduke Philip having an ample Commission, with this only restraint, that he should communicate all things to the Ambassadors of Castille, which were sent expressly with him, and should govern himself by their counsel.  
Matters being debated, 
Treaty of peace betwixt France and Spain.  in the end they were concluded, by the confirmation of a future marriage betwixt the Lady claud of France, the King's eldest daughter, and Don Charles of Austria, son and heir to great Estates which fell to the house of Austria: capitulating, that the Lands which were in question in the Realm of Naples, should be left in deposito, in the archdukes hands, and the future spouses should from that time entitle themselves Kings of Naples, and Dukes of Calabria. That the French king should enjoy that portion which did belong unto him in the said Realm, and appoint whom he pleased, to govern it in the names of the Princes Charles and claud, and that the marriage being consummated, he should give it in dowry with his daughter.  
This peace was solemnly sworn in the Church at Blois, but yet it proved of no effect: for notwithstanding that the Archduke gave speedy advice unto the King's Don Fernand and Donna Isabel, yet they did not forbear to make war in the Realm of Naples, whence they had daily intelligence that their great Captain prospered: wherefore he being required by the Duke of Nemours, Lieutenant for the French King, to stay all acts of hostility, he answered, that he had no such commandment from the King Don Fernand his master, but continuing to make war, as well in Calabria, as in other parts of the Realm, the French had always the worst, having had two Armies defeated in less than eight days, one in Calabria, led by the Lord of Aubigny, who was then taken, with many other Noblemen: the other at Cirignole, whereas Lewis of Armaignac Duke of Nemours, their General, was slain with many French. By means of which victories the great Captain took Naples, Capua, Auerso and Melfi, by composition, and in the end the two castles of Naples by mines and other practices invented by Peter of Navarre: so as the French had nothing but Gayette, and some other small places remaining in the Realm of Naples.  
The kings of Castille being advertised of these things, 
1504  they little regarded the accord made by the Archduke their some in law, 
Excuses of the Catholic kings for not maintaining of the peace.  alleging for excuse, that he had exceeded his charge, and had not governed himself by the advice of the ambassadors which went in his company: Yet they sent ambassadors into France, to treat a new peace, in a more honest form than before, propounding, that the realm should be restored to king Frederic: But king Lewis holding them but mockeries, and that the kings of Spain had no wills to dispossess themselves, seeing that all things succeeded wishfully for them, he sent back their ambassadors without any other answer.  
30 Before that the Court of Castille parted from Alcala, D. john Chacon, governor of the frontier of Murcia, 
Death of Pope Alexander the sixth.  died. From Alcala the queen came to Madrid, and from thence to Segobia, where she had news of the death of Pope Alexander, by poison which had been prepared for certain cardinals, by the duke of Valentinois, his son, the which he also drunk, through the negligence of the cupbearer, or butler, who took one bottle for another. Cardinal Francisco Thedeschin Picolonimi of Sienna, succeeded him, who was called Pius the third; but having held the See but six and twenty days, there was chosen Pope julian of Rovere, bishop of Alba, and then of Ostia, cardinal of S. Peter ad Vincula, whom they named julio the second. In these elections of Popes, which are made through the favour of the princes and great monarchs of Christendom, for the interest of their temporal estates, the city of Rome was in great fear and jealousy, that the great captain would approach with his victorious army on the one side, and on the other the lord of Tremoville being sent into Italy, by the French king, with great forces, and assisted by Florentines, Siennese, the duke of Ferrara, and the marquess of Mantova, either of them to favour the cardinals of their faction, and to make a Pope by force, to the prejudice of the city, and of the whole territory. This year there were sixteen foists of Moors scoured the coasts of Valencia, who landing near unto the river Xucar, assailed the town of Cullera, carried away seventy prisoners, and committed other spoils. The duke of Valentinois, at his father's death, was so ill with this drink which he had taken, as he was constrained to be a neuter, as he had carried himself in the wars betwixt France and Spain, yet adhering more to the great captain, for the design which they both had to invade Tuscanie, when as the wars of Naples should be ended. Having entertained himself in favour with Pope julio, 
Quarrels betwixt Pope julio and the duke of Valentinois.  at his advancement, they fell afterwards to quarrel, for certain places in Romania, held by the duke of Valentinois, which the Pope would have, so as the duke was stayed at Ostia, meaning to embark, & to go to Specie, and from thence by Ferrara to Imola. Afterwards having in some sort satisfied the Pope's desire, and being set at liberty, he retired to Naples, having a passport from the great captain, thinking to be very safe there: whereas propounding many great enterprises, even upon Tuscanie, and beginning to make preparation to put his design in execution, 
Duke of Valentinois sent prisoner into Spain by D. Gonsalo.  the great captain stayed him prisoner, saying that it was by the commandment of the king D. Ferdinand, to whom he ought more reverence than to the passport he had given him, and so he sent him into Spain, where he was lodged in the castle of Medina del Campo, called lafoy Mote. By this means the great captain kept this turbulent man from troubling the affairs of Italy any more. The army led by the lord of Tremoville, being come into the realm of Naples, did nothing but increase the glory and reputation of the great captain, who by a memorable victory gotten at the river of Garillan, did there settle the Spaniards command: 
Retreat of the French out of the realm of Naples, very miserable.  for soon Gajete, which was the only hope of the French, yielded, upon condition, that all prisoners should be delivered, and that the French might retire safely into France, who being naked, and unprovided of all things, perished in a manner all by the way of hunger, cold, and other extremities. At the same time king Lewis having appointed two armies to invade Spain, 
Two armies of French in Spain  one by Guipuscoa, the other by Cattelonia, that which marched towards Fontarrabie, whereof the lord of Albret had the charge, could never come together; the other led by the marshal of Rieux, entered by the country of Rossillon, and besieged Sausses, but not being able to take it, he was forced to retire, both for that he fell sick, as also for that D. Frederic of Toledo, duke of Alva, General of the Spanish army which was raised at Perpignan, began to march to raise the siege, king Ferdinand being also come in person into Cattelonia, to give order for the affairs of this war, the which afterwards had some intermission, 
1504  by a truce of five months, which was made at the instance of king Frederic, who was not out of hope to return into his realm: Which conceit was grounded upon the demonstrations of favour were made him both by France and Spain; which was but a vain content, and a comfort to him in his miserable estate. This truce was afterwards continued for three years, both by sea and land, with free traffic for all their subjects, except the French in the realm of Naples. For the great services which D. Gonsalo Fernandes, surnamed the Great Captain, had done to the kings D. Ferdinand, 
D. Gonsalo Fernandes made duke of Terra nova and Sessa.  and D. Isabel, in this war, he obtained the duchy of Terra nova, and of Sessa, besides the duchy of S. Ange, which king Frideri● had gi●en him, when as he favoured him, and the Constableship of the realm of Naples. Pedro Navarro had also for his good services, 
Pedro Navarro made earl of Albeto: his beginning.  and in recompense of his great industry during the war, the country of Albeto, in the same realm of Naples, near unto Aquih. This man from a small condition came to this greatness by his virtues for his beginning being scarce known, he first of all went to sea, and was a mariner, after which he was a footman to the cardinal D. john of Arragon, than a soldier, and in the end a famous captain, and an earl. After the swearing of the said truce, 
Earthquake in Spain.  there was a great earthquake throughout all Spain, to the great terror and amazement of all men, by the which many houses, churches, forts, and other buildings, were shaken and ruined.  
At that time, they say, the testament of the deceased king Henry the fourth, was found by the diligence of Hernando Gomes of Herrera of Madrid, who having notice from the curate of S. Croix, of the same town, that this testament was in the town of Almeyda in Portugal, whither he had transported it with other writings of importance, he advertised the queen, and by her commission went to Almeyda, with the curate, found these writings, and brought them away: In recompense whereof, the king made the bachelor Hernand, Alcayde, or Provost of the justice of his house and court. The queen did not see this testament, as it is probable; for she fell extremely sick, and after four months, languishing died, 
Death of the Q. Isabel.  at Medina del Campo, in the year 1504, being 53 years old, and seven months, and the thirtieth year of her reign. A princess adorned with great virtues, which may cover some excess of ambition, & her other imperfections: she was zealous in religion, chaste, liberal, and courteous. Her body was transported to the city of Granado, 
Body of the Q. Isabel in a friars weed.  and remained long there in the Alhambra, in the habit of a Franciscane Friar, as she had ordained: And after the decease of her husband, which was twelve years after, it was laid with his, in the royal chapel of that city. That year died D. Magdeleina, Infanta of Navarre, in the same town of Medina del Campo, being daughter to the king D. john of Albret and Katherine, then reigning. D. Henry Henriques, uncle to king Ferdinand, and his lord steward, and D. Pedro of Estuniga, cardinal, and Archbishop of Sevill, did also leave this world: which archbishopric was given to Diego of Deca, borne at Toro, being then bishop of Palence, a doctor in Divinity, and afterwards Inquisitor general, Confessor to the king, and founder of the college of S. Thomas of Aquin, at Sevill.    

❧ THE 25 BOOK OF THE History of Spain.  

The Contents of the 25 Book.  
1 VOyage of john Cosa, and of Fernando Cortes, to the Indies.  
2 Expedition of Africa by the Castillans, and the taking of the great port of Mersalcabir.  
3 Peace betwixt Castille and France, and treaties of marriage.  
4 The Archduke Philip of Austria and D. jaone his wife, part out of Flaunders, to return into Castille, and are stayed in England.  
5 Death of Christofer Columbus. His posterity.  
6 D. Philip and D. joane his wife kings of Castille. Retreat of king Ferdinand into Arragon.  
7 Voyage of king Ferdinand into Italy. Interview of king Lewis and king Ferdinand at Savonne.  
8 The duke Valentin being a prisoner in Castille, escapes into Navarre.  
9 Affairs of Navarre. Disposition of the king D. john of Albret. Contentions betwixt him and the queen his wife, for the factions of Navarre.  
10 Rashness of the earl of Lerin, Constable of Navarre. Sentence and condemnation against him. War betwixt the king and the earl. Death of duke Valentin.  
11 Exploits of Pedro Navarro in Africa, in favour of the Portugals.  
12 Rashness of the marquess of Priego punished by the king D. Ferdinand, Regent in Castille.  
13 Sedition at Lisbon for religion. The mutines punished.  
14 Search of the firm land at the Indies, by Alphonso Hojeda, and others.  
15 League betwixt the Pope, the Emperor Maximilian, king Ferdinand, and Lewis 12, the French king, against the Venetians.  
16 Discovery of the firm land at the Indies. Forts built there.  
17 Expedition of Cardinal Francis Ximenes into Africa. The taking of the city of Oran.  
18 War against the Venetians.  
19 Practice of Pope julio against the French. Schism in the Church of Rome. Counsel demanded by the French king.  
20 Taking of Bugia, and other exploits in Africa, by Pedro Navarro. Death of D. Garcia Aluares of Toledo.  
21 Behaviour of the Spaniards at the West Indies. Seditions among them.  
22 Progress of the war of Italy, made by the French against the Pope. Council of Pisa, and a counter Council at Rome, at S. john de Latran.  
23 War betwixt France and Spain. A league betwixt the Pope, king Ferdinand, and the Venetians.  
24 Continuance of this war by the Pope against the French. Exploits of Gaston earl of Foix, duke of Nemours.  
25 Pursuit of the king and queen of Navarre in Castille, to be restored to much of their patrimony in that realm, but without any effect.  
26 Means used by the Pope and king Ferdinand, to dispossess the king D. john of Albret, and the queen D. Katherine his wife, of the realm of Navarre.  
27 Means used by the Emperor Maximilian, to abandon the French. Battle of Ravenna.  
28 Censures against Lewis the twelfth the French king, and his realm. Retreat of king john of Albret into France. Invasion of the realm by the Castillans. Pampelone taken by the duke of Alua.  
29 Exploits of Vasco Nugnes of Bilbao, and other Spaniards, at the Indies.   

D. Philip 1. and D. joane, 21 Kings of Castille, and 42 of Leon.  
THe Castillans and Leonois, 
1504  for want of their Queen proprietary, D. Isabel, began to accustom themselves to the yoke of Germane princes, having presently set up in Castille the Arms of the Archduke Philip of Austria, and of D. joane, heir of these realms in her mother's right; and D. Frederic of Toledo, duke of Alba, advanced these banners in their name: yet the king D. Ferdinand continued lawful governor until the coming of these princes, who had advertisement sent them presently into Flaunders of the Queen's death. The Archduke Philip was then six and twenty years old, fair of face, well proportioned of his members, of a good grace, mild and courteous in speech, of a great spirit, active, quick, and learned: by reason whereof being in him more than ordinary, he was surnamed the Great. Whilst that he made preparation to come and take possession of this great inheritance, king Ferdinand, after the royal and stately obsequies of the deceased Queen, and the body transported to Granado with a great train, he retired himself to the monastery of Mejorada, and from thence he passed to Toro, being accompanied by D. Francis Ximenes, Archbishop of Toledo, Diego of Deca, Archbishop of Sevill, and others of great quality and learning, to confer about the execution of the deceased Queens will.  
1 In the mean time john de Cosa, 
Voyage of john de Cosa.  a good seaman, rigged forth four Caravels, out of port S. Maria, at his own charge, and by john of Ledesma of Sevill, and others, desirous to enrich themselves, undertaking the conquest of that country at the Indies, which was held by the Caribes: Whereupon setting sail he came and touched at a place called Carthagena, there being joined unto him captain Lewis Guerre; who beginning to make war together, they took six hundred of these Barbarians in the island of Codego: then coasting along the shore, desirous to barter wares, and to buy gold, they entered into Vraba, where they found some little gold in the sand; and from thence they returned into the island of Hispaniola, and the city of S. Domingo, laden with men, but scanted of victuals, and of all other things, especially of gold, whereof they were exceeding greedy.  
The same year 1504, 
Fernando Cortes voyage to the Indies.  there went unto the Indies Fernand Cortes, borne at Medellin in Estremadura, one of the most famous men that hath been in these conquests unto our days. He arrived at S. Domingo in a ship belonging to Alphonso Quintero of Palos of Moguer, where he was well entertained by the Secretary Medine, the governor being then absent, and afterwards by the governor Nicholas d' Ouando himself, being returned. This was he which conquered Nova Hispania. Of the manners of the Indians, their idolatries, and damnable superstitions, the curious may be more amply informed by the particular histories of the Indies, written by Peter Martyr of Angleria, Gonsal Fernandes of Ouiedo, Francisco Lopes of Gomara, and others.  
During king Ferdinand's government in Castille, the Estate began to be troubled by some noblemen, who thought that queen Isabel being dead, they might lawfully tyrannize: but the king having called the Estates to Toro, 
1505  in the year 1505, he caused a new oath to be taken to the queen D. joane his daughter, and to her husband, as kings of Castille, Leon, Granado, etc. and by his wisdom pacified those tumults and disorders which were likely to grow: 
Chancery transported from Cite Royal to Granado.  Which year, for many reasons, the Chancery which was at Cite Royal, was transported to Granado, where since it hath remained. And by the persuasion of D. Francisco Ximenes, Archbishop of Toledo, and Primate of Spain, there was an expedition attempted against the Moors of Africa, nothing concurring with the embassage which had been sent to Cairo, whereof mention hath been made.  
2 The Primate had had sundry discourses with a Venetian, called jeronimo Vianello, an industrious man, and knowing the country of Africa. His design was upon the city of Oran, 
Description of Oran.  well peopled, free, having private laws, rich, a common haven for all nations trafficking into Barbary, who entertained an ordinary garrison for the safety of their merchandises, and paid some tribute to the king of Tremessen, for protection; and they say, that it contained above 6000 families. This city is seated upon the descent of a high hill, environed about with walls and towers: the sea is within a stones cast on the one side, and on the other side they have pleasant gardens, & store of fountains. The country men call this city Madaura, Aera, Auran, Guhara, all names signifying a place hanging, and exposed to the winds: but we call it Oran. The Archbishop Ximenes did easily conceive by Vianelloes discourse, that it were labour lost to assail that city, if they were not first masters of the coast about it, whereof Vianello made him a model in wax, which represented unto him the havens, ports, hills, valleys, towns, rocks, forts, and other particularities of that country, namely, of the watch called the Lamp, which is set upon the top of a high mountain, the which is inaccessible, but by one difficult passage, whereby they must necessarily pass that will go to Oran. This watch hath on the one side the city of Oran, and on the other the port called Mersalcabir, 
Mersalcabir a great port in Africa.  or Marsael-quibir, great and famous, the which they must first get, to make the expedition of Africa profitable and easy. Having acquainted king Ferdinand with these designs, and seeing that there wanted money to effect it, the treasure having been wasted in the wars of Granado and Italy, the Archbishop offered to lend money to pay the army two months; whereupon they began to make ready for the voyage, whereof the young courteors were very desirous. The charge of General was given to D. Diego Fernandes of Cordova, who afterwards was marquess of Comares, who had for assistants D. Raymond of Cordova, General of the galleys, Diego Vera, master of the ordnance, Gonsal Ayora, captain of the guards, jeronimo Vianello, conductor of the enterprise, Pero Lopes of Oresco, and other old captains and of great experience: Who parting from the port of Malaga came within few days near unto Mercalcabir, whereas the Moors being advertised of their coming, had prepared to receive them. Wherefore as soon as the army was discovered, they gave signs in such sort as all Afrique had soon notice thereof, and all the country was full soldiers of that nation, which came to secure them. Notwithstanding the Spaniards won the port, and landing, had means to camp, and to fortify themselves from so great a multitude of enemies which came running from Oran and other neighbour places. To guard the port there was a fort built upon a rock environed by the sea but of one side where it joined to a mount that did command the fort; which the Spaniards seeking to win, and to plant their battery thereon, they found a sharp and bloody resistance made by the Moors: notwithstanding they planted their ordnance there, and began to batter the fort furiously, both from thence, and from the galleys, until the captain, who employed himself virtuously for the defence thereof, was slain with a bullet. In the mean time the king of Tremessen had sent an army, against the which the Christians had many skirmishes, sometimes with gain, sometimes with loss; yet the siege of Mersalcabir continued still, whereat the soldiers being discouraged, by reason of the loss of their commander, and also for that they saw the passages both by sea and land were stopped by the Spaniards, so as they could neither be relieved with men nor victuals, they did capitulate, after some resistance, That if within certain days the king of Tremessen did not come and secure them, they would yield the place to the Spaniards, the inhabitants and soldiers departing with their wives, 
Mersalcabir taken by the Castillans  children, and baggage. No succours appearing, the fort was yielded the fiftieth day after they parted from Malaga. The Moors went forth, the Christian army being in battle, and proclamation being made, that no man should go out of his rank, to offer them any violence upon pain of death: the which a Spanish soldier tried, who for that he had offered to spoil or ravish a Moorish woman, was by the commandment of D. Diego Fernandes slain with darts. This conquest being made to the great contentment of all men, the king D. Ferdinand, and the Archbishop Ximenes were instantly advertised, where attending the king's pleasure, the fort was rampared and furnished. They say, that most of the men of quality and wealth, which dwelled at Oran, being amazed at the taking of Mersalcabir, retired to Tremessen, thinking that the Christians would not stay long to come and besiege that city, as it fell out: But four years being past, and nothing attempted, they all returned to their loss, except one Moor, who was very rich, who was still constant to remain at Tremessen, and foretold the ruin of the rest. D. Diego Fernandes having well manned his conquest with good soldiers, he sent back the rest of his army into Spain, which was full of joy for so important a victory, whereby not only the coasts of Spain were assured from the spoils of pirates, Moors, but also there was a fair way made for the Spaniards to invade Africa. D. Diego Fernandes stayed still in Mersalcabir, until he had a new commandment from the king. In the mean time Diego de Vera, Gonsal Agora, and Pero Lopes Orosco, sumamed by the Arabians Alzagal, passed into Spain; and there was presented unto the Primate Ximenes, by Pero Lopes, a staff of Ebon, which the Cadis or high Priests of the Arabians were accustomed to carry, the which he carried many days for his sake, and then he sent it to his Academy at Alcala of Henares, for a monument of this African victory. The king sent D. Roderigo Dias of Roia, a man of great worth and valour, for the guard of the fort and port of Mersalcabir, with one hundred light horse, and four hundred foot, and called home D. Diego Fernandes, whom he honoured with the government of his conquest, & other favours, D. Roderigo Dias being his lieutenant, who overran the country, & kept the Moors still in alarm during his abode there. There is one of the strangest blows reported of him, that ever was given of any; who with an Azagay, or javelin, pierced a man thorough the pommel of the saddle and the horse neck. The fort of Mersalcabir hath since been much fortified by the kings of Spain, especially of D. Philip the second, who made it impregnable.  
The same day that Mersalcabir, or Masalquivir, was won, which was the 13 of September, 
Birth of the Infanta Marie, who was queen of Hungary.  Queen jone was brought in bed in Flaunders, of a daughter called Marie, who was Queen of Hungary and Bohemia, married to King Lewis, son to Ladislaus, after whose decease, remaining a widow, she governed the Netherlands, and then came and died in Spain, in the town of Cigales, near to Vailledolit, in the year 1558, and lies in the monastery of S. Benedict of Vailledolit.  
3 Whilst that the Queen D. Isabel lived, they did still practise some means of peace betwixt France and Spain, and to this end the kings of Castille and Arragon had their ambassadors in the French kings Court, making show that they would restore king Frederic to his realm of Naples, or give it to D. Ferdinand duke of Calabria, his eldest son, who was resident if Spain: but it was not credible, for that is not the custom in our age, to give away kingdoms which they do quietly enjoy, especially having gotten it with so great charge, neither did he any thing: But the year of her decease there was a peace concluded betwixt the Emperor Maxmilian and his son Philip, and king Lewis, by the which it was the third time agreed, That prince Charles of Austria should mari● claud of France, with the consent of the princes and noblemen of France, by the king's commandment, and namely of Francis duke of Angoulesme, who was next in degree to the Crown. It was also concluded, That the Emperor Maximilian should grant the investiture of the duchy of Milan to king Lewis, for him and his heirs and successors males, and for want of males to his daughter, and to her future spouse prince Charles, who dying before the consummation of the marriage, she should be given in marriage to the Infant D. Ferdinand his brother, and they & their descendants should enjoy the said duchy of Milan. For the expedition of which privilege and donation, king Lewis should pay unto the Emperor 70000. ducats upon the delivery of the letters, and the like sum six months after, and every year upon newyears day a pair of gilt spurs, in sign of honour. Betwixt the Pope, the Emperor, king Philip his Son, and the French king, there was a league made against the Venetians, 
League made against the Venetians.  to recover the towns, and Lands which either of these Princes pretended to belong unto him, and had been usurped by this Commonweal, into which league Ferdinand king of Arragon might enter if he pleased, and there was not any mention made of the realm of Naples, in expectation whereof king Fredederic ended his days that year 1505. at Tours. 
Peace betwixt France and Spain.  That year the truce betwixt D. Ferdinand king of Arragon and the French king, was converted to a peace, upon condition that king Ferdinand should marry germane the king's niece, daughter to his sister and to john of Foix and of Navarre. Viscount of Narbone, which Lady was allied to King Ferdinand in the third degree, the Vicont of Narbone being borne of queen Leonora of Navarre his Sister: by reason of which consanguinity they had a dispensation from the Pope, 
Treaty of marriage betwixt Ferdinand and the Lady German of Foix.  and in consideration of this marriage it was agreed, that the part which the French king might pretend in the realm of Naples, should stand in stead of a dowry for his Niece, the future queen of Arragon; upon condition that the king D. Ferdinand should pay unto the French king seven hundred thousand ducats for the charges he had been at in the war of Naples, and moreover should endow his spouse with three hundred thousand ducats: and in regard thereof a peace being concluded, the Noblemen and Barons of the Realm that were prisoners in the Spaniards hands, should be delivered, and the banished men restored to their estates, all confiscations being void▪ That queen German dying without children before the king D. Ferdinand, her dowry should remain to him, but if she survived and had no children, it should return to the crown of France: That king Ferdinand should be bound to assist Gaston of Foix, brother to his future spouse, to conquer the realm of Navarre which he pretended to belong unto him, and not to queen Katherine his cousin: That the French King should give leave to queen Elizabeth widow to King Frederit, to retire into Spain with two children which she had in France, to whom the King D. Ferdinand should give honest means to live: and if she should refuse to go, that the French king should not give any entertainment to her nor her children, That for a stronger bond of peace and assurance of the two realms, the king of Spain should be bound to aid him of France with two thousand light Horse, three hundred men at arms, and six thousand foot, the French king him of Spain with a thousand ● ances, and six thousand foot in their wars.  
The king of England was caution for both of them for this peace, whereunto and to the marriage king Ferdinand did easily incline to quiet his mind in regard of the realm of Naples, being also advertised that his son in law king Philip contemning the will and testament of queen Isabella his mother in Law, did not mean that he should govern the realm of Castille. 
Isabel widow to Frederic of Naples chased out of France.  The widow queen of Naples, being chased out of France according to the accord, she desired rather to retire to Ferara under the protection of Duke Alfonso of Esse: then to go into Spain, fearing, it may be, that king Ferdinand would put her children to death, that there might not be any to pretend to the realm of Naples. King Ferdinand having remained most part of the year at Segobia, and hunting at Cerezuela, he came to salamanca there to spend the remainder, in which year there died many great men of Spain: 
Death of many Gentlemen in Spain.  D. Alfonso of Fonseca Bishop of Osma, to whom there succeedded an ignorant and visaious prelate, base Son to the Admiral D. Frederic Henriques, called D. Alfonso Henriques, borne of a slave, of which promotion the king did often repent him, and was much blamed for it by other Prelates, namely of friar Anthony de la Pegna, who preached before him: There died also D. Pero Aluares Osorio, marquess of Astorga, who left for successor his Son D. Aluar Peres Osorio, D. Gomes Suarez of Figueroa, Earl of Feria, to whom succeeded Don Laurence Suares of Figueroa his Son, who having married D. Katherine of Cordova, eldest Daughter to D. Pedro of Cordova, and niece to the great Captain, came by her ●ight, to be marquess of P●lego, D. Alfonso of Fonseca, Lord of Coca and Alacxos, and D. Francisco of Velasco, Earl of Siruela, D. Hurtado of Mendosa governor of Casorla, brother to the deceased Cardinal D. Pero Gonsales of Mend●ca, did also end their days this year. The plague did also carry away infinite numbers of people in the city of Burgos, so as it was in a manner left desolate.  
4 In the year 1506, 
1506  upon the controversy grown betwixt the two king's father in law and son, 
Difference betwixt D. Ferdinand king of Arragon, and D. Philip, and D. joane king of Castille for the government.  touching the government of Castille, Leon, Granado, and other the hereditary lands of the deceased queen D. Isabel, and for the which king Philip had sent ambassadors into Spain, it was conculded that the kings, D. Ferdinand, D. Philip, and D. joane should be all three governors, and that all letters should be dispatched in their name, whereupon their arms and Ensigns were again set up, according to the ancient custom; and this accord was proclaimed in the City of Salamanca, on Twelve day: and soon after the kings, D. Philip and D. joane parted from Flanders with many Ships, 
D. Philip & D. joan driven into England by a storm.  who were suddenly dispersed by a violent storm, and many of them driven into divers parts of England. That wherein the kings were and two other ships came to Hampton, where they caused some alteration in the town, the inhabitants fearing they had been enemies, but being known they did them honour, as was fit for so great Princes. Many knights and men of experience of their train, persuaded them not to land, foreseeing that which did happen; but king Philip having been extremely sick, and seeing the queen and noblemen which did accompany him in the same estate, would not believe them, but was the first who leaping into a boat caused himself to be carried to land. It being bruited abroad that a storm had driven the kings of Castille upon that coast, a knight, whose name was Thomas Trenchard, having his house there near adjoining, came to do him reverence, offering him his lodging, with other commodities, and entertained him until that king Henry the seventh then reigning, was advertised by messengers, sent in post: then many men drew thither in arms, with a captain called john Carew, who in the company of Thomas Trenchard besought king Philip not to departed out of England, until that he had seen their king, who was his friend. Then did king Philip find that he had erred, in not believing the counsel of his followers, and the queen more, who notwithstanding carried this cross courageously: wherefore seeing that this entreaty was a commandment, and that he must obey it, he stayed, alleging in vain that his voyage was very hasty, with much other excuses. Soon after there arrived many English noblemen, who conducted them with great honour to the castle of Windsor, whereas king Henry attended them. There king Philip was required by the king of England, 
King of England forceth king Philip to deliver him the duke of Suffolk.  to deliver unto him Edmond de la Poole duke of Suffolk his Competitor, who was then a prisoner in the castle of Namur: and so great was his desire to have this duke, as forgetting the laws of hospitality and the friendship which princes allies should bear one unto another, he forced the king of Castille, notwithstanding all excuses, to give him the duke, upon a promise that he should not put him to death: whereupon men were sent into Flanders to fetch this poor duke. In the mean time king Henry led his guests to London, where he entertained them with great and stately feasts, and royal sports; and the prisoner being arrived, they had liberty to departed at their pleasures. So as these kings having renewed the league with the king of England, they embarked and continued their voyage towards Spain.  
In the mean time German the new queen of Arragon came to Duegnas, 
Marriage of the king of Arragon with german of Foix.  whereas king Ferdinand came and married her. There passed many noblemen of the realm of Naples of the Angevin faction, with her out of France into Spain, who soon after did accompany the king D. Ferdinand to Naples. After the consummation of the marriage, the king led the queen his wife to Vailledolit and there leaving her with D. joane his sister, the old queen of Naples, and one of her daughters, he went to Burgos, to receive the kings, D. Philip and D. joane, thinking that they had landed at Laredo, or some other place of biscay, but it fell out otherwise: for they took port at Corunna, or the Groin in Galicia, whereof king Ferdinand being advertised, he took the way to Leon, and then to Torquemada, to go and meet his son in law and his daughter.  
5 At that time there died in Vailledolit the admiral Christopher Columbus the discoverer of the Indies, 
Death of Christopher Columbus.  whose body was carried to Sevile, and was buried in the monastery de las Cuenas of the Cartusiens'. To him his son Diego Columbus succeeded in the Admiralty of the Indies, who married D. Maria of Toledo, daughter to D. Ferdinand of Toledo great Commander of Leon: he left another Son called D. Ferdinand Colomibus who was never married. Among many deeds worthy of commendation, of this Admiral D. Diego Colombus, he gathered together in the city of Sevile, 
Library gathered together by Diego Colombus  one of the greatest and goodliest Libraries in Christendom, seeking out with great care and charge, all good books, in what language soever: so as there were above twel●e thousand volumes: for the keeping, maintenance and increase of which liberarie, he left and assigned sufficient rents.  
6 At the arrival of the new kings of Castille, the king D. Ferdinand found by experience that prince's servants do most commonly follow then for profit, 
Prince's servants follow for profit and not for affection.  and not for love and affection: for many of those that were with him in this voyage, left him without leave, and went before to offer their service, and to accompany their new master, the which discontented him very much. These princes met betwixt Puebla of Sa●abria and Asturie, where having conferred together touching the manner of government, they did not agree: whereupon the king D. Ferdinand came to Tordesillas, much distasted of the king his son in law, who with Queen D. joane past to Benavent. The diligence and care of the Archbishop of Toledo, to reconcile king Ferdinand and his children, was such, as they concluded that the king of Arragon should enjoy the three masterships of Castille, 
Orders touching the government of Castille.  Saint jaques, Calatrava and 〈◊〉, with the revenues of the Indies, and eight millions of Ma●auidis of yearly rent during his life, which queen D. Isabel had left him, in regard whereof he should be contented to remain in his country of Arragon: to confirm which accord, the two kings had an interview within a league of Vailledolit, in the vestry of Renedo, whereas the archbishop himself kept the door: There they say king Ferdinand gave much counsel to his son in law, by whom he was entreated, notwithstanding their accord, to remain in Castille, and to help him to govern, but he refused him, and went away this year 1506, in july, 
King Ferdinand retires into Arragon.  leading his wife Queen German with him into Arragon. The kings D. Philip and D. joane entered into Vailledolit, whether they had called the estates of the realm, and there took a new oath, causing their eldest son D. Charles to be sworn heir to the crown of Castille, Leon, & Granado. In these princes were united unto the realms of Castille and Leon, and there dependences, the great estates of the low countries and Burgundy, and afterwards Arragon, Sicily, Sardynia and Napl●s. At Vailledolit there were many noblemen honoured with the order of the golden fleece. The guard of the castle of Segobia was taken from the marquess of Moya, & given to D. john Manuel, who was much favoured by the kings, who being at Tudele of Duero, there appeared a strange comet in the firmament, foreshowing (as they said afterwards) the approaching death of king Philip, which happened soon after in the city of Burgos, to the general grief of all his subjects, the comet still reigning, whereunto he did attribute his death, 
Death of Philip King of Castille.  saying often in his pains and agonies, H● comet●, h● cometa: He died in the flower of his age, in the constables house, this year 1506, having reigned 1 year and ten months: his body was laid many years after by the commandment of the Emperor Charles his son, in the royal chapel of Granado, having remained in divers places. This summer which was very dry, there died in Castille D. Guttiere of Toledo bishop of Plaisance, to whom succeeded D. Gomes of Toledo, son to D. Guttiere de Solis earl of Coria.  
7 At the time of the death of the king D. Philip, 
Voyage of king Ferdinand into Italy.  king Ferdinand was at sea sailing towards Italy: for after the interview of these two princes, & the order taken for the government of Castille, he went to Cattelonia, where having caused a goodly fleet to be made ready at Barcelona, he embarked to go and visit the realms of Naples, & of Sicily, having conceived a jealousy that the great captain did favour the designs of the king of Castille his son in law: for having sent often for him to come into Spain, he had still delayed it with excuses, as he thought. At his departure out of Castille, he was abandoned by all the great men, except the duke of Alva, who did accompany him to the frontiers of Arragon. He who showed himself most faithful of all the noblemen, 
A faithful servant.  was D. Bernard of Rojas and Sandoval marquess of Denia, who never abandoned him, neither alive nor dead: for he retired many of his officers and household servants, which had no maintenance. It was concluded by the last accord made betwixt him and king Philip, that the realm of Naples, although it had been conquered by the means and forces of Castille, more than by those of Arragon, should remain to the crown of Arragon. Being therefore ready to set sail towards his realm of Naples, 
Sincerity of the great Captain  he received letters from the great captain, by the which he did assure him of his sincerity and service, and did advertise him of the estate of the country, wherewith he was so well satisfied, as he did confirm all his former gifts unto him & added new, yea he was much more pleased with him, for that contrary to the opinion of many he came and met him at the port of Genova: for both the Pope and all the Potentates of Italy, thought that he was gone from Naples, with an intent to retire himself into Castille, and not to see king Ferdinand, as if he feared to look on him. The king being stayed there some days by reason of contrary winds, he had news of his son in laws death, for the which he seemed very sorrowful: & notwithstanding that he was priest by the widow queen D. joane his daughter to return into Spain, yet he went on his voyage to Naples, where he entered in great pomp, 
Entry of king Ferdinand into Naples.  under a canopy of cloth of gold, the city wall being beaten down for the more state, having all the honours and ceremonies accustomed at the receptions of new kings: he stayed 7. months there to the great content of the whole realm, and of all the Potentates of Italy, who possessed with an opinion of his justice and equity, sent to visit him by ambassadors, and made him arbitrator of many controversies, that were among them. The Neapolitans offered him great sums of money and other commodities; but he would not accept ●ny but 30000 ducats, for the charges of his voyage. He would not at that time break with the Venetians for the Pope's pleasure or of any others, and yet they detained certain places from him, referring that quarrel to a more convenient time. He pacifed and ended many quarrels, and pretensions of Barons, yea, of the Angevin party, who were yet dispossessed of their goods, which had been confiscated, & passed into private men's hands, to whom they had been given in recompense of their services: and that which he could not end, he left in charge to the Viceroy D. john of Arragon earl of Ribagorsa, whom he left in the place of Gonsall Fernandes of Cordova, the great Captain, whom he caused to embark with him at his return, and carried him into Spain, being jealous of the honour which he had gotten in the conquest of the realm. In regard of the realm of Sicily, he made many good laws, but he could not go thither in person, being priest by the queen D. joane his daughter, the council, cities, and commonalties of Castille to return into Spain: 
D. joane queen of Castille touched in her senses.  for this poor princess, besides her affliction for the death of her husband, had other infirmities, which she did inherit from her grandmother by the mother's side D. Isabel of Portugal, wherefore finding herself unable to govern so great a state, she put all over into the hands of D. Franciso Ximenes Archbishop of Toledo & primate of Spain, 
Council of Castille.  & of doctor D. Alfonso Suarez de la Fuente del Sauz bishop of jaen precedent of the king's council, Garcia of Muxica licentiate in the laws, born in the province of Guipuscoa, doctor Pedro of Orepesa, a most religious Baron, the licentiat Fernando Tells, doctor Laurence Galindez of Carnail, & the licentiate Lewis of Polanco, with others of the council, who took charge of the affairs, in the absence of the king D. Ferdinand her father, the Prince D. Charles, who was then bred up in Flanders, being yet a child of 7 years old. Pope julie stayed many days in the castle of Ostia, thinking that K. Ferdinand would land there to see him, but he excused himself by reason of the small intelligence that was betwixt them: for the king having demanded of him the confirmation & investiture of the realm of Naples; he would not grant it, but with heavier conditions than other kings of Arragon his predecessors had held it. Queen  did accompany the king her husband in all this voyage, who sailing towards Spain, they touched at Savone, which place was assigned for an interview, 
Interview betwixt the french king and him of Arragon.  betwixt them and Lewis 12. the French king, who was already arrived with a goodly train of his nobility. At the coming of the Spanish army king Lewis showed so great a confidence in the virtue and generosity of king Ferdinand, as he made no difficulty to enter into his galley, without any guards, by a bridge of wood made to that end, and there having conference awhile together, they entered all into the city; queen German going betwixt the two kings, the king her husband being on the right hand, and the French king on the left, who were immediately followed by the Cardinal of Rovan, and the great captain, and then by many noblemen, ladies and gentlewomen, richly attired: king Ferdinand made show of as great confidence to the French king, 
1507  entering into Savone, a town held by him, where he was lodged in the Castle, and king Lewis in the bishop's Palace. For three days space that these great Princes were together, they treated of many matters of importance, in the which the Cardinal of Praxeda, the Pope's Legate, was a great dealer: king Lewis spoke much concerning the renewing and strengthening of their leagues, and the friendship which he desired to entertain with the emperor Maximilian, who was greatly discontented with him, for many reasons, but especially for that the lady claud the eldest daughter of France, so often promised to prince Charles, had been lately made sure to Francis duke of Angoulesme: the which king Lewis excused, saying, that he had done it at the instant request of the estates of his realm. They did also treat of many things concerning Italy, and yet never entered into any speech of the realm of Naples: but the French king showed great hatred ●o the Venetians, and little love to the Pope, against whom he propounded to have a general Council called, 
Counsels are dangerous for the church of Rome.  being animated thereunto by the Cardinal of Ro●an, desirous to find a means to attain unto the dignity of Sovereign bishop, whereof he had some hope, when the seat was void, by the death of Alexander the sixth, wherein there were resolutions then taken, to the contentment of both kings: but as for a Council, king Ferdinand excused himself, saying that it was a dangerous thing for the commonweal of Christendom. 
Gonsal● Fernandes honoured by Lewis the 12.  The French king having often desired to see and know Gonsalo Fernandes, called the great captain, he embraced him with much honour, and could not be satisfied in looking on him, as admiring those great matters which he had heard of him, getting leave of king Ferdinand that he might eat at their table, whereas Queen German said (it may be indiscreetly) that he which had vanquished kings, should eat with kings: Some say, that at that time only he purchased the sumame of Great, for that king Lewis did so call him, saying freely unto king Ferdinand, that he did envy him for so worthy a man, whom he honoured with praises and great titles in all his discourses, and taking a chain of gold of great price from off his own neck, he put it about his. The fourth day of this interview, the kings parted one towards France, and the other continuing his course towards Spain, where the fleet arrived in mid-August 1507, at the port Valencia, from whence, without stay, the king and queen went to Almasan, a town of Castille, not without discontentment of the Arragonois, who found his short abode among them very strange, to busy himself with the affairs of a realm he had found so much ingratitude. The great Captain was received in Spain with great favour of all men, 
Bounty of the great Captain.  being held the honour and ornament of Castille, but he never saw Naples more, where he was exceedingly beloved, and desired. They say that at his departure from Naples, he gave a great part of his means to such as had been faithful companions unto him in the war, to perform the which he sold some of his lands.  
8 Whilst that the King D. Ferdinand was in Italy, the duke of Valentinois, who was a prisoner in the Castle of Medina del Campo, being ill guarded slipped down by a rope, 
Duke of Valentinois escapes out of prison.  and escaped going towards Guipuscoa in a disguised habit, whereas he found in the town of Mondragon, one Lewis Lauregui, who had served him in Italy, and was then one of the chief of the place, who gave him means to pass into Navarre, towards king john of Albret, whose sister he had married. D. joane queen of Castille being with-child at her Husband's death, had been delivered of a Daughter in Torquemada, who was named D. Catherina, future wife to john the third of that name, king of Portugal. This year one thousand five hundred and seven, there was a change of Bishops in Spain from less to greater, after the accustomed manner: 
Change of bishops in Castille.  for by the death of D. john of Medina Bishop of Segobia, D. Frederic of Portugal was advanced to that Bishopric, and that of Calaorra, which he held, was given to D. john of Velasco, who before was bishop of Carthagena, the which was bestowed upon doctor Martin of Angulo, Archdeacon of Talavera in the church of Toledo: The archbishopric of Granado in like manner being void, by the death of friar Hernando of Talavera, there was preferred to that dignity D. Anthony of Rojas, Bishop of Maiorca, and his Bishopric was given unto D. Diego of Rivera. By the decease also of D. Garcia Ramires of Villa excusa Bishop of Ouiedo, who was the last Prior of S. Marc of Leon, D. Valerio Alfonso of Villaquiran, was made Bishop in his place; and the bishopric of Villaquiran & city Roderigo, which he held, was given to D. Francisco of Bovadilla, 
Archbishop of Foledo made a Cardinal.  son to the marquess of Moya▪ The same year D. Francis Ximenes of Cisneros Archbishop of Toledo, obtained a Cardinal's hat, with the title of Sancta Balbina: and for that he was primate of Spain, he was called Cardinal of Spain: And D. Alfonso F●nseca, was allowed to resign the archbishopric of Saint jaques to his son, carrying the same name, for the which Cardinal Ximenes did greatly reproach king Ferdinand, who had countenanced it, saying, that he made Archbishoprics hereditary, and that he should see if women were excluded. King Ferdinand was then come to Sancta Maria del Campo, with the queen his daughter, where they made the anniversary for the deceased king Philip: from thence they went to Arcos, where the Queen staying, the king came to Burgos, where during his long abode, we will return to the affairs of Navarre. The king D. john of Albret, who is numbered for the five and thirtieth king of Navarre, 
Navarre.  and the third of that name, had by his wife Katherine of Foix, a great issue, john and Andrew Phoebus, who died both young, Henry who succeeded them in the estates of Foix & Bearn, and in the title of Navarre, and was born three days after the death of Andrew Phoebus his brother, 
Geneol●gie of Navarre.  in the town of Sanguessa, in the year one thousand five hundred and three, in the month of April: the godfathers at the Christening were two german Pilgrims, which passed by chance at the time of his birth, to go to Saint jaques, whereof the one was called Henry, and the other Adam: the which the king his father did by devotion: but the Spaniards say that it was an advertisement and presage of his future condition, that he should live a stranger and Pilgrim out of his realm: Besides these, he had Charles, named by some Francis, who died in the Lord of Lautrees voyage to Naples; Katherine, Anne, Quiteri●, Magdeline, Isabella, and five other children, whose names are not specified, for they died young. Of the daughters, Anne was betrothed, but not married the earl of Candale, for she died at the assurance making: into which house the Queen of Navarres aunt, called Katherine also, had been married; she was mother to Queen Anne of Hungary, wife to king Ladislaus: Isabella married with the earl of Rohan in Britain. This king D. john of Albret was full of pomp and state in his court, and house, the which was frequented by the nobility both of Spain, France, and other nations, 
Disposition of king john of Navarre.  as much as any of the greatest monarches. His study and delights were divers, for he loved learning and books, whereof he made a goodly Library; he was curious in the search of Genealogies of noble families, and would understand their arms, and blasons; yet sometimes he made some noble, that were of small merit: he took great delight to discourse privately and familiarly with his vassals and others, as if he had been no king, but a private gentleman: he danced willingly, and did so little maintain his royal gravity, as he made no difficulty to come into public assemblies, and to dance in the streets with wives and virgins after the country manner: he went familiarly to dine and sup, and to make good cheer in his subjects houses, inviting himself, the which did win him the love of some, and made him to be scorned of others, as not knowing how to hold his rank: the which he held of the French humour, whereas the princes do sometimes make themselves too familiar with petty companions. He was so given to his pleasures, as many times he referred matters of greatest importance to others, the which did purchase him contempt and hatred with many: for by this means against his oath and promise made at his coronation, many strangers were admitted to estates, offices, and benefices within the realm of Navarre, whereof there were sundry admonitions and protestations made unto him in the assembly of the estates by the noblemen of the realm, but he did not regard it: for he thought to find a great support in the king of Castilles friendship: yet notwithstanding king Ferdinand did not forbear to capitulat with Lewis 12 the French king who should help to dispossess him of the realm of Navarre, to invest Gaston of Foix duke of Nemours son to john vicont of Narbone, & brother to queen , which D. Ferdinand did afterwards seize on upon another occasion, 
1597  as we will show. About the end of the year one thousand five hundred and six, the Duke of Valentinois having escaped from Medina deal Campo, and being come, 
John of Albret king of Navarre & the Queen his wife fall into factions.  as we have said, into Navarre, he found that the King D. john of Albret, and the Queen his wife were grown into factions one against another; the King favouring them of Beaumont, and the Queen the others of Gramont: wherefore the Duke showing therein both judgement and affection, he dealt so as he reconciled them, making the King his brother in law to favour the faction of Gramont, wherewith the contrary party was much troubled: yet Lewis of Beaumont the Constable, a man of a great courage, maintained himself still proudly in his rank, so as on a time a certain Officer coming to give him notice of some commandment from the King, he caused him to be beaten with cudgels, 
Rashness of the Earl of Lerin, which caused his ruin.  and to be cast into prison in the castle of Larraga, making show that he did not much respect the King, nor his Adversaries of Gramont which were favoured by him, which was the cause of his ruin: for the King being justly incensed at this audacious fact, having by many messages sent for him to Court, and he not obeying, he resolved to ruin him quite. He had to friend, although he were of the contrary faction, D. Alfonso Carillo of Peralta Earl of Saint Stephen, son to Troilo Carillo, and grandchild to D. Alfonso Carillo of Acugna Archbishop of Toledo, who did advertise him of all that was practised against him, advising him by no means to come to the Court, unless he would fall into their ambushes. By reason of this contumacy, the King having caused his process to be made, 
Sentemce against the Earl of Lerin.  he was condemned to lose both life and goods, as guilty of high treason: and having sent forth troops for the execution of this Sentence, he gave the charge to the Duke of Valentinois his brother in law, to pursue him with all extremity of war, the which the Duke began by the siege of the castle of Larraga the eleventh of February 1507. But a Gentleman called Oger of Berastegui who commanded there, defended it bravely, so as both the King, who was there in person, and the Duke, left it, and went to Viana, whereas the town made not any resistance, but the castle held good, although they were scanted for victuals: whereof the Earl of Lerin the Constable being advertised, he resolved to relieve it; 
Castle of Viana besieged by the Duke of Valentino●.  for the effecting whereof having gathered together about two hundred horse and some foot, he came to Mandavia to watch some opportunity to execute his design, the which succeeded happily, for the same night there did rise a horrible tempest, which made the Duke think that the enemy would not go to field, and that they would not adventure to secure the besieged; wherefore he retired his guards and sentinels which he did usually set upon all the approaches to the castle, wherein he was deceived although he were held for a wise and discreet Commander: for through favour of the noise of the wind, and the great rain, three score horses parted from Mandavia, 
Viana victualled by the Earl of Lerin.  every one carrying a sack of meal, and some baked bread, which provision they put into the castle by a postern, and were not discovered: Morning being come, in their retreat they discovered certain horsemen upon the way of Logrogno, which made them think that it was a supply of 300. Castillan horse which the Duke of Negera had promised to send unto the Constable, wherefore they began to cry, Beaumond, Beaumond, which gave an alarm unto the Town. The Duke of Valentinois having caused himself to be richly armed by a groom of his called janicot, who had sometimes served the Constable; he went forth bravely mounted, and followed by a thousand horse, and a great troop of foot, and so he went towards Mandavia, saying, Where is this petty Count? I vow to God I will this day kill him, or take him prisoner, I will not leave him until he be quite ruined, and will not pardon any one of his, all shallbe put to the sword, even the dogs and cats. Being thrust on with this violent passion, he advanced his troop, following 60. horse which retired before him. The Constable had sent forth some, aswell to receive those (if need were) which were gone to victual the castle of Viana, as to discover what the enemy did, who seeing the Duke whom they knew not come thus alone, and with a great assurance, doubting that he was followed by some great troops, they retired to the place where the Constable remained, who wondering what this Knight should be, and at his hardiness, What? (says he) is there no man here that dares affront this gallant, which comes so near us? Then there disbanded three gentlemen of his troop, who went to encounter him in a hollow way like unto a ditch, whereas the duke could not well use his force and dexterity, nor manage his horse, who having charged their Lances against him, one of them took him under the right arm pit, where he was unarmed, 
Death of the duke of Valentinois.  as he did lift up his arm to charge his lance, and so ran him through, he falling down dead to the ground. They say that he that gave the blow was one of the Garceses of Agreda: The body was presently stripped by these three companions, and left naked in the way, having covered his privy parts with a stone: they carried these rich spoils unto the Constable who began to retire, not knowing▪ any thing of him that was slain, but that he should be some great captain, until that the same morning janicot the groom of his chamber, who had followed his master, and missed his way, was taken by some and led to the Constable, by whom it was known after that he had seen his arms and habiliments, that it was Cesar Borgia duke of Valentinois which had been slain, whose body was found by the army which followed after. King john himself being in person in the rearward, who lamented much for the death of his brother in law, and covering him with a cloak of scarlet he caused him to be carried to Viana, and to be buried in the great chapel of the parish church of Saint Mary, where this epitaph is to be read.  

A qui iaze en p●ca tierra  
El que toda le temia,  
El que lapas, y la guerra  
Por todo el mondo hazia.  
O tu que vas à buscar,  
Dignas cosas de loar,  
Se tu loas lo mas digno,  
A qui pare tu camino  
No cure de mas andar.   
It is observed in Spain for a memorable thing, that the death of the duke of Valentinois happened in Navarre the like day that he had in the same realm taken possession of the perpetual administration of the church of Pampelome, the chief of that realm, which was the eleventh day of March, on the which God would show some testimony of his wrath against him, who in contempt of all religion had quit his Ecclesiastical estate, and the ministery, to follow the practice of arms: The Constable would have been more joyful if he had been taken alive, to have presented him to king Ferdinand. The king of Navarre by reason of this death fell into such a rage against the Constable, and all his house, as even some of his kinsmen which followed the King's army were forced to retire, not daring to present themselves before him: against whom the castle of Viana did still make resistance, notwithstanding that his army was much increased by certain troops which had been sent him out of Castille from D. Bernadin of Velasco Constable and Duke of Frias, and the Earl of Nieva, with whom and with the Earl of Aguilar, the king had always entertained a strict friendship: but he passed into the Constable's lands where he committed all the spoils that an incensed enemy could devise: he took the town of Lerin, where he overthrew and ruined the sepulchre or monument of the house of Lerin, and the Constable's progenitors, 
War against the Constable of Lerin.  which was a sumptuous and stately building; he razed his houses, cut up his vines and trees, then taking the rest of his places and castles, some by a voluntary yielding, and some by force, where he caused the captains which made resistance to be hanged, he reduced him to that extremity, as he was forced to retire himself into Castille to D. Ferdinand king of Arragon his brother in law, being followed by many other knights of the faction of Beaumond which was then underfoot, and that of Oramont advanced, amongst whom was the marshals place; and moreover by the Constable's retreat they obtained that Office for D. Alphonso Carillo of Peralta Earl of Saint Stephen: Then the castles of Viana and Larraga yielded. And in this exile the Constable being old and dispossessed, 
Death of D. Lewis of Beaumond the constable.  died some months after in Arragon, in the town of Aranda: His wife D. Leanora of Arragon died likewise at the same time in the city of Tortosa in Cattelonia. The Constable's body having been left for a time in the monastery of Veruela, was afterwards transported▪ to Lerin, where he lies: his son D. Lewis of Beaumond succeeded him after the conquest of Navarre, made by D. Ferdinand king of Arragon, 
1508  in the office of Constable, and of high Chancellor of the realm, and in all his other estate and lands being by his mother's side, nephew to the king D. Ferdinand, and graundchilde to D. john king of Arragon the second of that name. There was a bruit, that the Constable and his son had treated with Lewis the twelfth to dispossess king john of Albret of the realm of Navarre, and to invest Gaston of Foix duke of Nemours his newphew, and that Lewis of Beaumond, the son of D. Francis of Beaumond, and D. Pedro Menat of Beaumond went into France to solicit the king in this business, assuring him that all things should be easy for him, and favourable, but that the king being then busied in other affairs, especially to reduce the city of Genova which was then rebelled, to his obedience, would not hearken to it: wherefore D. Lewis of Beaumond, and D. Pedro Menat returned into Arragon, leaving D. Francis in the French kings service, where he continued until that he was called home by his father D. john of Beaumond, who had a certain quarrel with Amador of Lascan, whose challenge he could not answer by reason of his age, so as he came and presented himself to the combat against Amador, during the reign of these kings; but there growing a certain question being ready to fight, upon the quality of the arms, they spent the whole day in disputes, and nothing was done. The cardinal D. Anthony bishop of Pampelone being dead about the end of this year one thousand five hundred & seven, there was preferred in his place by pope julio the second, the cardinal of Sancta Sabina, called Facio; but the chapter of the church of Pampelone, having already chosen cardinal Amand of Albret of the title of Saint Nicholas in carcere Tulliano, the king's brother, for their bishop, the cardinal of Sancta Sabina was rejected and kept from the possession of that bishopric: whereupon Pope julio did censure the whole realm of Navarre in the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred and eight, and did continue a whole year, to free them from the which they were forced to accept of the cardinal preferred by him for their bishop of Pampelone, whereof he took possession by his deputy, and the election made by the chapter was declared void. This cardinal Facio lived not long after, wherefore cardinal Amand of Albret the king's brother recovered his right, and was received in the place of the deceased. The archdeaconship of the table of that church, a chief dignity, and of great revenues, was given unto D. john of Beaumond, for his son called also D. john brother to D. Francis of Beaumond above mentioned, who being returned out of France into Navarre, was, notwithstanding the hatred and factions of Beaumond and Gramont, much favoured by the Marshal D. Pedro, who was then in greatest esteem and authority with the Kings D. john and D. Catherina.  
11 This year one thousand five hundred and eight Muley Mahumet king of Fez, 
Costill●.  of the family of the Merins, 
Arzilla besieged by the 〈◊〉 and the town taken.  besieged the city of Arzilla, in the which the earl of Redondo a Portugal was governor, and having taken the town with his great power, being above a hundred thousand fight men, he also took part of the castle, and forced the Earl to retire into a tower with some soldiers: whereof king Ferdinand being advertised, he sent to the Earl Pedro Navarro an excellent captain of his time, being at Malaga, to go and secure the portugals at Arzilla, appointing him certain old soldiers which were come from Naples, who were then lodged in the Axarchia of Malaga. The earl having received this charge, embarked with great speed in a ship of his own, which was called Mariette, with other ships which he found ready, and four galleys, about two thousand and five hundred of these soldiers, and so sailed towards Arzilla, 
Exploit of Pedro Nauarr● at Arzilla in favour of the Portugall●.  where upon his first approach he so terrified the Moors, which besieged the Tower where the Earl of Redondo was, with his great ordnance from the ships, as they suffered him to land his men, with the which he entered the city, and fought so valiantly, as he chased away the Moors, whom he found lodged, and fortified there, striking such a terror into the king of Fez his army, as the same night it retired about two leagues from the town. D. Pedro Navarro encouraged with this good success, going forth with certain field pieces, and setting a countenance on it, he held the enemies in such doubt, as they retired to Fez, and Arzilla was freed, whereas within few days after the army of Portugal arrived, being sent to secure it by the king D. Manuel, the which had come too late without the diligence and good office of King Ferdinand, and the Earl D. Pedro Navarro, who having sent back part of his soldiers in the Mariette, he ran along the coast of Barbary with his four galleys, unto Belis or Veles of Gomera, who discovering a rock in the sea fit to build a fort on, for the defence and safety of the coast of Spain, especially for the straight, and the rest of Andalusia he put thirty soldiers in garrison there, in despite of the Moors: And being returned to Malaga, he advertised the King of the commodity of this seat, yielding him many reasons to induce him to build a sort there: whereupon the King sent a governor thither, 
Pegnon de Veles fortified.  whose name was john of Villalobos, captain of Trebeja, and rector of Malaga, who entering into this place called Pegnon de Veles, with three score and ten soldiers, he spent his life there in garrison, and after him his son, who put in his place an uncle of his called Francis of Villalobos, in whose time this fort was taken by the Moors, eight years after it had been first fortified by the earl D. Pedro Navarre.  
12 The king D. Ferdinand having this year sent one of the Provosts of his Court called the Bachelor Hernando Gomes of Herrera to Cordova, for certain executions of justice, 
Trovost of the court troubled in his charge, and the punishment the king inflicted.  he had such a quarrel with D. Pero Fernandes of Cordova, nephew to the great captain, as the marquess caused him to be taken prisoner, and to be carried to Montillo, wherewith the king found himself much wronged, and loath to employ any other, he went himself to punish this disobedience and contempt. Wherefore coming to Toledo, and from thence by Cite royal, Syerra Morena, Pedroche, and Adamuz he entered into Cordova, where he began to have informations made against the marquess, for whom the great captain and other noblemen were suitors, entreating him to remember how D. Alphonso d' Aguilar the marquess' father died, and how his uncle the great captain had lived: yet the marquess was condemned in a great fine, his house of Aguilar razed, and himself banished for a certain time.  
13 In Portugal the king D. Manuel attending the government of his realms, 
Portugal.  and the navigations to the East Indies, made his greatest residence in the city of Ebora, whilst that Lisbon was afflicted with cruel seditions, by reason of religion; an ordinary thing in this later age, whenas most Christians jealous of their own glory, worship their opinions, and maintain their ceremonies by tumults and effusion of blood. It did seem unto some women of the ancient families of Christians in that city, that some of the new converts or of their descendants, being in the Convent of the friars of Saint Dominike had mocked at the host, 
Sedition at Lisbon for religion.  which they are accustomed to keep in their churches: wherewith being moved with a womanish choler, they began to cast their pattens at them, saying, Go you wicked dogs, God forbidden that the plague and other miseries should fall upon us for you. At this noise there came two friars running, who moved with a monkish zeal, took up a Cross, and running up and down the streets, cried, Kill, kill these wicked heretical dogs, for both plague and famine will fall upon this country for their impieties: with which cries they stirred up the people, so as falling upon these new Christians (as they call them) they slew above 4000, regarding the innocent no more than the offender: and that which was the chief motive, they spoilt their goods, sacked their houses, and burned many in the streets, and public place of the city: the which the officers of justice could not help. In the end, being tired rather then glutted with killing and spoiling, the tumult ceased. King Manuel being advertised of this excess, caused the two friars which were the authors to be apprehended, and to be publicly burnt at Ebora, and informations being made against the mutines, and spoilers, about 70 of them were most justly hanged, wherein it is strange how often they were then abused, who leaving Mahumets' or the jewish impiety, came into the bosom of the Romish church, thinking to find a safe refuge, or some mildness and humanity there, whereas they did often make trial of the smothered hatred, and cruelty, of these proud and ravishing old Christians, as they call them in Spain; men truly unfit to draw infidels to the healthful Doctrine of JESUS CHRIST: for this detestable example could no ways edify the son of the King of Manicongo, who was sent a while after into Portugal, to be there instructed in the Romish Religion. This King ruling upon the western shore of Africa beyond the Equinoctial, was vassal and allied to the king D. Manuel, the infant his son was named Henry, and was bred up and instructed in the Latin tongue and the sciences for the space of twelve years, 
Henry Infant of Manicongo baptised.  at Saint Eloy in Lisbon, after the which he returned into his country, being accompanied by many of the monks of S. Eloy, carrying with him many ornaments serving for the ceremonies of the Romish religion, and many gifts from the King D. Manuel.  
14 D. Ferdinand King of Arragon for his part, 
Castille.  seeking the propagation of religion, following the advice of his council and of the divines of Spain, gave leave this year one thousand five hundred and eight, to some Spaniards dwelling at the Indies to search into the main land there, to conquer provinces and people, and to convert those infidels to the Christian religion, 
Alphonso of Hoieda first discoverer of the firm land as the Indies.  by arms, if they did not willingly submit themselves; sending ample instructions unto them. The first that undertook that enterprise was Alphonso of Hojeda or Fojeda, borne at Cuenea, having dwelled long at the Indies, who parting from the port of Beat of Saint Dominike with four ships and three hundred men, came unto Carthagena, being followed by an other ship, in the which there should be certain mares, swine, and other cattle to breed, being conducted by the bachelor Martin Fernandes of Ensiso with an hundred and fifty Spaniards. Having landed, Alphonso of Hojeda caused the Caribes a cruel and barbarous nation, which inhabit that country, to be summoned, to yield obedience to the King D. Ferdinand, and D. joane of Castille, and to receive the preaching of the gospel, offering them peace with great privileges and exemptions: but they making no regard of all these things, Hoieda made cruel wars against them, killing or making slaves all he could get, according to the instruction of the divines of Spain. He marched about five leagues into the land, and besieged a little borough of some one hundred houses, where there might dwell some three hundred persons of these Caribes, 
Caribes defend themselves courageously.  who defended themselves in such sort with poisoned arrows, and their other arms, as they slew three score and ten Spaniards, and among them Alphonso de la Cosa of Palos of Moguer in Adalusia, a man expert in navigation, and lieutenant at that time to Hoieda, which was a great loss; and had not Diego of Nicuesa of Baesa arrived, they were in danger to have received a greater loss and affront. Nicuesa parting from the same port of Beata of S. Domingo, had brought four score Spaniards in seven ships and two brigantines. Hoieda having joined with 780. did easily force the borough, and burned it with all the Indians, who had no leisure nor means to fly, of the which they retained seven prisoners: and having gathered up some little gold in the ashes of this fire, these captains divided themselves, Hoieda bending towards Vrabia, and Nicuesa to Beragua.  
15 This was done at such time as the Christian princes made a league at Cambrie against the Venetians, into the which D. Ferdinand King of Arragon and Governor of Castille entered. 
Pretensions of Christian princes against the Venetians.  The Venetians who always knew how to make their profit by other men's quarrels, held Padena, Vincence, Verona, Friuli and Treviso which the emperor pretended. The French king as duke of Milan demanded of them Cremona, Ghiaradda, Breast, Bergamo and Crema, for the pope there was exacted the town of Faruse, Rimini, Ravenna and Ceruia, the King Ferdinand desired to retire the places and ports of the realm of Naples; which had been engaged unto them by the old King D. Ferdinand of Naples: for these considerations all their ambassadors met there together, to conclude a war against the Venetiance; but king Ferdinand had no great will to take arms against that common weal, projecting other means to recover his right, but to please the Emperor he joined in this war, and for that there was some discontentment betwixt the king D. Ferdinand, the emperor and prince Charles, by reason of the government of Castille, it was said, that there should be no speech of it, until the end of that war. There were many other particularities treated of and concluded there, every one of these princes seeking more his own private interest than the good of the league in general. King Ferdinand was then at Tordesillas, whither he had accompanied his daughter the Queen. D. joane, who lived there, and having been a widow eight and forty years, ended her days there. In May, in the year one thousand five hundred and nine, queen Germany wife to king Ferdinand was delivered of a son at Vailledolit, 
1509  who was named john, but he lived not long, after which this princess had not any more children: but the king her husband before he married her had D. Alphonso of Arragon by the vicountesse of Eboli; 
Genealogy of Arragon.  he was archbishop of Saragosse, a prince of singular virtue: he had also D. joane of Arragon who was wife to the Constable D. Bernardin of Velasco: and moreover by a gentlewoman of Bilbao called D. Tota, he had D. Maria of Arragon, who was a nun at Madrigal: and of a lady of Portugal of the family of the Pereira●, an other daughter named also D. Maria of Arragon, who was in like manner a nun in Madrigal with her sister; this was the posterity of king Ferdinand.  
16 That year Alphonso of Hojeda or Fogeda, 
Fort built by the Spaniards in the firm land of the Indies.  running over the country of Vraba, took in the strong Island two men and seven women, and got about two hundred ounces of gold: and having landed in Caribana, he began a fort and town, which was the first the Spaniards made in the firm land of the Indies. The Spaniards being entered four leagues into the country, they affailed a little town called Taripi, whereas the Indians made great resistance, 
Policy of the Indians.  and they had this policy, to draw their enemies on with gold, whereof they knew them to be very covetous, casting it in certain places, that coming to gather it up, they might pierce them more easily with their poisoned arrows, whereof they died like mad men. Hoieda priest with these difficulties, and with hunger, raised his siege, and went to another Borough, where he found some small store of victuals, and took some prisoners, and among others, a woman, whose husband came before Hoieda, and promised by a certain day to bring her ransom, at which prefixed time he came, being accompanied with eight archers, who began to shoot many poisoned arrows among the Spaniards, wherewith Hoieda himself was hurt, and others died, wherefore the Spaniards slew them all nine. Hereupon Bernardin of Talavera arrived with a ship laden with victuals and three score and ten Spaniards to succour Hoieda, but this did not much comfort the Spaniards: wherefore Hoieda fearing that they would mutiny, he resolved to return himself to Saint Domingo, to make sufficient provision of victuals and other things necessary, leaving for lieutenant in his place Francis Picarro, who was afterwards marquess of Atabillos', with an express charge, that if within fifty days they had no news of him, they should make the best shift they could. So Hoieda parting from Caribana, he arrived in the Island of Hispaniola a city of Saint Domingo, where being tired with the toil he had endured, and with the bad success of his voyage, desperate, wounded, and sick of his person, he became a Franciscan Friar the remainder of his life. Diego of Nicuesa who had taken the rout of Beragua, advanced with a caravel and two brigantines, and past the land without discovery: but one of his brigantines commanded by Lope of Olano, turned back to consider of that coast, then returning to the other brigantine they went together, to enter in at the mouth of the river of Charge, which they called Lagartos, where they found the rest of the army, except Nicuesa, who was strayed with his caravel. Being come to the river of Beragua, thinking to find their captain Nicuesa there, but hearing not any news of him, they were out of hope ever to return unto their houses, breaking their vessels in pieces which were half rotten, they chose Lope of Olano for their captain, who began to make a fort there, and to till the ground, meaning to make his abode there. In the mean time Nicuesa who had lost his caravel, was come to Sorobaro in great want of victuals, so as he and his company lived some days with wild fruits; the which was reported to Lope of Olano, by those men who had stolen away his caravells cocke-boat: wherefore he presently sent a brigantine unto him laden with victuals, in the which he came to Beragua: but there envying the good success of Olano, he began to charge him that he had encroached upon his authority, entreating him ingratefully, whereat the whole company was much discontented: after which he caused them to dislodge, and to leave that country, where they had sown much Mays, leading them to Porto Bello, where he left half his men, and led the rest to a place called Marmoll or marbre, where he began a fort, which since hath been very famous, 
Number de Dios  which he called Nombre de Dios; there Nicuesa and his people were in such extreme necessity, as they were forced to eat their dogs, whereof some were sold for five and twenty ducats of Castille, 
Extremity of the Spaniards at the Indies  yea they did eat the flesh of an Indian, whom they found dead and half rotten. They which Hoieda had left in Caribana, seeing that their captain returned not at the fiftieth day assigned, being oppressed with hunger, they embarked by the advice of Francis Picarro, and having lost one brigantine, they sailed towards Cochibocoa, near to the which they met with the bachelor Martin Fernandes of Enciso, having a ship laden with victuals and men, and a brigantine, who commanded them to return back with him: and having landed and watered at Camari, they came to Vraba, in which gulf they built a Town, the which they called Guarda. The King or Cachique of that country called Cemaco, being incensed that without his leave they built upon his land, having hidden all the wealth of his town among the reeds, he drew together five hundred Indians, and began to threaten the Spaniards: then was the Bachelor in great distress, and began to make vows and promises, That if he got the victory of those men, he would build a Temple of the Cachiques town, the which he would have called, Our Lady of the Ancient of Darien, and that he would send a certain quantity of gold and silver to the church of our Lady the Ancient of Sevill: whereupon a hundred Spaniards did charge these Indians, and defeated them, and their town was taken and spoiled, and their hidden treasure found, which was not small, & then they began to build the town and colony of the antic of Darien.  
17 Whilst that these men guided by aurice, & by the practice of cruelty, thought to amplify the religion of our Lord jesus Christ at the west Indies, the cardinal D. Francis Ximenes of Cisneros archbishop of Toledo, under the same pretext, but it may be thrust on by some other affection, made offer to go in person into Africa, and there to make war against the Moors, animated thereunto (besides his own desire to make that enterprise) by the spoils which some pirates Moors had lately made upon the coast of Spain, from whence they had carried away many poor slaves of all ages, men and women: and that which did more prick him forward, was, that D. Diego Fernandes Governor of Mersalcabler had been lately defeated by the Moors of Oran, importunately provoked by him; which disgrace he desired to revenge upon that city. These things happened during the king's absence, whenas he was at Naples, from whence being returned, he was presently solicited by the Cardinal to undertake this enterprise of Oran, whither he offered to go himself: wherein he had many oppositions and crosses, not so much by the king, as by the noblemen of the court, who scorned him, holding him for a man drunk with ambition, and ignorant how to maintain himself in his rank and profession, saying, That it was a pleasant change to see the great captain Gonsal Fernandes famous for so many victories which he had obtained, now telling of his beads at Vailledolit, and the archbishop of Toledo to leave his mitre and cross and to put on arms, having not thoughts but of killing and shedding of blood: but those courtiers which found this so strange, had not perused the Annals of Spain, where they might have read warlike exploits of many other Bishops, equalling the greatest captains of their time. 
Enterprise of Oram by Ximenes.  Notwithstanding all the oppositions of these disdainful spirits, yet the cardinal obtained what he pretended: for the king knew his qualities and virtues better than any other, and could so extol him to his Council, and other noble men in Court, as in the end they did allow of the cardinals proposition, they commended it, and persuaded the youth to follow him into Africa. This war being concluded, there was present order given, that all the galleys and other vessels of war, and ships to carry victuals and baggage which were made ready in divers ports, should come to Malaga or Carthagena: there was provision made in divers places of come and all kinds of victual, great store of cask to water in the enemy's country, and of powder in every part of Spain: and there was commandment given to all vassals holding fees, commaunderies, and military benefices, to be there in person, and no man to be exempted but for a very lawful cause, and for the necessary defence of the Christian commonweal: the soldiers which were in the kings pay, and remaining in ordinary garrisons were also sent, and new levies made. There were also two Alcaids or Provosts of justice of the court appointed to assist the cardinal, which were Callego and Aguirro, who in the King's name, and by his authority, should contain every man in his duty. Herewithal there were given unto the Cardinal many blanks signed and sealed by the King, to use them when need should require, namely, to institute and appoint judges to punish offenders: 
Conscience of Ximenes.  wherewith the cardinal would not meddle, for that he was a Franciscan Friar, and a man of the church. These things provided, the great captain Gonsalo Fernandes did advise, that the managing of the war should be given unto Pedro Navarro Earl of Albeto, 
Pedro Navarro chief conductor of the African war.  who some few months before had built the fort of Pegnon de Veles against the Moors, and was a captain of judgement and great experience. The cardinal conferred with him of all matters, and did write to Vargas of the King's council, and to Villalobos commissary of the victuals, that they should deliver the victuals and munition ordained for this war, as Pedro Navarro should appoint, and to the colonels to cause their men to march towards Malaga: the chief of which were D. Roderigo Moscoso Earl of Altamira, 
Colonels at the war of Oran.  D. john Spinosa, Alphonso Vanega, Gonsalo Ayora, Pedro of Arias, and john Vilalna, having many good and valiant captains under them. To Garcia Villaroello was given the command of the horse: jerosme Vianello was made marshal of the camp, by reason of the experience and knowledge he had of the country of Africa, and therefore held fittest to choose the situation of the camp, and the places where they should assail the Moors. Thus the cardinal drew together about four thousand horse and ten thousand foot. To this war, besides the money which the king did furnish out of his treasure, and that which the cardinal drew out of his coffers, 
Foresight of the Cardinal.  the canons of Toledo did also contribute: for the cardinal knowing that money is that which maintains and gives perfection unto war, he would not make any just proportion of the charge of this work, or what it might amount unto, but sought to gather so much together, as he might have an overplus. The execution of all these provisions was much delayed, and the voyage almost broken, for many did still detract the Cardinal and his enterprise to the king, terming it foolish and unfit for a man of his coat, so as the king being almost altered, was in a manner resolved to refer it to another season: the which the commissaries, collectors, captains of galleys, governors of towns, and others having public charges, perceiving, there was not any one that cared to do his duty, nor to obey Pedro Navarroes' commandment; there came not a ship to Malaga, the victuals and munition which was not near, were made dear for the cardinals men, who had not his money yet ready: the which D. Pedro seeing, he sought himself to divert this expedition by another enterprise which he propounded upon some other parts in Africa; wherewith the cardinal was much perplexed, 
Magnanimity of the Cardinal Ximenes.  but he must show his magnanimity and perseverance: for than he resolved to employ all his means, and friends, rather than to fail in that which he had undertaken, which was published to all the world, and had been a great dishonour to the king, to him, and to all Christendom, if after so great a show of arms, they should retire without cause: which having made known unto the king with pertinent reasons, and vehement persuasions, he had answer from the king according to his desire, that although he were dissuaded, yet he would have the army pass into Africa at the first opportunity, yet notwithstanding there grew new difficulties, the soldiers being hardly stayed, and the victuals and other provisions, through the covetousness and malice of the commissaries, delayed, and in a manner denied, and many of the men at arms gone back: yet he surmounted all these difficulties, making the rendezvous for his army at Carthagena: he himself parting from Alcala, being accompanied with a great number of his friends and servants in arms, where there were many Friars of his household, which girded themselves with swords under the habit of Saint Francis, he came to Toledo, where he made known unto the Chapter the cause of his voyage, and having recommended the charge of the archbishopric in his absence to D. john de Velasco bishop of Calaorra, he came to Carthagena. Many of his canons desirous to see the world, would have followed him, but he stayed two only, and sent back the rest: 
Sedition in the Cardinal's camp caused by a rascal.  those two were Francis Aluares learned in the laws, and Charles of Mendosa Abbot of Saint Leocadie. Being ready to embark, the soldiers began to call for money, else they would not go: the author of this sedition was a rascal of Alcala of Henares, called Arnold, who had been a broker in his youth: the which did somewhat trouble the cardinal, not knowing whether it had a further reach, being resolved not to give the soldiers any money until they were passed into Africa. Vianello master of the camp, caused as many of the seditious as he could lay hand on to be hanged, or to pass the pikes: wherein using too great severity, the Cardinal sent Garcia Villaroello unto him, to admonish him to proceed more mildly for the love and respect of his person, and the religious habit which he bore, whom so great rigour did not befit, and the rather for that many of these soldiers were raised in his archbishopric, and were come to the wars for the love of him, abandoning both wife and children. It is not well known in what manner Garcia delivered his message to Vianello, but he made him a proud answer, 
Vianello●● Master of ●he unhurt by Garcia Villareelo.  to the disgrace of Garcia, and of the Cardinal himself; with which affront D. Garcia being incensed, he could not contain himself, but drew his sword and hurt Vian●llo very fore, and then he fled into a castle, whereas a kinsman of his was captain, fearing the cardinals indignation, who was much offended with these actions. Vianelloes hurt did somewhat stay the departure of the army; in the mean time they got the mutined soldiers to embark, with promise that they should have money as soon as they were on ship board, the which was performed. Being then embarked, especially by the care and policy of Salazar colonel of them of Toledo, they saw in the generals galley many sacks full of crowns, decked with bows, and many barks about it, dressed in like manner, with a great noise of trumpets and drums, which made them forget all discontent, 
Army parts from Carthagena.  receiving their pay with great joy. The Cardinal did also embark, but he was forced to stay some days for a wind, the which turning fair, they passed happily into Africa, being four score ships of burden, thirteen galleys, and many other smaller vessels, carrying ten thousand foot, and four thousand horse, with many merchants, victuallers, grooms, pioneers and other people necessary in a camp. The Spaniards which writ of this action, say that the Cardinal at his departure from Carthagena, had conceived such a hope of victory, as he did solicit the king by his letters to provide for the guard of Oran which he had already conquered, assuring him that he might shortly make use of the army which he led, for his affairs of Italy, whither he himself would go if need required, and that it should please him to command him. He was not deceived in his conceit: but coming to the coast of Africa on Ascension day, the whole country was presently advertised by the watches and fires which were made by the Moors, and all the Christians ships came safely that night into the port of Mersalcabir, although it were very dark. Having called a Council, it was resolved to seize presently upon the straight passage which is betwixt Mersalcabir and Oran, whereas the beacon is set, and to bring the ships of burden in view of Oran, and to plant their battery speedily, before that the Alarabes being advertised from all parts, should gather together to make head, and hinder their descent. Upon this resolution Pedro Navarro caused all the vessels as soon as the soldiers were landed, to pass towards Oran, and presently to tow all the barks which should carry the horse, holding them unnecessary in a Country which was rough and uneven: the which the Cardinal not understanding so well as the other, he held it for a disgrace which Navarro meant to do him, commanding the horse that they should follow by land as well as they could, disposing guards in convenient places, for fear of the Moors surprises, the which did serve to some purpose. The passage was attempted and won, not without great difficulty, being defended by the Moors, and Alarabes, which came out of Oran: the which was in the mean time battered from the Christians ships and galleys. It happened that many soldiers landing out of the galleys, they hindered the Moors and the Alarabes from flying into the town, having been chased from the passage of the mountain, and were pursued by Pedro Navarroes' troops, so as the City wanting men to defend it, it was taken none knows how● the soldiers climbing miraculously over the walls and rampires, 
Oran taken miraculously.  with the help of their pikes: the which being tried by many after the taking of it, they could not get up by reason of the height of the walls, and the weakness of their pikes, so as this prize was held miraculous; Sosa who carried the cardinals cornet was the first that mounted, crying Saint jago, Ximenes, and victory. The Moors failing both in defence and courage, shut themselves into their Mesquites, or into their strongest houses; some held the market places, being resolved to die fight. But the city gates being broke open, and all the army brought in, all this wretched multitude ran towards the port which is towards Tremessen, to see if they might escape. But Garcia Villaroello was set there in guard with some horse, to put all them to the sword that should seek to fly away. It happened that near unto that port there lay hidden in the gardens and other places covered with trees a hundred and fifty horse Alarabes, 
Treachery of the merunare 〈◊〉.  of those which had been chased from the passage of the mountain, with no other intent but to spoil the people that should fly out of the city (such treacherous and covetous thieves they be) when as they saw these Christian horsemen, who watched also for their prey, they charged them suddenly and with such fury, as before they had viewed them, they slew ten, and put the rest to flight, whereas Garcias horse was slain. This accident gave many poor Moors means to escape. Within the city the victorious army put all to the sword that they found in the streets or houses, in hatred of their religion, not sparing neither age nor sex, neither did the care of the commanders and captains prevail any thing, who causing a retreat to be founded, called every one back into his quarter, the night approaching: for most of the soldiers being dispersed in the Moors houses and streets, having fed well, fell so sound asleep among the dead bodies, as many of them could not be awaked the next day at noon: 
Duty of a well advised captain.  wherefore it was needful that the Earl Pedro Navarro and the captains with troops chosen out of their best men to watch that night. Pedro Navarro being sufficiently advertised of the Moors subtleties, did never disarm, neither did he sleep, until he saw all things assured, performing therein the duty of a well advised captain. The Moors which had fortified themselves in their Mesquites and other places, being summoned to yield, and refusing, detesting the conquerors cruelty, were forced. In this slaughter there was a miserable spectacle of a little infant which strove to take the mother's dug being slain. There were slain as some writ, 
Number of them that were slain at Oran.  above four thousand, and about five thousand prisoners, or eight thousand, as jerosme julien the cardinals Secretary writes, and of the Christians only thirty. The spoil of that city was esteemed to be worth above 500000 crowns, the which is credible, for they hold that there were fifteen hundred storehouses, or merchants shops. To conclude, all men made themselves rich there, yea the very horse boys. The cardinal being in the fort of Mersalcabir having had intelligence of the winning of the city of Oran, caused himself to be conducted thither in the galleys, where he entered with great acclamations, causing a cross to be carried before him: there he received the keys of the Alcazava, that is to say, of the chief fort, from whence there were drawn above 300 poor Christian prisoners and set at liberty. The spoil being all gathered together, and kept to be presented unto him, that he might dispose thereof as general of the army, 
Distribution of the spoil at Oran.  he retained nothing for himself, but only caused certain things to be laid a part for the king: he did separate also a part for the commodity and use of the army in general, leaving the rest to the captains and soldiers: many of the which who had showed themselves most valiant he honoured with presents. It was no small difficulty to cleanse the town of dead bodies, which did already stink, and were likely to corrupt the air, for the number being great, after that they had buried many in great and deep pits, and burned many, yet did they many days after find some in the streets and houses; besides, there were few men that would busy themselves to bury the dead, for there was not so great gain, as in killing them that were living. They found above threescore pieces of ordnance, and an infinite number of other engines for defence, so as it is admirable, that a town so well peopled and so well fortified made no defence, being assured of succours from the Alarabes, vagabonds and mercenaries of Africa, whereof they had means to entertain good numbers. True it it is that some say this city was taken by practice and treason plotted by the Cardinal, and by the ministery of Martin Argoto of Cordova, and Alphonso of Martos prisoners in Oran, 
Oran taken by practice as some hold.  since the defeat of D. Diego Fernandes governor of Mersalcabir, and that these two did corrupt Hamet Acanix, or Aben Canex, and Isael Otaybi receivers of the revenue which the king of Tremessen had there, and a jew dwelling at Oran, called Cetora, who were the cause that the ports were shut against the Alarabes which were repulsed, from the passage of the mountain, of the watch, and gave entry to the Spaniards: the cardinal having had advice by these traitors, that he must assail the town the day after his arrival, for if he delayed it, he should be deceived of his expectation, for that the king of Tremessen had a mighty army which marched to secure the city. And they say, that he that was captain of the Alcazava or fort of Oran, called Cedrin, was kinsman to Acanix, and a partisan of his treason, the which is probable: for in truth the Spaniards did first enter into Oran by the fort. The cardinal having cleansed the Mesquites, the chief of them was dedicated to the Annunciation, and an other to Saint jaques: he made an hospital called Saint Bernard, and two Covents, one of Franciscan Friars, and the other of jacobins, and having ordered all things concerning religion the best he could, he left the care of state and war to Pedro Navarro, and so returned into Spain, for there was no good agreement among them. The cardinal spent a whole year in these matters, for he arrived in Spain the same day that he parted: He did erect a dignity with the title of an Abbot in regard of this victory, to the which he assigned a seat in his church of Toledo.  
18 This year, one thousand five hundred and nine, D. Catherine Infanta of Castille, widow to Arthur prince of Wales, was married to Henry king of England, the eight of that name, brother to her deceased husband, who was that year come to the crown, by the decease of their father Henry the seventh, and was crowned on Saint john Baptists day, which by reason thereof was solemnised with extraordinary pomp in Castille by king Ferdinand: who to perform the articles of the league made at Cambray, sent at the same time a sea-army to the realm of Naples: wherefore the Viceroy of Naples began to show himself upon the coast of Apulia in show of an enemy, 
Army of Spain sent to annoy the Venetians.  to force the Venetians to yield unto the king his master, the towns of Manfredonia, Trani, Monopoli, Brindez and Otranto, which had been engaged unto them, during the precedent wars with France. The Pope, the Emperor, and the French King did likewise invade them, the event whereof I will forbear to relate, it belonging not to this History of Spain.  
During the war against the Venetians, there was a controversy reconciled betwixt the emperor Maximilian, and king Ferdinand, touching the government of Castille, after the death of king Philip. The emperor thought, that being grandfather by the father's side unto prince Charles the heir of that realm, and of his brother and sisters, D. Ferdinand, D. Leonora, D. Maria, D. Isabel and D. Catherina, issued of his son and D. joane, and therefore pretending right in Castille, it was more fit that he should have the government, than the king D. Ferdinand, their grandfather by the mother's side; but king Ferdinand's title seemed to be the better, 
Controversy betwixt the emperor Maximilian & king Ferdinand reconciled.  for that D. joane his daughter, the proprietary Queen of Castille was yet living, and that it was an unworthy thing that the government of a realm, which had been honoured and enlarged by him with such great conquests, should be taken from him, to give it unto strangers. This controversy was ended by the mediation of the French king, upon these conditions, That the king D. Ferdinand should govern the realm of Castille, Leon etc. in case he had no son by queen German, until that prince Charles should come to the age of five and twenty years, at which time he should resign the government unto the prince, with this charge, that during the life of queen joane his mother he should not entitle himself king of Castille: That during this time king Ferdinand should pay unto the emperor fifty thousand ducats yearly, and to prince Charles other great sums of money, and that persisting in the accords of the league made at Cambray, he should contribute to the war of Lombardie against the Venetians. After this accord the Emperor and the French King understood, to their great grief, what the Pope and King Ferdinand had done with the Venetians.  
19 The pope doubting that the French king who was mighty in Italy, 
Practices of pope julio the 2. against the French.  would seek some revenge against him, he began to study by what means he might divert him from Italy, and if occasion were offered to expel him quite: wherefore he drew the Swisses unto him, he did solicit the king of England to make war against the French, and did what he could to cause D. Ferdinand to declare himself their enemy; but the Pope's practices were then of small effect, for England stirred not, & king Ferdinand seeing that the French king made no show that he meant to annoy the pope, he persisted in some sort in the league of Cambray, saying that he would according to the treaty made with the emperor, assist him in the war of Lombardie whither he sent four hundred horse, and two thousand Spanish foot, under the command of the duke of Termini. The pope fearing that the Venetians ruin would also cause that of the state of Rome, and of the other potentates of Italy, he sought to have some pretext to quarrel with the French king, hoping that if he declared himself his enemy, with any colour he should sway the league of Cambray much; wherefore he took an occasion for that king Lewis favoured Alphonso of Este duke of Ferrara, against whom he had a quarrel, punishing him with his spiritual and temporal arms: and to gratify king Ferdinand and to draw him to his devotion, he confirmed unto him the possession of the realm of Naples, with the said conditions that the king of Arragon his predecessors had formerly held it: the which he had before refused, and moreover he drew a promise from the king, to aid him with three hundred men at arms, if need were, for the defence of the territories of the church. King Ferdinand foreseeing and fearing the miseries that might ensue, if the French king and the pope should grow to an open quarrel, he did all good offices to reconcile them, but he could not: for the pope was obstinately bend to oppress the duke of Fe●erra, and the king held it dishonourable for him to abandon his ally: whereupon king Lewis moved with a just indignation, began to treat a new league against pope julio, with the emperor and other princes and potentates of Christendom, persuading Maximilian as emperor, to pursue the uniting of the lands held in Italy by the pope as belonging rightly unto the empire, and that the Germans and French jointly should demand a general Council, 
Council propounded to reform the pope.  for the reformation of the pope and clergy: and to give some form thereunto for his part, he called an assembly of the prelate's of France, in manner of a Nationall Council, in the city of Orleans, to the end they should withdraw themselves from the pope's obedience by a decree. The prelate's having transferred the assembly from Orleans to Towers, they drew some articles to be presented unto the pope in the name of the French church, and in case he did refuse them, then to protest that they did not acknowledge him for their superior, appointing in that respect an other assembly within six months after, 
Cardinal of S. Croix a Spaniard against the pope.  of the clergy of France. To this enterprise the king had drawn some cardinals, namely D. Bernardin of Caruajal bishop of Siguensa cardinal of Saint Croix a Spaniard, who had been apostolic legate in the emperors court, hoping to make king Ferdinand to yield unto it, for the respect he bore unto the emperor. The pope besides the interest of the Venetians and of all Italy which did move him, being in heart an irreconcilable enemy to the French, and to all them beyond the mountains, he desired nothing but troubles, as appeared by his courses. In the mean time king Ferdinand, by reason of an army of Turks which had been discovered near unto Otranto, was forced to call home his soldiers which he had sent into Lombardie, in favour of the league of Cambray: which made the emperor and French king suspect that he would join with the pope; whereupon they sent unto him to know his intent: whereunto king Ferdinand made a plain answer, without any ambiguity, that although by reason of the fee of Naples, he had furnished the pope with some horsemen, yet he meant not for all that to leave the league of Cambray, but would entertain it more than before: and therefore he promised to send his soldiers back into Lombardie: but as for the other league which they treated of, he could not yield unto it, and much less that which concerned a general council, 
Excuses made by king Ferdinand for not yielding to a Council.  for that, said this catholic king, it were a scandalous thing, and would trouble all Christendom; being most apparent, that this council was not propounded but to offend the pope, whom both he and all Christian Princes did acknowledge to be Christ's vicar in the church of God: and that peace and union should be the end of all holy counsels, wherefore he excused himself from entering into any other league, then that of Cambray, exhorting them for the tranquility of the state of Christendom (torn and dismembered with war) to hearken to some good agreement with the Pope, 
Excuses made by king Ferdinand for not yielding to a council.  notwithstanding which answer the French king and the Emperor made a new League, for the executing of the league of Cambray against the Venetians, leaving liberty for the Pope to enter within five months, and for the kings of Spain and Hungary within four: and if the Pope should refuse to enter into their league, than they would call a general Council: for the effecting whereof, the Emperor should assemble the Prelates in Germany, as the French king had done them in France. Thus, great miseries did threaten Italy, through the obstinacy of Pope julio.  
20 Whilst that the Christian Princes of Europe treated of these things in the year one thousand five hundred and ten, 
1510  the coast of Africa was much annoyed by the army of Spain, of the which the earl Pedro Navarro was governor, 
Bugia taken by Pedro Navarro.  who took the city of Bugia, which had been a great University for the Moors; the which struck so great a terror throughout all Afrique, as the town of Algiers and many places upon that coast became tributaries to the crown of Castille, 
Algiers tributary to Castille.  agreeing with Pedro Navarro what annual rent they should pay, and sending ambassadors into Spain, who brought with them 50 Christian, slaves, and they landed at Valencia, at such time as king Ferdinand having left the Infant D. Ferdinand his grandchild with Cardinal Ximenes, whom they called the Cardinal of Spain, and the council at Vailledolit, he came into Arragon, and called the estates of the realms to Monson. The earl Pedro Navarro continuing his conquests, he won▪ Tripoli in Barbary: and soon after, 
Tripoli in Barbari taken.  about the midst of August, D. Garcia Aluares of Toledo arrived at Gelbes with some ships and Spanish soldiers, the which he joined to the army of D. Pedro Navarro. D. Garcia was eldest son to D. Frederic of Toledo duke of Alva, a gallant knight, but unfortunate in this expedition, for having landed in that country with his troops, 
D. Garcia Aluares of Toledo slain by the Arabians.  he was fought with all, vanquished and slain upon the place by the Arabians, and could not be relieved by the earls army, which was at sea, his men before they came to fight with the enemy, being almost dead with thirst which they had endured in that dry and barren country. Some did tax the earl D. Pedro Navarro for this rout of D. Gancia, saying, that he would not secure him as he might, being discontented and jealous of his coming in quality of general of that lamentable enterprise.  
21 At the west Indies Diego of Nicuesa had not much better success in his Colony of Nombre de Dios, 
Behaviour of the Spaniards at the West Indies. Seditions among them.  which was built upon the firm land. Those also that were in the Colony of the antic of Darien were also in mutinies & seditions among themselves, raised by a great soldier, but very mutinous, called Vasco Nugnes, of Balboa, borne at Badajos, who had incensed some of the people, against the bachelor Martin Hernandes, of Enciso, who was appointed governor in that place by the king: but the Bachelors Letters were unfortunately lost, whenas having caused Francisco Picaro, and the companions of Hoieda to return with him, the ship wherein he was, was cast away at his coming to Vraba: wherefore Vasco Nugnes having quarrelled with him, saying, that such charges did not belong to Bachelors, and he opposing to the contrary that he had received it from the king, he could not show it: so as there was great & long contention betwixt them, until the coming of Roderigo Henriques of Colmenares, with two caravels laden with victuals and provisions, and 70 men, who went from the port of Beata of S. Domingo, to seek out Hoiedas' companions. He being come to a place called Garia, had landed with fifty Spaniards, to fetch water, but they were instantly charged by a great number of Indian archers, who slew 47 and took the rest alive, and then they eat them all: whereupon Roderigo dislodging, he entered into the gulf of Vraba, where he found some steps and marks of the Spaniards landing: wherefore he shot off certain pieces of ordinance, and made a great smoke, to give advertisement that he was on shore, to end that if there were any Spaniards they should answer him. Those of the antic of Darien perceiving the smoke, and hearing the shot, made answer in like manner: wherefore Colmenares directed his course that way, 
1510  where he was received with great joy. The Spaniards were relieved by him of their miseries & poverty: for had he not arrived, they had been cut in pieces, or perished for hunger. Roderigo Henriques of Colmenares laboured in such sort as he did pacify these mutines of the antic of Darien, making them all consent, except Vasco Nugnes of Balboa, and the Bachelor Martin Hernandes of Enciso, who were the heads of the factions, that the superintendency & authority should be given to Diego Nicuesa, as to him who had order from the king to command. And then Colmenares set sail towards the fort of Nombre de Dios, with one ship & a brigantin, & having found Diego Nicuesa there poor, he did comfort him with good news of his election, so as after much discourse of his misfortunes, he embarked him 60 with of his companions, to carry him to the antic of Darien: 
Arrogancy of Nicuesa makes him lose the government of the f●rme land at the Indies.  but Nicuesa being an indiscreet man, & full of arrogancy, he began in his voyage to brave & threaten them which had not yet received him for their magistrate, saying, he would teach Balboa and Enciso, the authors of these factions, to hazard the affairs of the king their master by their divisions, & that he would punish them severely, and put others in their places, that he would take away their gold, & do many other wonders: which words proceeding as from a mad man, displeased Roderigo Henriques of Colmenares, and others of his company, who failed not to make report thereof to them of the antic, yea to the 2 heads of the factions, who received Nicuesa with 1000 scoffs & injuries, making him to take another course with his 60 companions. This wretch directing his voyage to the Island of Hispaniola, with an intent to accuse the bachelor Enciso, & Vasco Nugnes of Balboa, before the admiral D. Diego Colombus, eldest son to Christopher Columbus, than lieutenant general or viceroy in those countries, in the place of the commander Nicholas of Ouamto, he perished at sea, with all his company. The dissension betwixt Enciso & Balboa continuing, Roderigo Henriques of Colmenares did adhere to Vasco Nugnes, of Balboa, who showed himself so proud & rash as he not only attempted to put the bachelor Martin into prison, & to confiscate his goods, but, if some had not stayed him, he was resolved to do him a public shame, which he himself did better deserve.  
The year 1511 being come, 
1511  in the which king Ferdinand after the assembly of Monson, being returned to Madrid, & grieving for the death of D. Garcia Aluares of Toledo, and of his men at Gelbes, he caused a great fleet to be made ready in the ports of Malaga, Gibaltar & Calis, being resolved to go in person into Africa, & to make war against the Infidels: from the which he was diverted, by the entreaties of the estates of his realms, showing him the inconveniences which were to be feared, if his person should miscarry, beseeching him to give the charge of that war to his captains. The hatred betwixt the Pope and French king, was very great: the Pope did besiege Mirandola, with such vehemency, being himself at the siege in person (against the advice of the college, & the dignity of his papal estate) that he took it, and having put 500 Spaniards, & 300 Italians there in garrison, he took the way to Bolonia, the princes seeking to quench this fire by all good means, yea the king D. Ferdinand by his ambassadors, D. jerosme Vich of Valencia in the court of Rome, & D. Pedro of Vrrea, in that of the emperor, whom he desired to reconcile with the Venetians, hoping that the French king would afterwards yield unto it: entreating them all to give him this contentment, to see Christendom at peace, that he might with more liberty attend the war of Africa; an enterprise which by reason should please, and be favoured by all Christian Princes: but he laboured particularly to divert the emperor from proceeding to an assembly or convocation of the Prelates of Germany, 
King Ferdinand opposeth against the calling of a Council.  concerning a Council, the which he did utterly disallow: propunding instead thereof an assembly of ambassadors in the city of Mantova, to consult of a pacification. By his care and diligence this assembly was made, and there met at Mantova, for him the abovenamed ambassadors; for the empererour the bishop of Gurgensis, and for the French king, the bishop of Paris, whose labour proved fruitless. The time was come in regard of the league of Cambray to retire king Ferdinand's three hundred men at arms, which had served the Pope, wherefore these horsemen being retained longer than was agreed, they returned to Naples. The Pope being obstinate and furious, not caring for the Emperor, and much less for the French king, was forced to dislodge from Bolonia, for fear of the French army, which did approach, which city, either for that it was abandoned by them he left there, or by intelligence with the Bentivoly, 
15●●  came into the power of king Lewis, without any difficulty: 
〈…〉  and soon after there were bills set up in the public places at Mantova, and at Bolonia, declaring that a general council was assigned in September that year 1511, to the which (the Pope and his adherents being accused of many crimes) were cited: for the which the Pope (being a choleric and furious man) thought to run mad, calling those Cardinals which were opposite unto him, wicked Sectaries, usurpers of the Sovereign bishop's authority, to whom only (said he) it did belong to call a council, inciting the Universities, and faculties of divinity, who declared this act to be heretical. The Emperor had made offer as a fit place, and fatal to disordered Popes, of the city of Constance, Turin had also been propounded, but Pisa was held most convenient. The fury of this war was so great in Italy, as king Ferdinand (being jealous of his realm of Naples) sent three thousand Spaniards to his viceroy D. Raymond of Cardonea, under the command of Pedro Nauraro, earl of Albeto, still doubting that king Lewis did gape after it, notwithstanding the accords made in regard of the marriage of Queen German; and he deferred his voyage of Africa, 
Cardinal's savouring the council of P●s●  attending the issue of these troubles, and of the council of Pisa, the chief favourers whereof, were the Cardinals of S. Croix a Spaniard, Bayeux, Saint Malo, Albret, brother to john of Albret king of Navarre, Frenchmen; they of Cosensa, & Saint Severin, Italians: but Pope julio, for that he would not seem to fail in his pastoral office, pretending that the calling of a council did belong to him, and to disperse that of Pisa, he did publish another at Saint john de Latran in Rome: the which wrought great effects in the hearts of princes, and of religious people which did abhor schisms. So as notwithstanding that the French king had sent 24 bishops to Pisa, in the behalf of the Clergy of France, expecting that the emperor according to their accord should do the like for the Clergy of Germany, yet whether retained by conscience or otherwise, he neither sent bishops nor embassdors, finding sometimes one evasion sometimes another.  
23 King Ferdinand being also solicited by the Pope, and (as it is credible) having good intelligence with him, he made a public declaration, that seeing neither by entreaties, nor persuasions, he could not divert the French king from his resolution to disquiet the apostolic sea, he took it into his protection: and it is likely that the emperor Maximilian had been also won by these two. This declaration was made at Sevile, whether soon after came letters from the council of Pisa, summoning king Ferdinand to send his Prelates, 
War bet●i●● France and Spain.  and ambassadors thither, whereof he made no account: whereupon he parted from Sevile and came to Burgos, from whence as the Spaniards say, he sent to john of Albret king of Navarre, to entreat him him not to believe the council of the Cardinal his brother, not to adhere in any sort to that false Council of Pisa. Yet the k. of Navarre joined with the French king, & was declared a schismatic, which made king Ferdinand to invade his realm, as we will show. And being now come to open war king Ferdinand sent the whole army which he had prepared for afric to Naples, whereof he made D. Alfonso of Caruajal, son to D. Diego of Caruajal, Lord of Xodar, general, and one called Camudio, Colonel of the foot. In this army were 3000 foot, and some 1100 horse, whereof 600 were light horse. During his abode at Burgos, he had news that Pope julio was fallen dangerously sick, so as there was neither hope of life nor recovery, the which held many Potentates in suspense, fearing some great alteration, but he recovered. From Burgos he sent ambassadors to Henry king of England his son in law, to move him to make war against the French king upon his old pretensions; against whom & his Council of Pisa, there was a league made, which had been breeding betwixt the king D. Ferdinand, the Pope, & the Venetians, since the beginning of these quarrels, under colour to defend the rights of the apostolic sea, to disperse the schismatical & heretical council of Pisa, for the recoveries of the cities of Bolonia & Ferrara, & the restoring of them to the church. King Ferdinand did offer for this war 12 hundred men at arms, one thousand light horse, & 10000 Spanish foot, 
League betwixt king Ferdinand the Pope and the Venetians.  the Seignory of Venice eight hundred men at arms, one thousand horse, and 8000 foot, & the Pope 400 men at arms, five hundred light horse, & 6000 foot: Moreover 12 galleys for the king D. Ferdinand, & 14 for the Venetians: making D. Raymond of Cardone viceroie of Naples, general of this war: for the entertainment of which army the Pope should furnish twenty thousand ducats a month, and the Venetians as much, and forty thousand presently: 
1511  and this league was published at Rome, in the church of Sancta Maria del populo, in Octob, this year one thousand five hundred and 11, into the which the king of England should be admitted, if he would. After which they did admonish & proceed against the Cardinals which disobeyed the Pope with the accustomed ceremonies, solemnities, and delays, to bring them into the bosom of the holy mother church, that is to say, to the Council assigned by the Pope at Saint john de Latran: which if they disobeyed, they should be deprived of their dignities and livings, and punished as schismatitkes and heretics; which act was celebrated by the Pope, in his pontifical habit, and in a consistory of seven partial Cardinals. Those of the contrary faction, notwithstanding all this, began to hold the council of Pisa, whereas the Florentines would not suffer 3 hundred Frenchmen at arms to enter, which the Fathers and Prelates demanded for their guard, being led by Gaston of Foix, the king's nephew, and duke of Nemours, fearing lest they should seize upon that city for the French king. The father's coming to the first session, they were so mocked by the people, & received so many indignities, as they were forced to transfer the council of Pisa to Milan, where they had neither more honour, nor better usage, notwithstanding that they were in the French kings dominion, where they held their second session, the Cardinal of Saint Croix a Spaniard being precedent; where they attended the prelate's of Germany, and the Emperor's ambassadors in vain, but they wanted not excuses.  
These seeds of war being cast among christians, 
Order of the conception of Nuns.  Pope julio doing his du●ty in matters, of religion, he confirmed the new order of the conception of Nuns, instituted in the city of Toledo some years before, by one of the ladies of Queen Isabella, who was second wife to king john the 2, her name was D. Beatrix de silva, of Portugal, who being suspected by her mistress, for that by reason of her great beauty, many courted her, and there grew daily quarrels among the courtiers, she was put in prison, where being kept three days in tears and heaviness, without bread or drink, she was moved to make a vow of chastity, and for this cause, they say, the virgin Mary appeared unto her in the habit which the Nuns do now wear, that is, a blue cloak, and a white hood, and did comfort her. Being out of prison, and going to Toledo, with an intent to be a religious woman, there appeared two Franciscane friars unto her, which sight made her think that they were sent to confess her, & then she should be put to death: but these fathers told her that she should be the mother of many daughters, declaring unto her the spiritual understanding of it, that it should be of many religious women, & then they vanished: wherefore she going on her way, being come to Toledo, she put herself into the monastery of religious women, of S. Dominike the royal, where she remained 30 years in a secular habit, living holily; afterwards she removed with 12 nuns to a place where now S. Foy is, which in former times was called the palace of galiena, being desirous to institute an order in honour of the virgin Mary, and there she remained with her company, by the permission of the queen D. Isabel, wife to the king D. Ferdinand now reigning, until that the habit was confirmed unto them by Pope Innocent the eight, & the office of the conception, under the rule of Cristeaux, without any other new order: in the which having continued some time, they joined with the Nuns of Saint Peter de las Duegnas, of the order of Saint Benet, making a medley of the rules of the Benedictins & Bernardines, until that Cardinal Francis Ximenes, then provincial of the Franciscans, and general reformer in Spain, made them to leave the rules of Saint Bennet and Saint Bernard, and to take the habit and the Office of the conception, under the rule of Saint Clare, putting them into the monastery which at this day is called of the Conception, which was wont to be the convent of Franciscane Friars, transported by reason of them to S. john des Rois. There this year 1511 Pope julio confirmed them in their own rule and order of the conception, leaving that of S. Clare. This year all the coast of Africa was terrified upon the brute of the great preparation which had been made in Spain, to invade them: The king of Tremessen sent his ambassadors to king Ferdinand, to offer him vassalage, and a tribute of 13000 double ducats of gold payable in the city of Oran. In Spain there died D. Beatrix of Bovadilla, marquess of Moya, and soon after her husband D. Andrew de Cabrera.  
The year one thousand five hundred and twelve following, king Ferdinand having undertaken the Pope's defence, he commanded D. Raymond of Cardova viceroy of Naples, appointed general of the holy league, to join his forces with the Popes and Venetians, the which was done at Imola, where they made the body of the army, in the which was Legate for the Pope Cardinal john of Medicis, of the title of Sancta Maria in Dominica. Theseforces entering into Lombardie, in a manner all that the duke of Ferrara held on this side Po; yielded unto the league, without any force, but Lafoy dirty, which the earl 〈◊〉 Navarro took: and then they camped before Bolonia: but Gaston of Foix duke of Nemours, a gallant young nobleman coming to rele●ue it, the army of the league was forced to retire to Imola. On the other side the Venetians took Bresse, but not the Castle; and Bergamo, with other places were yielded unto them: but the duke of Nemours coming to secure the castle of Bres●e, he encountered john Paul B●illon upon the way, with part of the Venetian army, and put them to rout, and then he entered the town and put eight thousand Venetians and inhabitants to the sword, 
Exploits of Gaston of Foix.  he took Andrew Gritti their commander prisoner, with Anthony justinien, and other men of great quality, and soon after recovered Bergamo, and all the places which the Venetians had taken. In the mean time king Ferdinand prepared a fleet in the ports of Biscaye and Guipuscoa, to assail France upon the coast of Guienne, having induced the king of England to revive the old quarrel, who at the persuasion of the Pope's ambassador, had made an assembly of the Prelates of his realm, and promised to send to the Council of Latran: and for a greater demonstration of his hatred, he caused the French ambassadors which did reside in his court to dislodge.  
25 During these troubles, 
Navarre.  the king D. john, and the Queen D. Catherine of Navarre his wife, did enjoy their realm in peace, since the expulsion of the earl of Lerin the Constable, and of Lewis of Beaumond his son, with others of that faction: then all their care was to restore it to the ancient estate, and the places reunited which were disstracted and held by the king of Castille: for the which, and to demand other rights which they pretended, they had sent many ambassadors to king Ferdinand, who had returned with good hope to obtain what they demanded, or the greater part: wherefore they sent again doctor john of jassu Signior of Pavierre, Ladron of Monleon, and the Protonotary Martin of jaureguisar, who were of the council, with ample instructions to capitulate, compound, and end all their pretensions, in this form: That they should entreat the king of Arragon, 
Embassage of Navarre to king Ferdinand  Regent of Castille, that, if he made any accord with the French king, the kings of Navarre might be comprehended. That the ambassadors should make great instance to king Ferdinand that the towns of Saint Vincent, Sos, Arcos, guard and Bernedo, and moreover the places of Sosierra, held by him, and the crown of Castille, might be restored unto them according unto the will of the deceased Queen D. Isabel at her death, as places belonging to the Crown of Navarre: That in like manner they should demand as hereditary things, the Duchies of Gandie, & of Momblanc, the earldom of Ribagorsa and the city of Balaguer in Arragon; the duchy of Pegnafiel, and the Infan tazgo of Castille, the towns of Cuellar, Castro Xeris, Haro, Villalon, and other lands, and moreover the sum of four hundred and twenty thousand a hundred and twelve florins of gold, six sou and eight deniers of Arragon, given in dowry by king Charles the third of Navarre, to his son in law, D. john king of Arragon: These were the pretensions of the kings of Navarre against Castille, for the which they had been fe●d with many vain hopes, that reason should be done them: but in effect king Ferdinand showed by his delays that he had no such meaning, & that he expected some other occasion to acquit himself, and yet not to leave any thing that he held: wherein the best evasion he had was the restitution of them of Beaumond, which he knew to be most odious to the kings of Navarre. The ambassadors having done their duties, and lost many journeys in following the court of Castille, they returned without any effect, discharging themselves unto their kings D. john and D. Catherine, who were in France: whereupon they returned into Navarre, whereas being, when as the abovementioned wars were hottest in Italy, king Ferdinand who had a design to lead an Army into Gascoigne, in favour of the English, sent to demand a passage of them for his soldiers victuals, and munition, and for his assurance, they should give him in hostage, the castles of Estelle and may in Navarre, and that of Saint john de pied de Port, upon the frontiers of France: promising them, as he had done at other times, in requital of this pleasure, to restore unto them the towns of Saint Vincent, Arcos, guard, and others, of the principality of Viana. The king D. john, and D. Katherine were much troubled at this demand, for they saw themselves much engaged to either of these two realms of France and Castille, so as in the quarrels of these great Monarches, taking the party of the one, they declared themselves enemies to the other, and being neuters, they were a pray to both. Being thus in suspense, their own uncle A●and of Albret, Lord of Obal, being then in their court ambassador for France, 
King of Navarre adheres to the French king.  made them to adhere to king Lewis his master, promising them infinite favours, and advancements, from the which Mondognedo ambassador for the king of Castille sought in vain to divert them, showing them the miseries that would ensue. King Ferdinand being presently advertised hereof, he thought it a fit occasion to further his designs, and to unite the crown of Navarre to that of Castille: wherefore he made great complaints of this resolution and adherence of the kings of Navarre to the French king, whom he called schismatical, and an enemy to the church of Rome, and to Pope julio; who having used the ordinary means, by admonitions and fatherly persuasions to these princes, according to the form and stile of Rome, to quit the alliance of the perverse, and to join with him and his adherents, seeing that they did persist to hold the party of France, he proceeded against them by the last remedy, declaring them by the advice of the consistory of Cardinals, 
Sentence given by the Pope against john Albret king of Navarre.  schismatics and heretics, depriving them and their posterity, of all right to the realm of Navarre, and of all their goods, giving and transferring them to king Ferdinand regent of Castille, whose forces being prepared to pass into Guienne, did serve him fitly to conquer Navarre. King john of Albret understanding of all these proceed, he sent D. Alfonso Carillo, his constable, and D. Pedro of Navarre marshal of the realm, ambassadors, to prevent, if it were possible, these apparent dangers, who having found Lewis of Beaumond, and other banished men in the court of Castille, much favoured, soliciting D. Ferdinand to undertake the enterprise of Navarre, holding it to be the only means for them to be restored, they were so ill entertained, as they made all the hast they could to return, to make report unto the king and to the estates assembled at Tudele, that all things tended to war. King Ferdinand having the Pope's sentence for a pretext to assail this country, and for means the intelligences of many favourers, of the faction of Beaumond, he held it an easy matter to conquer it: wherefore he deferred the war of Guienne: yet for his greater justification having gathered his army together about the city Victoria, 
Demands uncivil made by king Ferdinand to him of Navarre.  whereof Frederic of Toledo duke of Alva was the general, he sent again to summon the kings of Navarre to deliver into his hands the above named places and castles, advertising them that upon refusal thereof, he would put the Pope's sentence in execution, and spoil them not only of Navarre, but of all that they held in France. Notwithstanding all these protestations, king john refused him the passage, and the delivery of the castles, objecting the league and alliance which he had with the French king, neither could he persuade himself that king Ferdinand, whom he had never offended, should pursue him with such rigour as he said, but he found himself deceived, for the duke of Alva had commandment presently, that leaving the way of Guipuscoa, he should enter into Navarre, to conquer it. At that time by the death of D. Bernardin of Velasco, first duke of Frias, & 3 earl of Haro, 
Castille.  his brother and heir, D. Inigo of Velasco was made constable of Castille. There died also that year D. john de Sylva, earl of Cifuentes, precedent of the council, and Ferdinand infant of Granado, son to king Muley Alboacen. In Germany the emperor who sought but an occasion to break with the French king, had called an assembly of the Prelates at Ausbourg, who declared the council of Pisa to be odious, and worthy to be rejected: The emperor had in like sort refused the marriage which had been offered by king Lewis of his second daughter Renee with prince Charles of Austria, 
1512  and the restitution of that which he held in Bourgondie: Yet the war continued still in Italy, and successful for the French, who having taken many places in Romania, and delivered them to the cardinal of S. Severin, who was created apostolic Legate for the Council at Pisa, they besieged Ravenna, which the army of the league coming to secure, 
Battle of Ravenna.  the French defeated them in battle, but with the loss of their General Gaston of Foix, duke of Nemours, who pressing the enemy that fled, was slain. The loss of this battle much troubled the Pope and all the cardinals at Rome, and their only care was how to avoid the fury of the French, whom they thought to be at their backs: 
Despair of the Pope.  And had not king Ferdinand's ambassador used great diligence, Pope julio had cast himself into the Florentines arms, who were friends and allies to the French king, to obtain some good conditions of peace by their means▪ but being better informed of the whole success by julio de Medicis, who was afterwards cardinal, and then Pope Clement the seventh, he changed his resolution, and continued the war, being encouraged by the descent of the Swisses into Itali●, to defend the Church of Rome. At that time began the first session of the Council of Latran, that of Milan being so ridiculous, as the cardinal john of Medicis, a prisoner, having ample authority from the Pope, gave dispensations, absolved from censures, and did all acts of an apostolic Legate, with a great concourse of people, before the cardinals and prelate's of the opposite Council; the which the governors of Milan for the French king did not contradict.  
King Lewis fearing to be assailed in France by the forces of Spain and England, and and the Swisses being incensed against him, 
Victory of Ravenna unprofitable for the French.  having passed the Alpes with the cardinal of Zion, the Pope's Legate, the Emperor Maximilian having also called home all the Germans that served the French, priest with many difficulties, he was forced to yield the field to the enemy, and (after that he had sought an accord in vain) to abandon the estate of Milan, and to retire his forces into France, and to defend his own. The cardinals of the Council of Pisa retired: Bolonia, and in a manner all other places were recovered, Genoa obtained her liberty, and john Fregoso was chosen duke; so as the French king had nothing remaining in Lombardie, but the castle of Milan, that of Cremona, Bresse, Crema, Lignago, the Lantern of Genoa, and Castellet.  
28 Thus Pope julio seeing his affairs so successful, 
Pope's fulminations against K. Lewis the xi●.  began to thunder out his spiritual censures and fulminations, against K. Lewis, causing him to be declared, by a decree of the Council of Latran, an heretic and schismatic, depriving him for that cause of all honour and royal dignity, yea of the name of Most Christian, which had been so long affected to the kings of France; which title he would transfer to the kings of England: And on the other side he did honour the king D. Ferdinand with the title of Catholic, the which the kings of Spain carry at this day, under colour of the happy wars which he had made and ended, against the Moors which had usurped the provinces in Spain, and other Infidels; but being chief moved by the good offices which he had done for him and the See of Rome, opposing himself at that time against the French and the Council of Pisa, and favouring the designs of Pope julio, which were to prejudice the Crown of France: whereof letters and apostolic briefs were presented unto king Ferdinand, being in the city of Burgos, in the year 1512.  
The realm of France was not so easy to be swallowed up as that of Navarre: 
Navarre.  which was invaded by the duke of Alva, king john and queen Katherine being at Pampelone, and the Castillan army within eight leagues of them; they were so unprovided of all means to make resistance, 
King john of Albret forced to retire into France.  as king john could take no better resolution, then to abandon the realm, and retire himself into France. The inhabitants of Pampelone seeing themselves forsaken, demanded of him, That seeing he left them, what his pleasure was they should do; Defend yourselves (said he) as well as you can, and if you cannot make it good, yield unto king Ferdinand upon some good conditions, for I will take good order that he shall not long enjoy Navarre. Queen Katherine found it strange, that the king her husband should so soon abandon his realm, before that the army of Castille had done any notable exploit: but whether it were fear, or distrust that he had of them of Pampelone, who he knew were affected to the earl of Lerin, and to the faction of Beaumond, he left it, notwithstanding all her reasons and persuasions, on the two and twentieth of julie, this year 1512; saying, That he had rather live in woods and mountains, than to be a prisoner in his own country. His retreat was by the valley of Baztan, and the castle of Moya, and so went to the Court of France, leaving the queen his wife at Pampelone, who having stayed there but two days after him, followed him, with prince Henry her son, and three daughters; and having overtaken him, among other speeches full of bitterness, 
Speech of Q. Katherine to the king her husband  she said unto him: O King; you shall remain john of Albret, and never think more of the realm of Navarre, for that having been superfluously good, you have been the less esteemed of your subjects, and have undone yourself and your realm. D. Pedro the marshal of the realm, parted with these princes, and many other knights of the faction of Gramont. 
Fac●ion of Beaumond in the Court of Navarre.  D. Lewis of Beaumond, earl of Lerin, had such intelligences in the Court, and throughout the realm of Navarre, as he had particular advise of all that was done, whereof he advertised the duke of Alva, who marching before, came and camped within two leagues of Pampelone, having in his army six thousand foot, a thousand men at arms, and fifteen hundred light horse, Castillans, besides the supplies of Beaumond, their friends, kinsfolks, and partisans. Then the inhabitants of Pampelone sent forth unto the duke, requiring that they might be received upon certain laws and conditions (for they had no power to defend themselves, nor, it may be, will:) To whom answer was made by the duke, That it was for the vanquisher to prescribe laws unto the vanquished; wherefore they should resolve to yield themselves freely into his hands, or to attend all the miseries and calamities which are usually felt in the expugnation of towns: by reason whereof he restrained their demands to the observation of their ancient privileges and liberties; the which was granted them, and moreover some provisions for the present estate. 
Articles upon the yielding of Pampelone to the duke of Alua.  Among these articles that were agreed upon, the chief of them were these.  
1 That the duke of Alva should from thenceforth be patron and mediator for the inhabitants of Pampelone, in the demands and requests which they should make unto the kings D. Ferdinand and D. joane, for all matters either honourable or profitable.  
2 That such as should remain vassals or servants to the kings of Castille, should be maintained in their goods and estates, fees, rents, and pensions whatsoever, which they had been accustomed to receive from precedent kings. And to such as meant to retire themselves, such things should not be paid, but to the day of the yielding up of the city.  
3 That the king's receivors should gather up the rents, revenues, imposts, and other profits of the Crown, as they had been accustomed, so as they did remain in the city of Pampelone.  
4 That the wages of Counsellors and Precedents of justice, Auditors of the royal accounts, and other officers and magistrates of the kings D. john and D. Katherine, should be paid them, with condition that they should remain in Pampelone.  
5 That the inhabitants of Pampelone should remain faithful servants to the kings D. Ferdinand and D. joane, and in regard thereof they should enjoy their goods movable and immovable, rights, and ancient privileges: And in like manner those which had followed the kings D. john and D. Katherine, if within thirty days they did return into the country.  
6 That the inhabitants of Pampelone should not be bound to lodge any one without paying for it, no more than they of Saragosse, Valencia, and Barcelona.  
7 That all knights and gentlemen which within thirty days should submit themselves to the service of the kings D. Ferdinand and queen joane, should be well and honourably entreated in their persons and goods, and not called in question for any crime formerly committed in the time of the dissensions and factions of Beaumond and Gramont.  
8 That when they should go unto the war, their privileges and ranks, touching their persons and qualities, should be maintained, as in the time of precedent kings.  
9 That the rights of provisions of victuals, silks, money, and other things due by the kings D. john and D. Katherine, to their officers, citizens of Pampelone, which came to serve the kings of Castille, should be paid them, so as it were duly verified.  
10 That if any of these articles were prejudicial to any one, the judgement thereof should be referred to the kings of Castille, D. Ferdinand, and D. joane his daughter.  
Many other heads were propounded, whereof some were granted, and others sent back unto the king and his counsel; but these were the most remarkable, the which were promised and sworn by the duke of Alva, in the name, and with the consent of the kings of Castille, the four and twentieth of julie, in the presence of D. Lewis of Beaumond the constable, D. Antonio of Acugna, bishop of Cuenca, Pedro Lopes of Padilla, Ferdinand S●arez of Toledo, and other knights. And notwithstanding that the duke had promised not to enter into the city until the next day, lest it should be reproached unto them, That they had yielded before they had seen the enemy, yet the earl of Lerin, who was constable of Navarre, entered the same day, being the four and twentieth, and the five and twentieth the duke with the rest of the army. 
Duke of Alva enters into Pampelone.  Thus the kings D. john and Q. Katherine, were spoiled of their realm of Navarre, which they had held together eighteen years and a half, and the queen almost ten years alone, after the death of her brother Francis Phoebus. 
Union of Castille and Navarre by conquest.  From the 25 of julie 1512, being S. james day, Navarre was united to the Crown of Castille, 468 years after that it had been divided from it, in the time, and by the death of the king D. Sancho the great. After the yielding of the chief city, the duke of Alva caused the other places of strength within the realm to be summoned to yield, promising that in so doing they should be entreated with the like clemency to Pampelone; if not, he would pursue them with fire and sword, as sectaries to princes, who were declared schismatics and heretics. In the beginning some towns seemed difficult, but having better considered of their affairs, the towns of Lumbier, Sanguesse, Montreal, Olite and Tafalla, with the city of Tudele, yielded, yet the castle thereof held good for the kings that were expelled, 
Denis of Desa faithful to king john of Albret.  Denis of Desa, a gallant knight, and a good servant to his masters, commanding therein. They of the valley of Roncal, and of the valley of Amescoa, trusting in the natural force of their mountainous country, made no account to yield. King Ferdinand being at Burgos, hearing the success of this conquest, sent supplies of men to the duke of Alva: And the better to justify his actions, he sent D. Antonio of Acugna, bishop of Zamora, ambassador into France, to king john, offering him, That if he would quit the friendship and alliance of king Lewis, he would restore his realm to him again. The bishop came not to king john; for notwithstanding the prerogative of ambassadors, 
King Ferdinand's ambassador arrested in Bearn.  he was stayed prisoner in Bearn, from whence he parted not, but for a great ransom. Upon this excess the duke of Alva was ready to pass into Bearn, to be revenged of the wrong done unto the king his master, and to his ambassador: but seeing the towns of Tudele, Olite, Tafalla, and Estella, begin to be somewhat moved at the brute of king john's coming with a French army, he remained in Navarre; where having ordered matters in such sort as they seemed secure, he assembled the chief men of Pampelone, in the monastery of S. Francis; where having made a long discourse unto them, to justify the conquest which his master had made of that realm, he required them to take an oath to king Ferdinand, and they demanded three days respite to consider thereon; which being expired, they said, That they were content to take an oath as subjects, 
Difference betwixt a vassal and a subject.  but not as vassals. And what difference, demanded the duke, make you betwixt vassals and subjects? He (said they) is to be understood a vassal, whom the lord may entreat well or ill, at his pleasure; but the subject ought to be well entreated by him. Then the duke having showed them that they should not doubt but the king would entreat them well and favourably in all things, he alleged many reasons which induced them to take this oath, acknowledging king Ferdinand for their king, who parting from Burgos, came unto Logrogno, near to Navarre, where he stayed the remainder of that year, to provide for the defence of this new conquest.  
This year died D. paschal, 
Castille.  of the Order of the preaching friars, bishop of Burgos, at Rome D. john of Fonseca, bishop of Palence, and superintendant of the affairs of the Indies, was preferred in his place; D. john of Velasco; bishop of Calaorra had that of Palence and D. john Castellan of Vilalua, came to that of Calaorra; he was brother to the colonel Valalua: D. Valerio Alphonso Ordognes' of Villaquiran, bishop of Ouiedo, died also, and his bishopric was given to D. Diego of Muros, who was bishop of Mondognedo, he who did found the college of S. Saviour in the University of Salamanca, which hath the name of Ouiedo: 
1512  the bishopric of Mondognedo was given to D. Diego of Villamuriel, Precedent of the Chancery of Granado.  
29 King Ferdinand's affairs standing in these terms in Europe, the Spaniards remaining at the Indies, at the place called the antic of Darien, being commanded by Vasco Nugnes of Balboa, 
Exploits of Vasco Nugnes of Balboa.  they obtained of him the delivery of the bachelor Martin Hernandes of Enciso, who could not be stayed by any entreaties in that country, to be chief justice over all, but went presently to S. Domingo, and from thence into Spain, where he made his complaint unto the king, accusing Vasco Nugnes of much wickedness and excess: whereupon there was a grievous sentence pronounced against him, the punishment whereof he avoided by his great future services. The first voyage which Vasco Nugnes made against the Indians, was against a Cachique, or king of that country, called Careta, lord of Coyba, who having refused him victuals and gold, was by him & his troops, which were 130 Spaniards, assailed, taken, and his burrow sacked, where they found three Spaniards, who, for villainies committed, had fled from their captain Nicuesa, and had been received and well entreated by this Cachique, at whose entreaty he was delivered, and held for a friend, and Vasco Nugnes promised to aid him against another Cachique, his enemy, who was called Ponsa. Being priest with hunger, and want of all necessaries, these Spaniards of antic sent Samudio and Valdivia, two of their men, into the island of Hispaniola, to fetch them victuals; and another into Spain, called Zamudio, who carried the process of the bachelor Martin Hernandes of Enciso. Vasco Nugnes in the mean time went in person against the Cachique Ponsa, who fled away with his people, carrying all their wealth with them: whereupon he went against another Cachique, called Comagro, whose land was not far from the South sea: for the region of Darien is but an isthmus, 
Darien an isthmus or neck of land.  or a straight neck of land. Vasco Nugnes contracted friendship and alliance with this Cachique, for he found him mild and tractable. He lodged him in a hall which was 150 paces long, and 80 broad, whereas he and all his Spaniards made good cheer with their victuals, wine of dates, and ●ther fruits after their manner: and the Cachiques eldest son brought the weight of 4000 drams in gold wrought, and seventy slaves, which he gave unto the Spaniards; 
covetousness of the Spaniards somewhat checked by an Indian.  who seeing them through greediness to contend and quarrel about the division of these things, he wondered much, and said unto them, That seeing they had so great a desire of gold, which was but earth, as for it they did thrust themselves into so great dangers, and did trouble so many peaceable nations, he would show them a region not far of, and near unto the other sea, where they should glut their covetousness; but they must not go with so small a troop, being necessary to lead a thousand Spaniards thither. Vasco Nugnes and Roderigo of Colmenares being very joyful of this advertisement, and more for that they heard him speak of another near sea, embraced this lord, who was called Panquiaco, entreating him to become a Christian, and that he should go with them: the which he did willingly yield unto, and was baptized Charles, in honour of prince Charles of Austria, the heir of Spain. This region whereof Charles Panquiaco spoke, was called Tumanama, to come unto the which they must of necessity pass the mountains and woods inhabited by the Caribes, cruel people, and eaters of men, carrying arrows dipped in deadly poison, which made them mad that were wounded therewith: and therefore Vasco Nugnes returned to antic, to provide all things necessary for this voyage and conquest. Having found Valdivia returned from S. Domingo with some victuals, he sent him into Spain, and with him 15000 drams of gold, for the kings fift part of divers booties which they had taken; giving him charge to beseech the king to send a thousand Spaniards for the conquest of the South sea. But Valdivia miscarried by the way, he and all his treasure being drowned. In the mean time Vasco Nugnes with a brigantine and many barks began to sail into the gulf of Vraba, to seek for victuals, and finding a great river which he called S. john, he went ten leagues up against the stream, but he found not any man, for all were fled up into the country, having been terrified with the cruelty and insatiable covetousness of the bearded Spaniards (as they called them) by Cemaco the Cachique, who had been vanquished by Martin Hernandes Enciso: yet the Spaniards foraged the country near unto the rivers sides, and made great bundles of arrows and other arms, nets, coverings, and other Indian implements, the which afterwards they cast into the sea, for that in their return they were taken with a storm, carrying away the value of seven thousand Castillans in gold, but nothing that could satisfy hunger: for these people in truth were poor, and lived only of fishing, exchanging their fish with their neighbours for Mays. Roderigo Henriques of Colmenares running up along the rivers side with seventy companions, returned without bread, or any other victuals; but he brought much Casse-fistula, which he found growing in those regions in great abundance. Having joined again with Balboa, they entered into the mouth of a flood, which they called the black river, where they were to encounter a Cachico, called Abenamaquer, whom they defeated and took prisoner, whose arm a villainous Spaniard cut off, in cold blood, for that he had been wounded during the skirmish. Colmenares remaining there with this Cachico, and the moiety of the Spanish troops, Balboa with the rest passed on, & came unto a place where as he found a building made upon great old trees, much like unto a cage to keep birds in: there a Cachico kept, who thinking himself to be in a safe place, & inexpugnable, they mocked at the Spaniards who were on the ground, & did summon them to yield: but when as they saw them begin to overthrow the foundation of his palace with axes, he came down with two of his sons, and presented himself humbly to Balboa, excusing himself that he had not any gold, whereof he had no need, but promised that he would go and seek some, if he would suffer him at liberty. Balboa trusting him, let him go free, but he was deceived: For this Cachico falsifying his faith, consorted with other Cachicoes and their people, in great numbers, who fell upon the Spaniards, but to their own loss, for they were repulsed with the loss of many Indians. Not content with this insolency, the Cachicoes about the black river and that gulf, conspired to assail the antic of Darien suddenly with all their power, and to kill the Spaniards and eat them: The which was discovered to Vasco Nugnes by a fair Indian woman whom he entertained as his friend, who had been advertised to free herself of this danger, by a brother of hers, who was of the conspiracy, and for her sake did frequent familiarly among the Spaniards. Vasco Nugnes of Balboa caused this Indian to be taken, & having understood the truth from him, and what course the Indians meant to take to execute their enterprise, he wrought in such sort on the one side, and Colmenares on the other, as they dispersed their forces, put a confusion in their counsels, and did in a manner subject all the country of Vraba. Being returned to the antic of Darien, they sent john of Quincedo, and Roderigo Henriques of Colmenares, into Spain, to make relation unto king Ferdinand of that which they had done, and of the conquest of the South sea, which they intended, and to beseech him to send them 1000 Spaniards to that end. That year there went out of Spain, with the kings leave, and at his own charge, john Dias de Solis, pilot major to the king, who taking the course of pinson's, passed beyond S. Augustine's cape forty degrees under the Equinoctial, unto the great river of Paravaguasu, which signifies in the Indian tongue, great water, the which was by john Dias called the river of Plata, 
River of Plata found by john Dias de Solis.  that is to say, of silver, for that they found there some grains of that metal: and having planted many crosses there in sign of possession, he returned into Spain, laden with Brasil, where he gave an account unto the king of his navigation.    

❧ THE 25 BOOK OF THE History of Spain.  

The Contents of the 26 Book.  
1 War continued by the duke of Aluain Navarre, and the frontiers of France. An army of French in Navarre, and their poor exploits.  
2 Proceeding of Pope julio against the Council of Pisa, and the favourers thereof.  
3 Practices of the duke of Ferrara against king Ferdinand. Death of Pope julio the second, and election of Leon.  
4 Queen German gives a drink to king Ferdinand her husband, to have children by him, which causeth his death.  
5 War of Milan, and dissolution of the Council of Pisa.  
6 Discovery of the South sea at the Indies, by Vasco Nugnes of Balboa.  
7 War continued in Italy by the Emperor and Spaniards against the Venetians.  
8 Behaviour of Vasco Nugnes of Balboa at the Indies.  
9 Designs of Pope Leo, an enemy both to Spanish and French.  
10 Seditions at the Indies. The miserable end of Vasco Nugnes of Balboa.  
11 Coming of king Francis to the Crown, and treaties betwixt him, the Emperor Maximilian, and king Ferdinand.  
12 Enterprises of king Ferdinand against France. Union of Navarre and Castille.  
13 Exploits of king Francis in Italy. Abolition of the Pragmatic sanction.  
14 Coming of doctor Adrian Florantin to Spain. Testament of king Ferdinand, and his death.  
15 Exploits of the king D. Manuel in Africa. Exactions upon the Clergy of Portugal. His third marriage.  
16 D. Charles of Austria, first of that name, 22 king in Castille, 43 in Leon, and 20 in Arragon, and in Navarre the fourth of that name, and 36 king. Government of Cardinal Ximenes and doctor Adrian, in the king's absence.  
17 Estate of king Charles his house.  
18 Troubles in Spain by D. Pedro Giron and others, pacified by the wisdom of cardinal Ximenes.  
19 Ordinances for the ordinary legions in Spain, and other orders made by cardinal Ximenes.  
20 Government of Navarre. Counsel to ruin the towns, and to make the country of Navarre desolate. Death of king john of Albret and queen Katherine. Order of the justice of Navarre.  
21 Troubles at Malaga by reason of the privileges and jurisdiction of the Admiralty. Punishment of the inhabitants.  
22 Contentions for the town of Arevalo, and reprehension of Velasques of Cuellar.  
23 Pitiful estate of queen joane, mother to Charles of Austria, troubled in her senses.  
24 Arcenals and storehouses for munition appointed in Spain.  
25 Search of ancient▪ writings and instructions for the public good, appointed by cardinal Ximenes in Spain, by the which many frauds were discovered, etc.  
26 Algiers taken by Horusco Barberousse, and the vain attempts of the Spaniards.  
27 Rigorous Edict in Spain against the Genovois. The cause thereof, and the revocation.  
28 Unjust proceed against the accused by the Inquisitors. Contention for the bishopric of Siguensa.   
In this six and twentieth Book are united the Realms of Castille, Arragon, and Navarre, in 

D. Charles of Austria.  
22 in Castille 1.  
43 in Leon 1.  
20 in Arragon 1.  
36 in Navarre 4.    
THe realm of Navarre being conquered with so great happiness and ease, 
1512  was afterwards defended and kept with more difficulty. 
Navarre.  About the month of May the English army landed in Guipuscoa, being eight thousand foot, most archers, and some other men of war, whereof the lord marquess Dorset was General, who stayed some days upon those marches, attending the duke of Alva, who was busy in subduing the valleys of Amescoa, Salazar, and Roncal, with the help and diligence of colonel Vilalua: whose army being fortified with new troops sent from king Ferdinand, who was offended at the detention of his ambassador, 
S. john du pie● de Port taken by the duke of Alua.  the bishop of Zamora, in Bearn, it was led to Saint john du pied de Port, which place yielded unto him: From whence he sent word unto the marquess, what he should do to come and besiege Bayone. But the English general thinking that the duke of Alva had caused him to stay there for the conquest of Navarre, which concerned his master, after that he had burnt Saint john de Lussurioso, and done some other spoils upon the sea coast, he embarked his men, and went home; saying, That he would return another time: besides, there was a brute of a great French army which marched through Guienne, to make head against these Spanish and English forces; by reason whereof the duke of Alva having fortified the castle of Pied de Port, and razed that of Montgelo he returned into high Navarre. 
Army of French goes into Navarre.  The French army whereof the brute was, was led by Francis of Valois, duke Angoulesme, who was afterwards French king, in the which there was king john of Albret, Charles of Montpensier, duke of Bourbon, Odet of Foix, vicont of Lautrec, the earls of Palisse and Longueville, and others, making about forty thousand foot and four thousand horse. About the end of the year 1512, the king of Navarre advanced with six thousand foot, 
King john of Albret goes into his realm of Navarre with an army.  and a thousand horse, accompanied with the lords of Palisse and Longueville, he entered into his country by the valley of Roncal, where he took Burgui, having cut the Spaniards in pieces which were in garrison, with their commander Valdes, captain of king Ferdinand's guard. On the other side the duke of Angoulesme caused the duke of Bourbon and the lord of Lautrec, to enter by Guipuscoa, with ten thousand foot, and four hundred horse, who ruined Yrum, Vransu, Ojarcum, and the towns of Harnam and Renterie, and besieged S. Sebastien, but they left it soon, the vicont of Lautrec going to join with king john's forces, who marched towards Pampelone. At that time Diego Lopes of Ayala, lord of Cevole, was governor of Fontarrabie, who caused the platform called Diego Lopes to be built towards France. The marshal D. Pedro was in king john's army, with many of the faction of Gramont, whose partisans being dispersed throughout the realm, caused many places to revolt to the king, as john Ramires of Baquedan, 
Places return to the ebedience of king john.  lord of Saint Martin, the town of Estella, Ladron of Mauleon, that of Mirande, Martin of Gomi Tafalla, Pedro de Rada●, that of Murillo, jaime Velez de Medran, S. Care, with others by other men. The king thought that the city of Pampelone would have done as much, but he was deceived. Hereupon D. Alphonso of Arragon, base son to king Ferdinand, and Archbishop of Saragosse, sent six hundred men from Teruel, Daroca, and Albarrazin, to enter into Pampelone; who passing within half a league of Saint Martin, 
Victory of 90 men over 600 Arragonians.  they were charged by fourscore and ten footmen of the valley of Roncal, and five horsemen, who defeated them, stripped them into their shirts, and sent them home: their colonel came to Olite to demand aid, but he was in danger to be hanged by the Archbishop. Anthony of Fonseca recovered some of these revolted places, and brought the hostages to Pampelone, into the which he put himself. D. Francisco of Beaumond, the constables cousin, set upon Estella, and took the town, but not the castle, and recovered that of Bernette: and D. Pedro of Beaumond, the constables brother, the castle of Montjardin. The duke of Alva being in the mean time in a manner enclosed in betwixt the armies of the duke of Angoulesme, and the king of Navarre: he deceived them, escaping by unknown ways, and came with his army to Pampelone. And to the end the siege of Estelle should not stay and disturb the forces of the king of Castille, Diego Hernandes of Cordova, was sent with a supply to them that besieged it: Wherefore john Ramires of Baquedan being extremely priest, was forced to yield it, upon condition, That they should departed with their arms, baggage, and ensigns displayed, 
john Ramires of Bequadan faithful to his prince.  refusing the great offers which king Ferdinand had made him, if he would come to his service: So this good knight came to the king of Navarres camp. The town of Larraga defended by a French captain, was also yielded by composition. The king of Navarre took the castle of Tiebas by force, where was the lady of Gurendayn, of the house of Artieda, whom he suffered to go away freely: and having received a new supply of two thousand Germans, 
Pampelone besieged by king john.  he besieged Pampelone towards Saint Nicholas port, where there were many sallies and skirmishes made, whereby the king of Navarre understood, that the force of the besieged was great. The duke of Alva put some of the faction of Gramont, whom he suspected out of the town, and having visited those parts of the town which might be dangerous, ordering all things, and ramparing up the breaches which the enemies made with their furious battery, 
Assault maintained by the garrison of Pampelone against the French.  he prepared himself to maintain the Assault which was given on Saturday, the seven and twentieth of September, from the which the assailants were repulsed with great loss. King Ferdinand being in the mean time at Logrogne, and advertised of the estate of his affairs, he had drawn together the forces of Alva, Biscaie, Rioja, and part of Guipuscoa, notwithstanding that a good part of the French army was yet in those limits, being in all fifteen thousand fight men, assigning their rendezvous at Pont de Royne, whither he sent D. Pedro Manriques, duke of Nagera, surnamed the S●rong, to be general of this army. At the brute whereof the king of Navarre, being out of hope to take Pampelone, and in great necessity of victuals, 
Siege of Pampelone raised.  Winter also tiring his army, he raised his siege the last day of November, by the counsel and persuasion of the lord of Palisse, and other captains of experience: And the next day the duke of Nagera arrived with his army, whereof there was not any need, seeing that the siege was raised, who for that reason refused the battle which the French sent to present unto him, by a king at Arms. So king john of Albret complaining his ill fortune, returned on this side the Pyrenees, in the straits of which mountains the rearward of the French army was much troubled by the Guipuscoans, and other mountainers, being forced to leave in the mountains of Velate, and Leysondo, part of their artillery, the which was drawn to Pampelone with great pomp, in the castle of which city there are many pieces to be seen at this day: By reason of which prowess and good service, the king, besides many exemptions and privileges, 
Arms of the province of Guipuscoa.  added to the Arms of the province of Guipuscoa, the twelve pieces of ordnance or in a field of azure, the which it carries at this day.  
The duke of Nagera having brought his army back to Logrogne, the duke of Alva remained Viceroy of Navarre, which realm he brought all under the obedience of king Ferdinand, except the castle of Moya, which held long for the kings of Navarre, who were expelled under a pretext of schism, as we have said.  
Upon the same occasion D. Bernardin of Car●ajal, 
Castille.  cardinal of Saint Croix, and bishop of Siguensa, was deposed by the Council of Latran, from all Ecclesiastical dignity; and to his bishopric D. Frederic of Por●gal, bishop of Segobia, was preferred; to Segobia D. Diego of Ribera, bishop of Majorca; and to that doctor Roderigo of Mercado, Abbot of Saint Martha, borne at Ognate, who was afterwards bishop of Auila, and Precedent of the Chancery of Granado.  
2 During the war of Navarre king Ferdinand sent a new supply of men into Italy, with the commander Solis, and was in a manner resolved to send the great captain thither, had not the counsel of some envious diverted him. The French affairs declining there, the duke of Ferrara, who in all their actions had assisted them, found himself in great danger to be deprived of his estate, and expelled by the Pope, his deadly enemy: to prevent the which, and to purchase unto himself friends and favour, he set Fabrie●o Colonne, his prisoner, at liberty, without ransom; by whose means, with the ambassador of Spain and others, he obtained a safe conduct, with the which he went to Rome, to treat of his affairs: but he could not make his peace with the Pope, being obstinately bend to dispossess him of Ferrara, and to unite the city to the estate of the Church, offering him in recompense the county of Ast, 
Pope julioes' hatred to the duke of Ferrara.  which he held not, but maintained that it was of the patrimony of the Church: so as Fabricio Colonne and the rest, who had assured his coming to Rome, were forced to put themselves in arms, to warrant him, and to conduct him to a place of safety; whereof there followed great hatred betwixt the Pope and the Colonnois. And king Ferdinand was no less displeased at these violent proceed of the Pope; for he had a particular affection unto duke Alphonso, his kinsman, borne of a daughter to king Ferdinand the first, of Naples. But to make an end of that which had been concluded by the league: that is, to 〈◊〉 the French out of Italy, and out of the world, if they could, D. Raymond of Gardona, Viceroy of Naples, who since the battle of Ravenna had been in his government, returned this year with his army about Bolonia, to continue the war. But the Pope and the Venetians finding themselves seized of a good part of that which they pretended, refused to furnish money for the entertainment of his army, as had been agreed by the treaty of the league: so as there grew a great mutiny in the camp among the soldiers, for want of pay, and the Viceroy was forced to retire, with great danger of his person, to Modena, where he found means to recover some money, with the which he returned, and kept his soldiers together, who began to disband.  
At that time there being a day appointed at Mantova, to consult of the affairs of the war, the Viceroy of Naples came thither, with deputies from the Pope, Emperor, Venetians, and Swisses. There it was concluded, That they should put Maximilian Sforce, son to Lewis Sforce, in possession of the duchy of Milan: And moreover it was propounded, to assail the Florentines, who were friends and allied to the Crown of France, as well for this cause, as to restore the family of Medicis, expelled out of that commonweal, to their goods and honours: the which the Pope did press much, in favour of cardinal john of Medicis, his legate, and others of that family. This was the viceroys first task, after his return to the army, to lead it into the estate of Florence, from whom he took the town of Prato, where there were slain above two thousand men of the Florentines part, 
Estate of Florence vexed by the Viceroy of Naples.  and many taken. Whereat the city of Florence being amazed, and their Council unprovided of forces and means to resist, they yielded to the restitution of the Medicis, and to whatsoever the Viceroy would impose upon them. For besides the sums of money which they paid for the entertainment of the Spanish army, and another sum unto the Emperor, they made a league with king Ferdinand, promising to entertain two hundred men at arms in the army of the league, and yet the people were deprived of a good part of their liberty, by the cardinal of Medicis, who created magistrates and officers at his pleasure.  
These exploits being done in the Florentines country, the Viceroy led his army to Bresse, which the Venetians did besiege, so as the lord of Aubigny was out of hope to be able to keep it, this Spanish army having so great a fame, for that it had humbled so powerful a commonweal as that of Florence: and therefore he did capitulate with the Viceroy of Naples, although the Venetians had laid the siege, and yielded it upon condition to departed himself and his men free, with their arms and baggage, their colours flying, and without artillery. After the taking of Bresse, the bishop of Gurcensis, ambassador for the Emperor, came to Rome, whereas he of Spain laboured much to reconcile the Emperor and the Venetians, there remaining no difference but only for the city of Vincence. This ambassador did also seek to reconcile the Pope with the Colonnois, 
League made against the Venetians.  with whom he was much displeased, for the duke of Ferrara's cause. Yet there was a new league made betwixt the Pope and the Emperor, against the Venetians, approved by the Council of Latra●, leaving a place for king Ferdinand to enter. The reason of this league was, for that the Venetians would not yield to certain conditions which the Pope propounded unto them. King Ferdinand's doubt herein was, that the Venetians would join with the French king, if they were too much priest: wherefore his ambassador favoured them what he could. The coming of Maximilian Sforce to Verona, caused the bishop of Gurcensis to part from Rome, to establish him in the emperors name in the duchy of Milan, whither he conducted him, having found him at Cremona, with the Viceroy D. Raymond of Cardona. The duke much desired by the Milanois, was received there with great joy. The cardinal of Zion presented him the keys in the Swisses name, who would have the honour of his restoring.  
Notwithstanding the league newly made against the Venetians, the Pope had a great desire to ruin the duke of Ferrara: to prevent the which the ambassador of Spain, by commandment from his king, did all good offices, and used all the means he could: And this was one of the chief causes why king Ferdinand would not please the Pope, and enter into the league. Notwithstanding the duke showing himself ungrateful (no man knows upon what reason) procured a scandalous and horrible attempt against him, 
jugratitude of the duke of Ferrara pretended by the Spaniards.  as the Spaniards writ, persuading D. Ferdinand of Arragon, duke of Calabria, son to king Frederic, and conspiring with him, to deprive him of his life. There was a certain monk who was messenger from the duke of Ferrara to him of Calabria, who had also for negotiator on his part, Philip Copula, son to the earl of Sarno, whose head king Ferdinand of Naples had caused to be stricken off. This Copula had made some voyages into France, and treated with king Lewis, to give a retreat and means in his realm to the duke of Calabria, being then in the Catholic king's Court at Logrogne, and should have saved himself in the French army, 
Conspiracy againg king Ferdinand.  which was about Pampelone, having resolved first to set fire on certain powder that was hidden in the king's lodging: But God would not suffer so wicked a practice to take effect. The matter being discovered, Copula was quartered, and D. Ferdinand duke of Calabria was sent prisoner to the castle of Xativa, near unto Valencia, where he remained above ten years, until that the Emperor Charles pardoned him, and set him at liberty. Hereupon king Ferdinand conceived so great a hatred against the duke of Ferrara, as he commanded the Viceroy of Naples to aid the Pope with his army, or any other thing he had, without any respect to the pretended pay. The Venetians seeing the Pope and Emperor leagued together to annoy them, and that the Emperor would not give ear to the Catholic king's ambassador, who did still persuade him to make a peace with their commonwealth, and to take a sum of money in the place of Vincence, they joined with the French king (who had not wholly forgotten the affairs of Italy, and did still hold the castles of Milan and Cremona) at the same time when as a truce was accorded betwixt king Lewis and king Ferdinand, 
〈◊〉 betwixt ●rance and Spain.  for a year, to the great discontent of the king of England, who was ready to enter into France, and attended to be assisted by the Spanish army: by reason whereof the French king did defer the recovery of the realm of Navarre for a time, to the which he was greatly solicited by the dispossessed kings, john and Katherine. Which truce the French king had much desired, to assure his realm on that side, being advertised that the king of England made great preparation to assail him, being still priest thereunto by Pope julio, 
1513  who conceiving great and pernicious enterprises in his mind, died at Rome in February, 
Death of Pope julio.  in the year 1513. By his death the duke of Ferrara was freed from great care and fear; who embracing the occasion, recovered some places in Romania, and had taken more if the viceroys army had not stopped him, being lodged betwixt Regio and Plaisance, through the favour whereof Parma and Plaisance came into the hands of Maximilian Sforce, the new duke of Milan. The cardinals being assembled, 
Pope Leo chosen  they did choose john de Medicis, cardinal of Sancta Maria in Dominica, for Pope, and called him Leo the tenth.  
The Viceroy being advertised of the truce betwixt France and Spain, he began to resolve upon his retreat to Naples, sending for the garrisons which were in Tortona and Alexandria; and causing the army to march towards the river of Trebia, having with him twelve hundred men at arms, and eight thousand foot, all choice soldiers: the which did much terrify the Milanois and their duke, knowing that the French king made great levies of men to recover that estate, and fearing that the Swisses, who were all their hope, would not be able to defend them, if the French army did press them on the one side, and the Venetians on the other: wherefore at their entreaty, and the Pope's intercession, the Viceroy and the Spanish army stayed, and held the war in suspense.  
The truce which the two great kings had made, 
Navarre.  assured king Ferdinand's conquest of Navarre, the noblemen and Estates of which realm, after the retreat of the French from before Pampelone, deputed the constable D. Lewis of Beaumond, earl of Lerin, to take the oath of fealty and homage, as to their king. And the duke of Alva being returned into Castille, 
Diego Fernandes of Cordova, Viceroy of Navarre.  there remained Viceroy of Navarre in his place D. Diego Fernandes of Cordova, marquess of Comares.  
4 The great prosperities of D. Ferdinand king of Arragon, Regent of Castille, were accompanied with some grief, 
Castille.  for that he had no lawful issue male: but queen  his second wife, by whom he had no children, was more perplexed, for her own interest, who by a womanish affection sought curiously for all devices to conceive, thinking by art and human helps to obtain that which comes from the mere bounty and blessing of God: Wherefore it happened this year (it is not known by whose advice) that, 
Drink given to king Ferdinand by the ●●his wife.  with the king's consent, the queen herself, D. Maria of Velasco, wife to D. john of Velasco, superintendant of the treasure, and D. Isabel Faure, made a drink, or broth, for the king, to give him force and vigour: But he had no sooner taken it, but he found nature touched with an incurable infirmity, whereof he languished continually, and in the end died. This was done at Carroncillo, whither the king was come to disport himself with the ladies: And it is not credible that they did present him this potion to any other end, but to quicken him in Venus' sports; for all the queen's happiness and greatness depended upon the king's life. He was like to have died of this drink in the monastery of Mejorado; but being somewhat recovered by physic, he came to Vailledolit, to an assembly of the Estate, where he dispatched many affairs.  
5 The French king in the mean time had in a manner dispossessed Maximilian Sforce of all his duchy of Milan, 
Defeat of the French at Nouar● by the Swisses.  he had only remaining Como and Novara: Into the last he had put himself with many ensigns of Swisses, and was besieged by the French, where followed that memorable sally of colonel Mott●n and his Swisses, and the defeat of the French, with great slaughter, and the loss of their artillery, as you may read at large in that history: whereupon the French repast the Alpes. And on the other side D. Raymond of Cardone, Viceroy of Naples, being with his army upon the passage of the river of Pau, opposite to the Venetian army, led by Bartholomew of Aluiano, who having news of this rout of the French, retired for fear to Ponte Vico, and from thence to Tomba, near to the river of Thesin. The Viceroy suffering them to pass, busied himself about the reduction of Genova, which the French had delivered into the hands of Adorns and their factions: sending, at the instance of john and Octavia Fregose, three thousand Spaniards thither, led by the marquess of Pescare, himself following with the rest of the army. Wherewith the French and the Adorn●s their partisans, being amazed, they left the city, and Octavia Fregose was made duke. In the mean time Aluiano took Lignago, by the means of john Paul Baillon, who slew most of the Spaniards and Germans that were there in garrison. He also attempted Verona in vain. All which did much incense the Viceroy of Naples, who passing the Pau with his army, did soon take Bergamo, Pescare, and Bresse, Aluiano flying before him, who having divided his army into garrisons, put himself into Padova.  
Pope Leo at his first advancement trying by the best means he could to dissolve the Council of Pisa, he then received into grace D. Bernardin of Caruajal, cardinal of Saint Croix, and Frederic of Saint Severin, deposed from their dignities of cardinals, and deprived of their revenues and benefices by Pope julio and the Council of Latran. These two having stayed a while at Florence, by the Pope's commandment, like private men, they came by his permission to Rome, where they entered by night, and the next day they presented themselves unto the Consistory, in all humility, where, upon their knees, 
C●rdinals received into grace.  they acknowledged their faults, and demanded pardon, the which they obtained, approving the decrees of the Council of Latran, and the election of the present Pope, and confessing their deposition to have been just, and that the Council of Pisa was false and abominable: whereupon they were absolved, and went and embraced all the cardinals in their ranks, who moved not from their places; after which they put on their cardinals weeds, and sat in their usual places: and although they did not recover their benefices and revenues, yet afterwards they had other things in recompense.  
6 At the same time the South sea at the Indies was discovered: 
Indies.  For Vasco Nugnes of Balboa, jealous that any other should obtain commission from the king to that effect, and deprive him of the honour of this discovery, which he had now attempted, without attending any answer from Spain, nor the 1000 Spaniards which he had demanded from the king, parting from the antic of Darien, in September this year 1513, with 190 Spaniards, in a galleon and ten barks, he came to Carecta, where he landed his troop, and marched into the country of the Cachico Ponsa, whom he forced to give him gold, and guides to conduct him to the mountains, whereof notice had been given him by the Cachico D. Charles Panquiaco. With these guides they came into a country called Quareca, and the Cachico Torecha, where they were forced to fight: They slew the lord and dispersed his people, not accustomed to see such great wounds as swords of iron make, nor to hear then noise of harquebuses, nor the biting of furious dogs, which the Spaniards led to the war with them, whom they caused to tear in pieces certain Indian Sodomites, whom they found in that country. Passing on, Vasco Nugnes went up certain high mountains, with 67 of his soldiers, leaving the rest to guard them that were hurt and sick, in a burrow at the foot of the mountain. Being near unto the top, he caused his troop to stay, and would himself go up alone, where he discovered the waters of the South Ocean, 
South sea discovered by Vasco Nugnes of Balb●a.  for the which he was exceeding glad, and gave God thanks, and then he called all the soldiers to have them see it. There they made mounts of stones, in sign of possession taken. Being come from the mountain, they went to assail a Cachico, called Chiape, who being obstinate, they put to flight: yet being friendly invited he returned, and made himself vassal to the king of Castille, accompanying him unto the South sea shore, whereof they took possession, and drew a writing on the 29 of September, being S. Michael's day 1515. By this service which Vasco Nugnes of Balboa did then unto the king, he well deserved his pardon, if he had offended in any thing. The company which he had left at Quareca being joined with him, he passed a great river with 80 Spaniards leaving the rest upon the bank, and went and forced another Cachico, called Coquera, who put himself in defence, as Chiape had done, and brought him under his obedience. Then thrust on with a great courage, he would enter into that sea, notwithstanding that Chiape did dissuade him, saying, That the current was strong & troublesome: so as he was in danger of drowning, seeking to recover a near island, where he arrived with much pain and peril. There reigned there a Cachico called Tumaco, who made offer to fight, but being advertised by the Indians, guides to Chi●pe; that the Spainiards were good men, this Tumaco sent them a son of his, to know what they demanded: Vasco Nugnes spoke courteously unto him, appareled him, and him looking glasses, with such other toys, the which he carrying to his company, it moved them so, as Tumaco came himself in person to the Spanish troup with shows of love and friendship, of whom the Spaniards demanded pearls, for they saw the Indians of his company wear some, whereof they did furnish them with a good quantity, and advertised them that there was a plash near hand, 
Pearls.  where they did fish some as big as a man's eye, the which did please the covetous Spaniards and their Captains: but for that they were few, and there were great difficulties and dangers, they deferred this prey unto another voyage, wherefore they returned to their companions, & passed into the country of the Cachico Chiape, where they refreshed themselves, and rested some days. Chiape the Cachico did also fish upon his shore, and gave them above four charges of pearls. Vasco Nugnes of Balboa took his leave of him, leaving some Spaniards with him, for he wept being much grieved at their departure, for the opinion he had of their wisdom: then they passed a river to come into the country of a Cachico called Teoca, where the Spaniards were received with great joy, and Teoca gave them presents of gold and pearls. From thence they went through desert and barren places, full of Tigers, and Lions with hunger, thirst, and extreme danger, into the lands of Pacra, a cruel tyrant, and a Sodomite, who pursued by the conscience of his own wickedness, thought to escape by flight, but ●e was brought back, and after information made of his tyrannies, & dishonesty, Vasco Nugnes caused him to be torn in pieces by his Mastiffs, with four other lords, his confederates and ministers of such filthiness, and then the pieces to be burnt: He called the country of Pacra, All Saints. Vasco Nugnes going from thence, he came to Buquebuca, the lord of which region, thinking that the Spaniards were divine people, he was ashamed to appear before them, holding himself unworthy, but he sent them some vessels of gold well wrought, & craved pardon of them. Going on with more desire to find victuals than gold, they saw certain Indians which crossed their way, who being brought back unto them and demanded of what region they were, and where there was any victuals, they said, that they were subject unto a king called Corizo, who desired to know them, and to be their friend, of whom afterwards they received thirty plates of gold, offering them all that was in his power, and entreating them to aid him against another Cachico his enemy, in whose country he assured them they should find great wealth: Balboa promised him friendship, aid and favour, presenting him with their hatchets and other iron works, and then he passed into the land of Pecorosa, where he found victuals, & received gold & slaves, & having left his sick men there, he went on with sixty soldiers only, until he came unto the Cachico Tumanama, of whom D. Charles Panquiaco had spoken unto him; whom he surprised in his lodging at night: And for that he was given to the brutish sin against nature, Balboa was ready to have him burnt, but thinking to draw from him some secret of his hidden treasure, 
Hope of gain make vice remain unpunished.  & of the quality of the country, he was content to reprehend him sharply, and to keep him prisoner, giving some satisfaction to his accusers: and there Balboa remained the rest of that year 1513.  
7 The Spaniards affairs prospering after this manner at the Indies, the Army which was in Italy against the Venetians, 
Italy.  was no less successful. After the retreat of Aluiano the Venetian general, the emperors lieutenant besieged Padova in vain. The viceroy of Naples being resolved to put part of his army into Bresse, and part into Bargamo, & there to winter, he was importuned by his soldiers, to keep the field with the Germans, having the Cavalarie of Naples, and the Popes, with 4500 Spaniards; having sent one thousand Spaniards to assist the duke of Milan: The viceroy having with these forces sacked Bovoelta, 
Cruel war of the Spaniards against the Venetians.  past the Brent, and marched unto the sea, burning towns and villages, and all the houses of the gentlemen of Venice, which were in that country: and the more to afflict & brave them, he caused ten pieces of his greatest ordnance to be mounted at a place called Marguera, and shot against the city of Venice, whereof the bullets fell at S. Seconds church, with trouble and amazement to all the inhabitants, and the more, for that night coming, it did represent unto them more plainly, the great fires and ruins of their houses of pleasure in the country; the which they held to be the greatest indignity that ever the common wealth of Venice received: which thinking to revenge they increased their disgrace: for Aluiano having assured the Senate, that the enemy's army laden with spoils in those moorish places, and trenches of rivers, would find such difficulties in their retreat, as it would be easy to put them to rout, and therefore had gotten leave to draw their forces to field after that he had coasted the enemies, seeking to stop their passage at the river of Brenta, being himself deceived and surprised, as he thought to stop their passage going to Verona, whether they marched only with an intent to retire, he was fought with all, and vanquished about Vincence, 
Venetians defeated by the Spaniards  having lost above five thousand Venetians, and many Captains slain: upon the place, with their Povididor Andrew Lauredan, who was slain by the contention of two soldiers, whose prisoner he should be, besides many captains and gentlemen of Venice, that were prisoners: which rout did much trouble the affairs of that state. What succeeded afterwards in that war, I leave to other Histories whom it concerns more particularly.  
King Ferdinand being much impaired by his languishing infirmity, grown by reason of the potion which had been given him, attended as well as he could the government of his realms: but he had a good Council, and faithful ministers, so as his affairs both of state and justice, were nothing impaired, neither were they in any sort perverted. 
Forts built in Africa.  This year there was a fort built at Oran, and another at a place called Pegnon, or the rock of Alger in Africa, whereas the crown of Castille held Melille, Casa●a, Oran, Masalquiver, Tripoli, and Bugie, and the two rocks or Pegnons of Alger, and of Velez, besides the Princes and towns, that were Tributary unto it. And so ended that year 2513.  
8 In the year one thousand five hundred and fourteen, 
1514  Vasco Nugnes of Balboa, having stayed a good space in the country of the Cachico Tumanama discovering the mines and treasures of that region, 
Behaviour of Vasco Nugnes of Balboa at the Indies.  he parted from thence, leading one of that prince's sons with him, to be instructed in the Romish religion, and came into the country of D. Charles Panquiaco, who received Balboa being sick very courteously, with all his companions, giving them all the ease & commodities he could, and when they would departed, he presented them with 20 pounds of gold. Being thus satisfied of him, they retired to their fort of the antic of Darien, the which they found much better peopled than they had left it: for upon the brute of the great riches that were on the firm land, many were come from Hispaniola, & the city of S. Domingo to inhabit there. It is thought that Balboa brought beside the contentment he had to have discovered the south sea, the value of above 100000 Castillans in gold, 
Booty taken at the Indies.  besides pearls and other precious jewels in great abundance, having made a long and dangerous voyage, gone through many barbarous nations & enemies, by desert and unknown places, 
Travels endured with great patience and happiness by the Spaniards.  having not only to encounter men, but Tigers and Lions, hunger and thirst, thick woods & craggy mountains, and yet never was put to rout, never lost a man, nor himself wounded in any sort. Of all their spoils they laid to the value of 20000 ducats for the kings right; and then they divided the rest among them, every one receiving according to his place, yea their mastiffs had pay aswell as the men, for it is reported that a dog belonging unto Vasco Nugnes, 
Mastiffs received pay and a part of the spoil among the Spaniards.  called Leoncillo, had for his part 500 Castillans, receiving a greater pay than a harquebusier. After that Vasco Nugnes had ordered some things in the fort of Darien, he sent a friend of his called Arbolancha, born at Bilbao, into Spain, to carry news unto king Ferdinand of his voyages and discoveries, and the fift penny of what they had gotten.  
At that time the French king did solicit both k. Ferdinand and the emperor Maximilian to conclude the marriage betwixt D. Ferdinand brother to prince Charles of Austria, and the lady Renee, the French kings second daughter, for whose dowry he would quit his pretensions to the duchy of Milan: but having made a peace with the king of England, by a marriage contracted betwixt him & Marie that king's sister, he changed his opinion, 
Designs of Pope Leo to put strangers out of Italy.  and gave over that treaty for Renee and Ferdinand. The Pope having divers designs to free Italy of strangers, having no desire to see the French king lord of Milan, yet he entertained him with this hope, to make use of him and his means, to get the realm of Naples from k. Ferdinand, to settle his brother julian of Medicis king there, & thereof he had already had some practice with the Venetians. 
Pope seeks to get the realm of Naples.  To favour the Pope's designs, being profitable for the commonweal of Venice, Andrew Gritti was appointed by the Senate to be general of an army to invade the banks of Apulia, 
1514  thinking by that means to divert the Spanish army out of Lombardie, & that they should have none but the Germans to encounter. Hereupon Bartholomew of Aluiano having surprised certain Spaniards, he caused them to be hanged at Padova; saying that they had been suborned by their commanders to kill him in treason: the which put the viceroy of Naples into such a rage, as he made a miserable spoil of the country about Padova, & having chased Bernardin Antinola, nephew to Aluiano, he shut him into Citadelle, which place being battered, was taken partly by a breach, and partly by scalado. Bernardin of Antinola & his men were carried away prisoners, and the place sacked. To recompense this loss, Aluiano defeated some troops of light horse near to Este: the army which besieged cream, being hardly retained for want of pay was forced to retire. 
Spanniards' surprised in their lodging  The army of Spain after the taking of Citadelle, divided itself into divers lodgings, the viceroy to Verona, the Marquis of Pescara to Lendenara, with 3000 Spaniards: there came about ●00 men at arms to Rovigo, of which D. Garcia Manrique was captain, who suffered themselves to be surprised by Aluiano, who led both him and all his company away prisoners: some writ they were 300 horse, & 1000 Spanish foot. On the other side Renzo de Cer●, being freed from the siege of cream which he had defended valiantly, being fortified with men, he surprised Bergamo by intelligence of the inhabitants, but soon after the viceroy recovered it again, having joined his Spaniards with the forces of Milan, led by Silvio Savello, Renzo, who was within it, yielding it upon honourable conditions. The Bergamasques were punished for their rebellion by the purse, redeeming the sack of the town, & other punishments prepared for them, for great sums of money: the which did much displease the Spaniards, who were in hope that the spoil of this town should have been given to them. Winter approaching, the armies were lodged and for that it was bruited that the Fench king prepared a great power to pass into Italy in the spring, D. Raymond of Cardone the viceroy, who had his Spanish army much diminished, went to the emperor to Inspruch, to take council touching the affairs of the future war. At Rome the ambassadors for the emperor, King Ferdinand, and French king used, their art and skill to win the Pope's favour for their masters: but he being cunning, politic, and enemy to them all, discovered not his conceits, but entertained them with vain hopes.  
10 About the end of this year, before that k. Ferdinand had any intelligence of the success of Vasco Nugnes of Balboa, 
Pedro Arias of Auila made viceroie of the firm land at the Indies  it was resolved in council, to send to the antic of Darien, & into the region of Castille del or, a knight for governor whose name was Pedro Arias of Auila, born at Segobia: which charge was demanded by many, Arbolancha whom Vasco Nugnes had sent into Spain, being not yet arrived, for otherwise without doubt that charge had been given him in recompense of his labours & great service which he had done unto the king in the discovery of so rich countries: yet he was made governor of the coast towards the South sea: but D. john Rodrigo of Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, who had the superintendency of the affairs of the Indies, & did much favour Pedro Arias, protracted the time to make the dispatch of his provision, yet the sentence given against him at the suit of the bachelor Enciso was canceled and made void. Pedro Arias then having embarked at Saint Lucar of Barrameda, 
john Cabedo first Bishop of the antic of Darien  with one thousand five hundred men in 17 vessels, the 14 of May, having in his company, friar john Cabedo first bishop of the antic of Darien, & first Prelate of the firm land at the Indies, and for pilot john Vespucio, Florentin, he sailed in 38 days to the antic, where he was received with great joy, & Vasco Nugue of Balboa lodged him in his own lodging, with all the honour he could devise, & was informed by him of the whole estate of that country, & of the discovery which he had made of Castille delor, for so he had named it, by reason of the great riches thereof, and of the South Sea, and of pearls: wherewith Pedro Arias de Auila was very much pleased, finding that there was work done, and that there remained nothing but to people and husband it. He made the Licenciat Gaspar of Espinose, borne at Medina del Campo, Alcayde mayor, or precedent of his justice, and according to his charge, he began to divide the provinces to his people, sending Francis Bezerra with 550 Spaniards towards the River of Dabayba, who endured great miseries there, and returned with notable loss. john of Ayora with four hundred men was directed into the country of the Cachico D. Charles Panquiaco, a most faithful friend to the Spaniards, who notwithstanding was so ingratefully entreated by them, 
1514  and the Indians his subjects so cruelly and covetously vexed, as they were forced to take arms, and to chase away Ayora, who returned flying from whence he parted. Captain 〈◊〉 being sent towards Caribana, and Barthelmew Hurtado to Acla, they had no better success; not others in other places: so as Vasco Nugnes, was not so fortunate, but Pedro Arias and his company were as unfortunate in all their enterprises. King Ferdinand toward the end of this year 1514 did so decay in his health, as there were apparent signs of a dropsy in him: One of the captains which Pedro Arias de Auila, called Gonsalo of Badajos, had sent to people in the main land, took his course towards Nombre de Dios, in the beginning of the year 1515, 
1515  where he found Indians that were strange and untractable, so as having increased his troop, being about 80 Spaniards, by the arrival of Lewis of Mercado, who brought 50 more, they went in company towards the south Sea, and being come to a place called Coyba, they sacked it, for that the lord of the country called Yuana flying the acquaintance of these bearded men, had retired himself into the woods: then they made prey of many things, and especially of slaves. Passing on by a rivers side, on the 5 day they met with two Indians laden with bread, which a blind Cachico sent unto them, who brought them to the place where this Cachico dwelled, with whom they made good cheer, & received presents of gold with information of those countries, which they sought, and guides to conduct them. Continuing on their course they came where there reigned a lord called Taracura, who also gave them a good quantity of gold: but yet they did not forbear to fire a borough belonging to a brother of his, for that he was not to be found at their arrival: then passing by the countries of the Cachicos Cheru and Nathan they received so much gold & other things, as the treasure which they got in that voyage, amounted to above 80000 ducats, & at the least 400 slaves. But, as prosperity makes people careless & overweening, being come into the country of a mighty lord called Pariza, 
Spaniard's defeated and slain by the Indians.  holding no order nor discipline, thinking they should find friendly reception in all places, they were suddenly charged by a great number of Indians, who slew 80 of his Spaniards, put the rest to flight, and got their gold and slaves, with all the booty which they had made in this voyage. The same year Gaspar of Morales being sent by the same governor with 150 Spaniards towards S. Michael's gulf, he passed, with the help of the Cachicos Chiape & Tumaco, into the island of Tarareque, leading 70 men only with him, being drawn on by the fame of pearls and other riches which were th●re, and upon that shore: there he had three encounters, whereas the Indians showed themselves brave, seeking to repulse the Spaniards, but at the fourth charge they were vanquished, and the Cachico brought to obedience, by the means of some Indians that were friends, and did accompany the Spaniards, who did highly praise them, 
Pearls in abundance.  and extol their invincible power: Being friends, the Spaniards, were well entreated by this lord, & received of him above 110 marks of pearl, in recompense whereof they gave him hatchets and other small mercery wares, of the which he and his Indians made great esteem: and this Cachico grew so familiar, as he discovered unto Gaspar of Morales all the riches of those islands, & moreover made himself vassal & tributary to the king of Castille, promising to give him yearly 100 marks of pearl: he suffered himself to be baptised, and was called Pedro Arias, by the governors name, and with this good success Gaspar of Morales returned having sped better than the rest. The governor Pedro Arias in the mean time being entered into a great quarrel against Vasco Nugnes of Balboa (whether it were through envy, 
Mutinies at the Indies through en●ie.  for that the one had been more happy in discovering, than he in governing of those new found countries, or through the insolency of Balboa, who scoffed at his enterprises, & the adversities of his captains:) it did much trouble his government: to pacify the which, & to reconcile them, friar john Cavedo, the new bishop, tried all the means he could, causing Vasco Nugnes to marry Pedro Arias daughter: but notwithstanding this alliance, they fell again to great discord, which proceeded so far, as Vasco Nugnes being in his government towards the south sea, where he had caused four Caravels to be built to continue his conquests, the governor Arias caused him to be adjourned, and forced him to appear in justice at the antic of Darien, where being arrived, he was laid hold on, and the procurator fiscal pleading against him, he accused him of mutinies and other insolences committed, for the which he had been absolved; yet they condemned him to lose his head, with five of his companions: the which did wonderfully incense all the Spaniards that were in that country, 
Vasca Nugnes of 〈…〉.  who lamented with rears the pitiful end of so brave a Captain, under whose conduct and good fortune they did hope in short time to be the richest men in Europe.  
11 Whilst these things passed at the Indies, the council of Spain was in great difficulties for the affairs of Italy, 
〈…〉  by the death of Lewis 12. the French king, who died the first of januarie, this year 1515, to whom Francis duke of Angoulesme had succeeded, a young, brave, and valiant Prince, who at the first entitled himself duke of Milan, with an intent to pursue the right of his predecessor and father in law: wherefore having confirmed the peace made with the English, and upon a hope of marriage betwixt the lady Ren●e, younger daughter to the deceased king, being then but nine years old, and prince Charles, who began to govern his estates of the Netherlands, being assured of his friendship, he prepared himself for the war of Italy. It was contracted with the earl of Nassau Prince Charles his ambassador, 
〈…〉 prince Charles of Aus●iria and Ren●e of France  that to the Princess his future spouse should be given 600 thousand crowns, and the duchy of Berry in dowry, in regard whereof he should renounce all rights & pretensions which she might have to her mothers or father's goods, that is, to the duchies of Britain and Milan, and moreover, that prince Charles should be a mediator to the king D. Ferdinand his grandfather, for the restoring of john of Albret and Catherine his wife, to their realm of Navarre: & on the other side that king Francis should aid prince Charles with men & shipping, when as (after the death of king Ferdinand, which approached) it should be fit for him to pass into Spain, where he feared some opposition, by his brother D. Ferdinand, who was bred up and much beloved in Spain King Francis sought to prolong the truce made by king Lewis his predecessor with king Ferdinand; to win the Pope's favour, and to pacify the Swisses: but he found opposition in all these there: for these Potentates were directly contrary to the design which he made upon the duchy of Milan, and it was bruited that the Swisses prepared to invade Burgongue, or Dauphine. 
League against king Francis.  Besides, there was a straight league made betwixt the emperor, king Ferdinand, and the duke of Milan, to force the French king to quit the title of duke Milan, and to renounce his pretended right to the duchy. And there was another league made betwixt the French king and the Venetians in that respect.  
At that time Pedro Navarro, earl of Albeto, remained prisoner among the French, since the battle of Ravenna: for whose redemption king Ferdinand did not care, for that some noblemen Castillans, of less merit than himself, through emulation of his virtue, had imputed the loss of that battle unto him: 
Pedro Nauar●● serves the French king.  which this wise and judicious captain apprehended, and thinking his services were ill rewarded, he agreed to serve the French king, quitting the county of Albeto, and all that he held in the king of Castilles dominions, making all acts and protestations in that case required: After which he began to levy troops of foot in Gascoine, seeming that they with other forces should serve for the recovery of the realm of Navarre: but the princes whom it concerned, knew well that this great preparation was for the duchy of Milan, so as every one stood upon his guard.  
King Ferdinand being bound by the league to invade France by Cattelonia, and Guipuscoa, he approached near to Burgos, 
Enterprises of king F●●dinand against the French king.  where having been very sick some days in the monastery of Mejorada, he passed at Aranda of Duero, from whence he sent Queen German his wife into Arragon, to assist at the Estates at Monson, and to provide for that which should be necessary, if the war grew hot in France, to the end he should receive no harm on that side, himself taking the charge of Castille, and of the frontier of Guipuscoa. Being come to Burgos, he called the estates, with whose advice and aid he provided for the sea coast & the realm of Navarre, 
Navarre incorporated to the crown of Castille.  the which at that time, as a conquest made with the forces of Castille, he did solemnly incorporate for ever to that crown: And for that his charges would be very great for the execution of those enterprises which he had in hand, namely for the conquest and defence of those places which he held in Africa and at the Indies, and to free the seas from pirates, the Pope gave him leave to raise certain sums of money upon the Clergy for two years. His infirmity increasing, he had such continual faintings, as on the seven and twentieth of june, they thought he would have died: wherefore finding himself near his end, he desired to make his will, and caused it to be written, 
Testament of king Ferdinand  leaving his daughter Queen joane for his general heir, and the infant D. Ferdinand his grand child, governor of Castille; to whom he gave for governor D. Gonsal of Guzman treasurer of Calatrava, and for his Schoolmaster D. Alvaro Osorio bishop of Astorga, having a great desire to cause the three masterships of Castille to fall into his hands after his death; whereupon he made orders which he thought might take place, but afterwards he revoked them. He had some amendment, and came to Aranda of Duero, whether Anthony Augustine, his Chancellor of Arragon came, whom he caused to be apprehended, 
Chancellor of A●●gon accused to have sought to dishonour queen German.  and committed, being informed that he had presumed to attempt against the honour of the queen, his wife: for seeing her too desirous to have children, and the king her husband by reason of his age and infirmity, too weak, he had offered her his service too familiarly. This Chancellor remained in prison, till after the king's death, and then was set at liberty by the Cardinal Xtmenes, who was governor of Spain. The same year there having been an interview at Vienne in Austria, betwixt the emperor Maximili●●, and Ladislaus king of Hongarie, and Bohemia, the marriages were accorded of the infant Ferdinand, with Anne Daughter to the said king of Hongarie, and of Marie sister to prince Charles of Austria, Infanta of Castille, with Lewis son and heir to the said king Ladislaus.  
13 King Francis passed into Lombardy, with a great army: what succeeded in those wars you may read at large in the French History. The Pope seeing all things prosper for the French, made an accord with the king: they had an interview at Bolonia, with great shows of friendship; 
Interview betwixt Pope Leo and king Fran●●●.  there they confirmed their league, and conferred long of the conquest of Naples, for the French king: but they resolved to defer it till after the death of king Ferdinand, which they knew to be near: the Pope having no desire of it for the quiet of Italy, alleging for excuse, that the time of the league which he had with the Catholic king, did not yet expire of sixteen months, yet in show he seemed very willing to countenance that conquest, so as the French king (who was well content to have it deferred until another time, for that his treasure was exhausted) was very well satisfied. There the Pragmatike sanction was abolished, 
Pragmatike sanction abolished.  the Pope granting liberty to the king, to the prejudice of the clergy of France, to name & present men at his pleasure, to ecclesiastical dignities and benefices being void within his realm; a privilege which belonged to Chapters and College: they made many other agreements to the contentment one of another.  
In this estate stood the affairs of Italy, towards the end of king Ferdinand's days, whose disease did undermine him by little & little yet he would needs part from Segobia, to go into Arragon to the estates, whether he had sent Queen German his wife, transporting himself to Calataiub: but he was forced to return into Castille, as well for the affairs of the realm, as to give order to provide men for Italy in favour of the emperor Maximilian, who made preparation to enter it in the Spring, and also to care for the defence of that which he held in Africa. At that time was the marriage betwixt D. Alfonso Peres of Guzman, or Alvaro's duke of Medina Sydonia, and D. Anna of Arragon, daughter to D. Alfonso of Arragon, the king's Niece: to whom one of his Council coming from visiting a certain woman, whom they held for a Saint in Spain, called the holy woman of Barca, reported from her, that he should be of a good courage, for he should not die before he had conquered jerusalem: but this good woman was deceived.  
This year died of a double quarten Ague, the great Captain Gonsalo Fernandes of Cordova duke of Sessa, 
Death of D. Gonsalo Fernandes of Cordova, called the great Captain.  Terranova, of Saint Ange, marquess of Bitonto, Prince of Squilaci, and Constable of the realm of Naples. Among the other virtues of this famous man, he is much commended for his great chastity, a rare thing in a Spaniard: his end was in the seventy third year of his age, leaving by his wife D. Maria Henrique, one only daughter and heir, named D. Eluira of Cordova: his body lies in the monastery of Saint jerosme, in that city. The king hearing of the death of this worthy man, sent to comfort his widow and daughter.  
14 In the year one thousand five hundred and sixteen, 
1516  which was the last of king Ferdinand's life, there arrived in Castille, at a place called the Sereine, doctor Adrian Florent deane of Lowain, ambassador for Prince Charles of Austria, and his Schoolmaster, who in time was made bishop of Tortosa, than Cardinal, and successively Pope. His charge in show, was for matters of government, against the Lord of Cheures, who was the prince's governor? but in effect he came into Spain, to pry and look into the state of things, and to advertise the prince: And the King dying, which was held to be very near, he had authority and commandment to take possession in his name of the government of the realms of Castille, Arragon, and the rest. The king parted from Plaisance, with an intent to go to Guadalupe, there to perform a vow: passing from one place to an other, his infirmity still increasing, he stayed at Madrigalejo, a borough near unto Trugillo, where he had a kind of flux: by reason whereof doctor Adrian (who was very unpleasing unto him) transported himself thither; yet showing him a good countenance, he willed him to go and attend him at Guadalupe: his sickness increasing, they that were about him were constrained to advertise him that his end drew near, the which did much discontent him: for he thought he had a longer time to live; neither did he give credit to all that his Confessor friar Thomas of Matienso said unto him: but when they had often reiterated this advertisement, that he might dispose himself to die like a Christian, he caused the Licenciat Zapate and doctor Caruaial, who were of his chamber, and of his Council, to be called unto him, and with them the Licenciat Vergas his Treasurer, who was also of his Council, a man in whom he had great confidence: whom he enjoined and conjured to give him good and faithful council, in that which he should demand of them: he told them that for the opinion he had that prince Charles would not come in person to govern the realms of Spain, he had appointed the Infant D. Ferdinand governor of them for the Queen D. joane her daughter: whereupon he desired to know their opinions, 
Reformation of king Ferdinand's testament by the advice of some of his council.  if he had not done well. These three men zealous of the good of those realms told him freely, that in so doing he had not provided for the peace and quiet of the realms, wherefore he should call back that article, and name prince Charles governor of them, as Law and justice required, showing him the great inconveniences which might happen, if haply the Infant D. Ferdinand, finding himself feiled of so great Estates, should seek to hold them; such thoughts being easy to breed in the hearts of princes. The king yielded to this Council, and reform his Will in that point, in regard of Castille, and that which is incorporated unto it: As for Arragon and Sicily he left the government to his base son D. Alphonso archbishop of Saragosse, and until that prince Charles came, he appointed governor in his absence, by the advice of this Council, Cardinal Francis Ximenes of Cisneros, saying, that he knew him to be an honest man, and well affected, fashioned and advanced by him and by the Q. D. Isabel; one who had no great alliances, & had always showed himself a faithful servant. As for the realm of Naples, he confirmed the government with the same condition to the viceroy D. Raymond of Cardone, & in Navarre there had been viceroy D. Frederic d' Acugna, commander of Montemolin, of the order of S. james, brother to the earl of Buendia.  
Some few days before he had obtained from Pope Leo, a new provision in his own person, of the three masterships of Castille, Saint james, Calatrava and Alcantara, the which he desired to resign to the Infant D. Ferdinand whom he loved dearly▪ but he was in like manner persuaded not to do it, for he should remember of what importance in former times one of those masterships had been, in the person of a private man, to trouble the realm: and therefore he must think that if all these were joined in one, and he of the blood royal, he equalling (without doubt) the king's power might cause greater alterations: whereupon the king demanding, What then shall the Infant do remaining so poor? It is, answered his councillors, the best and goodliest inheritance that you can leave him: for finding himself poor, it will give him occasion to seek the love of prince Charles his brother, who will advannce him. These things pleased the king, who gave unto the Infant D. Ferdinand 50000 ducats of yearly rent upon Brindes, Tarentum, 
Infant D. Ferdinand ill appointed.  and other places in Apulia in the realm of Naples, by the advice of the same councillors Out of the revenues of the realm of Sicily, he left unto his wife Q. German, thirty thousand florins of gold of yearly rent, the which was afterwards assigned in Castille, upon the towns of Arcualo, Ma●rigal and Olmedo: he left moreover unto her ten thousand ducats in the realm of Naples. These Ordinances in form of a testament were written by the hand of one of the above named councillors, revoking that which he had made at Burgos; all being done in great secret, to the end that nothing might come to the knowledge of the Infant D. Ferdinand, who was then at Guadalupe, nor of his Governors and Ministers, who did hope to manage the realm after the King's decease. The will being written out fair, it was received by the Prothonotary Clement of Velasco. The Queen D. German having notice of the extremity of the King's infirmity at Calataiub, whereas the estates of Arragon were held, she came with all speed to Madrigalejo, and was at his death, which was on the three and twentieth of january one thousand five hundred and sixteen, being three score and three years old, and having reigned one and forty years, one month, and nine days, 
Death of king Ferdinand king of Arragon.  comprehending the time that king D. Philip of Austria reigned. The King's Council and the Noblemen being assembled, they resolved to send to the ambassador Adrian, who attended the king at Guadal●pe: wherefore Doctor Caruajal and the Licenciat Vargas were sent unto him, who brought him to Madrigalejo, where in his presence the kings will was opened and read, whereof they gave a copy to the ambassador, at his request. Afterwards by the advice of them all, D. Bernard of Rojas, marquess of Denia, and the licenciate Ronquillo Alcaid●or provost of the Court, did accompany the King's body to Granado, and the other Noblemen went to Infant D. Ferdinand at Guadalupe, where the funeral was made with royal pomp and ceremonies. The body passing by the city of Cordova, there joined with it D. Martin of Angulo bishop of that city, the marquess of Priego, the earl of Cabra, with other Lords and Knights which did accompany it unto Granado, where with the state worthy of such a prince, he was interred in the chapel of Kings, by Queen Isabella his wife, whose body had been left in the Alha●bre of that city.  
A little before the king's death, john Dyas de Solis of Lebrixa, chief Pilot to the king, 
Indies.  parted from the port of Lepe, with three ships armed, to go and discover countries in the new world, under the equinoctial, where he had already been, and found out the great river of Panaraguasa, which he had named the river of Plata, or of Silver, where being arrived and entered, he landed with fifty Spaniards, thinking to 〈◊〉 all things quiet, as he had at the other time: but he found himself surprised, and charged by a multitude of Indians, who slew him and all them that had landed with him, 
Spaniard's slain is the river of Plata by the Indians.  and eat them: the rest which kept the ships being terrified, weighed anchor, and returned into Spain, laden with bresil, and white ansine, which they use for dying.  
15 D. Manuel king of Portugal had always continued his navigations, and discoveries at the East with good success and profit, 
Portugal.  and imitating the example of the king of Castille, he priest the African moors his neighbours upon the western shore, from whom he took the town of Zasin, 
Exploits of king Manuel in Africa.  by the means of Nugno Fernandes of Ataide, who was the first Governor, and afterwards having sent james Duke of Bragance his nephew, with two thousand horse, and fifteen thousand foot, who landing at Marzagan, did assail and take the town of Azamon, being abandoned by the Moors: and soon after Almedina yielded, with other places of that territory: in which expeditions the Duke of Bragance purchased so great same, 
Bragance a terro●r to the Moors.  as at this day the name of Bragance is a terror to the Moors. To supply the charges of this war & conquests, the King D. Manuel having emptied his coffers, he obtained from Pope Leo, by his ambassadors Tri●●an of Acugna, and doctor Diego Pache●o, aid and subvention, out of the revenues of the Clergy of his country: whereunto the Pope did the more willingly yield, having heard the great exploits which he had done, and the discoveries which he had made; to whom the ambassadors presented in the name of the King their master a great elephant, a lioness, and a bishop's mitre or tyare garnished with pearls and precious stones, the richest that ever had been seen at Rome. The Pope therefore to encourage and give means unto King Manuel to proceed in so commendable an action, he granted him the third part of the revenues and fruits of Spiritual livings, 
Third part of spiritual livings granted to the king of Portugal in his country.  and moreover to have a Croisado preached, wherein the King's deputies behaved themselves so insolently and covetously, as all men had occasion to complain: whereupon the converts and new Christians took occasion to fall into many errors and perverse opinions, touching our Religion. These things passed about the years one thousand five hundred and twelve, one thousand five hundred and thirteen, and one thousand five hundred and fourteen. The year one thousand five hundred and fifteen being come, the king undertook to build the sort of Mandora in Africa▪ but his provisions and men were all dispersed and lost there, by the incursions of the Moors, so as few, and those very poor, returned into Portugal. 
Opinion favourable for the Clergy.  This unfortunate success was imputed to the exactions which the king's Officers used upon the clergy: being an opinion already settled in the hearts of men: that those princes which touch the treasures of the Church, prosper not.  
This year Queen Mary was delivered in the city of Lisbon, of the Infant D. Edward future husband to D. Isabel daughter 〈◊〉 D. john duke of Bragance, 
Genealogy of Portugal.  from whom issued D. Edward, and D. Ca●●erina duche●●e of Bragance, wife in our days to the duke D. john second son to duke Theodosius, and grandchild to the first D. john. Of D. Edward of Portugal, and D. Isabel, was also borne D. Maria, who was married to the prince of 〈◊〉, son to Octavio Farnese, and to Marguerite of Austria, base daughter to the emperor Charles. Soon after the death of D. Ferdinand king of Arragon, the king D. 〈◊〉 was full of care, for the insolent behaviour of two of his vassals, who sought to disquiet him in his navigations and voyages to the Indies. These were Ferdinand of Magellanes and R●y F●●ero, who for some discontentment retired themselves into Castille, whereas the cardinal D. Francis Xime●es archbishop of toledo governed, offering to discover a short course or way; to go to the rich Hands of the Moluques, whence the spices came, 
Magellanes and Fa●ero Portugalliser●● in Castille.  more profitable and commodious then that of 〈◊〉 and China. Magellanes gave D. john Rodrigues of Fonseca precedent of the royal council of the Indies and other counce●●●●● to understand, that they might find a better and more short cut to go to the Moluq●● by the coast of bresil and the river of Plata, then by the cape of Bonne Esprance: and moreover they told them, that the great Island of Zamatra, and Malata, were comprehended in the straight and line of the navigation of Castille: they did maintain that the islands of the Moluques were not far from Pan●●●a, and the qulph of saint Michael, and that in all those countries and regions they found abundance of gold, pearls, precious sto●es, spices and drugs: and to make these councillors more desirous, they told them many other wonders of unknown lands, which they offered to discover. Magellanes saying, that he had a relation of Lewis of Vertheman o● Bolonia, who had been at Badan, Bornay, Bachian, Tidore, and other countr●es of spices, which are under the Equiroctiall, showing many letters written from his friends to the Indians: And moreover, he had a ●●●ue of the Island Zamatra, who understood many languages of that Country, and an other slave recovered 〈◊〉 Malaca. By these reasons and persuasions, induced them of the council; and the Regent D. Francis Ximenes gave good hope to Magellanes, to obtain ships and means to make this voyage, at the coming of the prince D. Charle●, who would not stay long before he parted from Flaunders, to come and take possession of his realms of Castille and Arragon. The king D. Manuel made many complains against these fugitive subjects, by his Ambassadors, to the Council of Castille, and they against him, and the voyage was performed as we will show. About the spring one thousand five hundred and seventeen, Queen Marie second wife to the king D. 〈◊〉, died 〈◊〉 Lisbon, lying in child bed of the Infant D. Anthonio, who lived not long after his mother, which caused great heaviness in the king: 
Death of Mar●● Queen of Portugal.  She lies in the monastery of the mother of God. She was then five and thirty years old, and the king 〈◊〉 and forty, who believing what the pre●aies and 〈◊〉 men of his realm had often preached unto him, that his crosses and adversities came for that he took the re●●news of the church, and employed them for the affairs of his realm, he caused the collections & contribution● 〈…〉, 
King conscientious.  promising to pay unto the clergy 150000 ducats in 3 years, at 3 pay●●●● This 〈…〉 to his third wife D. 〈…〉 to prince Charles of Austria Infanta of Castille, niece to the two former queens, being then 19 years old, and the king 50. She was conducted into Portugal by 〈◊〉 in the year 1518. a little before the arrival of King Charles in Spain: the marriage was celebrated 〈◊〉 Crato, with great pomp and state: of which marriage were borne the infants D. Charles, and D. Marry.  

D. joane Queen of Castille, Arragon, Navarre, Naples, Sicily, Sardi●ia etc. for whose in capacity, the reign of D. Charles her 〈…〉 being the first of that name, and the two and 〈◊〉 king of Castille.  
16 AFter the decease of King Ferdinand, 
Castille.  Queen joane his daughter succeeded in all his realms, lands, and signiories. Charles archduke of Austria, and earl of Flanders her eldest son, who should 〈◊〉 all those great estates after her, was then in Flaunders: for whose absence, and for the Queen's incapacity, Cardinal Francis Ximenes of Cisneros, 
Cardinal Ximenes governor of Castille.  according to the 〈◊〉 of the deceased King, took upon him the government of Castille, with the 〈◊〉 of all the Council and Nobility of the realm: notwithstanding that the governors and ministers of the infant D. Ferdinand, would, by virtue, of the first testament made at Burgos, have him intrude himself into the government of affairs as regent. He having written to them of the council to come unto him to Guadal●pe, and using too high titles in his letters, one of the council, said freely unto him that presented the Infantaes letters, Tell him that we will be shortly at Guadalupe, where knowing well our duties, we will do him the honour and reverence that belongs unto him, & that we have no other king but Cesar, The prince Charles was not yet chosen emperor: but that 〈◊〉 was taken as a presage of his future election. The first care of cardinal Xime●●s, was to make an agreement with doctor Adrian, who had brought letters and authority from prince Charles by the which he declared him his lieutenant, in case that the king D. Ferdinand should die, during his legation in 〈◊〉 The accord was thus made, 
Accord for the government of Spain.  that until they had other news from prince Charles, they should jointly sign all dispatches. After which they were to pacify a trouble that was of no small consequence; for D. 〈…〉 called the Deaf, brother to the duke of Escalona, the stem of the marquess of Villene●●● at this day, had obtained after the decease of the great captain, who aspired to the mastership of S. jeams, bulls and provision from the pope, of that mastership & did solicit the commanders of the Ord●● to assemble together to receive him: 
Contention for the mastership of S. jeams.  but prince Charles during his grandfather's life, had also obtained a later provision, by the ●eans of D. Bern●rdin of 〈◊〉, of all these three masterships, in his person, and it is most certain that king Ferdinand was not 〈…〉 that he would have given them to the infant D. Ferdinand. The cardinal being advertised of these things, he sent (with the advise of doctor Adri●●, and the Council) 〈◊〉, one of the Alcaids of the court with letters & 〈…〉 this assembly of the commanders; whereunto they obeyed, even 〈◊〉 himself, who desisted from his enterprise. This Cardinal had a watchful eye upon the actions of the Infant D. Ferdinand and of those which did govern him▪ l●●ing always near unto his person, 
Providence of Cardinal Ximenes for the a peace of Spain.  for he feared lest the noblemen of Castille, who desired some alteration in the state, would corrunt him, and make use of his name. He provided in such sort for queen German in this beginning (to whom all things were difficult) that she might not want money for the entertainment of her house and royal dignities▪ The place of residence for the council was chosen at Madrid, for that it was commodious for the 〈◊〉 being not far from his archbishopric of Toledo, from whence they 〈◊〉 Peter of C●mpreal, & Rengifo of Auila, to carry news unto prince Charles of the 〈…〉 of the king his grandfather, and of all that passed since. The prince was 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉, where he had 〈…〉 & bred up, and his brother D. 〈◊〉 in Spain●, the one instructed in the 〈◊〉 & fashions of the Flemings, the other in tho●● of Spain; which 〈◊〉 the Spaniard● 〈◊〉 che●●●● the younger more, and did much trouble the Cardinal 〈◊〉. The chiefe●●● which at that time did govern the person of prince Charles. 〈…〉 of Bourgondie, and afterwards Chancellor, the Lord of Cheures, and Laxator, Chamberlains, Laurence Gorrebot great master, and Charles of Lannoy Master of the Horse. He had a Physician of Mil●n, called Peter Marlian, a learned man and of great experience, who was the inventor of that Mott Pl●● ultra, the which prince Charles used betwixt Hercules pillars, he was afterwards bishop of Tuy, but against the will of cardinal Ximenes. The lord of Cheures was of greatest authority about the prince, having bred him up: he was so hated of King Ferdinand as a little before his death, in a certain treaty made with doctor Adrian, he would have it expressly reserved that Cheures should be chased away, 
Cheures governor to prince Charles.  the which did much discontent him, who for that cause conceived a great hatred against doctor Adrian, but he was forced to yield that to the King, that he might win his love to prince Charles, for he saw his intent was to debase him, to advance the Infant D. Ferdinand, if he could. Of Spaniards D. john Manuel was in some credit in the court of Flaunders, a flatterer and breeder of debate betwixt King Ferdinand and Philip of Austria his son in law, for the which he was put in prison by the lady Marguerite governess of Flaunders: but after the king's death he was presently set at liberty by prince Charles. D. Antonio of Estuniga brother to the duke of Bejar was also honoured in that Court, D. Pedro Portocarrero son to him that was deaf, of whom we have spoken, D. Lewis of Cordova, D. Alphonso Mantiques, the bishop of Badajos, and Pedro Mota archbishop of Sevile, a famous preacher, and Secretary to the prince, Such was the estate of his Court, when he received news of the death of the king his grandfather, for the which he showed a grief befitting nature, and the nearness of blood that was betwixt them: he commended him for the election which he had made of the cardinal Francis Ximenes, and did write unto the Infant his brother, to the widow Queen, and to the council, giving them hope that he would be soon in Spain. In his first letters to the Governors and the Council he did entitle himself Prince: but some of the Council of Flanders, seeing Queen joane weak of her senses, and to be but a vain mask of royal dignity, they were of opinion that he should take the title of King, the which he did, for that said he, it was conformable to the custom of the princes of Flaunders and Germany, 
Title of King allowed in Castille to prince Charles during his mother's life, but not in Arragon.  and that it was the advice of the Emperor Maximilian, and of Pope Leo; the which was not well liked of in Spain: notwithstanding seeing he had once taken it, it would have been dishonourable to have left it, and therefore he continued this title, the cardinal Ximenes causing the rest to allow of it: and thereupon they did advance the Standard and Arms of the new King Charles, in the town of Madrid. The Arragonois (strict defenders of their Laws) would never allow of this title of King, during the life of Queen joane: of whom D. Alphonso of Arragon, archbishop of Saragosse was governor.  
18 Whilst these things were done at Madrid by cardinal Ximenes, there grew new tumults, 
Quarrel betwixt Pedro Giron, and the duke of Medina Sidonia.  the which did first disquiet Andalusia, and afterwards all the Provinces of Spain. The chief of this tumult was D. Pedro Giron, eldest son to the earl of Vregna, who entered the country of the duke of Medina Sidonia with forces, and besieged Luzero a sea town, with an intent to seize upon the whole Duchies, if he could. And this was the cause of his enterprise: D. john of Guzman duke of Medina Sidonia married two sisters successively, one after an other, daughters to the Duke of Bejar; by the first he had two children, D. Henry, and D. Mentia; and by the second one son called D. Alvaro: D. Mentia was married to D. Pedro Giron: D. Henry was unapt for generation, and died without children: D. Alvaro borne of the second venture, married, as we have said, with D. Anne of Arragon, daughter to D. Alphonso of Arragon: which marriage was made by the King D. Ferdinand, in hope that D. Alvaro should succeed in all the signiories of Duke john his father: who being dead, he was put in possession of the Duchy of Medina Sidonia, notwithstanding the opposition of D. Pedro Giron, who said, that D. Al●●ro was a bastard, borne in incest, not being tolerable neither by Divine nor human Laws to marry two sisters: and if Popes had at any time suffered it, it was for some great good and benefit to the Common weal, which had no such consideration in the fact of the deceased duke D. john▪ but for all his reasons D. Alvaro enjoyed the possession, being favoured and supported by king Ferdinand whilst he lived, but being dead D. Pedro Gir●● thought, that prince Charles being absent, and the government in the hands of a monk. Having therefore gathered together a good troop of licentious fellows he went to field, and first attempted the town of Luzero, but D. Pedro of Arras had prevented him, and put himself into the place, to defend it; besides, the castle was held in the king's name, with a garrison, by D. Gomes de Solis, as it it is the manner of Spain in polices upon the sea, although they belong to private Lords. So as D. Pedro's attempt was vain. In the mean time cardinal Ximenes being advertised of this tumult, he had means to provide for it, commanding (by the advice of the Council) the inhabitants of Sevile and Cordova, to assist the duke of Medin●, Sidonia, and captain Solis with forces. Then D. Anthony Fonseca was sent with certain ensigns of foot, and with him an Alcade of the court, called Corneille, to disperse D. Pedroes' troops, and to punish those that should be taken, as troublers of the public peace, and guilty of high treason: wherewith D. Pedro Giron being terrified, he retired for that time, but within few days after he incited the Constable D. Inigo Fernandes of Velasco, his uncle by the mother's side, who on the other side was no good friend to Cardinal Ximenes, drawing many other noblemen to his designs and enterprises: passing by Madrid with a great troop, he stayed there keeping himself in his lodging, and would not vouchsafe to visit the Cardinal, who was the king's lieutenant, but as if he would brave him, and in a manner threaten him, to incense the noblemen of Castille against him, he sent him word that he was come to visit his kinsmen and friends: whereunto the Cardinal (who knew well to what end all his courses tended) made no other answer, but that he should go on in a good hour, and continue his officious voyage. There were great signs of a mutinous and rebellious heart in the answer which he made to some of his friends, demanding of him why he undertook these things, without any respect or reverence to Cardinal Ximenes, 
Arrogant answer of D. Pedro Giron.  who presented there the king's person: And what thanks, said he, will the king giveus, if we respect and honour his lieutenants as much as himself? but he was much mistaken, for there was no comparison betwixt his means, and of all those of his party, and the power of Cardinal Ximenes, who besides the authority which he had as regent, was so rich, both in revenues and treasure which he had gathered together, as he was well able to entertain an army, without any help of the king's money. D. Pedro Giron in his frenzy went towards his uncle D. Inigo Fernandes of Velasco, knowing that he hated the Cardinal, for that he understood that he had propounded to retire all that which private noblemen did hold of the revenues of the crown, if they did not show good titles, and were grounded upon lawful causes: and therefore, fearing he should be deprived of certain imposts he drew from the sea, he desired to see the cardinals authority abated. There were means plotted betwixt the uncle and the nephew, to attain unto that which they pretended: and to fortify themselves they did write, or went in person to all them that they knew to be any way discontented with Cardinal Ximenes: 
Faction against the Cardinal Ximenes.  the duke of Benavent was one, whom they had forbidden to finish a fort which he had begun to build at Cibales: the duke of Albuquerque, and the earl of Medina Celi, for the affinity which they had with the earl of Vregna, offered themselves to be ready against all persons that would offend him or his; and they did also hold some of the king's rents. D. Fredrick of Portugal bishop of Siguensa, fearing to be deprived of his bishopric, to give it to doctor Carnaial, joined with that faction. Above all they desired to draw unto them the duke of the Infantazgo, the head of the family of Mendoza, whose power and riches they held a sufficient counterpoise to oversway the Cardinal their adversary. The duke offered himself freely to be theirs in all enterprises, so as it were not against the state and the government of the realm: for he meant not to attempt any thing that should contradict the will of the deceased king D. Ferdinand, 
〈◊〉 made by the Co●●able against the Cardinal.  nor the will of king Charles: wherefore all these noblemen went unto him to Guadalajara, whereas the Constable D. Inigo Fernandes of Velasco, made a long invective against the Cardinal, whom he called rash, insupportable, an obscure man, of an unknown beginning, an enemy to nobility, unworthy to command and govern those realms, which charge did belong more rightly to them, then to monk, who abused the authority, to the dishonour and scorn of the nobility. That if they said, he was appointed to that degree by the testament of the deceased king D. Ferdinand, let them remember that they had endured indignities enough in his time, without fearing his vain comaundements after his death: but let him show his letters of power and authority from king Charles: else for his part he was not resolved to obey him. The duke of the Infantazgo, the chief in this assembly, 
Wise speech of the duke of the Infantaz●●  seeing every man moved at the Constable's words, I have, said he, many occasions to complain of cardinal Ximenes, even in this, that contrary to his faith and promise he hath hindered the marriage betwixt my nephew and his niece, and that now he seeks to diminish my patrimony what he can: but these are but private wrongs, for the which I would not cause the least alteration in the world, in our king's absence: and I will say more unto you, that I have always known this man to be so upright, as the authority, power, nor credit of any man cannot move him: you see what great revenues he hath, and what lands and countries he enjoys, whereunto the public authority is now joined: Think you that in this action he will show himself less constant and resolute than he hath been? No doubtless, and he will be very violent to move the people against us, of whom we are already but too much hated: wherefore my friends, let us attempt nothing against the commonweal, the which we must of necessity do, if we undertake any thing against cardinal Ximenes: let us find out some other means to maintain our dignities, which may be allowed of all men, and then esteem me unworthy the rank which I hold, and the house from whence I am descended, if I be not the first to maintain the honour of nobility, against the insolency of this man, and I will employ all my forces and means, for the defence of you my knisemen and allies. When the duke of the Infantazgo had thus spoken, the assistants considering the weight of this reasons, were much cooled: wherefore it was concluded, that they should send unto king Charles, D. Alvaro Gomez, the duke's son in law, a wife and an eloquent man, who in the name of these Lords, should beseech him to take from cardinal Ximenes the authority and government of the realms, for the causes which they gave him by ample instructions. This done, the duke of the Infantazgo feasted the whole assembly for certain days with great sports and state; of all which the cardinal was particularly advertised, by his friends and spies, but not regarding it much, for he was privy to their means and faculties, 
Nobility that spends much, 〈◊〉 maintain an enterprise.  calling this nobility but shadows and scarecrows, who lived in continual delight, and superstons expenses wherewith they were so consumed and indebted, as most commonly they had nothing left them to maintain their rash enterprises, but their tongues, and a vain pride without any power: Notwithstanding, for as much as these conventicles and private assemblies could not but breed troubles in the state, he did advertise them by grave men to desist for their own good, from such practices and enterprises, the which he would have them know he had means to resist, and to make them vain, without employing the king's treasure, but with his own estate; yea, were there question to put an army to field, whereby they should soon find their own weakness: wherefore he did admonish them, that seeing they must of force be the king's subjects, and obey his laws, not to put themselves in danger. Hereby this stir ceased without any further bruit, and the assembly of Guadalajara was dispersed: so as many of them which had been there, did soon after practise by all means to insinuate into the cardinals favour, namely the duke of the Infantazgo and the Constable. 
Wisdom of Cardinal Ximenes to maintain his authority.  This wife and industrious man, knowing what crosses he might have daily in the government of so great affairs, amongst a nobility which did both hate and envy him, he knew well how to provide for his dignity, the safety of his person, and the peace of Spain. He had D. Diego Lopes of Ayala a most faithful solicitor of his affairs in the court of king Charles, by whose solicitation and diligence, he desired ●etters patents with full and royal authority in all things, and that namely he should have free liberty in matters of state to do that which he should think profitable for the safety of the kingdoms: the like authority over justice, to establish, alter and depose, as he should think fit, and in like manner over the treasure, for he was not contented with the authority which was given him by the testament of the deceased King D. Ferdinand confirmed, by private letters and messages from the king, if he had not letters drawn in form of a public Decree, and the resoulution of the prince's Council: Notwithstanding, without attending them, he put one thing in execution which had been formerly projected, and attempted by the deceased King D. Ferdinand, the execution whereof had been hindered by the King's infirmity and death: 
Leg●●● s●●ldiers instituted by cardinal Ximenes.  That is, he ordained for the defence of the realm in general, as well against foreign enemies, as home bred mutines, legions and bands of ordinary soldiers, taken out of the citizens and burgesses of the good towns of Spain, men of good fame, dwellers, and having as they say, fire and family, remembering that he had heard the deceased King discourse, That an army of such men was more profitable, and of greater effect in any kind, than that which was levied of vagabond people, and ill livers, whereof most companies that are extraordinarily raised do consist, who have no courage but to spoil, and are more hurtful to friends than enemies; whereas the other loving their honour, their goods, wives and children, are animated to fight more courageously against an enemy, for their defence, and fearing the Laws, for that they have something to lose, they abstain from doing wrong unto their friends: 
Men that have families fit to make soldiers to defend a realm than vagabonds.  besides, it is a ready force, and is suddenly assembled, which keeps them in awe that would seek to invade and spoil the realm, or move seditions and tumults. This ordinance having been concluded in the Council at Madrid, contained, That such as should he 〈◊〉 bear arms, should give in their names, and be enrolled by certain Commissaries deputed, and that they should enjoy many exemptions of taxes, subsidies, lodgings and other charges accustomed to be imposed, and levied upon the people, to whom should be given captains, officers, trumpets, drums and mischiefs, paid with the king's money: They should arm and be ready when they should be commanded, and should come every Sunday to be mustered before the people. This Edict being proclaimed throughout the towns of Castille, was received and found good, with great joy and contentment: so as in an instant there were above thirty thousand men enrolled, every one thinking it was an easy way to attain unto a degree of gentry: and in truth they could not have desired a thing more profitable and more delightful: for the youth which is corrupted through idleness, and given to vice and damnable pleasures; by this means they gave themselves to manage arms, to ride horses, to leap, run, swim and other such exercises, as were enjoined them, and given them in discipline by old experimented captains, and it was a pleasing fight to behold their troops well armed to march in good order. For the which cardinal Ximenes did purchase the reputation of a wise and prudent Governor, yea with foreign kings and princes, thinking, as it is true, that there is no force like unto it, when it is moderated with good justice, especially in the beginning, by means whereof, we read that great and populous nations have been easily vanquished by small potentates. The seditious and men desirous of innovations in Spain, 
Murmuring of the Spaniards against the cardinal for the 〈◊〉 order.  were so scandalised at this Edict, as there was nothing to be generally heard but murmuring, and ill words of the cardinal Ximenes: Whereto tend these military troops? What new show of arms doth this Cardinal bring us? Did he think that Spain was too quiet? Did he envy our peace? There needed nothing else in the king's absence, but to arm the multitude, to make him more insolent▪ and to authorize him to ruin the nobility: Let this wilful man (who likes of no council but his own) be well advised what he doth, and of what consequence it is to put arms and force in the hands of a rascal multitude, in so proud a nation, whereof he will see so many troubles and miseries to grow, as it will be impossible for him to prevent them. Moreover they said, that it was the very means to make good towns desert and unpeopled, and to draw away their Artisans and men of trade, who leaving their shops, would have no care but to be gallants, and to walk like gentlemen, abandoning themselves to all insolences and excess, whereby it would happen that towns unfurnished of things necessary for the life of man, should by little and little be reduced to want and poverty, which they could not in long time recover, notwithstanding any diligence whatsoever. By these and such like speeches, inhabitants of Leon, Burgos, Salamanca, Medina del Campo, Arenalo, Madrigal, Olmedo, and in a manner all the towns that were beyond the mountains, began to oppose against the Edict, so as it could not be put in execution in their jurisdiction but that which most contradicted the Cardinals 〈…〉 was the town of Vailledolit, whereas the Commissaries that were sent to 〈…〉 put in prison: 
Sedition of V●●lledo●●t against Ximen●s.  and as one fault draws on another, they took arms, and put themselu●s in defence against Cardinal Xim●n●s, as against 〈…〉 of his commandment, and resisting him as an oppressor of their liberty, and an inventor and bringer in by force and violence, new and unaccustomed things; whereof the cardinal was presently advertised by such as were of his party in that town, and for that cause suffered many indignities. The cause of these disorders and rebellions was the bad intelligence which was betwixt the cardinal and D. Anto●●● of Rojas bishop of Granado, the chief of the royal council, 
Division among Councillors in a State is ●●●gerous.  and some other councillors, who 〈◊〉 hate and envy him, and did secretly give 〈◊〉 out that those ordinances were not allowed by the Council, but mere inventions proceed only from the cardinals brain: whose testimony, as men which held a ra●ke in the affairs of the realm, was of great weight among the people, and was a great argument of the 〈◊〉 which division of Councillors brings unto a State: whereunto we must 〈◊〉 the practices of the great men of that country, accustomed to play the Kings, the means whereof were taken away by this ordinance, to their great grief. They that did 〈…〉 the inhabitants of Vailledolit to rebellion, were the admiral of Castille, and the bishop of 〈◊〉: for the admiral ha●ing great authority, and hereditary rights in the government of the town, descending from the Henriques his predecessors, although he were a very dear friend to the Card●nall, yet when he heard at Madrid, 
Let's of the cardinals military Edict.  that they would put this Endict in practice at Vailledolit, he said openly that he would never suffer it: and m●●ing more esteem of his own private inter●●●, then of the cardinals friendship, he went to Vailledolit, where calling his brethren, kinsfolks and friends together, he procured every one, by his credit to oppose himself. The bishop who had been Schoolmaster and 〈◊〉 to the infant D. Ferdinand, seeing that by the cardinals diligence and care he could nor get any thing, he grew discontended, and poured oil into 〈…〉 which 〈◊〉 through the cities of Burgos, Leon and others● wherewith Cardinal 〈…〉 troubled: for although that he had all the country on this 〈…〉 Toledo, Murcia, and also beyond them The cities of Zamora, To●o, Auila and others that were obedient, yet he thought it a hard matter to use force, doubting that the contumacy of then of Va●●ledo●● and Burgos would keep the rest from persevering: wherefore here proceeded against these froward people with all the mildness 〈◊〉 could, admonishing them, that if they 〈◊〉 any ancient privileges which did extempt them from such charges they should produce them, and they should have i●●stice done them: but they being supported by the 〈◊〉 of great men their neighbours, did not respect the cardinals friendly admonition, but made answer, that whilst they had breath and life, they would defend their liberties against 〈◊〉 tyran●●e, until that their king D. Charles should come into Spain. These differences continued the following year: for the Cardinal would not proceed rigorious 〈…〉 until that he had news from the king, whom he did adver●●●e part●●● 〈◊〉 of that which he had 〈◊〉; and of the causes which had moved him to make these legionaries: soliciting D. 〈…〉 of A●ala his Agent in Court, that he should pursue the 〈…〉, and 〈…〉 which he 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 unto him: else it was necessary for his honour to give that change, by reason of the great difficulties and oppositions which he found. And for that 〈◊〉 new that the rebels had sent unto the king, and to 〈◊〉 de Chewes, 〈◊〉, which did fill their 〈◊〉 with many flanders, accusing these legi●●ds and Compani●s end 〈◊〉 by him, 〈…〉 and spoils, and showing that there was no charge more insupportable not less necessary 〈…〉, he 〈…〉 to show the 〈◊〉, and that it was the only me 〈…〉 had observed to be obeyed, ever since the Goths, unto 〈…〉 fourth, who had a 〈◊〉 a guard of horsemen entertained, the which after he had 〈◊〉, by the persuasion of some, or through negligence and 〈◊〉, he ●ound himself 〈…〉 in those troubles and 〈◊〉 that histori●● speak of▪ Wherefore seeing that time and 〈◊〉 the like remedy, to force many great men to the observation of the Laws, he had revived this most necessary remedy, with the which he meant to preserve him the realm of his predecessors, without any charge unto his coffers. For this cause he besought the king not to give care unto the slanderous reports of his ill willers, who desired nothing but troubes, seeing he had had so great proofs of his loyalty and affection: and that it would please him to write sharp letters to the towns that would not obey him, that they might be drawn to their duties, a contempt or rebellion being of great importance, the which can not be light, no not in light matters: And for that since the war of Granado Spain was much unfurnished of arms, that it was necessary to send out of Flaunders, and the neighbour countries, great store of corslets, harquebusses, 
Acts of Cardinal Ximenes approved by the King.  pikes and other arms: the which was faithfully solicited by Diego Lopes, and favourably granted by the King; so as at the coming of those Letters into Spain, the inhabitants of Vailledolit and others, seeing that the cardinals council was allowed by the prince, submitted themselves, and gave over their factions. There were four sin●●ies of the people appointed at Vailledolit, who should assist at the Council, and might oppose against all decrees and resolutions which should be made to the prejudice of the King, or commonweal, and if they would proceed, then to advertise the King. 
Rebellions pacified in Castille.  This was thought very fit and necessary by the Vailledolitanes, the chief whereof were too much obliged to the Admiral and Earl of Benanent. Thus ended the rebellion of those towns against the Cardinal, who by means of these provisions maintained himself in his charge and authority. These military Orders have been in our time practised by King Philip the second, having appointed bands and captains, and granted immunities to the soldiers throughout all his towns. And for that the Cardinal had provided in vain for all inconveniences which might happen at land, if he should not in like manner assure the realm towards the Sea, he added to the old galleys which he found in Spain, twenty new, which were built and rigged at the charge of the people, 
Defeat of Turks at sea by the Spanish galleys.  dwelling upon the Sea coast, under colour to defend them from the incursions and surprises of the Moors, Turks and pirates: the which proved honourable for him, for soon after that they were ready, the Spanish army took six Turkish galleys with the slaughter of above six hundred Turks, and brought them to Alicant. This Cardinal forgetting nothing that might serve for the public good, he repaired the sorts and public monuments which went to ruin, amongst which was the A●arazane, or arsenal of Se●ile. His care and diligence extended to the islands and West Indies, 
Orders for the Indies.  where, by his piety and wisdom, the Handers began to ●●iste some liberty. At that time there was resident in Madrid, D. Diego Colo●●●lim Admiral of the Indies, who had been called home into Spain by the deceased King D. Ferdinand, by reason of some quarrels betwixt him and some that had charge at the Indies, and for many complaints and accusaations framed against him by his enemies. After the king's decease he did solicit Cardinal Ximenes the Regent to take knowledge of his affairs, and to suffer him to execute his charge: where●●● he thought it fit to send some good and learned men to be informed of these quarrels at the Indies, and to that end he made choice of 〈…〉, of the Order of Saint jerosme, the one was Lewis of Figuer prior of the monastery of Mejorada of Olmedo, and the other Alphonso of Saint john prior of Ortega of Burgos, 
Cardinal Ximens' cause●● information to be taken at the Indies of the Spaniards.  to whom he joined Bernardin M●rz●ndo, and gave them charge to pass into the Island of Saint Dominicke or His●aniola, and there to take an exact information of the insolences and abuses of every man, and especially of the quarrels betwixt the Admiral and the Spaniards, and to inquite of all things that were profitable or necessary for the public government, and especially for the quiet and good usage of the natural Indians, who at 〈◊〉 time were oppressed with cruel ser●tude▪ recommending especially unto them the instruction of those people in religion. Afterwards he appointed that Alphonso Su●ses should follow them for Precedent of the justice, a man learned in the Laws, and verubu●. The friars being come into the Island, began to execute their charge very diligently, and with discretion, and did order many things, whereof this is memorable. King Ferdinand deceased, had distributed the Islanders and Indians to certain captains, and other Spaniards, who had employed themselves in these discoveries and conquests, to have the care and defence of them, as Lords of their vassals and subjects, and for this reason were called Commandataires, for that these poor Indians we recommended unto them: many of these having left the Indies, were returned into Spain; and there remained: from whom the Fathers (disannulling ●he king D. 〈…〉) took their vassals and subjects, saying, that it was not reasonable the absent living in idleness and delights, should enjoy the fruits due to their virtue, who sailing over the spacious Ocean with so great danger, did sweat continually under their arms to extend the Empire of the Crown of Spain, and religion: wherefore the Islanders were divided by them to the old inhabitants residing at the Indies, according to every man's merit and dignity. Then they thought that these miserable Indians were slaves by the Laws of arms; by reason whereof their masters did entreat them cruelly, causing them to draw and to carry burdens like horses or asses, the which seemed very inhuman to these fathers, and strange from all Christian piety: wherefore somewhat to moderate that which they could not altogether help: they ordained that this people living then in the fields and desert places, of whom they made no more account than of beasts, should be drawn into towns and villages, and live under some form of policy and municipal Law, taking from their masters this great authority and power which they pretended of life and death, letting them know, that they should use them as ussalls, and not abuse them as slaves.  
Thus the Father's thought to provide for the liberty of this people, against the tyranny of the soldiers: where they found great difficulties and debates, the which is usually seen when they seek to abolish any perverse custom; so as their holy diligence did afterwards cause a very bad effect, through the wickedness of the Spaniards, who seeing the same order observed by the fathers in other islands, and places of those regigions, whereas the like divisions and distributions had been assigned, as well by the Admiral Colombus and others, thinking that hereafter there would come others, so as in the end the Indians should be set at full liberty, 
Cruelty of the Spaniards 〈◊〉 the Indians.  whereat the Spaniards were so mad, as surcharging their subjects and vassals with insupportable travel they made them shrink under their burdens, and die. They say, that by the industry of these friars, the art of drawing and refining of sugar was much bettered and augmented, and therefore they were much honoured in Spain, as the authors and inventors of many profitable things.  
It happened at that time, that some without the privity of Cardinal Ximenes, had gotten leave of King Charles in Flaunders, to carry four hundred Ethiopian Moors to the islands, 
moors strong and fit for the war.  such as the Portugals were accustomed to bring into Spain, under colour that the art of drawing and trimming their sugars required great and strong labour, which the weak bodied Indians could not undergo: which the Cardinal understanding he presently advertised the King of the danger he foresaw therein; for these Moors are more strong and given to arms; wherefore he besought him to consider what a subject of sedition those men which had obtained this leave of him, carried to the Indians, a simple and rude people, who without doubt would learn of them to be hardy and warlike, and to rebel afterwards against the Spaniards. This council was contemned by the king, or rather by Monsieur de Che●res who governed him, thinking that the Cardinal did not so much blame their traffic of slaves for the good of the Common weal, as for that he being Governor of Spain, thought it should not be allowed without his privity; but he found afterwards by the event, how wise the cardinals advice was. For in the year one thousand five hundred and two and twenty, by the conspiracy of forty of these Moors, they did cause a servile war in the Island of Hispaniola, the which was hardly quenched by the virtue and diligence of Melchior de Castro, 
Navarre  and Francis d' A●ila Inhabitants there.  
20 The government of Castille was not yet assured from troubles, when as they had news, that john of Albret king of Navarre came with a great army of French, for the recovery of his realm, wherewith the Cardinal was troubled; having not sufficient forces to assure so many affairs: knowing well that D. Frederic of Acugna, viceroy of Navarre was not provided as he ought: wherefore by the advice, and at the request of the chief▪ noblemen, he gave the defence of the realm to D. Antonio Manrique de Lara, soon to D. Pedro Duke of Nagera, who willingly offered himself to take that charge in so dangerous a time, 
D Antonio Manrique de Lara viceroy of Navarre.  having his lands near unto Navarre, from whence ●e might draw speedy succours at all events: and it is a bruit continued from time to time that it was propounded in the council of Castille, not only to demantle all the Towns and places of strength within the realm, by reason of the mutinies which did rise at that time in Navarre, but also to leave the land waist to serve to feed their troops: 
Council barbarous to make the country of Navarre de●art  the demantling did afterwards take place, but as for the desolation of the fields it was held too barbarous. D. Inigo Fernandes of Velasco, Constable of Castille, an invereate enemy to the Duke of Nagera, sought to disappoint his son of his government, pretending that he had alliances, with the faction of Gramont, and did still fear the ruin of it: wherefore he made protestations against this decree made in Council, whereby the necessary provisions were so delayed in this apparent danger, as if the French had advanced with more speed, they might easily have been masters of Pampelone, and of the whole realm.  
Their army entering slowly by the Pyrenees on the side of Moya and Isana, it was stayed in the valley of Roncal, and defeated by the diligence of colonel D. Ferdinand Villal●a of Plaisance: The Marshal D. Pedro, who was the Leader, and his brother Diego Velez, with other Noblemen Navarrois, were taken and sent into Castille, to divers prisons, whilst that king john was at the siege of the Castle of Saint john, at the foot of the Pyrenee mountains, who hearing of the defeat of his men, returned into France, out of all hope ever to recover his realm. It was bruited, that there were found in a coffer amongst the marshals baggage that was taken, certain Letters of D. Lewis of Beaumond Constable of Navarre, and of other Noblemen Navarrois, who were grieved to see that ancient and noble Crown reduced to a province. Others say, that the countess D. Briande Manrique, his wife, sister to the Duke of Nagera, chosen Viceroy of Navarre, having discovered these practices, by certain papers which fell into their hands, she advertised Cardinal Ximenes, who gave commandment unto Frederic d' Acugna the Viceroy, to seize upon the Constable's person, but as captain Picarro would have laid hands on him, he escaped and stood upon his guard, until the coming of the Duke of Nagera his brother in law, to be Viceroy of the realm: for this cause the countess his wife durst never afterwards come in his company.  
The affairs of Navarre being assured for Castille by the defeat of the French army, 
Forts demanteled in Navarre.  the Cardinal caused them to begin to demantle the sorts throughout the realm, by the persuasion of colonel Villalua, or for that he had formerly conceived it in his fantasy, the which they that have come after have found profitable: for it is certain that the Navarrois could not forget their proprietary and lawful kings; and there is no doubt but if the forts had stood still, they would have sought means to rebel: but seeing themselves without any retreats, they have contained themselves: besides, in doing it, the Cardinal would spare a great expense, which he must have employed in the entertainment of so many garrisons, as was necessary in a Realm newly conquered: To conclude, all were demanteled and ruined, except the city of Pampelona, the Castle of Estella, and the towns of Lombier, and Pont de la Roine, which the Constable D. Lewis of Beaumond obtained for a time of his brother in law: the Castle of Marzille a place strong by situation and art, upon the river of Arragon, escaped this fury by the virtue of D. Anna of Velasco, marquess of Falses, who drew up the bridge against the Commissaries deputed for these demolitions, saying, that she would keep the place well until the coming of King Charles, and so hindered them.  
Among other buildings which fell in this calamity, the Convent of Saint Francis of Olita an ancient place, and reverenced, was much lamented. The death of colonel Villalua followed soon after, 
1517  suspected to have been advanced by the Constable Lewis of Beaumont, who meeting him near unto his house of Lerin upon the way to Estella, 
Death of Colonel Villalua  invited him to sup with him, where it was thought he had poison given him, whereof he died as soon as he came to Estella: This was for the hatred which he had purchased among all the Navarrois, for that he had been the instrument of the demanteling of the forts of Navarre.  
King john of Albret died also, 
1517  this year one thousand five hundred and seventeen, of grief, 
Death of john of Albret king of Navarre.  seeing his affairs desperate; and his body was laid in the Cathedral church of Lescar in Bearn, for his will was to be interred in the great church of saint Marie of Pampelona: His death happened five years nine months and twenty days after that he was dispossessed of his realm. The offices of colonel Villalua were confirmed to his son, by the intercession of Cardinal Ximenes, who gave this profitable council unto the king, to give the suruivancy of estates to their children that died in his service, as an encouragement to carry themselves well and faithfully in their charges: yet he was not of opinion to give him the place of Colonel which his father had, holding that this great power and commandment over many men, should not be suffered in arms, being the cause of confusion and disorder, being a natural thing and most necessary, said he, that all should look unto one head. Colonel Villalua was a valiant man, 
Qualities of Colonel Villalua  sudden and active, sharp witted, of a great courage, and a good soldier in all occasions: and as for his virtues they compared him to Hannibal, so the imperfection of his body did increase his fame, for he was blind of an eye, like unto Hannibal. Queen Catherine survived her husband about eight months, and ordained by her will that her body should be buried in the Cathedral church of Saint Marie of Pampelone, 
Death of queen Catherine of Navarre.  to preserve the right to the realm of Navarre, leaving Henry of Albret her son, heir thereof: She died at Mont de Marsan, being seven and forty years old: her body was left as it were in deposito, at Lescar in Beam, by her husband. Henry of Albret was then fourteen years old, and did entitle himself king of Navarre: the Viceroy of which realm at his entry into his government, assembled the estates at Pampelona, causing them to swear to king Charles of Austria, and to the queen D. joane his mother, he also swearing on their behalfs to observe the privileges of the country. And for that by reason of the faction, wherewith that realm had been in former times divided, they had been accustomed to choose a council or court of justice of like number, of either part of Gramont and Beaumond, the precedent of which council being chosen by lot out of one of the factions, did commonly oppress the contrary party, the Cardinal caused the order established first by king john of Albret, and continued by king Ferdinand to be followed: which was to give them a Precedent that was a stranger, notwithstanding the Navarrois did solicit in the king's court in Flanders, to have the ancient custom practised again. He also took the government of Pampelone from an Arragonois, called Ferrera, and gave it to a Castillan, letting the king understand that the Arragonois & Navarrois did always disagree. He did also resist the Cardinal of Albret, who through the pope's favour would enjoy his bishopric of Pampelone, from whence he had been expelled.  
21 Navarre being pacified, 
Castille.  there grew troubles in the realm of Granado, by reason of the rights and justice of the Admiralty. It is an ancient order in Spain, as in many other realms, 
Admiralty in Castille and the jurisdiction.  that the admiral hath charge of the Seacoasts, and of arms and war at sea, and of civil and criminal justice over all seafaring men, as well Mariners, & passengers as Soldiers. And therefore in every Province which lies upon the sea, where there are ports, ships, & any commerce he hath his judges, as at Sevile, Malaga, and such like, & sets up gibbets and other such marks of supreme justice. They of Malaga had often tried in the time of king Ferdinand to free themselves from this jurisdiction, and to abolish it in their town, saying, that it did but hinder justice, and give way to ill livers, to avoid deserved punishment: for in Sea-townes whither men come from divers places, and many times uncivil, if any one be called in question for any crime, he requires to be sent unto the admirabltie, and most commonly by these declinatories escapes the punishment that should be inflicted upon him by the royal judges. In like manner the garrisons which were upon the Seacoasts did abuse these things, appealing sometime from the king's justice, sometimes from the admiralty. Being not able to obtain any provision therein from king Ferdinand, at such time as the Cardinal governed, they sent into Flanders, to get an abolition of this justice from king Charles of Austria. But, as a multitude having once a desire, hath no patience, order nor mean, those of Malaga, without expecting of any answer, 
Tumult at Malaga.  did tumultuously chase away the judges and beat down the gibbets, and all other marks of the Admiralty in their town and jurisdiction: whereof the high admiral complained to Cardinal Ximenes, who was Regent, and to the council, who thinking by admonitions and threats to suppress the heat of this people, they received answer, that they would not submit themselves to any judgement touching the differences betwixt them and the admiral, until that king Charles their sovereign lord were arrived in Spain: and meaning to maintain themselves in this opinion against any force that should be offered them, they took arms, and planted all the artillery they had upon their towers & walls, making one piece of admirable greatness, by a general contribution of the people, whereon they did grave these words in latin, Malacitanae libertatis Assertores, F. C. that is to say, the defenders of the Malaquins liberty have caused it to be made. The multitude was entertained in this rebellion for a time, by some of their citizens, to whom the Flemish lords that were near unto the king's person, did write letters, and promise favour: but the Cardinal after that he had used all mild remedies, sent an army of the legionaries, 
Malaquins' suppressed.  according to his institution, in the which were 6000 foot and 400 horse, led by D. Anthonio de la Cueva: whereupon the Malaquins fainting, when as the army came but to Antequera, they sent word that they were ready to obey the Cardinal's commandments, sending two deputies unto him, who in the city's name be sought him to take them to mercy, and to abstain from blood. D Anthony having advertised the Cardinal of the Malaquins submission, he had commandment to end matters with mildness and clemency, and to yield all he might unto them, preserving the king's honour and dignity. There were five of the chief authors of the sedition hanged, & the rest were pardoned. Of which things the Cardinal did advertise the king, letting him understand how prejudicial it would be to the commonweal, if this council of Flanders did so easily undo that which had been concluded with mature deliberation in the council of Spain; beseeching him therein to have a care of his authority, 
governors should be maintained in their reputation.  the which was joined to the royal authority, holding, that the chiefest foundation of the public peace, did consist in the reputation of the governor.  
22 In Castille john Velasques of Cuellar, superintendant of the treasure, son to doctor Guttiere Velasques, sought to keep the castle of Arevalo by force, which place the queen D. Isabel, wife to king john the second, had had for her dwelling, and had been committed, as also the affairs of the widow queen, 
Contention for the town of Arevalo.  to the custody of doctor Guttiere, & then to his son after his death: but the Cardinal had newly, by the advice of king Charles, given that place, with Olmedo, Madrigal, and Sancta Maria de Nieva, with their revenues, unto queen German, widow to king Ferdinand, in exchange of 30000 ducats of rent which the king her husband had left her by his will, to be taken out of the revenues of Naples: whereupon Velasques seeing himself put from the possession of the Castle of Arevalo, which he did think should have been perpetual, he durst presume to hold it by force, being priest thereunto by D. Maria of Velasco his wife, who was at that times as much hated of Q. German, as she had been formerly beloved: and favoured by her; besides that many noblemen desiring to see Velasques advanced, either for love, or for alliance that was betwixt them, & not greatly affecting queen germane; they encouraged him to commit this insolency, promising him aid at all events: but such promises are most commonly vain & defective, when as the sovereign magistrate pursues his right, every man fearing when it comes to a matter of fact, to incur the punishment of a rebel. Against this purpose of Velasques, the Cardinal, after his accustomed manner, used all mild courses, causing the king to write kind letters unto him, and this prevailing little, he afterwards added threats: but he gave more credit to his wife, & to the persuasions of the admiral, the constable, the earl of Benavent, the duke of the Infantazgo & others, who envied the cardinal, of which the admiral showed letters signed by them all, promising that if the Cardinal attempted any thing against the town of Arevalo, they would send him succours, & therefore the Inhabitants should take courage to maintain themselves under the jurisdiction of the crown, rather than to receive a woman for their lady & mistress, being assured that k. Charles, being in the country, he would like of their constancy, and dispose otherwise of their affairs. The inhabitants of Arevalo being animated hereby, they rejected all good Council: wherefore the Cardinal sent an Alcaide of the court thither, with some soldiers, to reduce them to their duties, who summoned them by a trumpet to obey the king's commandment, else he would proceed against them with all rigour, as rebels, & would make Velascos' process condemning him as a traitor, which note should pass to all his posterity; & would confiscate his goods. These sommations being reiterated according to the form of justice, & with solemnities and ceremonies, Velasco seeing that neither the admiral nor the other noblemen, which had promised him so much assistance, did not make any offer to defend him, he thought it better for him to yield unto the Alcaide, them to attend the rigour of arms, or the proceeding of justice, wherefore he dismissed the soldiers which were in garrison in the Castle; the which with the town were delivered up unto Alcaide. Some days after Velasques went to court, & submitted himself & his affairs to the Cardinal's pleasure, who received him courteously, promising him all assistance & favour to the king, & did comfort him for the great afflictions which he had suffered, especially for the late death of his eldest son, which grief did soon bring him to his end at Madrid, although some did say that he was poisoned.  
These things done in favour of the royal authority, by Cardinal Ximenes, he found means to maintain them of Arevalo & Olmedo in their privileges and liberties, & to keep them from coming into the power of Q. German, whom he did not love, for that he saw himself contemned by her, & that she did incline to the party of the Infant D. Ferdinand, & of his governors, who were opposite unto him: whereupon he did write unto king Charles in Flanders, showing him by old & new examples how much it did import for the safety of Castille, that Arevalo & Olmedo places of strength and fit to trouble the realm should remain united to the crown, & not be in the possession of any private lord, objecting that which D. john king of Navarre & Arragon, had attempted, by the opportunity of those two places, against D. john 2 king of Castille: saying moreover, that Q.  had cause content herself with the large revenues of Madrigal alone, wherewith she had been satisfied before the troubles of Arevalo: That if he had suppressed the inhabitants & Velasques, it was more to teach them to obey the king's commandment, than for that he thought it expedient that place should be given to the queen, to whom he had granted it, before he was truly advertised of the estate of her affairs; adding to his letters a copy of the privileges granted by ancient kings to the towns of Arevalo and Olmedo: wherefore he did easily obtain from the kings, that which he pretended; at the least he kept these towns in their liberty, and caused the matter to be deferred until his coming.  
23 The pitiful estate of D. joane queen of Castille, 
Estate of queen joan of Castille, mother to king Charles.  did much trouble the Cardinal Ximenes, being afflicted with a miserable infirmity; for this princess was possessed with a cruel melancholic humour, so as she led a most lamentable life in the castle of Tordesillas, whereas k. Ferdinand her father had lodged her, a pleasant & commodious place. Lewis Ferrier of Valencia had charge of her, being also captain of the castle of Tordesillas, but he was unfit for such a business; for whether by his slowness, growing by reason of his age, or through ignorance, he could never get her to lodge in any pleasant and well aired chamber of the castle, but would always lurk in dark and obscure places near the ground, fit to entertain and augment her melancholic humour: she did abhor soft and delicate beds, and would lie upon the ground, and if she did lay herself upon a board covered with a Carpet, it was by great importunity: it was not possible to make her wear a furred gown in winter, 
Ambition reigning in Queen joane.  nor any thing that was rich: She was often three days together without eating; neither could the prayers nor persuasions of her Servants prevail any thing with her: she often complained that she was kept like a prisoner, and that they withheld her from the government of affairs, like a private person.  
The Cardinal was much grieved for these things; & somewhat to remedy it, holding for certain that the negligence of Lewis Ferrier did feed the malice of her infirmity, he dismissed him by reason of his great age, putting in his place Ferdinand Duca called Strate, of Talavera, a man of a Noble family, wise and well advised, who carried himself so discreetly in his charge, as in a short time he did moderate this violent humour in the Queen, and got her to be content to have her chamber made clean, and many earthen dishes wherein they did commonly serve her to be carried away: for she had an humour to make them leave the dishes full of meat in her chamber, not suffering them to carry any one away, so as the meat corrupting, made a stinking savour: then by little he procured her to lie in a bed; he persuaded her to go abroad to church, and made her to have some feeling and apprehension that she was a Queen, and so acknowledged: and so by little and little made her familiar, & brought her to a more mild and human kind of life: the which did much please king Charles her son, who thanked Cardinal Ximenes by his letters.  
The displeasure which Lewis Ferrier had conceived for his displacing, was augmented by the dismission of his son, from the government of Toledo, for his misdemeanours and negligence, which caused infinite confusions; in whose place the earl of Palma, of the family of Portocarrero was made governor, a man worthy of great honour, who was received notwithstanding the oppositions of the faction of Ayala: for the city of Toledo, hath been long divided into two factions of Sylva and of Ayala. This was pacified by the diligence of the earl of Fuensalida, who was one of the heads of it, a dear friend to Cardinal Ximenes. Doctor Gallego being sent to Toledo to inform of the life and behaviour of the governor of Ferrier, 
Ministers of justice punished exemplary.  displaced by the Cardinal and the king's council, by a memorable example, and showing his ancient severity, he caused some officers and ministers of justice to be publicly whipped, being convicted of corruption and other crimes, and would have punished Arroios' treasurer of the Calatrava more grievously, if he had not fled away, being accused of infinite villainies, rapes, & violences committed about his commandery of Zoria; whereof being deprived by sentence, the Cardinal gave it unto Sancho Cabrera. By these offices of peity and justice, the Cardinal made himself to be obeyed, feared, beloved and reverenced in Castille, keeping the realm in peace, and providing in the mean time for those things which might serve for future and unexpected accidents. He appointed arcenals or storehouses for artillery, engines, and all munition of war, in three places of Spain: 
Storehouses for munition in Spain.  At Medina del Campo, beyond the mountains, in Castille the old: in the realm of Toledo, at Alcala of Henares; and at Malaga in Granado, that when any tumult or sedition should arise, they might have speedy means to suppress it: As for that of Medina del Campo, it is most certain that it was then made. He had an humour to have coined a piece of money, on the which should be graven the Image of Saint Francis, but the king's council holding it to be somewhat ambitious in the Cardinal, who was a friar, opposed themselves. He began a commendable and most profitable thing in all great estates, that is, he obtained a decree from king Charles, by the which there was commandment given to bring in all sort of registers, accounts, memorial, instructions, & such like writings, 
Search of ancient writings by Cardinal Ximenes.  concerning the public affairs, of the realm, or the state of the king's house, which might be in the hands of the counsellors and sovereign judges, or of those which had been employed in embassages to foreign Princes and commonweals, and other persons whatsoever, to be kept in certain places, to be used when time and necessity should require: the which if it had been executed, posterity had been better satisfied of that which had passed in precedent times, and better informed of that which was to be done. By some little which was done according to this decree, the Cardinal came to the knowledge of many things, especially of that which concerned the military orders of Spain, as the revenues & ancient rights of the masters, & of their tables, of the common money of commanderies, & the duties of commanders & their justice and Chapters; which things were unknown to the king's officers, the masterships' having been retained and held by kings, and then annexed to the crown: so as there were infinite frauds and abuses committed, which gave occasion to the great commanders of those orders, to make oppositions, and to seek to exempt themselves out of the cardinals power, yea of the king himself: the provision of Co●●●deries, was one of the quarrels which they debated, saying, that it should be Canonically done, according unto the orders which they held, and not given to any, but to them of them orders, respectively: but it is hard to kick against the power of kings: wherefore all that the commanders could allege was easily refelled by the Cardinal, who could give good interpretations to their Papal Bulls, and other instructions which they produced. Through the cardinals diligence, by the revision of the ancient accounts, he found that there had been embezzled from the king above forty Millions of Maravidis every year, 
Husbandry of Cardinal Ximenes.  the fraud consisting chief in that the commanders were in old time to assist their masters in the wars against the moors, with a certain number of Soldiers entertained at their charges, the which they concealed, and freed themselves, leaving the care and charge to the king. Finding that some towns belonging to these masterships had been usurped, he restored them to the king's revenues, wherein he did chief make use of the labour and diligence of Tovilla and Cabrera, commanders of the orders of Calatrava. He made inquiry of the manners and carriage of the judges of those orders, and censured them, displacing some, and instituting others: He had resolved to do the like to them of the Chanceries and great councils, as well following the court, as of Vailledolit, Granado, Gallcia, and others, with special commandment from the king, which he had procured to that end: he did with great diligence and severity cut off many gifts, fees and entertainments, which were not greatly necessary▪ the which did much ease the king's coffers, not fearing to offend his greatest and dearest friends, for the profit of his Prince, whereby he purchased many enemies: finally, imitating the emperor Severus, a most worthy Prince, he would not have any one receive wages from the king, nor to have an office in the state, that were not profitable and necessary for the commonweal; and he disappointed all those rats, which did but devour, retaining only in court, the judges or Councillors of the great Chanc●lie, the officers and ordinary ministers of the royal Palace, the garrisons of the frontiers, the four provosts of justice▪ whom they call Alcaydes, and their archers, the marshal of the lodgings, and harbingers, guards of the body, and such like. But it is doubtful touching the taking away of officers fees, whether he did it of his own motion, or by the king's commandment: for he complained by some letters to the king, for that they gave him always an odious charge to take away, and never to give any thing. But howsoever, he was of opinion that sparing was most necessary and commendable in a prince, who must consider that all that he spends comes out of the bowels of his people, complaining greatly that in less than four months that he had begun to govern the realm, king Charles had given away above eighteen millions of Maravidis. 
Multitude of officers in the treasury is hurtful to the realm.  Above all things, he held that a multitude of Collectors and receivers, and a great number of treasurers were very pernicious and hurtful to a state: wherefore he desired that some man of a noble house, diligent and expert, were made superintendant of all the king's money, whose charge should be to distribute the ordinary expenses, as need should require, and to reserve the remainder, to be employed in unexpected affairs, and in liberlities well employed by king; and under him such a number of deputies as should be necessary: He held, that it was a great confusion in the managing of the treasure, to invert and employ one kind of money to another use than it had been assigned: of which rules he did continually advertise the king his master by his letters, and gave an account of his government, showing with how little charge, in a small time that he had been his lieutenant in Castille, he had effected great matters; He had pacified the tumults in Andalusia, repulsed the French in Navarre, suppressed the contempt and rebellion of the Malaquins, held the frontiers well manned, cleansed the sea from pirates, and assured the coast, made an enterprise against Alge●, freed Bugia, Peg●on and Melille from fear and the assaults of Horusco Barberousse, succoured Argille for the king of Portugal, and with all discharged great debts, which D. Ferdinand his grandfather did owe. That if he with a limited authority, and for another, amidest the envy and crosses of his ill willers, could effect such great matters, by the means of sparing & good husbandry, much more might he do it, who was a king, and whose greatness was without the touch of envy.  
26 As for the expedition of Alger, 
1517  whereof he makes mention in his letters, it had not been very happy: 
Alger held by Horusco Barberousse.  it was after this manner. Alger a sea town which some hold to be Cirte, the chief of the realm of juba and Syphax, but they are deceived: Others say it was the Colony of Salde in Mauritania Cesariensis: it was then in a manner tributary to the Spaniards, but it was much afflicted by the dissension, of two brethren Moors, who contended for the Seigneurie. The inhabitants desirous to shake off this yoke, had called Horusco Barberousse to defend their liberties, who running along the coast of Africa, with his younger bother Haredin, had been lately repulsed from Bugia, a Spanish town, with the loss of an army, about the death of king Ferdinand. This famous Pirate having thus seized upon that city, commodious for theft & Piracies, he made himself king of Alger, having slain Celim the lawful prince, and then he began to spoil upon the coast of Spain, and did not only molest the Christians, but he did tyrannize over the petty kings of Africa of his own sect: so as he undertook to pispossesse Albuzeven king of Tunis, whom having slain, he pursued I●hia his son so near, as he forced him to leave the country, and to fly into Spain, where addressing himself unto Cardinal Ximenes, and relating his misery unto him, he besought him that he might recover his ancestors realm. The Cardinal having given him good hope, caused men to be levied in Spain, and galleys and ships to be made ready to pass into Africa, against this Pirate Barberousse: the charge of which army he gave to Diego Vera, master of the ordnance, a rash and indiscreet man, but it was first refused by Ferdinand Andrado, who excused himself, holding it perilous to lead new men and unexperienced (such as the Cardinal meant to send to the war.) The army of Diego Vera, being about eight thousand men, having weighed anchor they came near unto Alger in October: The Moors being long before advertised of this preparation which was made against them, were ready to stop their landing, and at all events had manned the town of Alger with good soldiers, both of horse and foot, among the which there were six hundred Turkish archers, very good soldiers, whom Horusco had brought out of Asia for his ordinary guard. Diego Vera approaching near the town, he divided his army into four parts, against the advice of other Captains, the which was very hurtful unto him, for the Barbarians were in all places stronger than the Assayants, either in assault, sally or skirmish: so as the Christian army was chased and dispersed with a horrible slaughter, Diego Vera having abandoned all, and hiding himself with his son a good part of the day among the rocks, he saved himself in the first vessel that he found at anchor: and being returned into Spain he was received of all men with ●aunts and scoffs, the children singing songs in the streets, to his dishonour and disgrace, saying, that Diego Vera was to weak to wrestle against Horusco, who had but one arm, with such like. After which the Spaniards were never successful in any enterprise against Alger.  
The news of this rout was brought to Cardinal Ximenes, when as he was disputing in an assembly of Divines: and they say, that having read the letters, he showed no sign of heaviness, but said only, that the Spanish army had been defeated in Africa, but God be thanked, the loss was not great: for Spain by this means should be purged of a great number of lewd insolent companions, whom he had sent in this expedition, remembering what king Ferdinand was wont to say, that it was necessary after a time to send men out of the country to some foreign war: for it was like a po●ion of Rhubarb to a man's body, which carried away all sharp and choleric humours hindering the sweet harmony of the whole constitution: so did Pericles that famous captain of the Athenians use to do, and other men of worth: he made the loss less in certain letters written unto the king, saying, that there were but a thousand of the whole army slain and taken prisoners, laying the whole blame upon Diego Vera.  
27 About that time and not far from the war of Alger, 
Edict against the Genovois traffiking into Spain.  there was a cruel edict made against the Genovois trafiquing in the towns and ports of Spain, by the which they were commanded to void the country within a short space, upon pain of confiscation of their goods & loss of their lives: the cause was the error & indiscretion of some, aswell Spaniards, as Genovois, but the fault was chief in D. Berenguelo, lord of Muscot a Cattellan commander of the Spanish galleys. And thus it was, there was a captain of a brigantine or foist, 
Cause of the Edict against the Genousois.  named john Rive, borne at Toledo, who being not employed in the king's service, did steal at sea both from friend and enemy; so as meeting on a time certain merchants ships of Genova, having an advantage over them in a calm, he had put them to ransom: for the which the Genovois having made their complaints, being friends to Spain, they attended but an occasion to make john Rive repair this injury, and to punish him as he deserved. It happened that three great ships of Genova, being in the port of Carthagena, to carry away wools, at the same time the commonweal of Genova had sent forth three galleys well furnished with men and ordnance, as well for the safety of those merchants ships, as to seek out the pirate john Rive, who had spoiled their companions: and as by chance all these vessels of Genova were at Carthagena, behold the Spanish army arrives, being commanded by D. Berenguelo, with whom john Rive was, who was presently known by the Genovois, and therefore they addressed themselves to D. Berenguelo, entreating him to deliver him unto them, who had ransomed and spoiled them, to the end they might represent him to the justice, or punish him themselves, according to the league betwixt the deceased kings of Arragon and the commonweal of Genova. Whereof D. Berenguelo, through his arrogancy, and also for that he was a Cattelan, 
Refusal of justice cause of a great tumult in Spain.  and by consequence an enemy to the Genovois, made no reckoning. Wherewith the Genovois being incensed, following after the foist of john Rive, they did so ply her with their canon, as they had almost sunk her. D. Berenguelo growing in a rage for this fact, leaving the Genovois galleys which were armed, and had committed the fault, he went against the Genovois ships which lay in the port, to assail them, who presently put their boa●s down into the water with certain pieces of ordnance, and put themselves in defence. D. Berenguelo, when he saw them in fight, left them, and went to land. There was a furious encounter betwixt the Genovois and the galleys of Spain, wanting their head; two of them were so ill handled with their great shot, as the one sunk, and the other, being all broken, ran on ground, and was also lost. The town (being moved at this noise, and solicited by the cries of D. Berenguelo, saying, That they must not in any sort suffer so great an outrage, which was against the Majesty of the king, that strangers should presume to assail his galleys in the port of Carthagena) was presently all in arms: the fight grew so hot, as the town against the Genovois galleys and ships, and they against the town, shot continually one at another, making a pitiful ruin of buildings, and killing of men, until that night parted them. The cardinal took this fact of the Genovois very ill, as contemners of him and of the king his master; being also displeased with D. Berenguelo, whereupon followed that edict. He also sought by all means unto the king, to have D. Berenguelo deprived of the charge of the galleys, showing his unworthiness of such a commander, and the great fault which he had committed: and also that the truce of an hundred years, concluded betwixt the kings of Arragon, and the commonwele of Genova being expired, it seemed they would revive with great hatred, the old quarrel for the island of Sardinia. D. Berenguelo, besides that he had friends and favourers in the Court of Flanders, he made the cardinals pursuit in vain, 
Victory of D. Berenguelo against the Turks  by a victory which he got soon after against four Turkish galleys, the fight continuing almost a whole day, which was the only remarkable thing he did in six years space, that he had been general of the galleys. The commonweal of Genova sent ambassadors into Flanders, to king Charles, excusing themselves of this fact, and saying, That it was the fault of private men, and not of the city, against whom they had proceeded by way of justice, condemning the commanders and captains to lose their lives, and the soldiers and mariners to other punishments, according to their merits, as soon as they should be returned home: But God prevented the execution of their decrees, for these vessels being retired to the port of Vill●●●anche near to Nice, they had by a sudden whirlwind been swallowed up in the sea, with the loss of above three hundred men. Wherefore they besought the king, seeing that these wicked breakers of the public league, were divinely punished, that he would be pleased to grant a restitution of their goods which had been seized on in Spain, and disannul that rigorous Edict. King Charles pacified by this embassage, pardoned the offence, and revoked the Edict, against the cardinals will, who was very obstinate in that which he had once conceived, and did still solicit the king to breed jealousies in his head against that commonweal, 
Cardinal Ximenes an enemy to the Genovois.  and to bring them into disgrace with him; saying, that they had intelligence with the French: giving infinite crosses to these poor Genovois. Yet in the end, by their diligence and perseverance, 
Edict against the Genovois revoked.  they justified themselves, and obtained restitution, and an abolition of the Edict, the cardinal, their adversary (being somewhat pacified) consenting thereunto. He opposed himself with great vehemency, against the pursuits of the new Christians (as they call them) in Court, that the judgements of the Inquisition might be executed against them, touching that which concerns witnesses, according to the form of other criminal causes; for the accused were not allowed to except against the witnesses, which were not confronted against them, 
Proceeding unjust against the accused by the Inquisition.  nor yet named: which gave occasion and boldness unto judges, which were greedy of the blood and wealth of these poor men, to commit many cruelties and abuses in their charges. Finally, this cardinal did so labour with the king and Pope, whereas they of Arragon were also suitors, as the laws of the tribunal of the Inquisition, practised in the time of king Ferdinand, remained firm.  
29 About that time there fell out a great debate in the city of Siguensa, 
Contention for the bishopric of Siguensa.  for the restitution of the cardinal D. Bernardin of Caruajal, sometimes bishop of that sea, whereof he had been deprived by Pope julio, by reason of the Council of Pisa. Cardinal Ximenes favouring his reintegration to his dignity, goods, and honours, made by Pope Leo, he had for opposite D. Frederic of Portugal, subrogated into that bishopric, after the deposition of D. Bernardin, who would not leave 〈◊〉 So as some holding with cardinal Car●aial, and others with D. Frederic, the diocese was divided, & their contentions came to arms. The place where the greatest excess was committed, was Almazan, a town of the earl of Montagus jurisdiction, whither they were resolved to send an Alcayde of the Court, to suppress this tumult. This Alcaide called Ferdinand Calderon, showed himself so cruel in his proceed against this poor people, as the earl their lord telling him, that his too great severity should rather be called outrage then justice: and having by sundry messages advertised the king's Council, and besought them, to command Calderon to retire: but seeing that they made no account of it, he came himself, well accompanied to Almazan, and forced him to leave the town. Wherewith the Council, especially doctor Adrian, who was now a cardinal, and companion to cardinal Ximenes in the government of Castille, being incensed, sent a personal adjournement for the earl of Montagu, and meant to make his process, as having offended the king's Majesty. But cardinal Ximenes opposed himself, showing that he might lawfully do that which he had done, seeing that upon his many complaints made unto the Council, against the excess of Ferdinand Calderon there was no order taken: and so he caused this pursuit to cease. The difference for the bishopric of Siguensa, ended in like manner, by the death of D. Guttiere of Toledo, bishop of Plaisance: which place was given to the cardinal of Caruajal, and D. Frederic left in the possession of Siguensa. And for that the governments of cities and provinces of Spain, had been for a long time distributed confusedly, & without distinction of persons, 
Nobility instituted to command.  whether noble or unnoble, it was concluded to restore the ancient custom, and conformable to nature, that nobility instituted to command, and to exercise honourable charges, should be employed: wherefore there were many changes of old governors throughout all Spain. True it is, that the Biscanes and they of Palence had no gentlemen at that time, but two famous Lawyers for their governors, that is, Leon and Gallego. In some places cardinal Ximenes was prevented by such as obtained them by the king's favour, and of the Flemish courteors; wherewith he was much discontented, especially for the government of Burgos, the which was given without his privity to D. Pedro of Castille, who delivered the fort of Lara into the hands of the Sheriffs and Commonalty of the town, and they gave the guard thereof to I●ffrey of Conde, a Fleming, who had been marshal of the lodging to the deceased king Philip, an inconstant man, and a prater, and therefore much hated by cardinal Ximenes. Of this and of many other things done by D. Pedro, 
Cardinal Ximenes impatient of injuries, by reason of 〈…〉.  he made sundry complaints unto the king. So impatient he was of any injury, as ●e thought that whatsoever king Charles ordained, touching the affairs of Spain, if it came not from him, and his advertisements and counsels, it was done in contempt of him, condemning it as pernicious, and as subjects of seditions; accusing the noblemen and counsellors of Flander of rashness, who being ignorant of the laws and manners of the Spaniards, meddled with the disposition of the governments of Spain, the which did wholly depend of the viceroys authority and reputation, and of the king's council which was in the country. He did honour and cherish doctor Adrian Florent very much, for that he yielded unto him: He procured him the bishopric of Tortosa, the which made his way to a cardinals hat, and afterwards to the Papacy. He sought also by all means to procure him the dignity of Inquisitor general of Arragon, as he himself had that of Castille; but he could not. The secretary Mote of Burgos, a divine, was very dear unto him, whom he made bishop of Badajos, and would have made him cardinal, and Archbishop of Toledo, had not the cardinal died so soon, which hindered him from enjoying of those dignities whereof he held himself sure, but he was deceived. Moat had been preacher to king Philip, after whose decease he would have retired into Flanders, for that in hatred of the king D. Ferdinand, he and all the servants of the deceased, sought to draw the Emperor Maximilian into Spain, to contend for the government of those realms, for prince Charles his grand child. To have the better access unto the young prince's court, he begged letters of favour almost from all the chief noblemen of Spain. King Ferdinand knowing that this preacher was full of spleen against him, yet would he not hinder his voyage for Flanders, showing therein a generous mind: but he gave order, that when he should be ready to departed, all his letters of recommendation should be stol●e from him; the which was cunningly performed by the care of D. Bernardin of Velasco, the king's son in law, who had great means in that city to do it. Moat not discovering what was done, goes on his way, and being arrived in Flanders, where they were already advertised that he should come, accompanied with many letters of favour, when he opened his male he found not any, whereat he was much abashed, and therefore for a time was held of all those courteors for a man of a shallow brain. Notwithstanding his virtue and eloquence made him a way to king Charles his favour, and advanced him to honour, by the means of cardinal Ximenes: who also procured honours and titles to many others, whose qualities and behaviour were pleasing unto him, as to D. john Pacheco, son to the earl of Escalona, the title of earl of Saint Stephen; to D. William Peres of Ajala, that of earl of Gomera, which is one of the islands of the Canaries, which he obtained of the king for him. Such was the government and carriage of cardinal Ximenes, who was feared and respected both of great and small in Castille.    

❧ THE 27 BOOK OF THE History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 DIsagreement betwixt cardinal Ximenes and the noblemen of Flanders. Three governors in Castille.  
2 Seditions in Castille, under pretext of the Flemings greediness.  
3 Exactions of the Pope hindered by cardinal Ximenes.  
4 Process ambitiously ended by cardinal Ximenes, among the great men. Contempt of justice, rebellions, and other insolences suppressed by him.  
5 Profanation of the order of cardinals by Pope Leo.  
6 Cardinal Francis Ximenes poisoned, by his enemies.  
7 Reformation of the house of the Infant D. Ferdinand, brother to king Charles of Austria, by cardinal Ximenes.  
8 Arrival of king Charles of Austria in Spain. Disgrace, discharge, and death of cardinal Ximenes.  
9 Behaviour and qualities of cardinal Ximenes.  
10 Bible printed in Spain in many languages, by the diligence of cardinal Ximenes.  
11 Buildings made by this cardinal.  
12 Estates at Vailledolit. Crowning of Charles of Austria king of Castille.  
13 Election of Charles of Austria to be Emperor: his departure out of Spain.  
14 Sedition in Castille against cardinal Adrian and the governors.  
15 Enterprise of king Henry of Albret, for the recovery of his realm of Navarre. The taking of Pampelone.  
16 The beginning and progress of the Jesuits.  
17 Sect of Theatines' differing from the Jesuits.  
18 Unfortunate exploits of the lord of Asperraut in Navarre.  
19 Another expedition of the French into Guipuscoa, under the lord of Bonivet: and the taking of Fontarrabie.  
20 Adrian Pope. Continuance of the war of Navarre. The emperors return into Spain.  
21 Fontarraby recovered by the Spaniards. The governors of that fort successively unto our time  
22 Taking of king Francis at Pavis.  
23 Marriage of the Emperor Charles the fift.  
24 Rome sacked by the Spaniards.  
25 Marriage of king Henry of Albret with Marguerite of France.  
26 Navigation of Ferdinand Magellanes to the South.  
27 Marriage of duke Charles of Savoy, and D. Beatrix of Portugal.  
28 D▪ john the third of that name, and 15 king of Portugal.  
29 Continuation of the navigation to the East, and the wonderful voyage of john Sebastian del Cano.  
30 Marriage of D. john king of Portugal, with D. Katherine, sister to the Emperor Charles.  
31 Unprofitable voyage of the Castillans to the Mol●cques.  
32 Treaty of Cambray.  
33 Coronation of the Emperor at Bolonia.  
34 Peru discovered.  
35 Muley Hascen, king of Tunes, expelled by Barberousse, and restored by the Emperor.  
36 Voyage of Provence by the Emperor.  
37 Portugals assailed by the Turks in the East.  
38 Interview of Pope, Emperor, and French king, at Nice.  
39 Troubles for the impost in divers places.  
40 emperors voyage to Algiers.  
41 War betwixt the Emperor and French king, and then a peace concluded.  
42 Muley Hascen, king of Tunes, again dispossessed.   
For the continuance of the royal lines of Spain in this seven and twentieth Book, mention is made for 

CASTILLE, of LEON, ARRAGON, NAVARRE.  
23 D. Charles 1.— 44 the same 1.— 21 the same 1.— 37 the same 4.    
THe severity and integrity of cardinal Ximenes, in the government of affairs, could not be long supportable to the Spaniards, who are haughty and proud, and accustomed to serve their kings being present; and much less to the Flemings, who were near unto king Charles, who desirous to make use of their credit and authority, did still busy themselves with the great affairs of Spain, and made their profit, to the cardinals great grief, he opposing himself against them in all he could: so as all things tended to confusion, as well among the Spaniards, who desired the coming of their prince into the country, the which might quench many quarrels, and content those that did envy the cardinals greatness, as with the noblemen Flemings, who entertained the king in Flanders, upon divers colours, thinking it a fit means to compass their designs, if he did not undertake this voyage; and in truth these had the advantage, the king being in their power. And to take some course for the mischiefs which he feared might happen in Spain, by reason of the king's absence, 
The lord of Chaux third governor in Spain by the procurement of doctor Adrian.  it was concluded to send the lord of Chaux thither, who had been much favoured by king Philip, and was chamberlain to Charles his son; a man fit to entertain a prince with pleasant discourse, and to keep him company, than to manage the great affairs of a kingdom. To him was given the third place in the government of Castille, with cardinal Ximenes, and doctor Adrian, who had procured the coming of this third, writing into Flanders, That he was not sufficient to resist cardinal Ximenes, a haughty man, who (not able to endure a companion) did manage all things at his pleasure. The coming of Chaux was very pleasing to the noblemen, and to the people of Spain, who were discontented with the cardinal, and he was received with all royal honours, against the which the cardinal did not in any sort oppose himself, showing therein, as in all other things, a great magnanimity and constancy, although he knew that he was sent to check his authority and greatness. All the great noblemen of Spain, without attending any commandment from cardinal Ximenes the Viceroy, went to meet him, being accompanied with great numbers of their friends and vassals: and coming near to Madrid, there went forth to encounter him, doctor Adrian, accompanied with two of the Pope's Nonces, the bishop of Burgos, D. Anthony Fonseca, his brother, and by the commanders of the military orders, having with them a great train of commanders of every order, the Rector or governor of the town, the Sheriffs and most apparent burgesses, the ambassadors or deputies of Arragon, the royal Council, the Inquisition, the chamber of accounts, and other officers of the king's house, every one going in his rank and order, with whom there joined the bishop of Auila, with the cardinals train: And of noblemen, the marquess of Villena, the earl of Vregna, the marquess of Comares and Aguilar, D. Bertrand de la Cueva, eldest son to the duke of Alb●querque, the earl of Orepesa, and others. Such as were not there were kept back by a disease which did run generally over all Spain. Cardinal Ximenes, in regard of his place of Viceroy, stayed in the palace, and received monsieur de Chaux, at the entry of the great chamber of the lodging, which was prepared for him, and that night he feasted him with great state, and entertained him with much pleasant discourse, lodging him for that time in the chamber where the bishop of Auila was accustomed to lodge, for that the Infant D. Ferdinand, the widow queen German, and the cardinal, were commonly lodged in the castle, and held a great part of it. Thus was this nobleman received and honoured, being the first that was sent into Spain with authority, since that Charles of Austria took upon him the title of king. The great lords of Spain came to visit monsieur de Chaux, and courted him: but the cardinal had no great care to impart the affairs unto him, nor to call him, unless he came of himself, yet holding still the first place in all expeditions, the which he made known to him and doctor Adrian; who having on a time signed some dispatches, 
Cardinal Xi●●enes maintains his authority resolutely.  leaving a place for the cardinal to sign under them, being presented unto him thus signed, he tore them in pieces, and caused others to be made, and signed them above, the which were of as great effect▪ And thus he continued until the kings coming, although before he would have doctor Adrian sign all things with him.  
1 The Flemish nobility being advertised of this harsh proceeding, it made them think, that this cardinal would one day trouble both them and the king: wherefore to abate (as they thought) his greatness, they procured to have a fourth sent into Spain, under colour of some private business, with equal authority to the rest. This was Ar●astof, a man that was some what grave: yet they might say, that of all that company the cardinal was most judicious, and continued his accustomed course, notwithstanding any thing that they could do. But they stayed not here, for they often resolved in Flanders, to send some great prince to govern Spain, to whom the cardinal should be forced to yield; or some other of judgement and understanding, to oppose him against this great spirit. Some were of opinion to entreat the Emperor Maximilian to take upon him this charge; others, Lewis, co●t Palatin, allied to the king; and some, to give the authority to the Infant D. Ferdinand: many gave their voices to the Chancellor Sau●age. As for Maximilian, he was engaged in the wars of Italy: to advance Ferdinand, that was not safe nor convenient, and it had been always their care, which loved the peace and union of these two brethren, that the Infant should be nearly looked unto, lest that mutines should make him their shield. The cont Palatin was held fit, yea to take charge of the Infant, the which did not altogether displease the cardinal; for he had desired ever since the death of the Catholic king, to remove such from about him, as, in his opinion, had bred him up ill, yet he desired rather not to obey any one; to which end he writ to the king, 
Cardinal Ximenes cannot endure a companion in the government of Castille.  beseeching him, not to send any into Spain, with whom he must always quarrel, but rather to give him leave to retire to his diocese, where he would look to his own private affairs, and live religiously in rest: for he did foresee, that the envy of some, and the covetousness of many, would always seek to cross his good designs and resolutions to serve the commonweal, they tending to no other end, but to cause some great tumult in Spain, wherein he desired not to be engaged, but rather to look on a far off: advertising him, that the only remedy of these inconveniences was, to commit the affairs to his tried faith, and to rely only upon him, not suffering any Fleming, nor any of his Council a far off (no not himself until he were at age) to meddle in Spain with the provision of Estates, and order of justice, with governments of provinces, levying of the king's money, nor with garrisons of frontiers, and their commanders: but only retain unto himself the disposition of bishoprics being void, commaunderies, and benefices of knights of military orders, and to use his royal bounty with good measure: 
Cardinal Ximenes will divide the royal authority betwixt the king and himself.  his cardinal dividing betwixt the king and him the royal sovereignty, the which every man of judgement thought expedient, considering his constant resolution to maintain justice and right in all things; adding still this concluding reason, For that, said he, the Flemings understand nothing in our affairs in Spain, and that the king by reason of his tender age, cannot undergo so great a burden, full of care and trouble: By reason whereof he caused himself to be so hated, as many Counsels were held against him, and without doubt his days were shortened. The courteors dissembled, expecting but an opportunity to tumble him from this high degree, in the which he maintained himself invincible, against their wills, who writ unto him, That he should continue to do well, assuring him that they would assist him with all their means, and solicit the king's passage into Spain; advising him, for the effecting thereof, to send a good army of ships well furnished into Flanders.  
This voyage was much priest by the Emperor Maximilian, as most necessary, and therefore he came to Br●ssels to see the king, and to confer with him, fearing lest his long stay there would cause some alteration in the State; comparing those people, being moved, to a colt, which being stung with a hornet, kicks at every one, sparing not his own dam. This conference put the cardinal into a jealousy, writing to monsieur de Cheures, That the interview of great men, did never bring profit neither to themselves, nor to their affairs, proving it by many examples and great reasons. The Spaniards seeing that the time passed away in vain hopes of their princes coming, they began to make conventicles, and to run into the course (but by another way) of former seditions: For, said they, the Flemings not able to forbear to meddle with the affairs of Spain, whereof they had made show not to care, they leave us not any estate, 
Greediness of the Flemings governing king Charles.  charge, nor benefice, but it is sold to them that will give most, and profaned by unworthy men: The great treasures of the realm gathered together, and religiously preserved by cardinal Ximenes, for the kings coming, are spoiled by strangers, and transported out of Spain, the which is not tolerable to a free nation, well affected to the honour and greatness of their prince, and to the public good. They of Burgos, Leon, Vailledolit, and all that country of Spain, being incensed with these complaints and quarrels, they appointed a day to resolve on some remedies for these great disorders, or how they might withstand the greediness of the Flemish courteors. Many thought it fit to persuade the king to chase all Flemings from about him, and to take Spaniards in their places, such as were understanding men, to counsel him. Others said, That besides the difficulty to obtain it, it was to be feared the Spain would in short time be as corrupt as the rest, and more cunning in their villainies; holding, that the best course to restrain the covetousness of courteors, by a public decree, by the which power should be taken from the king, to give the estates, offices, or benefices of Spain to strangers. 
Demands of the towns of Spain.  That there should be no ready money c●rried out of the country without great cause, and that no necessary money for the king's house, should be sent by cardinal Ximenes, without consent of the towns. Many other things of this kind were then propounded, profitable, in truth, for the public, but derogating somewhat from the authority and Majesty royal: for thereby they did open a gate unto the people to commit great insolences, the which they found by experience, after the death of cardinal Ximenes, who moderating what he could the people's heat, could not prevent the decrees of these assemblies for the public good, some governors consenting thereunto, and signing them, as D. Pedro of Castille, at Burgos, and others: yet the Leonnois could never induce D. Frederic of Zamora, their governor, to consent unto such decrees, whereof the town and Commonalties did afterwards advertise the cardinal and the king's Council, sending deputies to treat with them of the affairs of the commonweal afflicted; and to entreat them to appoint a place and time for a general assembly to that end. The cardinal and the Council knew well, that the desire of the towns was just, yet they sought to moderate them, 
Cardinal and Council favour the Spaniards demands against the Flemings.  fearing some popular tumults, persuading them to forbear an assembly, until they had more certain news of the kings coming, who they understood made preparation to embark speedily. In the mean time they did advertise the king of all that had passed, excusing the Spaniards, for that they did not in any sort doubt of the kings good will, and judgement to know, that all the admonitions & counsels which they gave him, were holy and just, but they complained of the Flemings that were about his person, who could make their diligences vain, and get unto themselves, both before the kings coming and after, the riches of Spain without measure: so as it was thought the Chancellor Sawage had gotten for his part in less than four months, above five hundred thousand crowns: 
Ropacity of the Flemings.  and if we will conjecture how monsieur de Cheures and the rest profited, we cannot imagine what great sums these thefts amounted unto. 
Spaniards demand the Estates.  The Spaniards seeing the kings coming to be daily delayed, the cardinal and the Council were again importuned for a general assembly of the Estates, where they promised not to treat of any thing, but to solicit the king to come into Spain, to maintain the laws and rights of the country; to suppress the covetousness of courteors, and the ambition of suitors for estates and offices: else, the people did protest, that they would send ambassadors unto the king, and provide that the commonweal should take no harm, by such means as God should put into their hands. The cardinal not able with reason to deny their just demand, he appointed an assembly in the next month of September 1517, protracting it of purpose to Autumn, believing that about that time the king might arrive in Spain; and in the mean time he prepared a fleet of ships for his voyage, the which he sent him, posts running continually from Spain to Flanders, and back again, to advance this coming, without the which they saw no means to maintain the realm in peace: the cardinal holding (and rightly) it to be a pernicious thing, when as the people, having cause of grievance, presumes●to complain publicly: for when as they have once lost the reverence which they own unto the superior, there is no more any restraint; and popular complaints and quarrels are easily received and believed, by such as have a desire to trouble the State, whereof the number is always great in great realms. The place assigned for the assembly, was at Madrid, the Viceroys and the Counsels place of residence. Many slanderous libels were at that time cast abroad, 
Libels cast abroad.  every man censuring the cardinals actions according to his own conceits: and seeing it was now a time of backbiting, and that some one had begun, doctor Adrian, monsiever de Cheures, Francis Ruis, monsieur de Chaux, and others, were not spared. But cardinal Ximenes contemned these things, with a manly courage; saying, That they must leave this solace to the multitude, to moderate their afflictions, which they could not otherwise revenge; whereas the Flemings, who were not accustomed to this stinging, seemed to be much discontented: so as it is no wonder if Adrian coming to be Pope, caused the statues of Marforio and Pasquil to be cast into the river of Tiber, whom they made to carry the libels that were set up in Rome: whereupon, they say, that the Spanish ambassador which was then in Rome, said unto him, That it was to be feared, by this drowning the frogs would presently learn to sing bad songs.  
3 The cardinal being come to Toledo, to visit (attending the kings coming) his diocese, and the monasteries of Nuns which he caused to be built, as well in that city as at Illesca, being accompanied by doctor Adrian, he heard the complaints of the Clergy, for that Pope Leo, by virtue of the last decree of the Council of Latran, demanded the tenth of the revenues of all their benefices, upon colour to defend the Christian religion against Infidels; for that Selim Emperor of the Turks, having vanquished the Sultan of Egypt, 
Exactions of Pope Leo hindered by cardinal Ximenes.  did threaten Christendom, and namely Italy: Wherefore he not only sent this year into Spain, but into all others regions of Europe, whereas the Pope's name and authority was reverenced, to exact this money for three years, with many Indulgences and pardons to them that should contribute money willingly, and extraordinarily, whereof there followed great troubles in Christendom, yet with a lightning of the Gospel.  
Cardinal Ximenes, whose authority was great with the Pope, was solicited not only by the Clergy of Castille, but also by that of Arragon (where they do all by an ancient right enjoy great privileges and liberties) to take this cause in hand, and to be a mediator unto the Pope, that the Clergy of Spain might not be made tributary. The cardinal did willingly offer to take upon him the protection of this order, but he did admonish them, not to make any assemblies to that end, but when he should command them. 
Clergy of Spain free from the exaction of the tenth penny of their benefices.  In the mean time he did manage this business so politicly at Rome, by the ministery of Artega, his Agent, as he kept Spain free from this exaction, but in case of great necessity: and having after the manner of ancient kings, called the deputies of the Clergy to the Court at Madrid, he gave them this good news, and attended willingly their resolution, which was, not to contribute any thing. They say, that this tenth penny for three years, was duly levied in Italy, in the territories of the Church, and no where else, but his Bulls of Indulgences, and the preaching of the Croisado, was general.  
4 There were many great suits in Spain, which through the fraud and tergiversation of parties, and their counsels, were delayed and drawn into length, the which the cardinal desired to have determined before the kings coming, but he was suspected: Wherefore three of the greatest noblemen of Spain, in a manner at one instant, as it were conspiring together, did greatly cross him, that is, the duke of the Infantazgo, chief of the house of Mendosa, D. Frederic of Toledo, duke of Alva, and the earl of Vregna, Giron. The duke of the Infantazgo remembered how that the cardinal had hindered the marriage betwixt D. Pedro Gonsales of Mendosa, his nephew, and D. joane of Cisneros, the cardinals niece: wherefore being incensed against him, he thought there was some indirect dealing with his adverse party, the earl of Castro, against whom he had his suit, for the place of Belenna, near unto Guadalajara; by reason whereof he desired to prolong the cause until the kings coming, of whom having obtained letters for his part, and the cardinal also for his part others of a contrary tenor, to have the cause judged by the king's council; in the end the cardinal obtained that which he pretended, and a sentence was given in favour of the earl: about which time there coming a promoter from Alcala of Henares, for the cardinal, touching some proceed at Guadalajara, the duke of the Infantazgo caused him to be chased away with cudgels, 
Excess committed by the duke of Infantazgo.  threatening to hang this poor petiefogger, if he returned any more; saying, That he did encroach upon the jurisdiction of his brother D. Bernardin, archdeacon of Guadalajara. For which excess the cardinal gave it out, that he would be revenged of the duke, and that he would call him in question, for that religion was violated, in that they had wronged an officer which did belong unto the Church, and also for that the fact was against the public peace, and that he would abate his greatness. The duke being incensed, and desirous to brave the cardinal, he sent a chaplain of his unto him, to deliver him a message full of disgrace and threatening. This poor priest being forced to go to Alcala of Henares, whereas the cardinal was, he fell on his knees before him, and craved leave to do his message. They were nothing but reproaches of his base condition, grown proud to see himself so highly advanced, adding some vain threats, the which did little move the cardinal, 
Magnanimity of cardinal Ximenes  who having heard all that he would say with a constant countenance, he answered him quietly: Go back unto thy master, whom thou shalt find repenting the foolish words which thou hast delivered me: and in truth before the priest returned, the duke's choler being past, he would have given much that he had not sent him, blaming all his familiar friends and household servants, that they had not pacified his rage, yea he was displeased with the chaplain, for that he was so ready to obey him. This question, and all the spleen which the cardinal had against the duke, was afterwards pacified by the constable D. Inigo Fernandes of Velasco, 
Reconciliation of cardinal Ximenes and the duke of Infantazgo.  who made them dine together at Fontcarillo, whereas the duke made so many excuses unto the cardinal, as he remained satisfied. They say, that after the ceremony of their reconciliation was ended, the lodging wherein they were was presently environed by john de Spinosa, captain of the viceroys guard, 
Policy of cardinal Ximenes to keep the noblemen in fear.  with his archers and light horse, the which did amaze the noblemen that were there assembled, thinking that it was a plot laid by the cardinal, but he assured them that it was the importune diligence of Spinosa, who was come thither without any commission, for the which, he said, he was much offended with him.  
The earl of Vregnaes' quarrel was more dangerous, and harder to be reconciled, the which did produce many violent effects. This earl soon after the decease of king Ferdinand, had also showed himself opposite to cardinal Ximenes, and had assisted D. Pedro his son in the tumult of Medina Sidonia, whom he should rather have admonished to proceed by way of justice. Certain officers coming to execute a sentence of the Chancery of Granado, & to recover certain of the king's customs of Osona, he had sent them away beaten and wounded, notwithstanding that they showed him letters from cardinal Ximenes, 
Outrage committed by the earl of Vregna  who being busied in other affairs, dissembled these things, until some fit opportunity, the which was offered, when as the cardinal, according to his resolution to end all old suits, would have the cause judged, which depended betwixt the earl of Vregna and D. Guttiere of Quixada, in the court of Chancery at Vailledolit, for the town of Villefratre near unto Vailledolit, whereof the earl kept forcible possession, Quixada pursuing the restitution, the which he obtained, whereat the earl being incensed, he complained, that the sentence was unjust. By virtue whereof an usher and other ministers of justice coming to Villefratre, to put Quixada in possession, they were outrageously entreated, and beaten by D. Roderigo Giron, 
Court of parliament violated.  the earls son, D. Bernardin of Velasco, the constables son, D. Bertrand de la ●ueua, son to the duke of Albuquerque, D. Ferdinand Henriques, son to the Admiral, and other young and ill advised noblemen, who were there present: Whereof complaint being made unto the Court, the Precedent D. Diego Ramires of Villascusan, bishop of Malaga, notwithstanding that he was a very mild man, yet moved with the foulness of the fact, he commanded some legionary soldiers in Vailledolit, and the neighbour places, to arm, to assist justice, to execute the sentence of the court, and to punish those rebels, going himself in person towards Villefratre. The constable, who was wise, knowing the danger into the which these young men did run, posted thither, before that the Precedent went to field, and made them abandon the place, and give way to the execution of the sentence of the court: whereupon the bishop of Malaga dismissed his soldiers, and thanked the constable for this good office, and so remained satisfied without any further proceeding. But the cardinal, who was not of so tractable a nature, was much offended at this fact, adding this to other quarrels he had against the earl of Vregna and his house; 
Pursuits of the cardinal against them that had violated justice.  wherefore he sent out warrant to apprehend them that had resisted the justice, and Sarmiento the Provost of the court, to ruin Villefratre, and to make the process of such as had committed this contempt. The young noblemen, who had left the place by the constables persuasion, seeing that they proceeded criminally against them, they returned unto their old frenzy, and put themselves again into Villefratre, with some troops of soldiers raised at Villapando, a place belonging to the constable, being resolved to keep it in despite of cardinal Ximenes. This business tended to sedition and great trouble, and many there were which did much blame the cardinals severity and obstinacy, to have pursued these noblemen, after so good an office done by the constable, and their obedience, yea he might assure himself that the dukes of the Infantazgo and Alba, would bandy themselves against him, whereby the whole realm, by reason of their great alliances and power, would be drawn into confusion: But the cardinal was well pleased to oppose himself against great men, searching such occasions ambitiously, to show his magnanimity, dexterity, and constancy to maintain justice. Finally, they proceeded by the course of justice against the above named, whose names were proclaimed, and they summoned to appear at Madrid and at Vailledolit, and give an account for violating the laws and offending the Majesty: and there were declarations set up, according to the solemnities of justice, observed in Spain in such affairs, upon pain to be held convicted of those crimes, condemned and punished according unto law: The which did much grieve the fathers of these young noblemen, who assembled at Tudela, to consult what was to be done, or, as some writ, at Portillo; namely, the earl of Benavent, the constable, the dukes of Alba and Albuquerque, and a deputy for the duke of the Infantazgo, who knowing the cardinals power, and austere disposition, resolved to proceed in this business with all quiet and peaceable means: wherefore they sent unto him, to desire him to have regard unto the youth of their children; but on the other side they did write unto the king, complaining of the cardinals sour disposition, whereby Spain was oppressed, and filled full of troubles. The cardinal in like manner did not fail to advertise the king of what had passed at Villefratre, and of the rashness, disobedience, and contempt of these noblemen, omitting nothing of the rigour of justice in this action: wherefore there was appearance of some great tumult, for these noblemen made many assemblies, and the bishop of Zamora was already come to Vailledolit (who was afterwards strangled in the castle of Aquila) and the earl of Alba de Lista, with troops of men, in favour of the earl of Vregna, who notwithstanding were forced to departed the town, by the advice of them of the Chancery, for that they did solicit the people to sedition. They did also surprise a packet of the constables, directed to the earl of Vregna, to whom he promised to raise all the country of Burgos, and that of the mountains: whereby it appeared▪ that the demonstrations he made to pacify things, and to be a neuter in this business, were but feigned. On the other side, the duke of Alba, a secret enemy to the cardinal, by reason of the commission which he, in his opinion, had purchased, to deprive his son of the priory of Saint john, he offered all his power and means to the duke of Albuquerque, against the cardinal. In the mean time the Alcayde proceeded against them that were within Villefratre, who to omit nothing that might make their cause odious, had made an image attired like a cardinal, the which they caused to be dragged up and down the town, in derision of cardinal Ximenes: but in the end these vain young lords finding that their forces might not equal the viceroys power, they dislodged by night, and left the place. Then Sarmiento proceeding in the process, pronounced sentence, 
Sentence against the town of Villefratre, and the execution thereof.  by the which the town of Villefratre was condemned to be burnt to ashes, and the ground of it to be sown with salt, and never more to be built, for that the ministers of royal justice had been outraged there, and the decrees of the court of Vailledolit contemned: the earl of Vregna, Rodrigo his son, and their other confederates and adherents, convicted of high treason, and condemned to Guttiere of Quixade, in his charges, damage, and interest. This sentence was presently put in execution, the town was reduced to powder, first with the canon, and then with fire: seven of the inhabitants which had outraged the usher, when they did beat him, and cried out, That they knew no other lord but the earl of Vregna, were publicly whipped: a servant of the Admiral's being accused to have levied men secretly in favour of the rebels, was also condemned by Sarmiento to be whipped. This sentence was executed upon a festival day, against custom and all example. Which rigorous acts did much afflict all the great noblemen of Spain, among the which the duke of Escalona, who was then at Madrid, kept his chamber six days for grief, and would not speak to any man; and then being visited by D. Francis Ruis, 
Complaints against cardinal Ximenes.  bishop of Auila, he complained much of the cardinals rough and inexorable severity, a man without friendship or humanity, to have so vilely entreated the earl of Vregna, his kinsman, whereby he would tread under his feet the dignity of great and famous houses of Spain, and show himself an enemy to nobility. The constable, with the duke of the Infantazgo, and other noblemen, gave the cardinal to understand, That seeing he had proceeded so furiously against Villefratre, to the great contempt and prejudice of the earl of Vregna, he should do well to satisfy himself, and not pursue the house of Giron any farther. But the Admiral Henriques, who had never showed himself an open enemy to the cardinal, being come to Madrid, spoke unto him with great mildness and modesty, showing him the wrong he did unto himself, as well as to the whole realm (holding the rank of Archbishop of Toledo, and primate) so to blemish the honour of the great houses of Spain, so well deserving of their kings, not only in these public executions, but by accusations and reports written unto the king, whereof they were well advertised, 
Admonition of the Admiral of Castille to cardinal Ximenes.  and other bad offices. Wherefore he admonished him, That if he loved the quiet of the realm, and desired to do the king service, he should moderate his austere behaviour, and entreat men and their affairs with more equity, and less choler. Whereunto the cardinal, 
Answer of cardinal Ximenes to the Admiral of Castille.  with a settled spirit, answered, That he entreated him to think, that he was never any of those, which sought to win the favour of kings, or to maintain their reputation in the world by cruelty, or doing injury to any other: but he had endeavoured to acquit himself duly of that great charge which had been committed unto him, to govern the realm. And if they would inquire of that which he had written, and of the offices which he had done with the king, they should find he had not been so incivile as they thought, & as every one did publish, according to his passions. As for the process of Giron, matters were proceeded so far, 
Proceed of the cardinal allowed by the king.  as the king himself did set down an order. Thus matters remained in suspense, until the king had signified his pleasure, who did approve all the cardinal & justice had done, referring the rest to his judgement: the which the duke of Escalona, with the other friends, kinsmen, and allies of the earl of Vregna, seeing they knew not what to resolve, but to pacify the cardinal, seeking by all means to have his favour: by which means they obtained, that the earl representing himself in justice, & suomitting himself thereunto, all offences were pardoned, D. Francis Ruis, bishop of Auila, presiding in counsel, and pronouncing the sentence.  
The discontentment which D. Frederie of Toledo, 
Causes of the duke of Albaes' discontentment.  duke of Alba, had against the cardinal, grew for the priory of S. john of jerusalem, of the knights of Rhodes, the which D. Diego his third son held then, & had enjoyed it six years. This dignity is esteemed among the greatest of Spain, whereof the prior Valenzuela had been deprived in the life of king Ferdinand, for his ill deservings, and D. Alvaro of Estuniga canonically advanced, who had resigned it unto his newphew D. Anthony of Estuniga, with the consent of king Philip, and confirmation of Pope Leo: but king Ferdinand, after the death of Philip, returning to the government of Castille, & desirous to gratify the duke of Alba, from whom he had drawn many good services, he took this priory from D. Anthony, and did invest the above named D. Diego of Toledo, against the ancient order, and against the laws and customs of Spain, begging therein the authority of the great master of Rhodes, who was discontented that the Pope should take upon him to confer that priory to D. Anthony of Estuniga, causing the grant of the order to be brought expressly from Rhodes to that end, D. Anthony complaining in vain to the Pope, both of the king and great master, who for his last refuge retired into Flanders, to king Charles, beseeching him to confirm and maintain that which his father Philip had done: the which he obtained, when as he was advertised of the death of king Ferdinand; for king Charles did write in his favour unto the Pope. And so D. Diego of Toledo, and D. Anthony of Estuniga, began to fall to suit for this priory, at Rome, where D. Anthony did win his cause, and got letters of execution from the Pope, with the which, and the Pope's favourable letters, he came unto king Charles, who sent him into Spain to cardinal Ximenes, whom he commanded to take into his hands all the places of the priory, admonishing the duke of Alba and his son, to retire their men, and to refer the controversy to him to compromise: and if the duke of Alba should refuse, he should then cause the king's letters and sentence to be executed, forcing them to obey that should oppose themselves, notwithstanding any oppositions. The duke of Bejar, with his brother D. Anthony of Estuniga, presented these letters and commandment from the king to the cardinal: the which the duke of Alba understanding, being out of hope to procure any delay from the cardinal (for he was well acquainted with the nature of the man, and knew well that he desired to see this process, in the which there had passed many threats and injurious words, ended) he resolved to oppose himself, and to cross his proceed by force. He had of his part the duke of Escalona, and many other noblemen, the which did trouble his adverse party. At that time the cardinal was troubled with a tertian ague, the which did animate the duke of Alba and his party, and gave them hope to prolong the process, and to keep the possession until that the king (said they) were better informed. But being somewhat recovered of his sickness, he called both parties, and enjoined them to lay aside arms, until he were better informed of the right. The cardinal would have the places sequestered, according to the king's letters, wherein seeing great difficulty by the practices and force used on the duke of Albaes' part, in the end he propounded to execute the king's letters, brought by D. Anthony of Estuniga: wherein there was a division among the counsellors, some holding that the duke of Albaes' cause was more just; and for that, said they, there was some obscurity in the letters, not being certain, whether the duke of Alba referring the matter to the king's arbitrement, might still hold the possession, as depositary, until the cause were ended, or else until the king should name another depositary, into whose hands the places & the priory should be delivered, they thought it therefore necessary to have another warrant, of which advice were doctor Adrian & the signior of Chaux. The cardinal banding himself against all these difficulties, he brought all the council to that point, as they concluded the king's letters should be executed. The duke of Alba forgetting nothing that might help his cause, employed in his favour queen German, the French king, and the king of England, by whose means king Charles was not so resolute to restore D. Anthony of Estuniga to his Priory: whereof the Cardinal being advertised, he wrote letters of complaint unto the king, to the Lord of Cheu●es, and to the whole council of Flanders, showing them how necessary constancy and perseverance were in such like ordinances and decree: then he thought it good to call the duke of Alba unto him, 
Speech of Cardinal Ximenes to the duke of Alba.  to whom in the presence of the council, and the earl of Osor●o, he said friendly, that he should temper the heat which he saw in him in the pursuit of his rights, and that there would be means, if he himself did not hinde●it, to reconcile all things without tumult or arms: wherefore he did advise him to put the priory into the king's hands, to dispose according unto right and justice, assuring him that if he did it willingly, he would mitigate much of the rigour of the commandment which he had received from the king, and that he would deliver the Priory into the hands of D. Pedro Bazan, who he knew was much affected to his house, and he should keep it until the kings coming: promising moreover that he would then cause the delivery of it to D. Anthony to be stayed for three months, that in the mean time he might work his best means. These conditions were contemned by the Duke of Alba, who departed, saying, that the Cardinal might do better if he list, and not derogate any thing from the king's authority: and going from Madrid with this discontent, be went to his kinsmen and friends, to confer with them of the enterprise which he had in his brain, all dissuading him, from opposing himself against the Cardinal, witness the calamity of them of Villefratre and of the earl of Vregna, for the which they gave him such reasons, as at that time he yielded to their counsels. But falling afterwards into fury, the Cardinal was forced to come to the last remedy, calling together his Legionary companies, both horse and foot, as well to guard and fortify the council and justice, 
Defeat of the duke of Albas' men by the Cardinal's companies.  as to suppress the mutines, and keep them from joining together: which forces did encounter and put to rout about a thousand foot and some horse of the duke of Albas', and stripped them in the diocese of Toledo. After which rout the duke coming to himself, he employed the favour of Queen German and doctor Adrian, and came to Madrid, where he was so tractable, as he yielded the Priory at the Cardinal's discretion, for he showed him with what uprightness he proceeded in this business, 
Duke of Alba submits himself to Cardinal Ximenes.  and let him read the original letters he had received of the king's commandment, to the end he might know it was no cause that he did affect and seek, adding that he should consider with himself wherein he might assist him preserving his honour, and the king his master's service, assuring him that he would not fail him: to whom the duke made answer, that he would not entreat any other thing of him, but after that his son should be deprived of the priory, the king would remember that their house had always been affectionate to the crown, and have regard unto it: and for that he had understood that he would leave the priory in deposito in the hands of D. Ferdinand Andrada who had married D. Francis of Estuniga, kinswoman to his adverse party, he desired it might be given to some other, to the end that his enemies might have no subject to scorn at his calamity. The Cardinal who was always vanquished by them that yielded unto, him said, that it was reasonable, ordaining that the Priory should be delivered into the hands of D. Ferdinand Andrada, & he should instantly redeliver it to D. Anthony of Cordo●a, brother to the earl of Cabra. These things concluded at Madrid, the duke sent letters to D. Diega his son, to leave the priory, & by the Cardinal to D. Ferdinand of Andrada, to cease from all acts of hostility. Thus the quarrel for the priory of S. john was ended, the which notwithstanding after the death of Cardinal Ximenes, D. Diego recovered, and enjoyed partly with the consent, and partly against the will of k. Charles himself, who decreed that D. Diego of Toledo, and D. Anthony of Estuniga, should enjoy it in common: but D. Anthony dying at Perpignan, he left the whole possession to his competitor.  
There remained another cause to determine, which the Cardinal did affect: it was the process of the earl of Ribadeo in Gallicia, 
Controversy for the earldom of Ribadeo.  of a small circuit, but good, fertile and pleasant; The earl of which place hath this privilege, that on twelve day he di●es at the king of Castilles table, & hath the robe that he wears that day. This earldom had been held by D. Rodrigo of Villandradra, who having married two lawful wives, and those put a-away for barrenness, had in the end taken to wife a slave of his made free, called Leonora by whom he had D. Roderigo his son and only presumtive heir to whom the admiral had given a base daughter of his to wibe. Against this D. Roderigo, there contented for the succession, D. Maria of Volloa, married to the earl of Salines, who was ne●ce to the old earl of Villindrada, daughter to his sister, saying, that D. Roderigo was not lawful; which suit had been commenced long before the death of king Ferdinand. Cardinal Ximenes favoured D. Roderigo's cause: but as many of the Council inclined more to the reasons of D. Maria, the cause was sent to the Chancery of Vailledoli●: yea, D. Maria had such favour in court, 
Authority of Cardinal Ximenes vanquished by a woman  as the title and right was granted unto her son by the king's letters, the which did much trouble the Cardinal, seeing himself vanquished by a woman; he that had governed the greatest Lords of Spain at his pleasure.  
5 This year one thousand five hundred and seventeen, Pope Leo created one and thirty Cardinals, among which Doctor Adrian Florent was one, for the which he was much blamed, 
〈◊〉 of the Cardinal's order by Pope Leo.  against the which Cardinal de Monre, uncle to Pope julio the third, and others, opposed themselves, saying, that to make so many at one time, was to profane that sacred order. He had almost made Raphael of Urbin, an excellent painter, Cardinal, to free himself by a hat of a great sum of money which he ought him for pictures; with which hope being fed, he deferred to marry with the Niece of the Cardinal of Bibiena, which was offered him, but his sudden death deprived the painter both of the one and other.  
Cardinal Ximenes being solicited by the king and the Flemish Lords, to send a fleet into Flanders, 
Navy sent into Flanders for K. Charles.  to conduct him, he rigged out a good number of ships, where Gomes of Buytron was admiral, causing the ports of Biscay, Asturia, and Galicia, to be visited, for that it was bruited the plague was in many places, appointing victuals and other necessaries to be carried to refresh and ease the court, wheresoever the fleet should arrive: himself in the mean time leaving Madrid, went towards Aranda of Duero, where he resolved to attend the kings coming, that abode seeming unto him very healthful and pleasant, and by reason of the convent of Franciscane friars, situated in the next village of Aguilera: in passing he made his last visit of Tordelaguna, the place of his birth.  
6 There were in his company, the Infant D. Ferdinand, doctor Adrian now made Cardinal, and Armastof: from Tordelaguna he came to Bozeguillas, a borough in the mountain, 
Cardinal Ximenes poisoned.  where dining they did verily believe that he was poisoned, which made him fall into a lingering consumption, till he died of it: for having dined he found himself very ill, after which there came blood out at his ears, and at the joining of his nails, the suspicion of poison was augmented by a certain horseman unknown, who that morning having met near unto Bozeguillas the Provincial Marquine, with other monks that went unto the Cardinal, he willed them to make haste to be there before he sat down to dinner: and to advise him not to eat of a great trout which should be set before him, for without doubt it was poisoned: If you arrive said he, too late, care then for the health of his soul, for his body will be past help. This speech was delivered by Marquine, but late unto the Cardinal, who gave little credit, saying, that if his infirmity came of poison, he thought it came from Flaunders, and that he had been infected at Madrid, by the eyes, in reading of a letter which was brought out of that country, since which time he had not been well; whatsoever it were, he was ready to go when God should call him, who sends infirmities, and takes them away at his pleasure.  
They observe that he said often to the Physicians, that he should die by the treachery and wickedness of traitors; and it was commonly reported that Francis Carillo, who was sewer to the Cardinal, having eaten of this trout, was very sick; and they did undoubtedly believe that the Flemings sought his death: for they had discovered by his letters, that his intent was to procure the king to dismiss them all, and send them home to their houses, and to be served by Spaniards in their places. The blame of this vild act was laid upon Baracaldo, one of his secretaries, who had done other treacheries to the Cardinal his master; yet the Cardinal did still use his service unto his dying day: which breeds some doubt whether it were he or some other that committed this crime, whereof there were many contrary arguments. Cardinal Ximenes caused himself to be carried to Aranda, whereas whilst he strives against his infirmity, 
Tumult of Vailledolit.  the town of Vailledolit fell into new tumults, upon a conceit the people had, that the bru●e of the kings coming was but counterfeit, and that this great preparation was to send the infant D. Ferdinand into Flanders: So as Spain remaining destitute of her princes, being in the hands of an old Monk, half rotten, and near his end, must of necessity be ruined by intestine seditions, or be a prey to foreign nations. To pacify this mutiny, and to certify them of the truth of the kings coming, the Cardinal sent unto them, and satisfied them.  
7 He had yet one exploit to do which he thought expedient and necessary, 
Reformation ● the Infant D. Ferdinand's house by the Cardinal.  yet full of envy, which was to reform the Infant D. Ferdinand's house, and to take from him those that had bred him up and served him, especially D. Pedro Nagnes, of Guzman treasurer of the Cala●●ua, his governor, and D. Alvaro Osorio, a jacobin, bishop of Astorga his schoolmaster: D. Pedro had never been allowed by the Cardinal, in that charge, and he had often sought to cross him, whereupon there grew great hatred betwixt them, the which Osorio had entertained and increased, as well for some ambition, wherein he saw himself hindered by the Cardinal, as through emulation which hath been long betwixt those two orders, 
Franciscan● and jacobins inveterate enemies.  the bishop being a jacobin, and the Cardinal a Franciscaine. It was commonly bruited, and every man did believe it, that Osorio had been the cause and breeder of seditions at Vailledolit, and Cardinal Ximenes knew that he did continually malign him to the Flemish lords: that he sought to insinuate himself into the favour of the emperor Maximilian, and that he had treated of a marriage betwixt the emperor and Queen German: And many held opinion that D. Pedro Nugnes of Guzman, had had a conceit to carry the Infant D. Ferdinand into Arragon, with an intent and hope to make him king of that country, whereunto the people would easily have consented for the memory and name of then deceaceased king D. Ferdinand, who had loved the Infant dearly, and other things ● some true, some false) which were spoken in Spain: whatsoever was the cause D. Pedro Nugnes and the bishop of Astorga were in no grace with the Cardinal; wherefore he did write often to the king, and caused the lords of the council to be dealt withal, to have them discharged: so as a little before king Charles his domming into Spain, there was a dispatch sent by the king, by the which the Cardinal was commanded to discharge D. Pedro Nugnes of Guzman governor, D. Alvaro Osorio Schoolmaster; D. Gon●alo of Guzman, Chamberlain, and Sancho de Paredes, steward to the Infant, and send them home to their houses, letting them know that the king was very well satisfied with their good services, but their ages did now require rest, and that he would have regard unto their merits, and remember them: as for the rest of the Infant's house, he left it to the Cardinal, to dispose as he should think fit. This packet by the Postmasters fault came not to the Cardinal's hands before all the contents were divulged, which caused the more difficulty in the execution of the kings will, for the Postmaster thinking it to be news how that the king was embarked to come into Spain, he kept the packet five days, before he delivered it to the Cardinal, to whom it was directed, and in the mean time sent this good news to the noblemen, to draw presents from them: then Cardinal Ximenes being ill disposed of his person in the convent of Aguilera, this Postmaster thought it indifferent to give the packet to Cardinal Adrian or to him, the which he did: Adrian, whether through curiosity or otherwise, opened it, & finding letters directed to the Infant, he gave him them, without any further apprehension, 
Secrets of Cardinal Ximenes discovered.  who by this means understood what was ordained of him, and of his servants, & of the change of his house, whereof he did presently advertise them, before the Cardinal had seen the king's letters: wherewith they being wonderfully discontented, and seeing no other remedy they implored the Infant's aid, which was of no great moment, beseeching him to remember their fidelity and good services, letting him understand that all this was done to debase him, and keep him under, at the Cardinal's pleasure, who had procured and practised this alteration.  
The Infant being persuaded by his Masters, came the next day in great choler to the Convent of Aguilera, having in his company the Bishop OOsorio, (for D. Pero Nugnes was sick:) & doctor Adrian by reason of the error which he had committed in opening the packet, and giving the letters to the Infant, before he had imparted them to Cardinal Ximenes, durst not show himself.  
Being come unto the Cardinal, he complained greatly (and with tears in his eyes) of the wrong he did him, 
Entreaty of the infant D. Ferdinand to the Cardinal.  in seeking to deprive him without any lawful cause, of so good & faithful servants, the which he would never have believed of him, whom he held to be his dear friend: and thereupon he entreated him, and conjured him by the memory of Queen Isabella, and the great advancement▪ he had received from her, not to suffer this indignity to be done unto him, to take from him so worthy a person as his governor, so fit a Schoolmaster as the bishop Osorio, so many servants which had attended him faithfully, and with whom he had been nourished and bred up with great content; and that he would not suffer him to receive, that displeasure, to see them ignominiously and wrongfully disgraced. 
Cardinal Ximenes inexorable.  The Cardinal sought by mild words to pacify the incensed courage of this Prince, laying before him the king his brother's pleasure, assuring him that all those things tended to his advancement, so as he would show himself obedient and tractable. As for the injury whereof he complained, he entreated him to think it was otherwise, and to believe that he was a man of years and experience, and that he loved him dearly; he confessed that he ought to have a care of the honour and good of his servants, but he must withal think that the king his brother was dearer unto him: And therefore he exhorted him that leaving these passions which his servants had bred in him, he should wholly adhere to him; who was the greatest king in Christendom against whose will it were neither safe nor convenient for him to oppose himself; and if he did persist to complain, and to show a discontentment for that which the king commanded to be done, he should be assured that he would bring himself, his affairs, and his servants into great danger. For all this the Infant D. Ferdinand, (being young and incensed) was not satisfied, but answering the Cardinal, I have, said he, tasted of your friendship in many occasion, but now it fails me at my greatest need, neither do I know which way it is fled: but seeing that I find that you are resolved to ruin me and mine, whom you may ease and comfort much with a small delay, I must of necessity find means to defend and preserve ourselves.  
At these words the Cardinal finding himself touched, Do (said he) what you please, but I swear unto you by the life of king Charles your brother, 
Speech of Cardinal Ximenes to the Infant D. Ferdinand.  that to morrow shall not pass before his commandments be executed, the which it behooves you to obey before all others, yea though all Spain had conspired to hinder it. This made the Infant take unto him a manly courage, and to lay aside or dissemble his childish affections: wherefore he departed from the Cardinal with a settled countenance, & without any show of perturbation, and so returned to Aranda, where before his arrival, 
Diligence of Cardinal Ximenes to execute his desires.  he found himself guarded, with the town and all the approaches, by the soldiers of Caba●ille, and Espinola, captains of the guard, who were sent and instructed by the Cardinal, who knew how to execute their charge, and keep the Infant or any of his house from attempting anything. All that night was spent in complaints in the Infant's lodging, who slept not; he would say often that he would be revenged of the Cardinal, and when they asked him what he would do against a man so well guarded, and who had all the forces of Spain at his command: well, I will make show to go and visit my mother, and then will I go where I please, and the first that shall offer to hinder me, let him assure himself I will kill him, with other such speeches of a young man.  
Day being come, the Infant by the advice of his servants, sent to entreat the king's council, and the Pope's two Noncios to come unto him, to whom he said: That the king his brother had sent commandment to take his servants from him, the which was grievous unto him, but he would obey, yet he entreated them to do one good Office for an Infant of the house of Castille, to complain unto the king by their letters, of the great wrong was done him, seeing they knew well that they had bred him up, served and accompanied him faithfully and honestly: the which they promised to do. Cardinal Ximenes by the means of Cardinal Adrian, drew D. Pedro Nugnes of Guzman, D. Alvaro Osorio, and Gonsall de Guzman, to come unto him unto the Convent of Aguilera, to hear the reasons why they were discharged, and to answer the complaints they made of him, who having heard what he would say unto them, answered and replied, in the end they said that they were ready to do that which he should command them; but they entreated him to persuade the king, (with whom they knew he had grace and credit) to have regard unto their honours and interests, and they did wisely to answer so, and show themselves obedient: for if they had done otherwise, he would not have suffered them to return to Aranda, but would have stayed them prisoners until the kings coming; attending the which the charge of the Infant D. Ferdinand was given to the marquess of Aguilar, in the absence of D. Alfonso Tells, whom the king had appointed to that place. There were eight and twenty of the Infant's servants discharged, in whose places there were subrogated men of base condition, and obscure families, 
Severity of Cardinal Ximenes.  to cut off all occasions to undertake great enterprises, and this Cardinal was so severe as he would not suffer the Infant to have the young Vicont of Altamire, whom he loved dearly for his dexterity and good fashion, for that he was nephew to D. Alvaro Osorio: There remained only of all the old Servants of that house Alfonso Castilege, for that being given to music and poetry, he seemed to be free from ambition, or any desire of alteration. These things thus done, being understood at Court, the lords of the Council sent letters from the king to the Cardinal for the marquess of Astorga, and the earl of Lemos, kinsman to D. Pedro Nugnes of Guzman, and to D. Alvaro Osorio, admonishing them not to oppose themselves to any act done by him, but he did not vouchsafe to give them these letters; so confident he was in the authority which he held, representing the king's person, and so he had often done, not caring much for that which the Spaniards suspected or feared. 
Marks of Aguilar governor to the Infant D. Ferdinand.   
The marquess of Aguila● governed himself so well with his master, as he himself did write unto the king his brother, and besought him not to give that charge unto any other: the which had been appointed for D. Alfonso Tells.  
There was a brute throughout Spain, that the Cardinal's infirmity had so weakened him, as leaving all affairs, he lived retired in his Convent of friars, not seeing any man, and in effect the blood came more abundantly out at his ears than before, and he was much tormented in his body, and as in old men all remedies are difficult and of small effect, 
D. Pedro Giron causeth new troubles.  they knew not what to hope of him: wherefore D. Pedro Giron watching for all occasions to mutiny, went to Arms, to invade the country of Medina Sidonia, and the Moors also hearing these news, did molest the coast of Granado, making spoil of all they encountered, for the which the Cardinal provided notwithstanding his infimitie, for against D. Pedro he opposed the earl of Luna, who kept him in awe, being assisted by D. Anna of Arragon, wife to the duke of Medina, who gave him her jewels for the charges of the war. The earl of Vergna his father, remembering the error committed at Villefratre, which was not yet forgotten, he besought the Cardinal, not to impute these new broils to him, promising that he would cause his son D. Pedro to lay aside arms, and so he did: yet the Cardinal did write letters unto the king full of accusations against these Girons, persuading him so to punish them once for all, as they should have no more desire to fall into such errors, and others might take example by them.  
About that time the Turks who had newly seized upon Alger, under Horusco Barberousse, meant to make an enterprise upon Oran, which was the cardinals conquest, and therefore he did much affect it, and the king being then at Sea, had news of it, the which did trouble them much, holding it a great loss if this landing place in Africa were taken from the Christians. But God provided for it, for the Moors and Arabian Africans jealous that the Turks should settle themselves in their country, assembled in great multitudes, and encountered them, which came against Oran, and defeated them, freeing the Spaniards, who attended a siege, from that pain and care.  
8 King Charles having taken ship in Flanders about the beginning of September, he came in the end of that month to the most uneasy coast of all the Asturies, 
Arrival of king Charles at the Asturies.  about Tazane, a place full of rocks, and not frequented by seafaring men, not far from Villevicieuse. The mountain people of that country not knowing what they were which landed upon their coast, having put their wives and children into the most inaccessible places of the mountains, they betook them to arms, and ran in troops to the Sea shore, thinking they had been Frenchmen or some other enemies, which came to spoil the country: the which they perceiving which were yet at sea, and the king himself, he commanded to display the royal standard, that he might be known. The Asturians discovering the Lions and Castles, knew that it was their king, and laying down their arms, they came to salute him upon their knees, accompanying him to Villevicieuse, the which by a good equivocation they called Villadichosa, which signifies a happy Town, which sight was most pleasing unto the king: there he rested himself after his sea travel, being accompanied by his sister D. Leonora then Queen of Portugal.  
There were with him the lord of Cheures, the Chancellor Saunage, Charles of Lanoy, & other Flemish lords: and in a short time there came many noblemen of Spain unto him, among which were D. Inigo Fernandes of Velasco the Constable, a man of great possessions, in that barren country, being accompanied with 700 horse, all his kinsmen, friends, and vassals, who had given order that store of victuals should be brought unto them as they passed: there came other noblemen to kiss their prince's hand, and then they returned presently, that they might not incommodate his household and train in the straits of the mountains, until that he were come into a more open country, and better provided. The Cardinal who lay in his Convent, scarce able to breath, was so glad at the news of the king's arrival, as he left his bed, sung mass, and eat in the refectory among the friars, the which did much discontent the Flemish Courtiers, who desired that he had been dead before that the king should confer with him; for they were well advertised that he sought to chase them from the council, and from all affairs, whereof he had often treated by his letters and agents with the king wherefore they informed themselves curiously of his physicians, how long he would live, thinking that his death was near, & therefore they stayed the king as long as they could upon the way, 
Practices of the Flemish courtiers to keep the king from seeing of the Cardinal  desiring much that he were dead before the king should see him. Some counseled the king to go first and visit the realm of Arragon, before he stayed in Castille, the which the Cardinal hindered all he could, informing him of many inconveniences which would happen by that council: and beseeching him most humbly not to determine anything touching his public or private affairs, before he had given him a full information of the estate of his realm: he did also council him to send the infant D. Ferdinand his brother, as soon as might be into Germany, to the emperor his grandfather, thinking that he could not take a better resolution, neither for his own affairs, nor for the good of the Infant, then to send him thither, and to be a means that all, or a good part of Maximilians succession might come unto him, seeing that by the grace of God, he was king and lord of so many realms and rich estates.  
This council was followed after the Cardinal's death, not at the Flemings suit, who it may be had other designs, for the lord of Cheures desired to keep him under, & soon after would have had him give water unto the king his brother: who, being discontented to see his brother so abase himself, said, that Ximenes council was better. Whereupon he ordained that the Infant should be conducted into Germany. The king being come to Saint Vincent of Barquera, D. Anthony of Rojas, Bishop of Granado, Precedent of the Council royal (who had been always opposite to the Cardinal) went from Aranda with all the Council, not making him acquainted therewith, to go and mee● with the king; and the better to excuse their fact, they would have carried with them the Infant D. Ferdinand, if the marquess of Aguilar had not hindered it. The Cardinal finding himself wronged herewith, sent two of the king's letters to the Precedent; by the which he and the whole council were commanded not to departed without him; but they stayed not for all that, thinking that the Cardinal's authority was much decayed: but he moved with this contempt, sent to the king, complaining of D. Antony de Roias', and of the councils departure, in contempt of his letters, terming them forsakers of the commonweal, & of the affairs of estate, protesting, that if before his coming they had presumed to do such a thing, he would have punished them in such sort, as within 3 days both the precedent & the council had been renewed, and had deprived them of their dignities with disgrace: wherefore he besought him to observe the honour and dignity of his council of Spain, & to cause them to return, to the end they might all together go to mere him, as it was fit: the which was done to the precedents great discontent and shame, who returned with all his train to Aranda. The masters of accounts did not abandon the cardinal: to whom the admiral Henriques and other noblemen, who were ready to go & meet the K. offered to go in his company, but he thinking that there were other considerations in these noblemen than in the Senate he gave them thanks, entreating them to go before and without him. Winter which comes sooner, and is more sharp in the region beyond the mountains, than in other parts of Spain, priest the cardinal to leave the convent of Aguilera which place was too moist for his health: wherefore he removed to Roa a town in the county of Siruelas, where he had learned his first letters in his infancy, causing himself to be carried thither in a close litter, and clad in furs: carrying with him the infant D. Ferdinand Roa is ●6 leagues nearer to Vailledolit than Aranda, and it is a commodious place to take the way to Vailedolit or to Segobia, as if it had been done of purpose. For his part he desired the court should rather go to Segobia than to Vailled o●it, whereas the K. night consult of his affairs, & assemble the states, the which he dissuaded much at this his first arrival, 
Assembly of the Estates disliked by the cardinal Ximenes at the king's arrival.  saying, that their spirits were yet inflamed with the forepast mutinies, doubting not but there would be many rash and impertinent articles preferred, wherefore it was expedient to defer it for a time, & to suffer those humours to settle: being of great importance, that the people should meet and see their prince at the first with all humility, obedience and fear, which advice was contemned, to the great prejudice and danger of the realm.  
In the mean time there came deputies from Toledo to the king, beseeching him to choose that city, which was great, spacious and healthful, and situated in a fertile country, for his first abode, the which would have been very pleasing to the cardinal who was archbishop of Toledo: but the Flemish courtiers took no delight to be so far from the sea: wherefore the king having given good reception to the deputies, he sent them back, making choice rather of the town of Vailledolit; 
Enter●iew betwixt K. Charles and his mother unnecessary.  but before his coming thither, he would go visit his mother D. joane at Tordefillas, writing the causes unto the Cardinal, and to his brother D. Ferdinand, which had moved him thereunto: his resolution seemed full of piety, but considering the indisposition of this princess, it was not needful to confer so long with her of affairs, as he did. During the King's abode at Tordesillas, the lodgings were made at Vailledolit, where the Cardinal began to find that the Flemings could do more than he in Spain, for his servants demanding the lodging of doctor Bernardin for him, 
Sign of the cardinals disgrace.  being in a wholesome place, and fit for his infirmity, the harbinger Terremonde refused it him, having marked it for Queen German, wherein the Cardinal had infinite troublesome difficulties, being not accustomed to entreat, although he obtained it: (it was known afterwards, that the duke of Alba had been the motive of this unworthy usage of a man of so great authority:) but as for his train it was lodged in a village without the town: and yet he must have patience, it availed him nothing to complain of this contempt and disgrace, which he had never tried being in a meaner estate, no not when the kings D. Ferdinand, and D. Philippe were together in that town, with a great train of noblemen and knights, and all their ordinary guards, saying, that it was a poor recompense, after so much toil and sweat, to receive a wrong in the place of a reward, whereof he blamed the K. officers who were strangers & ignorant of the customs of Spain. 
Letter of discharge from the Cardinal to the King.  But the worst was, when he received letters from the K. by the which he was commanded to attend him at Mojadoes upon the way to Tordesillas, where he desired to confer with him, and to have his council in affairs both of his realm and house, to th'end he might discharge him of so great a burden, & suffer him to retire to his own house, to live in rest, where God would comfort & recompense him, for so many good offices which he had done for the realm, seeing he thought it was not in the power of any man to do it, & that for his part he would ever remember it, and honour and reverence him as his father. These letters were written at the persuasion of Mote Bish. of Badajos, an affectionate servant to the L. of Cheures, & yet much bound to the Cardinal, who having received them, conceived so great a grief to see himself put back, as within few hours after he died, his fever increasing which he had gotten the day before these strange news: 
Death of the Cardinal friar Franc●● Ximenes of Cisneros.  feeling his end to draw near, he had some little conference with some of his people of the mercy of God, & of the vanity of this world, & forgetting no ceremonies which his order & profession required, he recommended his soul to God & to all the Saints, namely, to the virgin Mary, to S. Peter, S Paul, S. jaques, and S. Michael, but especially to S. Francis, under whose rule he had lived, and to the protectors and patrons of his church of Toledo, S. Eugenius, and Idelfonse or Alphonso. Being thus provided, & with the prayers & suffrages of some priests which assisted him, he ended his days, leaving a great grief to many, but it may be the number of those that were glad of it exceeded. He was no sooner dead, but 2 Spanish captains Vadillo & Collozo, going out of the antechamber into the chamber where he died, began to lay hand upon some plate and other things, thinking that all was to be sacked, but they were balmed by the colonel Spinosa, D. Alphonso of Areillan earl of Aguilar, & other noblemen, who were better taught. His body was embalm, and being attired in his pontifical robes, he was ●aid for a time bore faced upon a rich bed, whereas every man came and kissed his hands, being muited thereunto by the sound of a trumpet, with promise of pardon for their sins: Then according to his will, he was carried to Alcala of Henares, where he was founder of that goodly University, and there with great honour and funeral pomp, he was interred in the church of S. Idelfonse, as he had ordained, where his tomb is to be seen of white marble, with his Image in his archbishop's weed, 
Cardinal Ximenes little respected by the people and university of Alcala.  excellently well cut, environed with a grate of iron, whereas are 16 spaces, representing the deeds of this Prelate, artificially graven. The people of Alcala showed him small reverence, for presently after his funeral they went and beat down and razed the houses and farms, which he had caused to be built without the town for Benedict his nephew: and they of the university and college of S. Idelfonse disannulled many things which he had brought in, and chased away the canon Cardegna, who was treasurer and superintendant of that college. 
Disposition of Cardinal Ximenes.  Such was the end of this cardinal, a famous man for his great wisdom & judgement in the government of the affairs of state, constancy in his resolutions, and magnanimity in the execution of his enterprises, severe, rigorous, and inexorable: a terror to great men, not yielding to force nor flattery, being exceeding ambitious & desirous of honour, the which he showed in his sour disposition, fit for them that govern great Estates. His constitution of body did represent the qualities of his mind, for he was of a great stature, strong & lusty: his pace was grave, his voice strong & firm, his face long and dry, a large forehead without any wrinkles, reasonable big eyes, hollow, but quick sighted, and always moist, long nosed & crooked like an Eagle; his great teeth stuck out, so as some called him Elephant, & thick lipped. His skull being found in the year 1565 in the vault where it had been laid, seemed to be all of one piece without any seam: he delivered his conceptions in few words, & never strayed from the purpose, no not in his greatest choler: if he promised to do any man good, he always performed more than he spoke: he did seldom use to jest, yet he took delight to hear them that were quick conceited, & would laugh at them that were pleasant in their speeches: he kept a mad man, who sometimes had been learned & a divine, & was delighted to hear him rehearse many passages which he had retained, the which he repeated without any reason, & yet sometimes not ill applied: he would be pleasant with a Spanish captain called Maderol, who had made many promises, but done little good in all his life, counseling him to become a monk to do penance for his sins: & in these things he recreated his spirits, being charged with great affairs. Finally, he loved learning, & to hear the disputations of learned men, & oftentimes of young scholars. This prelate being well informed of the great profit which the world might draw from the knowledge of tongs he did entertain men that were learned in them: & to employ them in matters fit for his religious profession, 
Bible printed in many tongues.  & to the end the studious of the holy scripture might taft the word of God from the original springs, he caused the bible to be printed in many tongs: that is, the book of the old testament distinguished into 3 parts, whereof the first contained the Heb●ue text, the second the common translation into Latin which we use: & the third the Greek of the 70 Interpreters, with his translation in Latin. As for the new Testament it contained the Greek text, & the common translation in Latin, very well corrected: and in the end of the volume, a dictionary of Hebrew words interpreted, very ample & copious; a work of great labour, sumptuous and stately, witnessing the greatness of this cardinals courage, who was not daunted with any difficulty. Herein he used the care, learning, and judgement of Demetrius Canndiot, john of Vergara, 
Men employed to peruse the Bible.  Anthony Nebri●encis, Lopes of Estun●ga, Fernand of Vailledo●t, worthy professors in the Greek and Latin tongs; Alphonso of Alcala a physician, Paul Cornel, and Alphonso Zamora, learned men in the Hebrew tongue. These men were very careful to examine the old volumes that were most correct and approved of both testaments, wherein they had no small help and ease by the library of the Vatican at Rome, through the bounty of Pope Leo, who refused not any thing to cardinal Ximenes. The Latin explication of the translation of the 70 Interpreters, was the work of Demetrius, of Fernand of Vailledoli●, and of Alphonso of Estuniga, assisted by some of their disciples learned men, john Vergara was also invited and called by them to take part of this charge, who interpreted some of those books which he was wont to call Sapientiales: as Ecclesiasticus, the which he could not finish as he desired, by reason of his indisposition; for he had an intent to make large Annotations. The Bible was begun by these men in the year 1502, who spent 15 whole years, with great care and toil to turn over infinite volumes and copies, gathered together from many parts of the world, with wonderful charge, for proof whereof Gometius says, that he had often heard Alphonso Zamora, professor in the Hebrew tongue, affirm, that for 7 Hebrew copies which are kept in the University of Alcala of Henares, were paid 4000 crowns of gold. Being ended by john Brocario of Alcala, it was dedicated to pope Leo, whereof the world hath received great profit. 
Cardinal Ximenes oppressed with melancholy  This Cardinal having his mind continually attentive to great matters, was sometimes oppressed with melancholy, which made him to undertake things rather through fury than council, but very seldom, as the conversion of the Moors of Granado, and the enterprises of Africa, attempted with too great affection & zeal without any ground. The quarrels which he had with great men with such obstination as we have said, proceeded from the love of justice, 
A lover of justice.  magnanimity & virtue: for he would teach them to live according to equity. The canons of Toledo were his chief councillors, without whose advice he would never attempt any thing of importance: 
Execution must be speedy after mature deliberation.  he would, as it was fit, that whatsoever had been decreed after mature deliberation, should be instantly put in execution: he censured of men's errors, not by the effect, but by the intent. Although in public affairs, he were impatient of all reply, & bold speech, yet in that which concerned himself, he often endured the liberty of another man's tongue: the which he showed to Contrera the preacher, who blaming him one day in his presence, for that he being a friar did often wear fables & other rich furs, he was invited to dine with him, where he commended his preaching, but he excused that which he did reprehend in him, saying, that men advanced to dignity and great charges, 
Cardinal Ximenes, though a friar, yet be went richly appareled.  had need of precious ornaments, and rich attire, as well on their persons as in their houses, for that doth breed majesty in him, and causeth reverence in subjects. They writ that these ornaments were used superficially by the Cardinal, for as for his under habit and his sleeping, he always carried himself according to the Order of Saint Francis: he daily said his prayers, either alone, or accompanied, the door being shut, that he might not be diverted. He had great compassion of great persons unworthily afflicted, and did relieve them with money, as to D. Gu●●mar of Castro duchess of Nagera, being chased from her house by her husband, whom he did nourish and comfort in the city of Toledo with as great honour, as the duke himself could have done her, blaming his churlishness the more, for that he had been made duke by king Henry the fourth in favour of this woman, with whom, as we have said, he seemed to be in love.  
When there was any great benefice void in the church of Toledo, 
Discretion in giving of benefices.  he gave it either to the son of some prince o● great nobleman, or to some one of the learnedest men of Spain; saying, That nobility gave favour, and learning authority to the clergy: finally, he was liberal, and very charitable to the poor, and careful of his household servants. He spent a good part of his revenues in religious buildings, which preserve his memory: 
Buildings made at the charge of Cardinal Ximenes.  as at Tordelaguna, where he was borne the convent of Franciscan friars, entitled of the virgin Mary, a goodly and stately work: at Toledo the convent of Saint john penitent: and one of the like title at Alcala of Henares▪ two Convent▪ one of Franciscans, and the other of jacobins, in the city of O●an: but above all, the building of the college of Saint Idelfonse or Alphonso, 
1518  in the university of Alcala of Henares is most famous, and the institution of the company, which should be all Divines. This man was so severe, as he had attempted to reduce all the Orders of monks to their ancient and first simplicity and purity. After this prelates death, D. Alphonso of Arragon archbishop of Saragosse, base son to the deceased king D. Ferdinand, came to Tordesillas, to salute the king his nephew, and also to get the archbishopric of Toledo, if he might; but the lord of Cheures, who would have it for William of Crovy his nephew, stayed his coming, so as this prince was forced to go to Vailledolit, there to attend the King, who having seen him, and complaining to all the noblemen of Spain, of the wrong the lord of Cheures had done him, he returned into Arragon, frustrate of that which he pretended.  
12 The king having caused the Estates of Castille to assemble at Vailledolit, in September 1518, he was declared king of Castille, Toledo, Granado, and other dependences in Spain; 
Coronation of King Charles the first of that name.  he received and took the oath after the accustomed manner: wherein there was some difficulty made by some great noblemen, for that Queen joane his mother did yet live; notwithstanding it passed: and having there ordained many things touching the government of Castille, he passed into Arragon, to have alike assembly and solemnity, in regard of those realms and the lands depending. Being in Arragon he was solicited to send ambassadors to Mompellier, to confer with the deputies of the French king, and of Henry of Albret, touching the rights of the realm of Navarre, held and enjoyed by him, in the name of D. joane his mother, and his own, by hereditary title, whereof there had been another parliament held at Noion: whither were sent the lord of Cheures, the chancellor john Sawage, 
Conference of deputies touching the realm of Navarre.  who was of Bruges, D. Ant. of Estuniga one of the prior's of S john, the great commander of Castille, doctor Caruaial, with other knights and learned men: but all this conference was to no effect, for he that was in possession, would hold it: besides Arthur Goiffier, L. of Boissi dying, was a hindrance to it. At that time D. Ant. Manriques duke of Nagera was viceroy of Navarre, having for assistant D. Roderigo of Mercado bishop of Auila, at which time the new king Charles had caused the marshal D. Pedro of Navarre to be delivered out of prison, being in the castle of Atiensa, & priest him much to take the oath, & to do him homage, as to his king; but he who bore an affection to his master, refused it: by reason whereof he ended his days in the prison of Simancas. The K. being at Barcelone he had news of his election to the empire of Germany: wherefore he went towards Vailledolit, to make preparation for his journey, & order for the affairs of Castille, which were very confused. But he was forced to make haste, and to leave many things undecided, being advertised of the conspiracies & leagues betwixt the towns and great lords of the realm, 
Charles chosen emperor of Germany.  for the defence of the privileges and liberties of the country, against the greediness & usurpations of the Flemish councelors, who governed this young prince: among the which the chief was, as we have said, the L. of Cheurs. The K. for that he would not be engaged in these Spanish mutinies, with whose humours he was not acquainted, he parted as it were flying away, & embarked at the Groin, a famous port in Galicia, leaving for governors cardinal Adrian, & the constable. D. Inigo Fernandes of Velasco, to whom he afterwards joined D. Frederic Henriques, great admiral of Castille. Being landed in the low countries, he went presently to Aix●a Chapelle, where he received the imperial crown, 
Departure of the emperor Charles out of Castille forced.  in the year 1520, being 20 years old. The first Acts of his government, were to suppress by mild & quiet means the doctrine preached by Luther, which increased much in Germany. To this end, & for some other matters of importance concerning the empire, he caused the princes and estates to assemble at Worms, whereas Luther appeared having a passport, and was ●eard disputing against doctor Ectius & others, but there came no fruits of it. But in Spain there grew great seditions and tumults, in the towns and provinces of Castille, many towns & noblemen complaining of the breach of the laws and privileges of the realm, and of the bad government of the Flemish lords, 
Civil war in Castille.  who by their great covetousness, had drawn unto them great sums of money, under the king's authority, usurped the estates, offices, & benefices of the realm, & caused a profanation in a manner of all things, as if they had been in a country of conquest: so as the people being moved upon so apparent occasions, the excess and troubles which civil dissensions are accustomed to produce, followed soon after.  
Cardinal Adrian & the constable thinking to suppress this mischief in the breeding, 
1519  made the fire greater; for having sent against than of Segobia, Ronquillo Alcaide or provost of the court, 
Excess of Ronquillo provost of the Court.  a man of a sour disposition, rigorous in his executions, & proud and insolent i● his threats, having made the summations & solemnities required in justice, he began to burn, ruin, cut & pull up, take & kill all that he found about Segobia: whereat the inhabitants of Toledo being incensed, they took arms and went to field chase away this provost. They being once armed in one place, 
Towns conspired.  the sedition grew general: Burgos, Vailledolit, Salamanca, Auila, Zamora, Leon, Toro, and other chief places rebelled openly, & had many noblemen & knights of their faction, yet they were more led by their own private interests than the public good. The deputies of all these cities thus mutined came to Auila, where they made a league with the noblemen, the principal whereof were D. john de Padilla of Toledo, D. Anthony d' Acugna bishop of Zamora, D. Pedro Giron, of whom mention hath been often made. Cardinal Adrian had been already forced to fly from Vailledolit, by the help of a priest, 
Insolency against the Cardinals and the King's officers.  who conveyed him away by night, breaking a piece of the town wall, notwithstanding that D. Pedro Giron & D. john de Padilla had assured him that there was nothing intended against him, & that his innocency was well known. The precedent and councillors of the Audience and Chancery were in like manner fled, of the which doctor Vargas escaped by a sink. The people being masters in all the towns made choice of captains of their own sort, smiths, belfounders, skinner's, tailors and such like, who forgot nothing to make them detestable, in all covetousness, cruelty, and other wicked actions. At Segobia they did hang the rector betwixt 2 sergeants, thinking to advise them something for the good of the public peace: they of Auila did raze the house of Pedro Ponce, for that he would not sign the league with the rest. The constable was chased from Burgos, who with the earl of Alva de Lista and others were pursued by the conspirators with public Edicts, who had summoned with solemnities and order of justice, all the princes and great noblemen of the realm to join with them, for the defence, said they, of the laws & liberties of Spain: in default whereof to proceed against them as traitors to their country. The governors seeing this great revolt, furnished themselves with arms & all other means to defend themselves & to suppress the rebels. Anthony Fonseca being sent Medina del Campo, with a good number of horse, to bring the artillery which was kept in the storehouse of that town, he found such resistance, as he was forced, partly through choler, & partly by a stratagem of war, to set fire in divers parts of the town, to the end he might draw the people (who were earnest to defend the artillery) to go & save their houses which were on fire: but their obstinacy was such as they had rather suffer their goods to be burnt, then abandon the artillery to Fonseca, who was forced to return without it: so upon this occasion they of Medina joined with the league: In which town there was great store of merchandise of all sorts, movables & other riches of inestimable value burnt. The conspirators having put their army of field seized upon Tordesillas, where Q. joane (being distracted) kept, 
Tordesillas' taken by the conspirators.  her they saluted for their Q. & gave her a guard of 300 priests, levied by the Bish. of Zamora in his diocese, whom he commanded to swear and renounce God, & to look like soldiers: and if he did see any one that did handle his portaise, he would beat him with a cudgel. The emperor being advertised of all these miseries, he wrote unto the Admiral D. Frederic Henriques, which was then in Cattelogne, to take the charge of governor with the rest, & to seek by all means to pacify those troubles. D. Frederic joined with the governors with equal authority & did what he could to pacify all, notwithstanding that the Confederates had taken and spoiled Vruegna, Tordehumes, and Villabrassica, lands belonging unto him, & had sacked his brother's palace, & committed other indignities in contempt of him, and to his prejudice, yet notwithstanding he went and sent divers times to the rebels: but the disease required a sharper remedy: for in truth there was no more any question to reform abuses, and correct the faults of the common weal: all were now grown into a fury to overthrow the estate. As for the noblemen and knights their own greedy desires had thrust them into arms. D. Pedro Giron would be duke of Medina Sidonia, and win his cause by the sword, D. john de Padilla promised to himself the mastership of S. jaques, others having private quarrels, would be revenged and spoil their enemies: and as for the Towns, if their first motion had some lawful cause, 
1520  their manner of proceeding, and their form of demanding, had spoiled all, and made them and their cause odious: wherefore the war began to grow hot: john de Padilla, and john Bra●o being come to Villapanda, with part of the forces of the League, it seemed to the emperor's captains that an opportunity was offered, to recover Todesillas, and to deliver Queen joane, who was held as a prisoner by the rebels: the which succeeded well without any great loss or difficulty, 
Tordesill as recovered.  for the place was not strong: There were many of the seditious taken there: Tordesillas was sacked, yea the Queen and her servants lodgings, yet all was restored unto them again. It is written, that when they battered the town, a priest of the bishop of Zamoras being behind a loop hole slew 11 men with his piece; and to discharge himself somewhat of this guilt, or to give some ease to his soul at whom he aimed, at every shot he made a cross with his arqebus: In the end this priest was slain with an arrow. After this prize the Constable and the Admiral who were commanders for the emperor, marched against the enemies, who went towards Toro, with an intent to join with their other confederates, who had gathered together a rabble of 8000 rascals out of the towns and diocese of Zamora, 
Battle of Villa Lara, and defeat of the rebels.  but they were overtaken near unto Villa Lara, and fought with: where notwithstanding that they had great numbers of men, and that Padilla and Bravo performed the parts of valiant and hardy captains, yet they were defeated and taken. This defeat pacified all tumults, and made them all more quiet. The confederate cities laboured every one apart to return into favour, and did easily obtain pardon, yea the city of Burgos before this rout had left the society of the rest. The bishop of Zamora hearing of the defeat of his companions, 
Punishment of rebels.  thought to escape, but he was stayed in Navarre, and afterwards strangled. D. john of Padilla and john Bravo were condemned to lose their heads: D. Maria wife to john of Padilla, fell into the like misery, a woman of a great courage, but deceived by the false predictions of divines and sorcerers, whom she believed: their palace at Toledo, by the same sentence was ruined, and the soil sown with salt, and therein a pillar erected, for a perpetual memory of their rebellion: D. Pedro Giron who had left the other conspirators, by the persuasion of his friends and kinsmen (whereof the Constable was the chief) was confined to Oran, with many other knights. Many men of less note felt the rigour of justice; and many also were pardoned. Thus ended the civil war and sedition in Spain, which grew by reason of the excess and violent government of the Flemings, who suffered the Spaniards to end it, whilst that they were judges of their punishments and rewards, for that the emperor was governed by their council.  
15 Whenas this rebellion in Castille happened, 
Navarre.  the governors finding themselves weak and ill provided of many things, they were forced to use the soldiers which were in the garrisons of Navarre, and to draw many pieces of ordnance, out of Pampelone, and places of that realm, which gave occasion to some well affected to the house of Albret and Foix, and to Henry of Albret the true heir of that realm, to have secret intelligences, in Bearn and in France, in whose favour king Francis sent Andrew of Foix, Lord of Asperraut, or Esparre younger brother to Ode● of Foix Lord of Lautrech, who being received by them of the faction of Gramont took the castle of Saint john de Pied de Port: 
Pampelone abandoned by the Castillans.  wherefore D. Anthony Manrique Duke of Nagera finding himself surprised, the city of Pampelone beginning also to mutiny, he left it, and returned into Castille, abandoning his house to the sack of the people.  
16 At that time there was in Navarre following arms, Inigo of Loyola, the first author of the jesuits, an obstinate enemy to the house of Albret, who whenas the viceroy Maurique dislodged, 
Beginning of the Jesuits.  remained in the castle of Pampelone in garrison, with the other soldiers of the emperor. It happened that this castle being assailed by the people, there was a canon shot made by them of the town, at a certain place, whereas this man had both his feet so bruised with stones which the bullet had scattered, as he fell from the top of the castle to the bottom, but being ordained for an instrument to this new kind of plant in the church, he was taken up, and his life preserved. He was son to Bertrand of Loyola and Ognez in the province of Guipuscoa, 
Inigo of Loyola and his family.  in the jurisdiction of Aspeytia, which in old time was called Miranda of Yraurgui. After this mischance he was carried to his father's house at Loyola, 
1521  which is in the midst of the province of Guipuscoa, where seeing himself maimed and unable ever after to bear arms, he changed his mind and profession, and quitting the world, he gave himself to spiritual things, following the direction which he had, according to the religion which was then esteemed amongst men: His first religious exploit was to go and visit the place of Monserrat, where he spent nine days; then he gave all his goods unto the poor, and retired himself into the mountains of Manresa, where he began to lead a solitary life, for the space of seven months. Afterwards he went to Barcelona, from whence he passed by sea to Venice, and finding the pilgrim's ship ready to departed, he put himself into it, & went to Palestina to seek the places of that land whereof mention is made in the holy Scripture: but the father guardian of the Franciscans of mount Zion forced him to return: 
Studies of Inigo of Loyola.  and for that he was but ignorant, he began to study his Grammar at Barcelona, after which he frequented the university of Alcala of Henares, going always bore footed, although he were lame, which manner of living many did interpret to be very superstition: wherefore he was apprehended, and let go again by the judgement of doctor john of Figueroa, with charge that he should go no more bare footed: this made him leave Alcala and go to Salamanca, where he was more derided: wherefore seeing himself crossed in his studies by these persecutions, he left Spain and came to Paris, where he heard master Peter Faber, and there he remained not long, being vexed by some and supported by others, in the end allowed by master Or●, they held an opinion that he was a holy man, and of a scholar he became a master, having for his followers his master Peter Faber, 
First jesuits.  Diego Laynes, john Coduri, claud Gay, Pasqual Brovet, Francis Xavierre, Alphonso Sameron, Simon Rodrigues, and Nicholas of Bovadilla, students in divinity, all which submitted themselves to an Order set down by Inigo, and did vow perpetual poverty & chastity. Having wrought this in France, he returned into Spain, honoured with the degree of Master in the university of Paris, and retired himself to the place of his birth, not to his father's house of Loyola, but to the hospital of Aspeytia, and would not be known: there he began to preach, as well in the church of Saint Sebastian of Soreasu, as in other places of that country, with so great a concourse and reputation, as it was (said they) wonderful, so as in the end being discovered by a clerk of Navarre, who had studied at Paris, he was made known unto his parents, who sought by all means possible to retire him from that begging kind of life, but in vain. He had concluded with his companions abovenamed, to make a voyage with them to the holy Land, wherefore he went to meet them at Venice where the rendezvous was: from whence they went to Rome, and stayed there all Lent in the year 1537, and obtained leave of pope Paul the third to perform their pilgrimage: whereupon they returned to Venice, but finding that the passage was stopped by reason of the war betwixt that commonweal and the Turk, they were forced to stay there, and by that means the jesuits were first known in Italy, not without great crosses, from the which they were delivered by the judgement of Gaspar of Ottis, who disputed in their cause. Desirous to be of greater fame, they got leave to hear in Confession, and some of them received Orders to say mass; then they dispersed themselves in the Venetians terriorie, preaching and doing other works of their profession, purchasing great fame, especially with the ignorant, so as in the year 1538 they came all to Rome, whereas they obtained from pope Paul confirmation & approbation of their manner of living, 
Sect of jesuits confirmed at Rome.  and of the statutes and orders of their ●ect, by the aid and favour of cardinal Contareno, and they were received under the protection of the sea of Rome, but only vivae voc● or aculo, referring them for the expedition of the perpetuation of their sect, to cardinal Guidiction of Luca, the which was effected with the more ease, forasmuch as there were at that time in Rome, doctor john of Figueroa, master Ori, and Gaspar of Ottis, who gave ample information of the life, manners and intention of Inigo of Loyola, whom they had known at Alcala, Paris and Venice. Cardinal Guidiction, notwithstanding that he had a little before set forth a book De non multiplicandis religionibus, not only embraced and allowed them, but became the●● solicitor: 
Cardinal Guidiction first patron to the jesuits.  wherefore they were confirmed and allowed by letters and bulls, the first of October 1540, given at Tivoli, under the name and title of the company of jesus, with liberty to receive into their company, being then but ten, to the number of threescore, by provision. The eleventh which was retained into this Order was called Anthony of Araos', borne at Vergara in Guipuscoa. D. john the third king of Portugal, being advertised of this new brood, by his ambassador D. Pedro Mazcaner as, desired to have some into his country: wherefore he caused suit to be made unto the Pope, to send some unto him: For this cause there were sent into Portugal, Francis Xavierre a Navarrois, and Simon Rodrigues a Portugal, brothers of this Company of jesus: Simon Rodrigues remained in Portugal, Xavierre passed to the East Indies to preach, and there died. In the year 1543 they had leave from pope Paul to increase their number as much as they would, and to receive all that would enter into the Order: and then in the year 1545 he granted them all the privileges, faculties and graces which they now enjoy. Afterwards Peter Fabri and Anthony of Araos' came into Castille, and consequently the rest, so as Spain hath never wanted of this brood. After the death of Paul the third, pope julio de Monte his successor, did in a manner begin the first Acts of his papacy, by a confirmation of this Order in the year 1550. 
Duke of Gandie becomes a jesuite.  By the conversation of doctor Anthony of Araos', D. Francisco Borgia and of Arragon, Duke of Gandie and marquess of Lombay, conceived a great love to this sect, in the which he was the more confirmed by the persuasion of his wife D. Leonora de Castro, a Portugal, much devoted to the jesuits: so as D. Francisco went out of Spain with this doctor, who was the first Provincial of Castille, towards Rome, where he resolved to make himself a jesuite, and to leave his temporal estates, whereunto he was admitted by father Inigo of Loyola, author of that Order. The duke and doctor Anthony being returned into Spain, the duke made renunciation of the duchy of Gandie, and of his other lands, unto his son D. Charles Borgia and of Arragon, in the jesuits College of Ognate, where he took the habit, and received all the Orders: and soon after he would that his second son D. john Borgia and of Arragon, should marry D. Laurenc● of Loyola and Ognez, daughter to D. Bertrand of Loyola nephew to father Inigo, who with the aid and favour of cardinal john Mouron, did build the german college at Rome, to instruct the youth of that nation against Luther's doctrine: Before his death he saw sixteen Provincials of his Institution and Order, and above a hundred and seventy colleges, the which since have multiplied strangely. He died at Rome in the year 1556 being threescore and one years old, he was buried in the chief house, and head of that Order, called Sancta Maria de la Strada. We have seen the abovenamed D. Francisco Borgia d' Arragon general of this Order in our time. There are three sorts of religious in it, one of professed who can hold no goods, the other probationers, and the third collegialls, and it is lawful for these two to possess what they will. 
Sect of Theatins differs from the Jesuits.  The jesuits are not Theatins: for they whom they called Theatins, had an other beginning, and another kind of life; they were certain gentlemen and others moved with devotion, who gave themselves to prayers, singing, and other such works, and were first called of the company of the love of God, to whom there being joined john Peter Carrafa a Neapolitan, bishop of Chieti, and being reputed as a worthy man, the head of those religious, they began to call them Chietins, and then corrupting the word Theatins. These Chietins were in credit in the time of pope Clement the seventh, who by reason of the sack of Rome, being retired to Ostia, and there finding certain Venetian galleys, they passed to Venice, and there made their abode eleven years, before that Inigo of Loyola and his companions came there. The jesuits coming afterwards from Venice to Rome, for that they could not perform their voyage to the holy Land, the people thought that they were the Chietins or Theatins which were returned, and confounded these two Orders through ignorance, whereof there is great difference. This john Peter Carrafa came afterwards to be pope, and was called 〈◊〉 the fourth. Of the Theatins there are not many other colleges or houses to be found, but at Venice, Rome, Naples, and Pavia. The jesuits are also called in Arragon Iniguists, of the name of their author, and in Portugal Apostles, but in all other places jesuits, according to the Pope's Bulls and Briefs. This we find in the Spanish Histories of the Institution of the jesuits, inserted here of purpose, at the time of the revolt at Pampelone, in the year 1521 where Inigo of Loyola their first Institutor was. There was at that time an ample subject prepared for these Jesuits to practise their charities, and, withal, a fit and pleasing abode for them, and other religious Spaniards, at the west Indies by Fernand Cortes, who having run along the coasts of the firm land at this new world, going up Northward, and there by sundry conquests having drawn unto him many of those Indian people he entered into the country, and assailed the city of Mexico, took it, and conquered that realm with an incredible facility. 
Mexico at the Indies taken by the Christians.  It is at this present called Nova Hispania. This great city which was one of the wonders of the world, by reason of the situation was taken in August this year 1521, where the king Motezum● was slain, and above a hundred thousand of his subjects.  
Returning now to the history of Navarre, we say, that as soon as the duke of Nagera was retired, they of Pampelone did choose the signor of Osoien for their captain, who had served the catholic king, Monsieur Asperaunt pursuing his conquests was met in the Pyrenee mountains by some deputies of the valley of Roncal, who yielded him obedience, and gave him advertisement of the estate of the courtrie, with whom he passed to Pampelone, 
The lord of Asperaut makes himself master of Pampelone.  and made himself master thereof in the name of king Henry. D. Lewis of Beaumo●t earl of Lerin desired to come to him, but they refused him a safeconduct for his return. The lord of Asperaut finding no resistance in the whole realm, he reduced it in few days under the obedience of its natural king: and making use of the civil wars of Castille, having good intelligence with the commonalties, he passed the river of Ebro, and laid siege to Logrogne, 
Logrogne besieged by the French.  through a rash and ill digested council. D. Pedro Velez of Guevare had put himself into the place, with some soldiers, who resisted the French army virtuously, they being much favoured by the victory of Villa Laria, which the viceroys of Castille had won against the commons: by reason whereof the Victor's advanced with the Duke of Nagera, who had levied men from Burgos unto the sea, making his son D. john Manrique de Lara colonel of the Guipuscoans, a young Lord but fifteen years old: and of the biscain's Gomes Gonsales de Butron, 
French retire from Logrogne.  Lord of Muxica and of Butron: which forces being great, forced the French to raise their siege, and repassing the river, to return into Navarre, the Castillan army following them so near, as whereas the French sup●, the Castillans dined the next day. The armies being come near unto Pampelone, the Lord of Asperraut being accompanied by many Navarrois, was of opinion to turn head, and to hazard a battle, but very inconsiderately: for at that time he was not strong enough to encounter the power which came against him, neither had he the patience to attend some of his forces which were at Tafalla, with the signior of Ollaoqui, and at Pampelone, and a new jevie of six thousand Navarrois, which might have joined with him the next day, or the day after, wherefore being near one unto another, after that the artillery had played, when they came to join, the French horsemen behaved themselves worthily: 
Rout of the lord of Aspera●t and the French army at Noayn.  but the footmen, who were most part Gascons, could not endure the force of the Castillans, but were presently put to rout, which made them to give the field, and to leave the victory unto the viceroys. In this battle which was given near unto the borough of Noayn, and the port of Reniega, there died of French and Navarrois is near five thousand, and amongst them D. Charles of Mauleon, and D. john of Saraza, captain Martin, and Charles of Navasques, or of Novailles: the general also of the French army being hurt by a man at arms of the company of the Earl of Alba de Lista, yielded to D. Francis of Beaumond: the Lord of Turnon was also taken, D. Pedro of Navarre son to the Marshal D. Pedro prisoner at Sim●nca, saved himself in France, with D. Arnold of Gramont, D. Frederic of Navarre, and others in great numbers. 
Pampelone recovered by the Castillans.  Through the favour of this victory Pampelone was recovered without any difficulty, by the Castillans: and after their example all the other places of the realm yielded, except some strong castles in the mountains. The Lord of Asperaut was blamed to have hazarded a battle, being weak and within the realm, without any constraint, but he excused himself, for that he had discovered a great disorder amongst the enemies, which promised him an assured victory, but he was deceived: it had been more safe for him to have stood upon his guard, contenting himself with that which he had won in so short a time, without striking stroke, and not to have invaded the lands of Castille: a while after he was set at liberty, paying ten thousand crowns ransom, by D. Francis of Beaumond, against the wills of the Viceroys of Castille, who made D. Francisco of Estuniga and Auillaneda earl of Miranda; viceroy of Navarre, in the place of the duke of Nagera. 
D. Francis of Estuniga earl of Miranda viceroy of Navarre.  This year the bishopric of Pampelone was void, by the death of Cardinal Amand of Albret, and Cardinal Alexander Cesarin Ramain was advanced to that place.  
19 King Francis discontented with the bad success of the Lord of Asperauts army, he resolved to invade Spain with a greater power by Guipuscoa, 
Admiral of Bonivet enters Guipuscoa.  whither he sent the Lord of Boniue●, Admiral of France, who at his first entrance took the Castle of Beoyvia, into the which he put captain Beaufils in garrison: then leading his army against Fontarrab●e, 
Fontarrab● besieged and taken by the French.  he besieged it, and planted his battery in the most convenient places: Diego de Vera was governor within it, who either through negligence, or want of means, had ill furnished it with victuals, so as the third day of the siege they began to want; yet notwithstanding he made some resistance, and endured an assault: but seeing there was no means to hold it, he yielded the place upon composition, the soldiers departing with their arms, and their colours flying. This yielding fell out very happily for the French army: for had it been delayed but two days, they had been forced to dislodge, for that there fell such abundance of rain, as the brooks being swelled in those valleys, would have carried away both men and baggage. The Admiral Bonivet put a garrison of three thousand Gaskins into Fontarrabie, under the command of the Lord of Lude, having rampared up the breaches, and furnished it well with victuals. There was sent out of Spain unto that frontier, to make head against the French D. Bertrand de la Cueva, son to the duke of Albuquerque, who provided for the town of Saint Sebastian and other forts of that country. About that time the emperor sent a commandment from brussels, 
Demolitions in Navarre.  to the earl of Miranda viceroy of Navarre, to ruin all the walls and forts of Navarre to prevent another rebellion; all which was executed, but at Pampelone, Lombier, Pont de la Roine, and at the castle of Estella. It was resolved to fortify Pampelone, and therefore the monasteries near adjoining were ruined, and the monks drawn into the town.  
20 Pope Leo dying this year 1521, 
Adrian chosen Pope.  cardinal Adrian bishop of Tortosa, who was then governor in Spain, with the abovenamed viceroys, was chosen pope in the 62 year of his age: and retaining his name, he was called Adrian the sixth. The news of his election was brought him to Victoria, where the viceroys were, full of care for the ●osse of Fontarraby: passing from thence towards Arragon & Cattelogne, he embarked, and left Spain to go to Rome to receive the pontifical crown, the which he enjoyed but few days.  
The year following 1522 was taken the fort of Maja, 
1522  not far from Baione, by the diligence of the earl of Miranda, 
〈…〉  viceroy, and D. Lewis of Beaumond, earl of Lerin, the which was defended by james Velez of Matran a Navarrois, with others of the faction of Gramon●, a place held impregnable for the situation, the which notwithstanding being extraordinarily priest, was yielded by the said Madran, who was led with his son prisoner to Pampelone, where they died both within 14 days. By this prize king Henry was quite spoiled of all that did belong to the realm of Navarre towards Spain.  
The garrison of Gascons which were within Fontarraby, was held very short, by them that were at Yru●, Vransu in the valley of O●arcum, in the Renterie, and other neighbour places. There was within the town a captain called john of Aese, who was newly fled out of Spain upon a quarrel which he had with Pedro of Vrdanivia, signior of the house of Aranzate: This captain being desirous to be revenged of his enemy, undertook to surprise him in his house, which he knew very well, being of the country, where he had enjoyed the signory of Ibarolle: wherefore going one night out of Fontarraby with about six hundred men, he marched with great silence unto a house called Vreder, where the dogs hearing the noise of them that past, began to bay, so as the master of the house who was a farmer, coming forth in his shirt to see what it was, was taken, bound, and carried so far as Ojarcum, where before all things the soldiers took away the clappers of the bells, lest being discovered they should give an alarm. Then going to the house of Pedro of Vrdanivia, they did invest it and se●ke to force it: but he who was valiant and resolute, and knowing the passages to save himself, escaped. Captain john of Aese and his soldiers seeing themselves frustrate of their prey, resolved before the alarm were given in the Country, to return as speedily as they might, and they had been wise if they could have effected it: but being desirous of spoil, they lingered there about certain packs of merchandise which were come thither from Lion for Medina del Campo, with a passport, so as the people of those valleys being solicited by the Lord Aranzate, with cries, and other such signs and advertisements as he could give them, assembled to the number of three hundred, whereof some following the French behind, and some getting before them by unknown ways, and cutting off their passage, they fought with them in such sort as they put them to rout and slew above half of them, and took many prisoners, they losing but one man, and some hurt. john of Aese escaped by the mountain of jazquivell, with few men, and got into Fontarrabit: whose goods were confiscate by the Emperor, and given to captain Ambulod●. The Castle of Beoyvia, was of very great importance for the French, that would make war in Spain, for it is the only passage by the which they may bring artillery into Guipuscoa; notwithstanding being very ill advised, they resolved for the sparing of men and money, to ruin it, which captain Beaufils having begun, by the commandment of the Earl of Lude, in few days he sapped and undermined the walls at the foot, the which he vnderpropt with piles, which were made hollow and filled with powder, with an intent to give fire to it, and to overthrow all: the which he having done very secretly, as he thought, it was notwithstanding discovered by one of his own gunner's, called great john of Liborne, who for some question he had had with a soldier, was retired to the Spaniards, and had revealed this business to D. Lewis de la Cuena, brother to the general D. Bertrand: wherefore a great number of men of those valleys, being all soldiers, did presently assemble, and were suddenly led by the said commander against this castle, even as the French, having drawn forth their Artillery, and all that was within it, 
Beoyvia a ca●il● of great importance abandoned by the French.  did abandon it, and having already kindled certain matches to conduct the fire to the powder and pillars which supported the walls, which the Spaniards prevented with great diligence, quenching these matches, and so preserved the Castle, whose walls they did repair, rampire up, and fortify again, and as a matter of great moment could keep it well. Ochus of Asua was made captain of that Castle with an hundred soldiers. The French finding their own error, sought afterwards to recover it, there being an enterprise made by some gentlemen of the Country of Labbord, amongst which were the Lords of Ortubia and Semper, who having levied about a thousand men of that Country, and joined unto them a regiment of Germans old soldiers, which were in that frontier in the King's pay, they led them to the passage of the river of Bidaso, which divides France and Spain, where they were stayed by the resistance which they of the Castle made with their artillery, and the Commons of the Country: whereupon seeking an other ford, and other ways by the mountains, thinking to surprise the garrison, they found such resistance of all the Spanish forces, which had been drawn thither, as they were defeated, and in a manner all slain. 
Rout of Saint Martial.  This was called the rout of Saint Martial, for that it was given on Saint Marshal's day, the last of june, this year 1522. In the which the emperor Charles returned into Spain and landed at Saint Ander the five and twentieth of july, 
Return of the emperor into Spain.  from whence he passed to Vailledolit, where he heard the ambassadors of many princes, and also the deputies of the realm of Valencia, who came to crave pardon, for that they had joined in union with the rebels of Spain, and were the last which submitted, whereof they excused themselves upon the hard usage of their viceroy D. jaques of Mendosa, whom having favourably heard, he comprehended them in the general pardon, which he caused to be published, himself being present, and sitting in his royal throne in view of all the world: he deprived Mendosa of the government of Valence, by means whereof all the strong places and castles of the realm, were yielded unto him. In that of Xativa there had been till that time detained D. Ferdinand of Arragon duke of Calabria, son to D. Frederic the dispossessed king of Naples, who died afterwards in France: him he delivered, and kept him near him, with honour and fit entertainment: commending him that having been solicited by the rebels to be their head, he had refused it: and in time he caused him to marry Queen German (who had been wife to king Ferdinand his grandfather, and was then married again to the marquess of Brandeburgh, who died soon after) to which Queen german he gave at that time the government of Valencia.  
Seeing the troubls ended upon the firm land of Spain, 
Rebellion in 〈◊〉.  he had news that the city of Maiorca, & the whole Island were revolted, at the instigation of a poor Artisan called Calon, whereupon he speedily dispatched the viceroy with some galleys: who thinking to reclaim them by mildness, was beaten back by them with their artillery, & forced to go out of the haven with his galleys, being incensed the more for that he had refused to show them the letters of pardon, which he said he brought them from the emperor, before they had laid down arms, and delivered him the town. And in this fury they began to fall upon them which advised them to acknowledge their prince, and to yield unto his mercy. The Viceroy being fortified with more shipping, went to an other part of the Island, where he landed his men● there many of the Islanders came unto him, and offered him service: having mustered his army, he found that he had above ten thousand fight men, with the which seeking to invest and besiege the city, the rebels sallied courageously forth, and came twice to ha●dy strokes, and were twice repulsed within their walls, the which caused great trouble within the town: for many fainting would have the gates opened, and make trial of the emperors clemency: but the greatest and strongest part, being obstinately desperate, rejected this wholesome council with outrages, hanging and cruelly murdering those that were of this advice, if they could get them, setting their heads upon the public places and towers of the town, a grievous and fearful spectacle: And then they discharged their rage upon the wives, children, goods and houses of them that were absent with all barbarous cruelty. Wherefore they were besieged and ba●tered both by sea and land: so as seeing themselves forced, not able long to hold out, and without hope of any succours, or means to escape after that they had endured some assaults, and showed that they had courage, they yielded, upon condition that the people should be pardoned, yet there were twelve reserved at the viceroys discretion, the which were delivered unto him: among them was Calon the Author of the rebellion, 
Mai●rquins vanquished and punished.  found in a privy where he was hidden, who being led so defiled to his punishment upon an Ass, and his companions following him on foot, they were all pinched with hot irons and quartered, and their heads set upon the towers and gates of the city, which paid a certain sum of money in consideration of a fine, and for the charges of the war. These troubles being thus suppressed, the Emperor spent some days in sports, and would himself run at the tilt, to the great contentment of the Spanish nobility, with whom he got the reputation to be a good man at arms.  
During the emperors abode at Vailledolit, 
Combat betwixt two Arragonois  he granted the combat to two gentlemen of Arragon, and did see them fight with those ceremonies which were then used in combats, both in Spain and elsewhere: the report whereof it may be will not be unpleasing unto the Reader; for that now they are left off, and they proceed after another manner.  
Peter Toreilla and Jerome Anca (for so the contendants were named) both borne at Saragosse, great friends before and allied, young and fiery, neither of them being yet five and twenty years old: falling out at play, they had been already in field, unaccompanied with their rapiers and cloaks, where it happened that after many thrusts and blows, and neither hurt, either of them having very good knowledge in his weapon, Anca with an overthwart blow struck his adversaries weapon out of his hand, who seeing himself disarmed, confessed generously that he was vanquished. But he entreated Anca to do him this courtesy, to rest satisfied with the victory, and not to tell any one that they had been in field, as their quarrel was also secret, and no man had been acquainted therewith, the which he having promised they embraced each other, and returned good friends to their lodgings, thinking that not any one had seen them fight. Two or three days after Toreilla understood that all the court talked of this fact, whereat being much grieved, he blamed jerosme Anca, saying, that he had failed of his promise, and that through vanity, and to dishonour him, he had published that which had passed betwixt them. Anca protested that he had never spoken of it, but one had told him that a Curate of the next village, walking at the time of their fight about a troop of his that was feeding, had seen them fight, & had told it, for the which he was sorry. The Curate being demanded touching this matter, answered doubtfully & seemed to speak all in favour of Ieros● Anca, which did confirm the other in his opinion, that he had broken his faith: so as he told him resolutely, that he had done at act unworthy of a knight of honour, and that he must do him reason by arms: who admitting no excuse, he made his petition to the emperor, that he would be pleased to grant him the combat against his enemy, to make it known that he was a traitor, disloyal and unworthy to bear the name of a gentleman, and withal he sent him a challenge. The emperor referred this difference to the judgement of his Constable D. Inigo Fernandes of Velasco, who did what he could to reconcile them, but seeing there was no means, he put them into the field, with the formalties used in those times. In the public place at Vailledolit there was a plot measured out, which was 50 paces long, & 36 broad, & railed round about. On either side long ways without the lists was a scaffold set up, one on the one side for the emperor, & the other for the Constable, either of them being covered with rich tapestry, & in them chairs covered with cloth of gold. At the other two ends were two other scaffolds built lower for the kinsmen and friends of the combatants, and joining to either of them was a pavilion in which the champions should take their arms: the place had been made very even and covered with sand, that they should not slip. About 11 of the clock the emperor came accompanied with a great nobility, the marshal's of the field and his guards both of horse & foot. Being set in his seat under a cloth of estate, they delivered a golden rod into his hand, the which being cast by him should part the combat. Soon after came the Constable with a grave & settled countenance, being above 60 years old, he did wear a long robe of cloth of gold, and was mounted upon a Jennet of Spain, richly furnished, having alighted from his horse, he came and passed before the emperor, to whom he made a low obeisance, there marching before him forty gentlemen & a Squire carrying the royal sword shethed as his majesties lieutenant, and after him another Squire carrying the Constable's arms and his coat of arms. After whom came other gentlemen pages, or young Squires richly appareled in blue satin embroidered with gold and silver. Having in this pomp gone about the camp and viewed it, he went unto his seat which was right against the emperor, whose guards did presently compass in the field without the lists. Then Toreilla the challenger presented himself being accompanied by his godfather, the duke of Beiar & Albuquerque, the admiral of Castille, and many other noblemen and gentlemen: he was attired in a short juppe of silk, embroidered with gold, & furred with sables, before whom there was carried a battle axe and a sword, a scutcheon with his arms, & a cassock to wear upon his arms. Having presented himself in this manner before the emperor, he made him a low obeisance, and having done the like unto the Constable, he went to the pavilion which was prepared for him. On the other side Jerome Anca entered the lists, accompanied after the same manner, and with the like furniture, except his juppe, which was furred with ermines; the marquess of Brandeburge was his godfather, and he was followed by the dukes of Nagera, of Alva, and of Benanent, the marquess of Aguilar, and of other noblemen and knights, who having made the like submissions to the emperor and Constable, he went to the pavilion which was prepared for him; and the scutcheons and coats of arms of both combatants were carried and planted before the Constable's scaffold. During these shows, the air did echo again with the sound of drums and trumpets, the which being commanded to cease, the two knights were brought by their Godfathers before the Constable, where a book of the Gospel and a Crucifix being presented unto them, they putting their hands into a priests hands did swear that they came to this trial of arms, with an intent to defend a just quarrel, wherein they would behave themselves like loyal knights, without fraud, charms, or any enchanted sword, or without using the natural virtue of any herbs, stones, or any other thing, protesting to employ only the force and dexterity of body and mind, trusting only in God, S. George & the virgin Mary, and with the advice & council of their godfathers, who caused a coffer to be brought before the constable, in the which were the arms, wherewith the champions should fight, and be covered, the which were weighed in his presence, according to the laws & customs of combats, by the which the weight was limited to 90 pounds of the country, at the least. This done, they were chosen & carried to either Pavilion, where the champions did arm themselves in the presence of some that were appointed by the Constable, to witness that there was no fraud; whilst they were arming, the trumpets and drums sounding again. The constable went from his seat to dispose of that which was fit within the lists, the which he did with great gravity & ceremonies: Then he went & sat him down at one of the corners of the field, accompanied with 12 knights, sending the like number to the other opposite corner, commanding them that they should not remove from thence before the end of the combat. To either of the other two corners, he sent 3 noblemen of quality instructed in like manner. Then having commanded silence, one of the marshal's of the field cried out with a loud voice in the emperors name going to every one of the 4 corners, that it was forbidden upon pain of death for any one to make a noise whilst the champions did fight, nor to make any sign by deed, voice or word, neither in spitting, coughing, blowing of the nose, neezing or whistling, nor by beating of hands or feet, lifting up of the hands, nor by shaking of the head, or any motion of the body to give them advertisement, courage, fear or amazement, nor otherwise to instruct them in what they have to do, except their godfathers in their charge & duty: And then the two knights entered the field in complete armour, holding in their hands their battle axes, & their swords by their sides: Peter Toreilla the first, (for that he was challenger) accompanied with his godfather, presented himself before the constable, who demanded of him what he was, & for what cause he was entered so armed? having received his answer he caused him to put off his head piece to know him, & then he caused him to put it on again, & sent him to one of the corners of the camp, where he was received by the three noblemen, that were placed there. Then he passed to the other corner opposite, & being set in the midst of the 12 knights that were left there by him, he made the like demands & ceremonies to jerom Anca, who was also presented unto him by his godfather, & from thence sent to the other corner right against his adversary, where he was in like manner received by 3 noblemen. After all this the constable went to his first seat, & then the trumpets did sound again, which having done, the knights which should fight, & their godfathers fell upon their knees & prayed, which done, either of the godfathers having embraced his champion, & exhorted him to fight valiantly, he bade him farewell, & then they rerired into their Pavilions. After which, one cried out that they should let the good champions go. Then they came & affronted one another courageously, fight a long time with their battle axes, sometimes one reeling, sometimes another, until they had broken them in pieces. Being thus unarmed they had no leisure to draw their swords, they were so near one unto another, so as they fell to handy gripes, one seeking to overthrow another: But the emperor who would not lose them, cast his rod, in sign that they should part them, saying that they had done enough, and that he held them both for good knights, whereupon all they that were set at the four corners, being 30 in all, ran, but they had great difficulty to part them, they were so incensed one against another, crying & contending for honour and victory, whereas either of them thought he had the advantage. In the end the respect of the emperor made them retire, yet would they not be friends, but threatened one another bitterly, contemning the constables persuasions, who told them that they should rest satisfied & reverence the emperors testimony, who had pronounced with his own mouth, that either of them had behaved himself valiantly, & had done his duty, so as their honours were untouched. The emperor was constrained through their obstinacy to send them both to prison, from whence they parted not, until they were reonciled, at the least in show, for they were never perfect friends. If of two bad things we must choose the one, as some think it necessary, the manner of combats practised in the time of our predecessors, would seem more tolerable than that which is used at this day; for in that they made a certain kind of trial of doubtful things. The princes leave, or of his lieutenants was required, who first of all took knowledge whether the cause did merit, that two men of quality and honour should hazard their lives who might serve the public in better affays, or their Sovereign, or their own families. If after mature deliberation they held it fit to grant the combat, they came unto it with great ceremonies, as we have showed, witnessing that in those times they made no little esteem of the life of men. They did carefully procurea certain equality, preventing surprises, by any advantage, in arms, strength and dexterity of horse or otherwise: They made them swear that there was no ●lander in them, but that they came to fight for a just quarrel, & to defend their honours. The point wherein it did confist in those days, was to reverence God, their princes, & the lords of the ●ee, 
Point of honour of the ancients.  & to be loyal & true to all men, courteous, 〈◊〉 & modest among friends & valiant & courageous against their enemies in war. If it were known that in this point of honour, any one were falsely blamed, or wronged by deed, with advantage of time, place, or company, with unequal and extraordinary arms, or that he had otherwise just cause to complain, they caused speedy reparation to be done of the wrong, as the cause required, either by the law, or military customs, which did never allow the combat when there was any other remedy. Much les●e did they suffer a gentleman of honour to come to the uncertain trial of arms, with one that was convicted of rashness or manifest slander. He that was vanquished in the combat was held guilty of that whereof he was accused, or a slanderer & alyar, & if he did live he was punished ignominiously by degradation, & sometimes by death. The combat was most commonly continued or stayed according to the pleasure of the prince, or of judges that were appointed, who most commonly did part the champions before they came to the extremity, declaring them both upon the place to be good & hardy knights, which did also show a wise affection to preserve the nobility to better uses. If any were found so froward & disobedient, as, notable to get leave to fight in the country of their natural prince, should go unto some other sovereign, near or far off, to grant them a place of combat; having fought, they were not to return into their country, for they were held for mutins, yea felons, & guilty of high treason, & there was great difficulty to obtain letters of abolition for such offences. 
Modern combats and the Maxims of the point of honour at this day.  But in our days all this is out of use, & their proceed in combats is very different. For if it happen that any man offend another without cause or reason, the point of honour is, that he must maintain his deed, & not give any excuse, nor confess that he hath erred, for that were a sign of base cowardice: It were better (saith the point of honour) to be insolent and rash, than to subject himself to that modesty which would be taken for weakness in a man that maketh profession of arms. An other that hath taken jest for injury, or is offended at a free word spoken by his friend, the which in effect is not injurious, will take it in so ill manner as he will admit of no excuse nor reparation: what? must he so little esteem honour? It were better (saith the point of honour) to be quarrellous, froward & unsociable, than to use such facility, & base courtesy derogating from chivalry: there is no friendship that binds, he must needs fight. If the prince or some great officer will hear, and end their quarrel: they fear those judgements more than lightning, they fly, they willbe followed, & they fight in corners, whether it be that they are ashamed to discover the ground of their quarrel, which is most commonly so foolish & impertinent, as they would blush to speak of it; or that they are possessed with a thirstlesse desire to shed man's blood, & with an appetite of revenge, accompanied with pride & vanity. It were better (saith the point of honour) to be rebellious & uncivil, then to submit himself to that discipline; for they would say it were want of courage, & that he would fly the lists. And thereupon they conclude, according to the point of honour, that it is not in the king to rule it, according to the limitations of his justice; & that gentlemen do not know any other justice or equity, than the custom of duels received among gentlemen, which gives this prerogative, privilege & authority, to do all, & not to suffer any thing, & to maintain themselves by the sword in this possession, although it be unjust, and usurped but of late. Thus they are easily drawn to the combat a this day, and they must not seem to draw back upon any pretext whatsoever, neither of God, the king, nor his edicts: he must go being called, else he shallbe held base & ignoble, & thence forth shallbe exposed to the outrages of him that did challenge him with such advantage as he shall please: for it were better (saith the point of honour) to be a murderer, than to go to field with one that had refused a challenge. Be they ready to fight; either will make provision of a long rapier, of an excellent horse, with other such helps which shall be neither visited nor measured: for there are neither godfathers nor witnesses in their combats. Every one must look to himself (saith the point of honour) & it were better to exceed something in that respect, than to be short; although we may justly say afterwards, that the honour of the victiory belongs rather to the arms & horse than to the knight. Yet they go in their shirts, & the point of honour well observed require, that they run one another through like boars, rather than to slip a side, when the thrust comes, or to seek to avoid it by fensing, & it were better to die (saith the point of honour) then to seem by any gesture or countenance to fear death. It is then a wonder that these men ordained for murder & slaughter, who think they are not come into the world but to kill or be 〈◊〉, should vouchsafe to arm themselves, when they go to the war, & they should not impute it to want of courage to cover themselves with harness, like unto the Cimbrians and ancient galls, for there is in a manner the like reason. But behold the most subtle and very quintessence of the point of honour: It is lawful for them that go to fight in duel, to 〈◊〉 a second & a third if they will, the which shallbe bound to fight against the like number chosen by the other part, & kill them with whom they never had any quarrel, yea, their dear friends, at it often happens: It is the law of duels; It were better (saith the point of honour) to be a murderer of his own soul, than to refuse a knight which doth him the honour to entreat him to second him in his quarrel, be it just or unjust. If it happen that the second kills him against whom he fights, he must come & succour his partner, and help him to kill his enemy, although it seem outrageous to fall two upon one, who it may be is also fore wounded. These are tolerated murders; and it were better (saith the point of honour) so to kill him who thou thinkest hath wronged thee, than to leave him his life, unless he demand it of thee: For it is the fruit of duels, either to kill his adversary, or to brag that he hath given him his life. Being returned from fight, much contented when they have vanquished, they will tell wonders of courtesies, done unto him whom they have thus slain: He is dead (will they say) through his own folly, by his overweening, by his ostinacie, wherein they cannot be gainsaied, for that they fly all witnesses and judges.  
If he that survives be wounded and dies soon after; he comforts himself in that point of honour, that he hath done himself right by his sword, and that he hath caused his adversary to die first. But for the health of their souls, they think they have provided sufficiently, if going to the combat with an heart ulcered with a deadly hatred against their neighbour, possessed with a spirit of revenge, and a vain opinion of their excellency, dignity, and valour, they fall upon their knees, entering into some Church or Chapel, and pray unto God hearty that he will give them the grace to kill their enemy, or to force him to acknowledge his life from them. They will confess themselves to a priest or some religious man, they will demand absolution of the sin which they are going to do, & will give money to have masses said for him or them that shall die in this fight. Yet it is the least of their cares: for if they meet with any church man that hath wit and conscience, who seeks by holy admonitions to divert them from this bad resolution, and refuseth to absolve them, they will say that he understands not the point of honour, and will go from him in a rage or will mock at him. It is not from God that these duelists have learned or will learn that which doth truly honour Nobility: But they do rather seek to instruct themselves in their false point of honour, by the precepts and suggestions of the enemy of mankind, who was a murderer from the beginning, and who is always delighted in murder & blood. By the instigation & conduct of this godfather, we see them go cheerfully to yield up their cursed souls, most of this humour living without god, without king, without law, without friendship, & without knowledge of civil virtues, having for their sole virtue, a violence which they call courage, the which they have common with brute beasts. If there were ever barbarism like unto this since the foundation of the world was laid they may judge which be men, having retained some light of reason, & may conclude pertinently, that there is not any thing among human actions in this miserable age, that is more repugnant to the law of god, more absurd in nature, more prejudicial to good government, more in contempt of kings & magistrates, & to conclude more offensive before God & man, than these modern duels. Not that we should allow or give place to the ancient manner of combats, whereas there is a king, or some other sovereign power, who ought not to grant nor suffer them according to the rules of justice well administered: & without the authority of which sovereign power, it is not lawful for any whatsoever to draw his sword, according to the laws of Christendom. Being most certain that combats, in the best form that they were ever practised (if it be not against an enemy that provokes in open war) are the inventions of cruel & barbarous nations which are ignorant of piety, justice, and government.  
Returning to our History, we find this year 1522, james of Aillon, earl of Lude, governor of Fontarraby, being so long disquieted by the enemy, & wanting things necessary for the defence of a town of war, which attended a siege hourly, he advertised the French king his master of his estate, entreating him to relieve him, & to send another governor: the which the king performed aswell as he could, for he was otherwise busied, the war being hot both in Italy, & Picardy, betwixt him & the emperor: The marshal of Chastillon was sent thither, who dying at Dax, his charge was given to the marshal Cha●anes, who victualled Fontarrabie, in view of the enemy, & changed the garrison, drawing forth the earl of Lude, 
Frauget governor of Fonta●rabie.  and making captain Frauget governor in his place, who had always had the reputation of a good soldier, but he lost it in this charge. They of Fontarrabie having a little before made a sally upon the enemy which lay at Yrun, it had succeeded ill, in the which they had lost the signor of Chanfarron, & many good soldiers; and after the coming of captain Frauget, they made many skirmishes, most of them prejudicial to the French.  
In the year 1523, 
1523  the marshal D. Pedro of Navarre a prisoner in the fort of Symanca died, 
Death 〈…〉  whose death was diversly published: it is most certain that it was violently, & by the sword; the Spaniards impute the fault to himself, saying, that being too much affected to K. Henry of Albret his natural Prince, & seeing himself so long detained in prison, for that he would not swear to another, he fell into such despair, as he slew himself: he left one son of the same name, who did then serve the French k. in Fontarrabie. At Rome Pope Adrian also died, the 20 month of his reign, in whose place julio de Medicis was chosen, & was named Clement 7. 
Emperor's 〈◊〉 into Pampel●●●.  The same year the emperor entered into Pampelone, where providing for the defence of his country of Guipuscoa, he sent the constable D. Inigo Fernandes of Velasco, with the prince of Orang, who led an army of about 24000 men, by the pace of Beoyvia into Bearn, & camped before Saluateria, the which yielded, where staying, they made show that they would conquer the country of Bearn, or attempt Bayone, and so they held the minds of men in suspense. 
Exploits of the Spanish army in Bearn.  The lord of Lautrec, governor of Guienne, gave good order both for Bayone & Fontarrabie, being doubtful what design the enemy had, who having remained 4 days at Saluaterra, returned into Guipuscoa, having done nothing memorable in that voyage, but taken the Castle of Vidaxone, belonging to the lord of Gramont: a great part of this army died of cold and want in this voyage.  
21 In the beginning of the year 1524, 
1524  the emperor leaving Navarre, 
Siege laid by the Spaniards to Fontarrabie.  retired to Victoria, where he resolved of the siege of Fontarrabie, which was begun in the beginning of February, the Constable of Castille being general of the army, assisted by the prince of Orange, and many other noblemen and knights of name, among which was William of Roccandolphe Colonel of 3000 Germane: the battery was planted towards Miranda, against the queen's bastion, & it was furious & continual, yet they gave not any assault, for the Spaniards desired to take it by famine & without the loss of their men: 
Fontarrabie yielded to the emperor.  the place was reasonably well furnished to endure a long siege, yet captain Frauget yielded it upon composition, to departed with their arms & baggage saved, & their colours flying, as the Spaniards had done, 
Punishment of Captain Frauget for the yielding of Fontarrabie.  Frauget excused himself, upon the intelligences which D. Pedro of Navarre had with the enemies: notwithstanding he was degraded of his nobility, upon a scaffold in the city of Lion. D. Pedro of Navarre was son to the Marshal D. Pedro, who died a prisoner in the Castle of Symanca, and was nephew to the Constable of Castille, by whom being solicited, he went to emperor's service. The place was found well furnished of all things, whereunto having added other provisions, the guard and defence thereof was given to Sancho Martin's de Leyva, brother to Anthony de Lyna, who was then reputed a wise and discreet Captain in the wars of Italy. Besides the government of that town, Sancho Martin's was corrector of the Province of Guipuscoa, the which hath not happened to any one, to have had the charge of war and of justice. Those which have governed in Fontarrabie, successively unto our time, after Sancho Martin's; were D. Sancho de Leyva his son; then D. Diego of Caruajal lord of Xodar, & in our time D. john d' Acugna.  
In Navarre the king appointed D. Diego of Auellaneda, 
Diego d' Auellaneda viceroy of Navarre.  bishop of Tuy, to be Viceroy, governor & reformer of the justice. And then the knights of the faction of Gramō●, which had followed the kings of the house of Albret, returned into their country, & to the emperor's service, to whom they did swear, as to their king, namely D. Pedro of Navarre, who obtained the dignity of Marshal, 
1524  which his father had held, and the Marquisate of Cortes, 
Gramontoies' return into Navarre to the emperors service.  He was descended from D. Lionel, son to king Charles, the second of that name. As for the earl of Saint Stephens, when as he came to the emperor's service he had the title of marquess of Falses given him, and the office of high chamberlain of Navarre, with other favours; since which time that realm hath been held by the house of Castille, in peace, and without troubles.  
22 On Saint Mathias day, 
Francis the French king taken at Pavia.  being the 24 day of February that year 1524, the computation of the year beginning at our Lady day, was that memorable battle of Pavia, where the French were defeated, and king Francis taken prisoner by the imperials, whereof the chief were Cont Charles of Launoy, viceroy of Naples. Ferdinand d'Aualos marquess of Pescaire, and Charles duke of Bourbon, who forsome discontentment had left France, and followed the emperors party. What were the causes of this great overthrow, and what succeeded after, ye may read at large in the History of France, whereunto I refer the Reader, to avoid needless repetitions. The emperor was advertised of this defeat and prision the tenth of March; the news were pleasing unto him, as we may conjecture, yet he showed himself very modest, showing no tokens of pride for this great success. 
Worthy Council of the bishop of Osma.  There were two opinions debated in his council, the bishop of Osma was author of the one, to suffer this great prisoner to departed freely, & to bind him unto him by a frank and brotherly deliverance; the other was to keep him still, and to draw from him all the profit and advantages that might be. This last advice proceeded from D. Frederic of Toledo duke of Alva, & was followed by the emperor, wherefore there were certain articles drawn and sent with all speed unto the king, by the lord of Reux, who rejected them, as unreasonable.  
Hereupon the Viceroy of Naples persuaded the king not to take it in ill part, if he were led into Spain, 
1525  to treat himself with the emperor touching his liberty, assuring him that he desired it, showing him letters from his friends in court. But his intention was in the mean time to led him to the castle of Naples, and there to attend the opportunity of a passage, for they were not strong enough at sea for the French, who had Andrew Dorias Galleys at their devotion; Neither did he much trust his army at land, which wanting pay, he feared would mutiny; Besides, he was jealous of the Pope, Venetians and other Potentates of Italy, who were discontented at the prosperity of the emperor his master, wherefore being thus resolved, he conducted the king to Genoa, and from thence to Porto Fino: whereas the marshal of Montmorency coming unto him with six French galleys, 
Passage of king Francis being Prisoner into Spain.  without any soldiers, by the commandment of the Queen Regent, the king's mother, he changed his advice, & having furnished those galleys with Spanish soldiers, and joining them to those which he had, thinking that he might easily pass, whilst that the French expected his going to Naples, he suddenly bend his course for Spain; & landed the prisoner at Barcelona, before that it was known, or that he had advertised the emperor and from thence he conducted him to Valencia: But passing by Tortosa, the king was in great danger among the mutyned Spaniards, who pursued the Viceroy tumultuosly for their pay, forcing him with their shot to escape over the top of his lodging, the bullets flying near unto the king's person. The emperor hearing of his arrival, commanded he should be put into the castle of Xativa, a place ordained in old time to be a prison for great men: but the viceroy obtained that he might live in certain houses of pleasure, about Valencia until that he had commandment to conduct him to Madrid. The emperor was resolved not to see him before thee had concluded for his liberty, for the treating whereof, besides the archbishop of Ambrun, who was afterwards Cardinal of Tournon, and Selua the first Precedent of Paris, he gave a safe conduct to Marguerite of France, duchess of Alencon, who arrived at Barcelona in September, & passing from thence by Saragosse she came to Madrid, whether she found the emperor was come to visit the king, who had been brought almost to death's door with a violent fever.  
This had a show of charity, to comfort him, giving hope that he should be soon set at liberty, but it was rather a curiosity, that he might visibly see in what estate he was, fearing to lose the fruits of his prize if he should die. It is said, that being in consultation whether he should see him or not, he was dissuaded by his Chancellor, who told him, that if he saw him, 
1526  and did not set him freely at liberty, the world would think that he had been brought thither by covetousness, 
governors counsel.  thrust on with a mercenary charity, and a servile fear, to lose by the prisoners death the price of his ransom: a noble advice, and worthy to be observed. But the duchess of Alansons presence was the best remedy to recover the king, where she remained almost three months: what she effected, and upon what terms the king was delivered, you may read in its proper history.  
23 These things passed in the year 1526, 
Marriage of the Emperor Charles  in the which the Emperor Charles married D. Isabel of Portugal, daughter to the king D. Manuel. D. Alphonso Fonseca, Archbishop of Toledo, and primate of Spain, with D. Ferdinand of Arragon, duke of Calabria, were sent to receive this princess, who conducted her with great state to Sevile, where the marriage was celebrated. Of this marriage was borne, the one and twentieth day of May, 
1527  in the year 1527, D. Philip, who succeeded in all the realms, lands, and signiories of the Emperor, as well hereditary as conquered. A memorable year, for that by the emperors army, consisting for the most part of Spaniards, whereof Charles duke of Bourbon was general, 
Rome taken & sacked.  the city of Rome was taken and sacked, and Pope Clement, with many cardinals, ransomed, and hardly entreated; the greedy and insolent soldiers not sparing the cardinals of their own nation, profaning by all acts of cruelty and excess, in their disordered appetites, the places and persons dedicated and vowed to religion, notwithstanding that the prince, for whom they made war, heir of the realms of Spain, carried the title of Catholic, purchased by his predecessors, for the good offices they had done to Popes and to the sea of Rome. The same year king Francis being returned into his realm, 
Marriage of king Henry of Albre●  he caused the marriage to be accomplished betwixt D. Henry of Albret, and Marguerite of France, widow to the duke of Alencon, father and mother to queen joane, heir to the realm of Navarre.  
King Francis being come from his imprisonment discontented, he entered willingly into league with the Pope, 
League against the Emperor.  the king of England, the Venetians and Florentines, for the liberty of Italy: 〈◊〉 when as he understood the cruelties used by the Imperial army at Rome, he allied himself more strictly with the king of England, under colour to free the Pope and the territories of the Church; whereupon the lord of Lautrec was appointed to lead an army into Italy, at their common charge.  
The Emperor being advertised, that king Francis not only refused to perform his promise, but had also declared himself his enemy, he caused monsieur de Gramont, his ambassador in Spain, to be put in guard, and the French king did the like to Nicholas Perenot of Granuelle. These kings sent two kings at Arms into Spain, namely, Guienne and Clarencious, to proclaim war against the Emperor, but before their arrival the ambassadors were released. They proclaiming war against the emperor, and complaining of the Pope's imprisonment, received this answer, as some writ.  
That he might not proclaim war against him, 
Answer made by the Emperor to the French king.  being by right his prisoner, although he were at liberty, having given his sons for hostages, that not observing his promise, which he had solemnly sworn, for that he was hindered by his subjects, he should return again to prison, for that he could not by the law of nations, being not yet freed from his oath, protest war against him. But if he did repent him of this accord, he should return into his power, and breaking the first contract, the French should recover that which they had held. That he did wonder at the complaints of those kings touching the Pope's affliction, as if they were ignorant, that all had been done without his privity, and that he had long since given commandment the Pope should be set at liberty. Du Bellaie writes, 
Speech of king Francis touching his promise to the Emperor.  That king Francis talking to Perrenot, touching the emperors speech, answered, That he was not Charles his prisoner, neither had he ever given his faith, but had made a promise by force, being deprived of his liberty: but being now free in his kingdom, he did not know any man that could force him to keep that promise, neither was he voluntarily bound to observe that which constraint and imprisonment had made him to promise.  
In Spain the Infant D. Philip, 
Genealogy of Castille.  being a year old, was sworn and declared Prince of the Asturies, and heir of the realms of Castille, and the dependences, with the lands annexed, in the town of Vailledolit: after which the Emperor Charles and D. Isabel had another son named D. Ferdinand, 
1528  who lived little, and two daughters, D. Maria, who was married to Maximilian of Austria, her cousin german, son to Ferdinand, and D. joane, 
Genealogy of Portugal.  married to D. john of Portugal, grand child to the king D. Manuel: Wherefore I have thought it fit to return unto his actions, during the three years which he lived after his third marriage, which was in the year 1518, who begat of his wife D. Leonora the Infant D. Charles, and D. Maria an after birth.  
26 In the discourse of the reign of D. Manuel, 
Portugal.  we made mention of two of his discontented subjects, D. Ferdinand of Magellanes, and Ruis Fallero, who had addressed themselves unto the Council of the Indies in Castille, and demanded leave and means to discover the rich islands of the Molucques, the which they obtained at the coming of K. Charl●s, who being at Barcelona, sent them with letters & necessary provisions, to Sevill, there to prepare themselves for so long and so important a voyage. 
Voyage of Ferdinand Magellanes.  Ferdinand Magellanes married in Sevill, with the the daughter of Edward Baruosa, captain of the arsenal of that city; and for that Ruis Fallero, his companion, fell mad, he was forced to make his preparation without him, having five ships, that is, the Victory (the pilot whereof was john Sebastian del Canon, borne at Guetaria in Guipuscoa, he that in the same voyage went about the world) S. Anthony, S. james, the Conception, and the Trinity; in which ships were two hundred thirty seven men, soldiers and mariners, with the which he parted in the year 1519, from the port of S. Lucar, and passing by the islands of the Canaries, and Cape Verd, he sailed towards Saint Augustine's cape, betwixt the South and the West, until that he came three and twenty degrees beyond the Equinoctial, where he found a land whose inhabitants were wild Giants, & of so great a stature, as some were eleven, 
Land of Giants who have Winter when we have Summer.  twelve, and thirteen spans high: which country he called The land of Giants. He stayed in it May, june, julie, and August, which is the Winter in those quarters. The king D. Manuel was much discontented, that king Charles, his brother in law, had employed these Portugals, and attempted this voyage, to his great prejudice; yet he did comfort himself with a conceit, that Magellanes could not perform what he had promised. This voyage of Magellanes was very difficult and full of lets, by reason of the discord betwixt him and his companions; so as one of his ships, called S. Anthony, returned into Spain, leaving the rest as far as the straight or cape, called Eleven thousand Virgins, fifty three degrees beyond the Equinoctial, whereas the nights have but six hours in the end of October. And they so called this cape, for that they touched there on Saint Vrsulaes' day, which is the one and twentieth of October. The same of the islands of the Molucques, and others which were rich in spices, was so great, and of the profit which might be made there, if they could find means to shorten their voyage, as not only the Spa-Spaniards, but other nations, sought out ways for this traffic and negotiation. Paul Centurion, a merchant of Genova, going for this cause into Muscovie, gave Basilius, prince of that country, to understand, that there was means to bring the spices into his country, by divers rivers which he declared unto him; saying, That those which the Portugals brought into Europe, were for the most part corrupted and falsified. The way which he meant, was, to bring the merchandise up the river of Indus, unto Bater, from whence they must carry them by land to the river of Camu, and from thence by Citraca, and the Caspian sea, to bring them into the rivers of Volga, Oeca, and Mosque. But this passage had been with greater charge, pain, and danger, than Centurion did conceive, yea to distribute them after they were come into Muscovie, by Livonia, Polonia, Prussia, Saxony, and other parts of Germany.  
Ferdinand Magellanes, besides the ship which returned into Spain, lost another in a strome: 
Straits of Magellan.  with the three others he passed the strait which was called by him Magellan, the which is above sixscore leagues long, and scarce two leagues broad, the entries of the which from the North to the South seas, are about two and fifty degrees from the Equinoctial: the waters are very deep, the shore full of high rocks, and barren, covered continually with snow. In this passage, & for a great space in the South seas, they thought to die of hunger: in the end they came to the island of Inuagava, repassing the line eleven degrees, which they called Good sign, where they sound wherewithal to satisfy their hunger; and from thence they came to the island of Sebut, where they passed the feast of Easter, in the year 1521, and persuaded the king of that country, called Hamabar, to become a Christian, receiving victuals and persents from him, with information of the Molucques. In the same island there was another king, enemy to Hama●ar, called Calpulapo▪ 
Death of Ferdinand Ma●●llanes.  lord of Mautan, against whom Ferdinand Magellanes going to fight, was slain there in battle, the 27 of April 1521. john Serran, who was chief pilot of the army, temaining the chief, was soon after taken by king Hamab●r, who had been called Charles at his baptism, and put to death with seventy other Spaniards. Wherefore the three ships parted from thence, having but an hundred and fifteen men remaining, and came to Cohol, where they burned one of their ships: there they trimmed up the two others, and then went to Bornoy, where they were courteously entreated by the king Sir●pida, a great and mighty lord, who relieved them with all necessaries: in which country they saw great riches and devices of gold and silver. Then passing by the island of cinb●hon, they came to the island of Tidore, 
Five islands of Molucques.  which is one of the five of the Molucques, whereof the other four are, Terrenate, where, seven months before this arrival, died Francis Serran, a Portugal, kinsman to Magellanes, who gave him first knowledge of these islands, & encouraged him to go thither, Mate, Matille, and Machian, which lie under the Equinoctial, or thereabouts, very small, but abounding in riches, being distant from Spain above an hundred and seventy degrees. The king of Tidore, called ab●ansor, although he were a Mahumetist, suffered these Spaniards to traffic freely, and was pleased with their arrival, and with the friendship of the king of Castille. The discovery of these islands in the time of the king D. Manuel, did cause great controveries betwixt Castille and Portugal, the Portugals pretending that they were thereby interessed, and hindered in their course assigned for their navigation: Yet the king D. Manuel moved no debate, for before that the news of this discovery was known in Spain, he ended his days, towards the end whereof there happened a great plague, and famine, in Portugal. During which afflictions the marriage was concluded betwixt the Infanta D. Beatrix, second daughter to the king D. Manuel, 
Marriage betwixt the duke of Savoy and D. Beatrix of Portugal.  and Charles duke of Savoy, to whom she was sent this year 1521, with a fleet of three and twenty sail, of the which D. Martin of Castiblanc, earl of Villanova, was general, being accompanied by D. Martin of Acosta, bishop of Lisbon, with other noblemen, and by D. Leonora de Sylva, and a daughter of the earl of Faro, with many waiting women. The Infanta was then sixteen years old and seven months. After the return of this fleet, 
Death of the king D. Manuel.  about the end of the year, the king D. Manuel died, little lamented by the Clergy of his country, of whom he had levied new and unaccustomed subsidies, having reigned six and twenty years and three months, in the three and fiftieth year of his age. He was buried in the monastetie of Belem, which he himself had caused to be built.  

D. john, third of that name, fifteenth King of Portugal.  
28 HIs son D. john succeeded him, the third of that name, at the solemnity of whose reception there were present some of the Infants his brethren, D. jago duke of Bragance, the master of S. james, the earl of Tentugal, the earl of Taroca, D. john de Meneses, prior of Saint john, the great master, the marquess of Tournovo, and Villa Real, with other noblemen and gentlemen of the realm, and the cardinal D. Alphonso his brother, in whose hands the oath was taken. This prince was fat and unwieldy, very religious, 
University of Coimbra erected  and a lover of learned and valiant men. He was founder of the University of Coimbra, and of the royal college of Saint Paul, the which he endowed with great revenues, and large stipends, for the Regent's and Doctor's: wherein he was followed and assisted by the cardinal D. Henry, 
College of Jesuits built at Ebora.  his brother, who built in the city of Ebora the college of Jesuits, with professors in the tongues and sciences, both sacred and profane. The queen D. Leonora, widow to king Manuel, was in the year 1522, delivered of an after birth, named D. Maria, which was not married.  
This new king continued the navigations begun by his predecessors with great affection, and had great contention with the Emperor Charles, in regard of the Molucques, whereas the ships of Castille had been well entertained, as we have said, by Almansor, king of the island of Tidore, whereas the Castillans stayed five whole months, and made a kind of bargain, by the which king Almansor promised to give so many cloves for a certain ●●sure of red cloth, blue cloth, orlinnen, and so proportionably of other spices. The warshipe of Castille remaining of Ferdinand Magellanes army, that is, the Victory and the Trinity, divided themselves, and disposed of their return, so as the Trinity should shape his course to Panama, upon the coast of new Spain, 
Voyage of john Sebastian del Cano.  which they held to be but a short voyage; and john Sebastian del Canon, with the Victory following the Portugals voyage should return into Spain, by the cap Bon Esperance. The Victory then parting from Tidore men of the island of Tidore, April 1522, with forty seven Spaniards, and thirteen in the month of, they came to Zumatra, in old time called Taprobana, and the●●repassing under the Equinoctioll, and the Winter Tropike, they doubled the cap of Bon Esperance, and arrived in the port of S. Lucar of Barameda, in September, having been about three years in his long and dangerous voyage, in the which it is thought that this john Sebastion del Canon, made above fourteen thousand leagues at sea. The other ship, called the Trinity, commanded by a captain called Spinosa, sailing towards new Spain, was put back by contrary winds, to Tidore, whither Anthonio Brito, a captain for the king D. john, was come with five ships of Portugal, by whom the Castillans were taken and spoiled, and carried, being forty eight, to Malaca; so as of five ships which parted with Fernando Magellanes, the Victory only returned into Spain, besides that of S. Anthony which would not follow him.  
The voyage of the East Indies hath always been more successful for the Portugals than Castillans: and at that time the king D. john entreated the Emperor Charles, not to suffer his subjects to go to the Molucques, to avoid the ruin of armies, which are sent to discover those countries: whereunto he yielded (not knowing what Anthonio Brito had done to the Castillans that were in the Trinity at Tidore) until that expert men in the Mathematics and Navigation, 
Conference for the limits of the Navigation betwixt Castille and Portugal.  had decided it. This cause was debated in the year 1524, at Yelbes, whither came, for the king of Portugal, the Licentiate Anthony of Azevedo, Cotigno, Diego Lopes of Sequeira, Pero Alphonso of Aguiar, Francisco de Melo, Simon of Tabira, and others: and at Badajos, the Licentiats, Acugna, Barrientos, and Pedro Manuel, D. Ferdinand Colombus, son to the Admiral Christopher Colombus, john Sebastian del Canon, Pero Ruis of Burgos, & others, for the Emperor. These deputies of either part having conferred many days upon a bridge on the river of Caja, which divides Portugal from Castille, they parted in greater disorder and confusion than before, the Castillans' maintaining, That the Molucques, yea, and the islands of Zumatra and Malaca, with a good part of China, fell in their strait and Navigation, according to the line drawn by Pope Alexander the sixth, and the accord made betwixt king john the second, and king Ferdinand the fift, in the town of Tordesillas: The Portugals affirming the contrary, with their reasons.  
In the year 1525 died queen Leonora, widow to king john the second, who was called The mother of the poor, for her great charity. She had the hospital of las Caldas, and the monastery of the mother of God, 
Marriage of D. john king of Portugal, and the Emperor's sister.  to be built. In which year king john the third then reigning, being two and twenty years old, married D. Catherina, daughter to king Philip of Austria, and sister to the Emperor Charles, being then eighteen years old: which marriage was solemnised at Ebora. Of this marriage were borne the Infants following, D. Alphonso, who lived little, D. Maria, borne at Coimbra, in the year 1526, she was princess of Castille, D. Catherina, who lived but a while, nor her sister D. Beatrix, D. Manuel, who in like manner died soon, D. Philip, and D. john, who were borne at Ebora, and D. Anthony at Lisbon.  
31 The Emperor Charles, 
Castille.  persuaded by them that had been at Caja, betwixt Badajos and Yelbes, 
Unfortunate voyage of the Castillans to the Molucques.  rigged out seven ships of biscay at the Groin, to seek a passage to the Molucques, by the land of Bacalaos and Labrador towards the North, if they might find any, meaning to make a storehouse for spices at the Groin, from whence they might be distributed into Spain, France, Flanders, Germany, England, and other regions: from the which D. john king of Portugal sought to divert him by entreaties and reasons, offering to pay the charges of the army, and to give him many other gifts, which the Emperor refused, persisting still in his resolution: Wherefore these seven ships parted from the Groin, being commanded by Garci Geoffrey of Loaysa, borne at Cité Real, a knight of S. john, who had john Sebastian del Canon for his lieutenant, who were all lost, or went astray, except the Admiral, which came to Tidore, without her general Garci Geoffrey, who died at sea. D. Garcia Henriques of Ebora, was then general for the king of Portugal at the Molucques. In the year 1528 Fernando Cortes, governor and conqueror of new Spain, sent from the countries conquered by him, two ships, by the king's commandment, whereof Alvaro of Sahavedra Ceron, was captain, to seek out the Molucques, but he was as unfortunate as the rest: which made the Emperor to yield more easily to an agreement with king john, his brother in law, being priest by other weighty affairs, which called him into Italy, for the Crown of the Empire, which he should receive from the hands of Pope Clement; for which voyage the king of Portugal lent him three hundred and fifty thousand ducats, in consideration whereof the Emperor engaged, or suspended▪ the controversy for the Molucques; wherein the Licentiat, Anthony of Azevedo, deputed by the king of Portugal, having negligently negotiated, and left the business almost in the same terms as it was at the conference of Badajos and Yelbes, was punished: whereby, in time, the quarrel was revived betwixt the Portugals and Castillans.  
In the year 1529 Lewis of Beaumond, 
1529  earl of Lerin, and constable of Navarre, died there, whom his son succeeded in all his lands and dignities, bearing the same name. The Emperor Charles did always honour him much, acknowledging him for his kinsman, for that he was descended, by the mother's side, from D. john king of Navarre and Arragon.  
32 The treaty of Cambray was concluded the year following 1530, 
1530  in the which Lovyse of Savoy, 
Treaty of Cambray.  mother to the French king, and Marguerite of Austria, the emperors aunt, had long laboured to reconcile these two princes: By the which the Infants of France were delivered, in regard of two millions and five hundred and fifty thousand crowns, payable at several payments, as well ready as otherwise, in discharge of the Emperor to the king of England: and it was said, that the king should renounce the sovereignty of Flanders and Artois, and his pretensions to the duchy of Milan, and realm of Naples. That he should marry the queen D. Leonora, and if there came a son of this marriage, he should be duke of Bourgondie, with many other conditions, which are to be seen in the said treaty, and here omitted, for that they did not hold. The articles of this treaty being performed, as far as might be at that time, the Emperor came to Barcelone, from whence he passed to Genova, in Andrew Dorias galleys, who having a little before left the French kings service, was come unto the Emperors. From Genova he went to Bolonia la grass, 
Coronation of the Emperor at Bolonia.  whereas Pope Clement attended him, and there he received the Imperial Crowns, one of iron, which the Emperors have been accustomed to receive at Milan, and one of gold, which he should take at Rome; but the Romans had not yet forgotten the sack and spoil which the Spaniards had made. This coronation, which was performed on Saint Mathias day, very happily for the Emperor, had been purchased of the Pope, with the price of the Florentines liberty, and the change of their commonweal into a principality. After this solemnity the Emperor having heard certain princes, and the ambassadors of many Estates in Italy, he took his way to Trent, and past into Germany. Whilst that they were making preparation for the emperors coronation in Bolonia, he received advertisement, That D. Isabel, his wife, was delivered of another son, 
Ferdinand Infant of Spain borne.  whom he would have called Ferdinand, by his grandfathers name. There was great joy and triumph for this birth both in Spain and Italy, and especially in Bolonia; but this joy was of small continuance, for he died within few months after his birth.  
At the emperors passage into Italy, 
Roderigo Portundo defeated and slain by pir●ts.  to his coronation, he had been attended on by the galleys of Spain, of the which Roderigo Portundo was general, who in his return back, hearing that there were certain pirates of Barbary in those seas, the chief of which was Haydin Rays of Smirna, called Chase-divell, which spoiled all men, he resolved to defeat them: wherefore having well furnished eight of his galleys, both with soldiers and slaves, and leaving the other seven in the island of Yuisa, he directed his course towards Formentana, where he understood the pirates lay with certain galliots and foists, but he knew not their number. But as he was of an undaunted courage, and discoursed with reason, that those small barks of the Barbarians, commanded by divers men, and for their own private interests, would rather fly than fight, he did not respect the number of his enemies, but, after the Spartan manner, sought where they were. All which, it may be, had succeeded happily, if he had not advanced too hastily with his Admiral, the which was boarded, and he slain by the pirates, before the other galleys could secure him, the which, as they advanced one after another without any order, they were environed, and fought withal by the enemies: so of the eight galleys only one escaped by flight, the rest were taken, and all the Christians slain, or made slaves. john the son of the general Portundo, was taken prisoner. With this noble spoil Haydin Rays presented himself to Haradin Barberousse, who by the death of Horusco his brother, remained king of Alger, and head of all the pirates of Barbary: so as grown confident (being so fortified with galleys and slaves) to be able to attempt some matter of importance; whereon whilst he did meditate, he drew into his company Siman Cefut of Smima, who was called the jew, a famous pirate, who retired with his vessels to Gerbe. He called also another desperate pirate, called Alicotto of Caramania, who scoured the seas with four foists, and two galleys, the which he had taken when Florence was besieged, at Montargentaro, where they had laden certain munition, conducted from Naples, for that enterprise. Barberousse having at the least 60 vessels of war, great and small, had resolved to surprise Cales in Spain, and to get a rich booty, by reason of a Fair that was kept there. Whilst that he prepared all things which he held necessary, he commanded Alicotto to go and conduct biscuit, artillery, and other necessaries, to the army lying at Alger. During this preparation in Africa, Andrew Doria went to sea with a great army, desirous to purge that sea of pirates, and to revenge the wrong and great loss which the Emperor had sustained by the rashness of Portundo. Being therefore advertised, that the Barbarians army was divided, and where it lay, he went towards Cercelli, whereas Alicotto remained with 17 vessels; where he arrived so suddenly, as the pirate had not any time but to unfurnish his vessels, to chase the Christian slaves into a cave, or secret prison underground, and to retire himself with his men into the castle, sending messengers with all speed unto the Moors of the neighbour mountains, 
Andrew Doria takes many galleys of pirates.  to come and secure him. Doria being arrived, he became master of the town without any difficulty, and of the port, where he took two galleys, and seven galliots, and burned the rest. He caused a diligent search to be made for the slaves, and finding them, he set above 1000 free. Notwithstanding the lost about 400 soldiers, who going rashly to spoil the town, were cut in pieces by the Moors which came, and by the Turks which sallied out of the castle with Alicotto, or else forced to run into the sea, Doria having caused his galleys to go from the shore, to the end he might fight for his own safety, there were sixty taken & made slaves, with George Palavicino, an Ensign. And this loss which Alicotto made of galleys and galliots, was the safety of Cales.  
The year 1531 was memorable for the earthquake and inundations at sea, 
1531  which happened as well in Spain as in afric and Flanders, 
Inundations.  whereas many towns & buildings were ruined, and much land drowned, and infinite numbers of ships swallowed up by the wonderful spring tides, with the loss of a great number of men. This was at such time as the Infant D. Ferdinand was chosen king of Romans at Coullen, 
Ferdinand chosen king of Romans.  & that Germany was threatened extraordinarily by Solyman the Turk, who having raised a huge army, entered soon after into Hungary, with an intent to besiege Vienna, the chief city of Austria, and the rampar of Christendom on that side: to withstand whose power the Emperor, being assisted by the princes of Germany, went thither in person, which disappointed the designs of that great enemy. 
1532  He being retired, the Emperor returned into Italy, whereas Pope Clement & 
League betwixt the Pope and Emperor.  he had an interview at Bolonia, in show to treat of a general Council, which was not very pleasing unto the Pope, although he made show to invite all princes: but the chief end of this interview, 
1533  was to make a league betwixt them, and the other Potentates of of Italy, for the assurance of their estates against the enterprises of the French: Which done, the king returned to Genova, where he embarked in February, in the year. 1533, and past into Spain.  
34 During these affairs the Castillans continued with great vehemency, 
Peru discovered.  their discovery of new lands, whereas Francis Picarro, borne at Trugillo, who had lived long at the Indies, discovered the country of Peru, from whence such abundance of treasure hath come: by reason whereof the Emperor made him marquess of Atavilles. He had some time before discovered an island, and in it a iowne, which he called Saint jago, Continuing his course, he coasted along the firm land of Peru, and there planted a colony, which he named Saint Michael: 
Colony of S. Michael.  then entering far into the country, he found a fit opportunity to do his business, in a war which fell out betwixt two brethren, contending for the realm of Cusco; whereof the one was called Guascar, and the other Atabalipa. Guascar finding himself the weaker, had recourse unto Picarro and the Spaniards, who promised to secure him; but it was with an intent to ruin them both. Ferdinand Picarro was happily come to the Indies at that time, with new forces from Spain, who having joined with the forces of his brother Francis, and the Indians of Guascar, they made a strong army, sufficient to assail Atabalipa. He for his part attentive to all occasions of war, did not stay until the enemy came unto him, but went to meet them, having in his army above sixscore thousand Indians, and gave them battle about the town of Caxamalean yet (as some wtite) within the circuit of the same town, which was very great, into the which Picarro had put himself, finding it without dwellers, and was there entertained at that time by the Barbarian king, under colour of treating friendship with him; but they could not agree. The Spanish captain had caused Atabalipa to be summoned, and solicited, That he should not disdain to submit himself to the Emperor Charles, as his vassal, and to pay him tribute; and moreover, to make himself a Christian: else they threatened him, that the Pope would deprive him of his realm, and would give it wholly unto the Emperor: the which he might well do (said they) for he was God's lieutenant on earth, of God, who had made all the world of nothing, and who to deliver and save men from the slavery of the evil spirit, had made himself man, had died upon the cross, and was called Christ jesus. Father Vincent, a jacobine Monk, was messenger of this summons. To whom Atabalipa answered, That he did much esteem and desire the emperors friendship, and would send him presents, as to his friend; but to pay him tribute, he would not do it, the kings of Cusco being accustomed to make others tributary. That as for the Pope, whose power he did allege, he held him for some mad man, seeing he presumed to give unto another that which was not in his power, and where he had no right. And in regard of jesus Christ, and of his service, he said, that he had no knowledge of it, and therefore he would not leave the ancient gods of Cusco, and especially for that he understood by him, that Christ was already dead. He would therefore adhere rather to the Son and the Moon, which died not. And touching that which he did assure him, that the Christians God had made heaven and earth of nothing, and finally all the world, he demanded of him where he had learned it; for he thought that the world had ever been, or at the least many thousands of years: wondering much, that the Monk, who was not yet much advanced in the first hundred of the course of his life, did speak so confidently of such ancient things. Friar Vincent replied, That the Emperor Charles was a great Monarch, whom many kings, as mighty as the king of Cusco, obeyed, and therefore he should not make trial of his force, nor compare himself unto him: and holding in the one had a Crucifix, and in the other a Bible, he told Atabalipa, that that Image had instructed him what the creation of the world had been, and the book contained the certain history. The king taking this book in his hand, opened it, and turned it over, he smelled to it, and laid his ear to it, hearkening if it spoke any thing unto him; but seeing there was no feeling in it, and that it spoke not any thing, he cast it to the ground, saying, That both the book and Monk mocked him. Wherefore Friar Vincent having taken up his book, returned to Picarro, to whom having related all, he persuaded him to take some cruel revenge of the impiety of that Infidel king. The two armies therefore being so near, as one might say, they were mingled within the circuit of the great city of Caxamalcan, the Spaniards ran upon the Indians with a great thunder of muskets and artillery, and the sound of drums and trumpets: wherewith the Indians being not acquainted, were daunted and confounded: Atabalipa himself was so amazed, as forgetting the duty of a general, not giving them any sign, nor commanding to fight, he saw them slain by heaps, near unto the place where he was set upon an high seat of gold, carried on his guards shoulders, who sought to retire him out of the press, 
Atabalipa defeated & taken  and to fly away with him; but they were stayed, and their king overthrown and taken, being abandoned by all his people, most of them escaping by flight.  
By this victory, and the taking of the king of Cusco, the Spaniards made themselves, easily, masters of all the towns of that great and rich kingdom, and the soldiers were instantly made rich with the spoil of the king's movables, and of the noblemen of his train, with a wonderful quantity of gold, silver, and slaves, among the which there were found five hundred maids and wives, which did serve king Atabalipa, who for a time was honourably guarded, in hope to be set at liberty, for the which he promised to glut the covetousness of the Spaniards, whom he saw to be very greedy after gold and silver; yea he offered to go into Spain, or whereas the Emperor should be, and was persuaded to be baptized. But notwithstanding all this, they strangled him cruelly, and having half burnt him, they caused his body to be laid in a chapel built to that end in the market place of Caximalcan, for that they would have all men honour his funeral, excusing themselves of the execution, under colour of justice; for that (said they) he had treacherously made secret levies of soldiers in the realm of Quito, to surprise the Spaniards, and to free himself by force out of their hands: and also, for that he had put his brother Guascar to death, after the same manner, being their ally. The which he dissembled not, for that (said he) he had attempted to take away his life, to reign. In the place of him that was dead, there was set up by Francis Picarro the governor, for a show, another brother of his, called Mangan (others name him also Atabalipa) who discovered unto them part of the treasures: so as the present fruits of this victory amounted to many millions, drawn as well out of the king's houses, as out of the Indians tombs, being accustomed to bury with the dead body, the most precious things they had: and in like manner from their temples in the town of Pauca Canu, & in that of Cusco, which is the chief of the realm. This great city of Cusco is situated 17 degrees beyond the Equinoctial line, towards the South sea, in a temperate region, yet their Winters are somewhat sharp in their season, that is, when we have Summer, for those people are almost Antipodes to us, & the cold continues, and is the greater, for that the high mountains of that country, are most part of the year covered with snow. Soon after this conquest of Picarro, james of Almagra, who had a good share in the honour thereof, went and invaded the region of Chile, or Chiliane, but he found more difficulty than he expected: for besides that his men were in danger of death through cold, he found stronger resistance, the people being more warlike than they of Cusco; 
Discipline of them of Peru at the war.  whom notwithstanding the Spaniards do not represent unto us, without dexterity, or martial discipline: for they witness, that in their armies they did observe a forward, a battle, & a rearward; that they had scours, and forlorn hopes, which were excellent casters in slings, as in old time they of Majorca were, who furiously began the fight, casting a shower of hard polished stones, as big as an egg, & carrying a a target on the left arm. Their chief battalion where their king was, did consist of men richly armed, with cuerasses quilted with cotton, & bonnets of the same, reasonably strong to resist a handy stroke, enriched with plates and threads of gold and silver: and for offensive arms, some had clubs about four foot long, and the heads as big as two fists, having five or six sharp pikes of metal; others carried hatchets like unto our halbeards, which they could handle well. As for their rearward or subsidiary squadrons, to relieve the rest, they were all pikes, whose heads were better armed than ours be. Francis Picarro found the Indians of Peru in this equipage to resist him, it may be (say they that have written of his enterprises) to make his conquests more admirable unto us: For not confessing that either he or any one of his captains made any account of the Indians of the country, whom they had drawn unto their party, and joined with them in the above mentioned combat of Caxamalcan and others, they vaunt, that this great king Atabalipa, was vanquished with all that great multitude of men of war which did accompany him, by less than five hundred foot, and an hundred and twenty horse of the Spanish nation, whereof most of the footmen were crossbows, having few harquebuses: yet they confess that they had some pieces of ordnance, whereunto they attribute some part of their victories, saying, That the Indians were almost dead for fear, seeing these engines spit fire, and hearing the noise thereof, wherewith they had never been acquainted; the which hath some likelihood.  
Atabalipa was son to a warlike and valiant prince, 
Beginning of Atabalipa.  called Cusco, who coming out of the province of Quito, which is directly under the Equinoctial line, towards the South sea, had conquered by arms from many other kings and lords, those ample regions whereof his son was in an instant dispossessed, at the coming of these Spaniards: and having there built the city of Cusco, had called it by his own name, and made it the seat of his empire, which was above three hundred leagues long and broad, stretching from the South to the West. At his death he left an hundred children, males and females, most of which lived when Atabalipa was defeated and taken. To Guescar (whom some also call Cusco) he had left the greatest part of his conquered countries, and had given to Atabalipa the realm of Quito, where he was borne. But Guescar, not satisfied unless he might have all, did first move war to dispossess his brother, wherein he was unfortunate: for after many unhappy encounters, he was quite defeated, and taken, by Chilicuchima, lieutenant to Atabalipa, by whose commandment, although he were a prisoner in the Spaniards hands, he was strangled: the which did so displease the governor Francis Picarro, as he conceived a mortal hatred against the king and his lieutenant, not ceasing until he had put them to death; yet after that he had discovered, by their means, the treasures of the realm, had seized of a good part of them, and was assured the rest could not escape him. In the distribution of which treasure he did afterwards show himself very unjust and false, as well towards his soldiers, as to the Emperor his master, whom he did frustrate of a good part of his right of the fifts. It seemed that God, by this sudden & easy conquest, had prepared a fit subject for the Emperor Charles to settle a perfect estate at Peru; but his ministers did corrupt it. All things were there according to a man's desire, to execute a great and memorable design: the which had been admirable to posterity, were it in regard of the glory of God, or temporal commodities, in regard of the riches, and all sorts of blessings, the which heaven and all the elements do power down abundantly upon that region, but especially for the aptness of the people, 
Manners of the people of Peru.  who were found civil and capable of reason, much more than they that had been first discovered at the islands, or upon the continent of those Western Indies towards the North sea. They did not find them naked, and without shame, but appareled, both men and women, handsome in their garments, industrious in their buildings, and in all other arts and works; tilers of the ground, feeders of pastures, merchants, sociable and courteous, as well among themselves as to strangers, and religious also, although it were after the Pagan manner: whose imperfections should not be censured with rigour, but excused, with an intention to reform them in time, by good examples of piety and charity, and by justice well and duly ministered: considering that in their religion and manners, they were not more savage and barbarous than the first ancient Spaniards, before they were civilized and instructed, of whom we have made mention in the beginning of this history. They did believe the immortality of the soul, & the resurrection of the body, and therefore they buried their dead with honour, and did grave marks upon their tombs, which did show the forepast life of the deceased: into whose tombs they did cast precious jewels, and brought meat and drink thither, and many times their wives and servants did shut them in there, & did willingly statue themselves. They did punish adultery with death, and did put out the eyes of thieves. Their children's children, or some other of their blood, did inherit their goods, and not their own children, except those of kings. Men might take as many wives as they would, and did often marry their own sisters. Thus among the seeds of piety, humanity, and policy, they had errors and blemishes, like sensual people, which knew not the true God nor his justice. The which they did not measure by the perfect rule of nature, but according to their corrupt imaginations and their breeding, destitute of light and good government. Through this defect they did worship the stars as gods, and especially an Idol, which had its temple in the city of Pancacami, who spoke Oracles unto them, and from whom they attended all their prosperities. It is the usual course of the Gentiles, to whom the mysteries of salvation are not revealed, which are special graces. And had not these poor Perusians, vices in that regard, which were common with the ancient Egyptians, Grecians, Romans, and other such famous nations, who have been happily drawn from Paganism to Christianity, among whom the world hath seen so many goodly Churches to flourish, by the bounty of kings and Emperors, and by the doctrine, diligence, and exemplary life of good bishops? But the Spaniards nor their commanders had no such intent, as their actions written do witness.  
It was sufficient for them to command these ignorant people proudly, to make profession of Christians, in assisting at the ceremonies, upon pain of death, or servitude. And it fell out often, I know not through what charity, that many which for fear had caused themselves to be baptized, were by them instantly slain, that they might have no leisure to deny it: And thus, they said, they procured their soul's health. These courses, which could not be pleasing unto God, drew his warth upon the heads of the Picarres, and their companions, who made miserable ends: for it was not long before Francis Picarro, and james of Almagra, fell into a great quarrel for the government of Peru, and so to civil war, whereof followed their punishment and ruin: A worthy reward for their cruelties and rapes, as we will hereafter show. These two men have been the chief leaders and conductor of the enterprise of Peru, both soldiers, but of obscure and base families: for Francis Picarro was a bastard, borne of an unchaste woman, who had left him at the door of a church at Trugillo, from whence a captain, 
Beginning of Francis Picarro and james of Almagra.  called Gonsal of Navarre, caused him to be taken, and to be bred up at a farm of his in the country, like a clown: But being grown great, he ran away to Sevile, and so passed to the Indies, where he got reputation: and being held for the son of the foresaid captain, there came unto him three of his brethren, by the father's side, Ferdinand Gonsaluo, and john Picarro, and a brother by the mother's side, called Francis Martin of Alcantara. As for james of Almagra, he was borne at Almagra, but of so obscure a father, as no man ever could learn his name. He was in like manner valiant, but he and Picarro were both gross witted, and so ignorant, as they could neither read nor write; fit men to conquer and destroy, but not to edify and preserve, ambitious, and without government, as they did testify by their actions. Simon of Alcasava, a fugitive of Portugal, was also sent to the Molucques by the Castillans; but through his own importunities he was slain by his men, before he came to the straight of Magellan.  
35 The Emperor being in Spain, 
1534  he was solicited by Muley Hascen, king of Tunes, who had been dispossessed by Haradin Barberousse, 
Muley Hascen king of Tunes dispossessed by Barberousse, & restored by the Emperor.  to restore him to his realm, promising to hold it of the Crown of Spain. This occasion was willingly inbraced, as necessary for the good of Christendom, and very honourable for the Emperor in particular: for Haradin having succeeded his brother Horusco in the realm of Alger, he was grown into great favour with Solyman the great Turk, who had made him general of his galleys, and with whose forces he had seized upon Tunes, threatening all the Princes and Potentates about the Mediterranean sea, both Christians and Mahometists. Although we have formerly made some mention of these two famous pirates, yet, in my opinion, it will not be impertinent, if we relate more particularly what they were, and by what means they came to that greatness wherein our fathers have seen them: reporting, upon this occasion, 
Virtue fittest to advance a man.  some of their desperate enterprises, upon the coast of Africa, where they began first to appear; to the end that by this notable example they which have fame for their only object, may know, that neither the nobility of the race, nor the virtue of predecessors, nor wealth, nor the services of Court, can bring men to great and eminent honours, but their own industry and valour. Horusco then, and Haradin, brethren, surnamed Barberousse, 
Barberousses brethren.  were borne in the country of Turkey, or Turcomania, which the ancients called Cilicia, or Tarsis: Some say, they were borne in the town of Metelin, in the island of Lesbes, whose father was a Christian, but he did not continue in it; a poor pirate, or thief robbing at sea: Their mother was a Spaniard, of the town of Marchena, taken by this pirate at sea, who held her for his lawful wife. Their first institution and breeding was in their father's trade, under a pirate called Camal, and afterwards they put themselves in pay with the Emperor of the Turks, which was Selim, father to great Solyman. Being sent for a convoy to a Treasurer, who went to pay the garrisons of Coron and Modon, towns of Morea, they stripped him, and fled with the money: with which money having armed out a foist, or brigantine, they joined with Crocut, being then pursued by Selim his brother. He being dead, they fled for fear of punishment, and went to sea: Their first prey was of two merchants ships of Siracusa in Sicily; with which booty having furnished themselves better, it happened, that thieving with too great assurance, they were taken by Peter Victory, captain of the Pope's galleys; but through bad guard, this taker was himself taken, and lost two galleys. Being thus fortified, and grown more cunning, they got such reputation, as in a short time Horusco, who was the elder, was acknowledged for head and conductor of all the pirates upon the coast of Barbary, having for his lieutenants Haradin, his younger brother, and Scanderraiz, their brother in law. In this favour he presumed to surprise the city of Bugia, one of the best peopled in Africa, the which was then under the protection of the kings D. Ferdinand and D. Isabel, of Castille, and guarded by a strong garrison of Spaniards: but his enterprise succeeded not; for being master of one of the three castles, or towers, which are in that city, as he fought for the rest, he was repulsed, and forced to leave his prey, with the loss of an arm, so as ever after he wore one of silver. Having failed in this enterprise, he retired to Alger, the lord whereof was called Celim Beni Tumi, whom he succoured, in show, against a brother of his, who made war against him, and then he slew him in treason, under colour of friendship, making himself Lord of the town.  
This was no act of virtue, but of hardiness and policy, the which is much esteemed in this later age. Having gotten Alger, he seized upon the town of Circele, by the like means, the which is the ancient Carcena. Into this he put Scanderraiz for governor, and left the guard of Alger to Haradin his brother, and continuing to molest the world, he did also seize upon the rich town of Tunes, situated betwixt Alger and Oran, the lord whereof having fled into Spain, he had persuaded cardinal Ximenes to send army of Spaniards into Africa, against this these, under Diego de Vera, who was defeated there, and lost about eight thousand men, as we have noted in the precedent book.  
Horusco being puffed up with these good haps, he aspired to greater matters, and to make himself king of Tremessen, 
moors superstitious.  a great and mighty city, and the chief in all Mauritania, sometimes called Cesariensis. To attain unto the which, he thought to help himself with superstition, to the which the Moors and Arabians are more given than all the people of the earth, procuring certain Morabites (which are religious hermits of Mahomet's sect) who (to bring the king of Tremessen in Hatred of his subjects) gave them to understand, 
Religion a cloak for tyrants.  That he had secret acquaintance with the Christians, and that they should be all damned if they did not chase him away: the which they did, with the help which Horusco Barberousse gave them. To cover his design, which was, to subdue them, he counseled them to draw a nephew of the kings (whom they had chased away) out of prison, having been long kept in irons by him, and to make him king; the which they had a will to effect: But this tyrant, seeing them to proceed slowly, and he impatient and blinded with ambition, slew this young prince, and sought to seize upon the city, in despite of the inhabitants, whereof he slew many of the principals, which was his ruin: for the dispossessed king was called home, and had means to recover his kingdom, with the forces of Spain, which he obtained easily. He pursued his adversary so, as he forced him to fly into the mountain of Abez, upon the confines of Bugia, & to shut himself in a castle, where being besieged, necessity forced him forth to fight, where he was vanquished & slain, and his head carried to Tremessen & from thence into Spain to the great contentment of the Moors and Spaniards, for he was a subtle and dangerous enemy: Pride growing through prosperity ruined him: But Haradin governed himself more discreetly, and did manage his fortune with more honour. Thus we see, that those which hazard themselves in dangerous enterprises, do most commonly miscarry, and make such as follow after them wise by their rashness, to whom they have made the way.  
Haradin, by the death of his brother, remaining lord of Alger, one of the best ports of all Afrique, he was no more held a pirate, but a prince, and withal a great captain at sea: so as Sultan Solyman, Emperor of Constantinople, made his Bassa and his Admiral, with whose incomparable forces he made himself a terror to all the countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa, which lay upon the sea; where having taken infinite booties, and spoiled many towns, in the end he made himself master of the city and realm of Tunes, in the year 1535, by this occasion.  
A little before there had reigned in Tunes Mahomet, 
Abdul Hedi stem of the last king of Tunes.  descended from Abdul Hedi, who was a Moor of Andaluzia, borne at Sevile; he was wise and discreet: and being made by the king of Marroc governor of the city of Tunes, which had rebelled, and had been taken again and punished, he following the example of many others, had made himself lord of his government, when as after the battle of Muradat in Spain, won by the Christians, there was a general revolt in Africa, against the Almohades, Emperors, and great Miralmumins of the Moors, and Alarabes at Marroc. This Mahomet, issued from this race, had had many children by many wives, who seeing himself old, and desirous to provide a successor to his realm after his own humour, for certain considerations, he made choice of the youngest of all, called Hascen, whom he had by an Arabian woman, called Gezia, and would have him succeed him to the Crown. It is this Muley Hascen for whose restitution the Emperor was persuaded to lead an army into Africa. This jealous prince was no sooner seated in the royal throne, but he put Mammon, his elder brother, to death, and after dispatched all his other brethren and kinsmen: (these be the fruits of Polygamy, in the followers of Mahomet their Prophet) Arraxide only escaped, and fled to Bixacara, a town of Numidia, where, with the aid of certain Xecques, or lords Numidians, he gathered some forces together, to invade Muley Hascen; but it was in vain: wherefore he had recourse to Haradin Barberousse, king of Alger, who having received him courteously, advised him to go with him to Constantinople, to inform the great Turk of his misfortunes; promising to present him unto him, and to do him all favour and good offices. Being come to Soliman's Court, Barberousse was presently dispatched with a good number of galleys, well furnished with soldiers, to come to Tunes, giving it out, that he carried back Arraxide, to make him king, who notwithstanding was stayed at Constantinople.  
Muley Hascen, a parricide, covetous, voluptuous, injurious, and a coward, amazed at this great preparation of arms, which came to assail him, stayed not, but fled to his kinsmen by the mother's side, Ishmael and Dorar Alarabas, of the lineage of Vled Aixa, which are a member of Vled Yahaya, of those which led a vagabond life in the plains and deserts of Africa and Numidia: a mighty people, but disloyal, and of no friendship. Finding not such succours there as he expected, he followed the advice of a Genovois renegado, called Ximaa, which was, to imploreayd of the Emperor Charles: and this Genovois was he which made a voyage into Spain, who could so persuade the Emperor, and season his request with lively reasons, and infinite promises, as he obtained that which he pretended, which was, To persuade the Emperor and his counsel, that it was both profitable and necessary for him to restore Muley Hascen to his realm: Every one weighing the importance of this business, and foreseeing how it might prejudice Italy and Spain, if the Turks, which did already hold many ports upon the coast of Barbary, should set footing into Tunes, a great and mighty city, fit for the situation (which is near unto the ruins of old Carthage, sometimes concurring in power with the Romans) to make ordinary and prejudicial impressions in that State. Barberousse, who had found the place void of soldiers, or Commander, did easily seize upon the town, castle, and fort of Goulette, which stands on the entry of the lake which the Sea makes there. 
1535  But he did not think the Christians had taken this so ill, as he found by experience, and therefore he was not so careful to provide all things necessary to preserve such a conquest, against the power which the emperor brought: who as soon as this honourable enterprise was concluded, he did advertise all Christian princes, and invited them to contribute men, money, and ships to this war, whether he would go in person. The rendes●vous was appointed at the port of Cailleri in Sardynia, 
Forces of the Emperor at his going to Tunes.  whether the emperor came with the galleys of Spain, those of Genova, and the particular galleys of Andrew Doria. D. john king of Portugal sent him twenty galleys, and one great gallion, under the command of D. Lewis his Brother.  
The Pope armed nine galleys at Genova, at his own charge, of the which Paul justinian had the command, and Virgilio Vrsino, earl of Anguilare had the leading of the soldiers that were in them: And he suffered him to levy the tenths of the Clergy of Spain. The knights of Malta sent four galleys. All which joined at Cailleri, where (before the emperors coming) there arrived the royal galleys of Naples and Sicily, with many galliots and foists, armed by the noblemen of Naples and Sicily, at their own charge, in which the Marquis of Guast was transported with the old Spanish soldiers which he had drawn out of the garrisons of Italy. Thither also came many round and flat bottomed vessels, carrying victuals, munition, artillery, horse, and a good number of foot, newly levied to that end in Spain, Italy & Germany, so as there was found when this army weighed anchor, three hundred and sixty sail, carrying besides the Court, the train of noblemen, and many voluntaries, seven hundred men at arms, two thousand light horse, and 12 thousand bisoques or new soldiers, five thousand old soldiers, Spaniards, and six thousand Italian foot, & seven thousand Lansquenets, men of experience. These forces being not less than forty thousand men, parted with a prosperous wind from the Island of Sardinia, and came to land the five and twentieth of june, this year 1535 at a place called Porto Farina, near to the ruins of old Utica, about six leagues distant from Tunes. There order was given by the emperor, for the landing of his men; the first were the old Spanish arquebuzies and the Italians, that they might keep off the Moors, who had showed themselves both horse and foot, to disturb their landing, wherein the marquess of Guast who was general of the foot, showed great judgement, for he would not suffer the soldiers to leave their standings and to pursue the enemy, until the army were landed with the victuals and munition, and the quarters made and fortified with a Trench: in the which they found great difficulty for that the sand was lose & not fit for that purpose, neither had they any bavines or other matter to bind it with all. The army being lodged, the emperor called a Council, 
Council held by the emperor for the besieging of Goulett.  where it was propounded, whether they should first assault Goulette, or go directly to fight with the enemy in Tunes, which was much more easy than that of Goulette: whereas attempting that fort first, being strong by situation, defended by valiant men, commanded by judicious captains, and having great store of artillery, and which did most import, not being able to take their succours from them, neither by the lake, nor by land on the east part, either the action would prove desperate, and they should consume their forces there in vain, or at the least they should spend so much time there, as not only Baberousse would grow stronger in men, & be of greater reputation; but the Christians camp being wonderfully afflicted with the violent heat of the Sun in that region, and under that climate, and, which did more import, the waters which they drank being half salt, in short time being corrupted, would breed a great mortality, so as they should be forced rather to seek to save the relics of their army, than to attempt any new enterprise. But the most judicious showing how dangerous it was to leave such a fort as Goulette, with a great garrison, and so near unto Tunis behind, that the army advancing, they should be in extreme want of victuals, the which not being able to be conducted but from the army, the enemy's horse being many and venturous, scouring the fields continually, would at the least force the Christians to keep the greatest part of their horse and of their best foot, to guard their victuals which were engaged. It was therefore resolved first to attempt Goulette: 
Goulette the fort.  which fort Barberousse had furnished with great care: it is a great square Tower, with large rampers and flankers, and is set upon the mouth or entry of the Lake, which extends from it unto the City, and is four leagues broad: (Campana writes that it is twelve miles long, and five miles broad.) The City of Tunes was great and well peopled, but at that time the walls were weak and low, having three suburbs open, greater and far better peopled than the town, in the which there dwelled many kinds of Merchants, some of the most industrious Artisans, and among them some other rich people, who were delicate and idle. For the guard of these places, Barberousse had about eight thousand good soldiers, 
Forces of Barberousse in Tunes.  whereof he had put a good part into the fort of Goulette (some writ they were three thousand men) commanded by Sinan Cefutt of Smirna, called the jew, and N●aid, surnamed Chasedivels. The rest were with Barberousse, who had also levied great numbers of Moors and Alarabes, both horse and foot, whom he sent, or led himself continually to the war, and made continual skirmishes to molest the emperors camp, to hinder the approaches, and the battery which was planted against this fort, the which they must force and take before they came unto the city, unless they would be betwixt two enemies, subject to the great and ordinary sallies of either of them, especially of the Moors, who overrunning the country, which was well known to them, might hinder the victuals, surprise them that went to forage, seeking above all things water, which is rare in that country, and take from them the commodity of the sea, if they had gone far, and left this fort standing, and so had ruined the imperial army. Whilst they are busy at this work, and about five weeks after the emperors arrival, Muley Hascen creeps out of his holes, and comes unto the camp (having had a good convoye sent unto him) with two hundred horse, or there abouts, moors, ill attired and ragged, mounted upon geldings or mares, peasantlie clowns. Having saluted the emperor, and kindly received by him, they conferred long together by truchmen, but they soon discovered that this Prince had neither friends nor means, although he vaunted that he had left, not far from thence, sixteen thousand horse Alarabes, and eight hundred camels laden with victuals and refresh, of the which they never saw head nor tail, assuring impudently that he had great intelligences within the Town, with the chief inhabitants, who notwithstanding never made any sign that they would favour him.  
Thus the wind carried away all the goodly promises, which his ambassador had made in Spain to the emperor, for he kept not any one, were it through inconstancy or impossibility. Notwithstanding the emperor continued constant in his resolution, to chase away Barberousse, and to restore this exiled king, to the possession of his realm, for he had made no account to be assisted by the Moors, and had been drawn unto this enterprise more for his own private interest, then for any other consideration, and therefore he was come well provided. Notwithstanding all the attempts of the Barbarians, Goulette was battered by land with forty pieces of ordnance planted in two batteries, and by sea with above 200, for the galleys being put into squadrons, whilst that one approached to discharge, the other retired to charge their pieces, and so they continued from the break of day until noon, whilst that the two batteries at land thundered continually. The which did so ruin the tower, as the greatest part of it falling, it covered or made most of the ordnance, within it unprofitable: The ruins of the tower had made the way easy for an assault, so as the Spaniards, Italians, and Germans being put in order, one nation after another, at their time appointed they presented themselves with ladders to the assault with so great resolution, as all the defence of the moors & Turks was in vain, so as a great part of them were slain or wounded fight, neither was the slaughter less of them that fled a long the lake, or that sought to escape by swimming, for they were slain by the shot, or thrust through by the Germans pikes, if they came near the shore, so as it was reported there died above 1500, and not without the loss of some men of worth among the Christians, yet Campana writes there were not above thirty slain. Goulette being taken it was bruited that they had taken 300 pieces of ordinance, 
Gouletta taken by the emperor  & all Barberousses fleet which was in the channel of the lake; the number whereof is diversly reported, some writ 20 galleys, 20 galliots, and five foists, others seventy & two, and some affirm they were 107. Three days after the taking of this fort Fernand Gonsago came unto the camp, who having certain vessels appointed him by the viceroy of Sicily, brought many refresh, for the which but especially for his own valour, he was joyfully received by the emperor, and by the whole army. 
Ferdinand Gonzaga comes to Guolette to the emperor.  There grew now some diversity of opinions touching the continuance of the war, some cold phlegmatic complexions, were of opivion the emperor should rest satisfied with the taking of Goulette, which was held impregnable, the which he should fortify and furnish with a great garrison, and good provision of victuals to live and defend it, with a design to return the next year to besiege Tunes, Alger, and the other towns upon that coast of Africa. Their reasons were grounded upon the great difficulties which the army did then suffer, in their drink, whereas the scorching sun did cause great thirst, and did force the poor soldiers to drink the pit water which was very fault, which bred many infirmities, & many died of it, wherefore seeing the army much diminished by the former enterprises, 
Council of the Imperialists to continue the war of Naples.  and hearing that the enemy grew daily stronger, & that he did shortly expect a great number of Arabians, which he had hired, they persuaded the emperor that he might with his honour return into Europe, & prepare, as we have said, for the next year. But this was contrary to the greatness of Caesar's mind, who discovered with better reasons the weakness of his enemy having lost Gouletta; the little confidence the Turks had in the Arabians & Moors, & the good disposition of the Christian army, especially after so great a victory, the which although it were diminished in numbers, yet it was increased encourage and resolution, so as Barberousse should have means to furnish himself better for the next year, & to obtain greater forces from the Turk, to defend his possession in Africa, the conquest whereof (which was not now uneasy, having found the enemy in a manner unprovided) would afterwards prove unpossible, besides it was not for the dignity of so great an army, honoured with the presence of the Christian Emperor, to go away contented with the taking of a Tower. The captains of greatest resolution and experience were of the same opinion, the which was maintained by Muley Hascen with great reasons, who discoursed particularly of the nature of that nation, of the designs of Barberousse, and of remedies for the thirst, persuading them to the enterprise of Tunes, and of the easiness to take it; affirming that the enemy would never be drawn to a battle, neither had he means to keep the city many days: His reasons were believed, and although his desire to return into his realm, with the hazard of another, made him to be the less credited, yet the authority and will of the emperor, who was the author of this council, did confirm it. Barberousse on the other side was wonderfully grieved for the loss of Gouletta, so as he could not forbear to complain of Sinan the jew, who might have escaped, flying away with his men, from so great a danger, in the which he had lost many janissaries, and other good soldiers. It is written that Barberousse was once in an humour to have slain all the Christian slaves that were found there, the which for his better security, being divers thousands, he had already imprisoned in the castle: and that Sinan the jew, and others of authority had diverted him from that wicked and cruel resolution, showing him, that so foul and brutish a fact, would not only be a perpetual blemish to his name, but also bring him into disgrace with Solyman, who was a generous Prince, and hated all such base and wicked actions, as that would be, to kill people who being in a straight prison, neither had nor could offend him. Being then dissuaded from these cruel imaginations which rage & grief for his former loss did suggest, he began to provide for the rest, taking council of such as were about him what was to be done for their common health, with this resolution still, to keep himself close, and to defend the city, and not to come to battle with the enemy, hoping that in Autumn they should be forced to leave that coast, & it might be their fleet would be beaten, & dispersed with storms. The emperor being not freed from that fear, was careful to have the ruins of the fort of Goulette repaired, whereof he gave the charge to Andrew Doria, with his sea-forces, who caused it to he cleansed from the infection of dead bodies, which were found there, both men and beasts, and the breaches to be raised: He took an Inventory of all the goods that were in it, where were found (as we have said) three hundred pieces of ordnance, great and small; great store of arms of all sorts, with an incredible quantity of victuals, powder, and all other munition, Engines, and implements necessary for the defence of places.  
The emperor seeing all things in a readiness, he commanded every soldier should carry a bottle, full of water taken out of the provision of the navy, he marched that way the twentieth of july. Coming within five miles of the city, they found certain wells of fresh water, which bred great disorder among the soldiers, who were very greedy to drink, so as the emperor was forced to come thither in person, to stay the soldiers greedy rage, who desired rather to drink and die presently, as many did, for that the enemy had poisoned the waters, than to suffer a little, & to preserve themselves, at the least to die fight. Having past this danger with no small difficulty, they discovered Barberousses army, who was come forth of the city, in show to give the emperor battle. The number of his army is diversly set down: Vlloa writes that he had 70000 moors and Arabians, and 7000 Turks, 
Forces of Barberousse in Tunes.  whereof two thousand served on horseback, and Guazzo affirms that he had twelve pieces of ordinance in front: others writ that by the report of some Christian slaves, who had seen him take view of his men two days before, he had 20000 horse, and above 100000 foot, moors and Arabians, besides his Turks, upon whom he did chief rely. The two armies being in sight one of another, and it being generally believed by the Christians that they should fight, their captains sought to encourage them with good words, notwithstanding that they were all very ready and willing: the prince of Saleme made a speech unto the Italians, Alarcon to the Spaniards, and Eberstin to the Germans, and to all the nations the emperor himself, who going among them all, promised them a certain victory, and filled them all with an assured hope, & importunate desire to charge the enemy, who stretching themselves out in length, thought to terrify, disorder and put the Christians to flight. Barberousse had stayed within three miles of Tunes, who began as soon as ever the imperial army approached to discharge his artillery, but without any great effect: On the other side D. Fernand Gonzaga, who served that day without any charge, but being among the foremost, charged the enemies, and slew a Captain of the Moors with his lance, 
Battle betwixt the Christians & Barberousse in Africa.  making such a slaughter of the enemies, as he was that day noted above the rest: He was nobly followed by others, and the Spanish Harquebuziers did so gall the Barbarians with their shot, as having scarce begun to fight they basely fled: neither did Barberousse show any courage that day, who had no intent to hazard his life and state upon a battle, but to fly speedily into the City.  
There was no great slaughter of the enemy in this action, for that they fled presently, besides the Christians horsemen could not pursue them being but weak, 
Barberousse flies into Tunes.  and much less might the foot men do it, being tired with their march in the sand, and with the extreme heat: wherefore the emperor lodged his army that night upon the place whereas Barberousse had stood in battle, fortifying it with the carts of his baggage, yet standing always ready in arms being so near his enemy. Barberousse being returned into Tunes, full of disdain for this disgrace, being a proud man, he consulted what was to be done, seeming very confident to be able to defend the city: and then he entered again into a resolution to murder the Christian slaves, and he was again dissuaded by his own people; God disappointing so wicked a council, to make the Christians victory more easy; for this pretended cruelty of Barberousse being bruited abroad, it did move two renegadoes to compassion, Giaffer Aga, and Meni, the first was borne in Cataro, and was called Vinsenzo, the second a Spaniard, 
Christian slaves seize upon the Castle of Tunes.  whose name was Francisco, who was much favoured by Barberousse. They opening the prison doors to these wretches, who some write were six thousand, some ten thousand, and they having broken their chains, wherewith they were bound, got staves and such other weapons, & became masters of the Castle, driving away those few Turks that were left there in guard, and with all they seized upon the treasure, victuals, & arms, which Barberousse had left there: who being advertised thereof, posted presently thither, seeking first by good words, and then by threats to be let in, but it was in vain, they chase him away with reproaches, and the hazard of his life, if he had stayed.  
All this happened the day after the Battle, the emperor preparing to draw near the town, when as those slaves sought to make signs unto him to approach, but the distance would not suffer them to be seen, and yet the emperor finding that there was some alteration, he sent two companies of horse to discover it. In the mean time Barberousse finding himself in bad terms, and fearing the inconstancy of the Moors, he resolved to leave the city, by the gate next the mountain, and went towards Bona, being followed by seven thousand Turks whom he had preserved to serve him at need: The Christian army marching towards Tunes, they were met upon the way by the Ambassadors of the city, who offered to yield unto the emperor, and to receive what conditions he should impose, so as he would secure them from sack, wherein some writ that Muley Hascen entreated the emperor: so as at the emperors first entrance into Tunes, the soldiers carried themselves mildly; But soon after as some affirm, at the instigation of Muley Hascen, who desired to be revenged of the inhabitants, which did not seem to favour him during the siege, 
Retreat of Barberousse from Tunes.  the Spaniards fell to the spoil, using all kind of excess and acts of hostility, as if they had been in a town taken by force, and assault. The Germans also slew many Moors, and fell to their feeding, being sorry they found no wine in their sellers, for those people drunk not any.  
The sack continued four and twenty hours, some writ three days, together, with great slaughter, and then it ceased, the emperor commanding every man upon grievous pains, to retire unto his quarter. They say that this sack was not much less than that of Rome, and that every soldier was rich. The marquess of Guast guided by a slave, found thirty thousand ducats, buried in a cave of the castle, wherewith acquainting the emperor, he gave him them. The emperor lodged within the Castle which was reasonably well built, and newly accommodated by Barberousse. There were great numbers of slaves found, whereof there were eighty and one Frenchmen, all which were set at liberty, 
Tunes taken by the emperor.  appareled and sent home upon the retreat of the army. There was found in it much ancient armour guilt & graven, which some thought were the spoils of the French army, which Saint Lewis had sometime led into that country, where he died, and many of his army, of the bloudy-flix. The emperor having remained some days within the city, and conferred divers times with king Muley Hascen, touching his future government and agreed upon conditions, according to the which these two princes and their subjects should live, traffic, and converse together, he returned to the camp, making the more haste to departed, to the end that such as were fled into the mountains might retum without fear to their houses. The army was lodged close about a village called Lude, two miles from Goulette, where there past a little brook of fresh water, whereof the country was much destitute, which was the greatest discommodity they had in all this war: from thence they went to the first lodging they had made before the taking of that sort, near unto a Tower which they called of waters, which was the common watering place of the country. Thither came Muley Hascen to the emperor to confirm and swear the articles, which were these.  
1 That king Muley Hascen did confess and would acknowledge, for him & his successors kings of Tunes, 
Articles of Accord betwixt the emperor & king of Tunes.  that having been chased out of his estate, he had recovered it by the grace of God, and by the arms and virtue of the emperor Charles king of Spain, who had taken Goulette, and impregnable fort, and chased away his enemy Haradin Barberousse.  
2 That in regard of so great a favour, he should set at liberty, all the Christians of what age, sex, or condition soever, that were detained prisoners within his realm, what offences soever they had committed, without punishment, price or ransom; and that from thenceforth there should not any of the emperor's subjects, nor of his brother's D. Ferdinand's king of Romans, be made slaves within the realm of Tunes.  
3 That it should be lawful for all Christians to traffic at Tunes, and places depending thereon, stay, inhabit, purchase lands, build chapels & churches, & exercise their religion.  
4 That the moors of Spain which had received the baptism of Christ should not be received into the realm of Tunes, if they did not show letters of permission from the emperor or his successors kings of Spain, or from their lieutenants, viceroys, or Magistrates.  
5 That Muley Hascen did resign unto the emperor and his successors kings of Spain, all the right which he had to any towns of Africa, places and Islands held then by Barberousse and the Turks to enjoy them in propriety, if they did conquer them.  
6 That Goulette, and two miles of the country round about, should remain in sovereignty to the kings of Spain, who might put in any garrison, and fortify it as they pleased.  
7 That the inhabitants of Goulette, and the territory about it, & the soldiers of the garrison should be free both by sea and land, from all imposts and customs for that which they should buy for their own use, and if they traded in Merchandise, they should be used like to them of the country.  
8 That they of Goulette should not be hindered to receive the tolles and customs of the kings of Tunes.  
9 That to entertain the garrison of Goulette, the kings of Tunes should pay unto the governors twelve thousand crowns yearly, at two payments, in August and February.  
10 That the fishing for coral and the trade thereof, should be reserved for the emperor, and his successors, kings of Spain, to dispose at their pleasures.  
11 That in acknowledgement of the benefits done by the emperor to Muley Hascen, he and his successors should honour the kings of Spain for ever, as their Patrons and protectors, and for an homage of that protection, they should be bound to give them every year six fair horses, and twelve exquisite falcons, the which he should deliver into the hands of the governor of Goulette, the three and twentieth of August, upon pain to lose fifty thousand crowns for the first time he should fail, and for the second a hundred thousand, and if they should continue to neglect this duty, to forfeit their realm to the king of Spain, who might justly dispossess them.  
12 That upon the like pain the kings of Tunes should not make any leagues nor alliances with any princes or states, Christians or Mahumetists, to the prejudice of the emperor or his successors.  
13 That there should no entrance be given, in the ports of the realm of Tunes, to any Pirates, or robbers at Sea, common enemies, nor to the private enemies one of another.  
14 last that there should be good, sincere, & perpetual friendship, & free commerce maintained, betwixt these Princes and their subjects, and right & justice mutually done.  
These articles were sworn and signed in this form reciprocally in the emperors camp near unto Goulotte, the thirteenth day of August, in the year of Christ 1535, and in the year 942 of Mahumet, the sixth day of the moon of the month Casa.  
King Muley Hascen taking the oath drew out half his Cymiter, & touching the blade he swore by the prophet Mahumet, and by the Koran, that he would faithfully observe all the contents thereof, and never break them: and the emperor swore and promised the same, kissing his right hand, and taking hold of a cloak which a knight of Saint james there present did wear, on the which there was a cross, he kissed it also. And of this contract there were four copies made, two in the Spanish, and two in the Arabian tongue, respectively kept and carried by the officers and Secretaries of these princes. There was also added to the said articles:  
That from that time there should be a supreme judge and Council in Goulette, the which in the emperors name should judge without appeal, of all civil and criminal causes, where any of his Majesty's subjects should be a party, traffiking or going into any country of the realm of Tunes: And in regard of the town of Africa then held by the Turks, if it came by any means into the power of the kings of Tunes, the emperor and his successors kings of Spain should dispose thereof as they should think good. For witnesses to the said accord & articles, there were set down for the emperor Nicholas Perenot signior of Granuelle, doctor Fernand of Guevara, and Anthony Peres, councillors of State; And for the king of Tunes, Aluar Gomesis Mahumet of Tunes, Hamet Gamaza, and Abeder Heymin Maier, his councillors, kinsmen, and officers.  
This done Muley Hascen retired to Tunes, and the emperor gave order for his return. He had a great desire to set upon the town of Africa, which lies right against Sicily, & was very commodious, for the Turks which held it, to make enterprises, but seeing Autumn approach, which shut, up the Seas for Galleys, he deferred it to an other season. He left D. Bernardine of Mendosa, brother to the marquess of Mondejar governor of Goulette, 
Emperor's retreat from Tunes.  with a thousand Spaniards, of the old bands. He sent Andrew Doria, along the western coast, to learn what was become of Barberousse, and to watch what he would undertake, who found that at his dislodging from Tunes he had retired to Bone, and that having some notice of Dorias approach with forty galleys, he had left the place void, 
Bone in Africa taken by Andrew Doria.  whereon Doria seized without any difficulty, who by the emperors commandment put a garrison into the castle, and left the town at the disposition of the king of Tunes, thinking that the Moors inhabiting there would maintain themselves in peace better under his obedience. There is a suburb at Tunes without the port called Bethelmenara, containing about a thousand households, where there dwelled certain Christians, called by reason of that suburb Rabbattins, whose predecessors had been brought thither by joseph Almansor king, 
Rabattins' Christians at Tunes.  and Caliph of Marroc, ruler over all Africa, some 300 years since. Of those which made profession of the Christian religion, the kings of Tunes did commonly make the guards of their persons, for most of them made profession of arms: and carried the countenance of gentlemen; they held lands by homage of the king, and were rich. The Emperor carried some of these Rabattins into Europe, and did them good. He dismissed the infant D. Lewis of Portugal from Tunes, with his galleys, and did witness by his letters unto king john his brother, that in this voyage he had given preat proofs of his judgement and valour, and with this opportunity he sent some of the noblemen and youth, which had accompanied him, into Spain.  
Barberousse flying from Tunes, being come from the river of Maggiordech, one of his chief pirates called Aidino of Smirne, being very dry, drunk of that water and burst. At his coming to Bone, he drew 14 galleys unfurnished out of a near lake, which had been kept there for the like need, and having suddenly caused them to be armed, and all things ready to go forth, fearing to meet with the emperors army, he had caused that port to be fortified, but it appearing not, he went towards the East, meaning first to be revenged of the Christians in some sort: wherefore having passed to Alger, and there provided for his affairs, and furnished his army well, he sailed towards the Island of Minorca, where coming near unto the port of Maone, he set up certain Christian flags which he had taken the year before: 
Minorca spirited by Barbarosse.  the Islanders thinking it to be a part of the emperors army, received them joyfully; where afterwards they took great spoils of goods and people: he sacked a ship of Portugal there, and slew Gonsaluo Per●lia the captain after a long fight: and so retiring with his prey to Alger, he set sail towards Constantinople.  
The Emperor having dismissed part of his army from Goulette, he passed with the rest into Sicily, 
Emperor comes into Sicily.  where he landed at Trapani, from whence he came to Palerme the thirteenth of September, where he made a solemn entry: soon after they of the Island made him a present of two hundred and fifty thousand crowns, as well for the charges he had been at, as for the preparation he meant to make the next year against Barberousse, whom he desired to chase out of Africa, especially from Alger. Going out of Sicily, he passed from Messina to Naples, which city he had not seen: in his voyage he was sumptuously received as well by the whole state, as by private princes his subjects, especially by the princes of Bisignuno and Salerno, until he came to Naples, where being royally received, that noble city, the head of that kingdom, would not fail to make an extraordinary demonstration of their love unto their prince; so as on the third day of February one thousand five hundred thirty and six they resolved in the monastery of Saint Laurence, 
1536  the Emperor being present, 
Gift of the realm of Naples to the emrour.  to give him a million and five hundred thousand ducats, the which was speedily effected.  
During the emperors absence D. Isabel the empress was governess in Spain as she had always been, with a council of state appointed to assist her: by whose advice and order D. Guttiere de Vargas Bishop of Plaisance caused a fleet of five ships to be finished, the which had been long before undertaken, in the presence of D. john then prince of Portugal, 
Ships sent out of Castille to the Molucques.  who was come in pilgrimage into Castille. These ships being well furnished were sent unto the Molucques, of the which only one past the straight of Magellan, which discovered the shore of that continent, from the going out of the straight unto Arequipa 25 degrees from the Equinoctial.  
36 After the emperors return from Tunes to Naples, a new war being kindled betwixt him and the French king, 
emperors voyage into Prevence.  by reason of the duke of Savoy, the emperors brother in law, whom the French sought to spoil of his estate. He was not able to resist so potent an enemy, 
1536  and therefore he had recourse unto the emperor for aid, who having gathered together a goodly army, consulted with his captains of the manner how he should make war, whether he should stay in Piedmont, and recover that which the French had taken from the Savoiard, of which opinion the marquess of Guast & D. Fernand of Gon●age were, who alleged some reasons to maintain their opinion, or that he should pass presently into Provence, & leave such forces to recover Piedmont as should be thought● fit, the which Usum de Le●a and Andrew Doria, did maintain, but especially the emperor himself, who was confident for the enterprise of Provence, and to that end he made an eloquent Oration unto his Council, in these terms.  
If the war we undertake, 
Oration made by Charles the fift upon his passage into Provence.  & the enemy against whom we are to fight, were not known unto us, & withal, we were not assured in ourselves that we should bring this war to a good end, without doubt we should not blame this your council, or, to speak more properly, consideration; but should rather commend it, and follow it. But knowing that we make war against one that hath broken his faith, a perfidious man, who having no regard that the duke of Savoy was comprehended in the treaty of Cambray hath made war against him, the which he knew to be against us; we doubt not but God the just judge of a violated peace, and of the breach of faith, will take a severe revenge.  
I will add thus much more, that we shall war against the same enemy, over whom we have been victorious for these 20 years: but which victories (to prove against that which you have said that we have won, & that they may confess they have lost,) we hold still the duchy of Milan, a glorious remembrance, & a rich spoil of our vanquished enemy; the which should give hope and courage to you that be winners, and fear and despair to them. Besides, let us compare our forces with our enemies, we shall find ours to exceed them both in number and valour: we see no such danger as you pretend, although we divide our army, pass the Alpes, & go into France to assail our enemy. But to answer first unto this, & then to return unto our former proposition: It is not unknown, and we can prove it by examples, how many being afflicted with war in their own estates, have freed themselves by transporting the war into their enemy's countries, & have made conquests of their adversaries states: But in our case we will rather ground upon firm and sound reasons, than upon examples, the which can hardly be found equal in all circumstances. You are of opinion, that before we transport the war into France, we should chase the enemy out of Piedmont, so as there may be no relics remaining: and we on tother side, induced by many reasons, hold it much better, that passing into France we transport the war thither, rather than to nourish it in our own and our friend's country, and maintain it in Italy, the which hath been so many years afflicted, and therefore it is reason we should preserve it, and give it some time of rest, after so great and tedious miseries: so as it having felt for these 30 years, by means of the French, those miseries which do accompany war, let France in like manner taste of spoils, burning, rapes, let it taste of the fear, terror, amazement and flight of citizens, let it make proof of the sacking of houses, desolations, ruins, and the burning of cities. It fits not to have the city of Turin, or the country of Piedmont the reward of our victories, but Paris, yea the very Crown of France. We have too long suffered that king, to make war in another's country, I pray you let us make him labour to defend his own dominions, and let us try if the French be as much worth at home as abroad. But it may be their nature and disposition is not well known unto you, whom you have so often known by experience: At the first charge they are somewhat worth, but after some resistance, they faint, and lose their force: Besides, we have known that king to have been of so great a mind (we will not say so rash) as he will hold it a great dishonour to suffer us to enter and remain in his confines without giving us battle: The which if he do, who is there among you that will doubt of a victory? Hold this for certain, that there is no other means to end the war, but that either he must add Spain and the empire, to that which he now enjoys; or we conquer the realm of France to our other possessions: for the effecting whereof we come to seek him in the bowels of his own realm. We must not grow old here, expecting when he should come, and give him means to preserve his own country, from whence he is continually supplied with money, whereby he entertains his army here at our cost, who enrich themselves with spoil of those things, which should serve to pay out soldiers. And for that which you fear, that the French king may levy new soldiers more commodiously, there is nothing more impossible to do, nor more vain to speak, for that in bringing an army hither, it draws new sonldiers with the hope of spoil, being accustom to steal and spoil in a Country worn by the sword; the which without 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 do in France: for being kept in Martial discipline by the king, the respect of the country binding them, they will hold themselves for adventurers, when it shall be lawful for them to live with their own pay, though hardly so as few will expose themselves to wounds and death, for the miserable gain of an ordinary pay: and if the soldiers will seek to have it augmented, they must afflict the people; so as what the enemy can not get by war, the companies will injuriously take away, they will spoil they victuals and diminish the treasure, raising tumults, seditions and rebellions, and the rather, if the matter proceed in such sort; as the king himself be the cause of this spectacle, wherein we shall see a manifest example of God's judgement▪ And so he 〈◊〉 hath so often afflicted another's country with fire, sword and spoil, shall be now forced, ●●ining and burning his own country, not only to bear it, but also to do it himself. But me thinks I hear some of you fear, that he will do that before our army arrive, whereunto he shall be forced. This should not move you, neither can there be any thing to hinder us, but we should abound in victuals, having provided for it, so as piercing into the heart of France, we shall have great abundance, and without any charge. As for your doubt, that the king will gather forces together on this side the Alpes whilst that we are in France, and this country destitute of soldiers; we assure you that we have provided him so much work in other places, as he can hardly bend his thoughts to any other business: for that besides this army which will make him oppose all the vigour and force he hath, and another, which it may be you have heard of shall be led by Nassau and gossan, to invade the confines of Picardy; there is yet a third which should come and join with us in Provence, the which at the empress entreaty, our people of Spain have levied: and to that end we have sent 23 galleys thither, & one with a particular commission, to inform her of my intention, & of the prefixed time of my voyage: we have also taken order that an other shall be made ready, the which during the hottest of the war, passing through Champain, shall invade Burgundy, and with the help of some of those two provinces, which are affected unto us, that army will work no less effects than either of the other three. So as the king being thus busied in many places, and with such great preparations of war, having no means to levy at one instant sufficient forces to resist so great a mass of armies, it can not be but on some side we shall pierce into the bowels of his realm, let him prepare what army he can. Let us not fear to divide our forces; Let us leave what shallbe fit for the siege of Turin, & the rest which we shall lead with us shallbe able to vanquish him fight, specially, if (as you have propounded) he shall think to divide his forces, to man those places which he means to fortify against us. Add (the which you know aswell as myself) what the French footmen are, whereas they desire to be more esteemed for their horsemen, which indeed they practise more, & prove better; at this time they are much unfurnished. It is not unknown unto you, that at Fossan & Conflans we have spoiled them of 250 horse of service; there are 200 now in Turin which can not hope for any better success: and of the other companies which came hither, half of them are consumed with the toil. So as you are not to fight with that old caulerie of France, but with some relics thereof: Besides, they having heretofore wholly relied upon the Germane footmen and the Suitzers, of whom they thought to have what numbers they pleased, we do assure you that thorough the help of God, and our diligence, they shall not have any, concealing what means we have used to causea good number of them that were with him to abandon him: And from the Suitzers we have gotten a firm promise (wherein we suppose they will not fail) not to suffer any one to go out of the country to serve any Prince. Matters standing upon these terms, let us continue constant in our first resolution: that we leave a convenient army for the recovery of Turin, and that we pass into France with the rest and with such men as shallbe levied in Italy, & nothing stayed by those difficulties which you have wisely considered, we may go by the river of Provence. As for the difficulties which you have propounded touching the entrance, we will never suffer the French to deprive us of that honour, to have endured it more constantly than we. Concerning victuals, there is sufficient provided, which shallbe brought by sea, with the artillery, munition, and other necessaries, which otherwise would be very chargeble. Finally, the intemperatnes of the air, which it seems you fear in Provence; hold it not worse than that of Africa, the which our soldiers have constantly endured. And therefore all duly considered, I do not see why we should rather fear danger, than glory in this victory, having to deal with an enemy who is unprovided of valiant men.  
After this speech the enterprise was concluded, 
Army of Charles the fift going into Provence.  and preparation made accordingly, they writ that the emperor had in his army 24000 Germans, 14000 Spaniards, 12000 Italians & 5000 horse. The marquess of Guast was general of the foot; the D. of Alva was general of the men at arms; and D. Fernand of Gonzague, of the light horse. How they entered, & what they did in this enterprise, you may read at large in the French history.  
The prince D. Philip of Spain, being now ten years old, gave great signs of wisdom and sufficiency hereafter, to govern those realms, whereunto he was borne an hereditary successor. And to make his studies the more easy, they appointed him for his Schoolmaster john Martin Silicco a man not only very learned, but of an innocent life, whose merits did afterwards make him archbishop of Toledo and cardinal: D. john of E. stuniga or Zuniga, a lmight of great wisdom and judgement, and commander mayor of Castille, was made his governor: and to give him an honourable Competitor in all his studies, 
Lewis prince of Savoy dies in Spain.  and a sweet companion in that tender age, two years before D. Lewis his cousin, the eldest son of Savoy, had passed out of Italy into Spain: But this young prince of great hope died this year on Christmas day at Madrid, to the great grief of the prince D. Philip, who loved him dearly, and of the whole court, in the 13 year of his age.  
37 I will now relate something of the progress of the portugals navigations at the east Indies, 
India. Exploits of the portugals.  and how the Turks came and besieged them in Diu, a town which the portugals had so fortified, as they neither feared the fraud nor force of that barbarous and inconstant nation. But the better to understand the war which was brought thither this year by the Turk, we will make a repetition of somethings that went before. In the year 1532 the king of Portugal had sent Noui● d' Aeugna general to the Indies, who having a desire to get footing in the realm of Cambaia, he sent Antonio Silueria with a great army, to discover that river, and to inform himself well what might be expected. This captain made great proofs of his valour in that country, spoiling and burning some towns, and striking a great terror into that people of the portugals name. It followed after that the Bascia of Egypt, called Soliman by commandment from Soliman the great Turk, who could not quietly endure the Portugals good success at the Indies, whereby his kingdoms had received so great loss, being disappointed of the navigation for spices, and other merchandise from the east, the which were brought by the Arbic gulf, unto the ports of Egypt, and so distributed by his merchants over all Europe; he sent 2 Sangiacs Mustapha and Safar treasurer of that province to take Aden, a strong town with a port in the said gulf. Whilst that the Turks laboured to take city, being valiantly defended by the king, it happened that Antonio Silueria scouring those seas with a fleet of Portugal ships, he heard of the Turks attempt, and not pleased they should extend their forces beyond Egypt, he bent his course that way; whose arrival did so terrify the Turks, being griedie of that conquest, & grown strong by the numbers that were come unto them in hope of prey, as they dislodged. After which Silueria put the King in mind of the favour he had done him, and did so magnify the force & power of king john of Portugal, as he drew him to put himself under his protection, so as he should always defend him against the Truke, for acknowledgement whereof he should pay a yearly tribute of 10000 crowns to the king of Portugal, or as they say, Serafini, money of Ormuz: But this Barbarian did not keep his faith long, for Silueria being gone, there came a ship laden with pepper to the port of Aden, the which he spoilt, & treacherously slew the men. There happened worse after the Turks flight, who being 600, and above 1000 Arbians, under the same Mustapha & Safar, and in the same ships, 
Nonio d Acugna assoiles Diu in voine.  they went to seek their revenge by those rivers, so as coming to Diu at such time as Nonio d Acugna the Portugal governor was there, with a great army of above 300 sail well furnished, 
1537  with an intent to get that city, having seized upon a strong Island called Betelem, not much above 7 leagues from Diu, they were a great aid to Tocan who was lord of it. These succours (Mustapha having brought valiant men, harquebuziers, much artillery, and himself a good soldier) made Nonios' attempts vain, so as being often repulsed with loss, he was in the end forced to departed & return with his army to Goa, leaving Antonio Saldania and james Silueria with some ships & soldiers at Betelem, for that they should continually annoy the sea coasts of Cambaia, as they did: for the summer following Silueria entered into Diu, and sacked and burnt the town, with some places thereabouts, for that Mustapha knowing that the portugals would not willingly desist from that enterprise, and that they should need greater forces to resist them, he was gone into Turkey, as an ambassador for that king, to let the great Turk understand how much it imported him, to take him under his protection, & to get footing in those Indian seas, having a great desire to chase away the portugals, whose power was feared in those seas. But Acugna grieved at the disgrace he had received by his retreat, 
Bazaino at the Indieses taken by the portugals.  made ready a navy of 80 ships, in the which were 4000 valiant soldiers, & having called james Silueria with his forces to him, he presented himself before Bazaino a sea town, which the K. of Cambaia did fortified with all industry, but it could not resist the Portugals valour, who ruined all the fortifications. There came a new governor of the Portugal army at the Indies, called Martin Alphonso de Sosa who made some attempt in Cambaia, & took the castle of Panam by force, them like a conqueror he ran up that river as far as Diu, forcing that lord to sue for peace, and to yield Bazain and the neighbour Island of Salseta unto King john.  
An. 1535 Badurto K. of Cambaia finding himself engaged in dangerous wars, 
Fort built at Diu by the portugals.  he craved aid from the Portugals, & gave them liberty to build a fort at Diu, the which they called Thomas, for that it was begun on that saints day, & another near unto it, which they named S. james, either of them being strongly walled; this fort was raised in 49 days, whereat the K. wondered. To whom afterward the Portugals gave great aid, & recovered for him certain places which he had lost; then leaving Emanuel de Sosa in the fort with 800 soldiers, & good store of artillery, the governor returned to Goa. Soon after Badurio repent him that he had yielded so much to the Portugals in his realm, so as in the year 1536 he commanded Tinarao governor of Diu, that upon some feigned colour he should seek to build a strong wall opposite to the Portugals fort, the which being denied him, there fell a deadly hatred betwixt them. The viceroy Acugna, hearing that this king making a show of friendship, sought to ruin the Christians, he sailed to Diu with a great army, where feigning himself sick, 
Badurio king of Cambaia slain by the Portugals.  he drew the ill-advised king, to visit him in his ship; but in his return he was slain by the portugals, with some of his people that had accompanied him, in which action there were some portugals also slain, among the which was Emanuel de Sosa captain of that fort. It was easy then for the Portugals to seize upon Diu, & upon the whole Island, whereas they got good store of money of the king's treasure, abundance of victuals, instruments of war and ships of all sorts. In the beginning of this year 1537 they began to fortify the castle better, fearing some new altera●tion of those Barbarians, knowing how much they were discontented for the death of Badurio, in whose place they presently set a child, his nephew by the sister, whom certain lords of the country took the government of with great authority, so as the realm seemed to be divided among many, which was less dangerous for the Portugals: The government of the fort at Diu, in the place of Sosa, who was slain, was given to Antonio Silueria, and 600 soldiers appointed him for his garrison; who could not long rest, being still annoyed by them of the country; fearing moreover that they should be soon set upon by the Turks forces, having discovered that Badurio a little before his death, had with rich presents obtained great succours from Ottoman, and that after his death his wife went unto the Turks court, 
Army of Turks prepared against the Portugals.  and made greater instance: wherefore the great Turk caused a great army to be prepared at Suez, a port in the farthest bosom of the red sea, Soliman the Eunuch, Bascha of Egypt, who had the charge of it, surpassing so many difficulties as it seemed incredible: And having caused timber to be cut in Caramania, he made it to be transported wrought to Damieta, and then by the river of Nile to Cairo, where the vessels being made, and ready to join, they were in the end carried upon Camels backs to Suez 80 miles. This army as some writ, was of 63 galleys, of 26 barks, to the which there joined 6 galleons, ● g●●eots, 2 foists or Oleadi, 20 ships of burden, and many other small barks; so as they might well carry, besides the men of service, 20000 soldiers, among the which were 4000 janissaries, with so much artillery, as they thought necessary for so great an enterprise. Towards the end of june, Solyman went from Suez with this army: in his voyage he strangled Zebith Nocoda lord of that place, by whom he had been bountifully entertained: then continuing his course, on the 5 of july, he came to Aden, a famous city & port, standing upon the left point of the Persian gulf. Here the Eunuch gave a new testimony of his treacherous cruelty, for first he craftily sent some of his men into the city, where they were friendly entertained, and then he procured that K. (who we said had contracted friendship with the portugals) to come and visit him in his ships, feigning himself sick, where this king complaining much of the tyranny that was used against him, 
King of Aden hanged at a mainyard by the Turks.  being made acquainted with Soliman's mind, he was presently hung up at the main yard, with some of his people which had accompanied him. The army stayed some days at Aden, first sacking the city, & then leaving a good garrison to keep it for the Ottomans, and then they sailed towards Diu, where they arrived the 4. of Septemb. There they found the portugals ready to receive them as enemies, for approaching near 2 of their galleys were sunk with the Artillery, so as they were forced to retire, and to be more wary in their landing, which they did afterward with the great ordnance to better the castle. Soliman's army was much augmented, by some lords of the country that joined with him; among whom there was one called Coffaro, his mother a Turk, his father a Christian, born in Chio; others say that his name was Cozazaffer▪ a renegado, borne in Calabria, who had been very dear to the deceased K. of Cambaia, 
Fort at Di● held by the portugals besieged by the Turks.  and had brought unto him 20000 soldiers gathered up in the country. They jointly besieged the fort both by sea and land; Silueria having but few soldiers in regard of the enemy's number, & his continual toil; & with all he had not much powder for the use of his artillery; whereof he did advertise the viceroy being in Goa, craving succours, and assuring him that they had made what defence was fit for them. There were in Diu, besides the chief fort held by the Protugals 2 towers of a reasonable strength, in the one there were 60, in the other 50 soldiers, and being both battered by the Turks (who had treacherously sacked the city in entering, without respect that they had declared themselves friends) the one was yielded upon conditions, but il observed, for having promised liberty to the Portugal soldiers, they made them galley slaves. The Bascha did also batter the castle, showing more fury than judgement: Silueria defended it with great judgement & valour, making sallies upon the enemy, & disappointing all their designs: the Turks, besides their huge artillery had with their pioneers raised a mount against the fort so high as they might look into it, & discover what they did, annoying the defendants much with their shot. But the Port●galls did speedily prevent it, making divers Traverses, employing therein all their cotton, timber, or whatsoever else they had. The Turks & they of Cambaia priest the siege hard, but more by land than by sea, for that they held it weakest on that side, so as battering a tower they made a great ruin, by the which they were in great danger to lose the whole castle, the enemy seeking twice a day to force it, which they continued all the month of October. Silueria did suddenly cast up a travers with good flanks, whereby they might bravely defend themselves, making great slaughter of the Turks. On the 20 of October they attempted to take a tower standing towards the sea, for the defence of the Castle by scalado, but they were repulsed with great loss: yet the next day they came with 10 galleys, & 33 armed barks, with great numbers of soldiers, to force the tower, but in vain; for they were not only forced to retire by 50 Christians which defended it, but also flanked by the artillery of the castle, there were in 2 days above 800 slain, 
sally of the portugals upon the Turks at Diu.  & many vessels sunk. Three days after at noon day, when they least expected, there was a sally made by 150 portugals, who entered the Turks trenches, that were sleeping, with such resolution, as they slew about 260, & so disordered the whole army, as they could scarce put themselves in defence, but seeing the number so small, they offered to charge them, yet so late, as they had time to retire into the fort in good order, with the loss of 3 men only, & 6 hurt. Soon after Silueria sent a frigate to Goa, to crave aid from Acugna, who had already sent 16 galeots, 
Garcia Norogna viceroy at the Indies.  with powder, march, & some soldiers, but they were not yet come to Diu▪ At the coming of this second message to Goa, Garcia of Norogna was come to viceroy, who took upon him the charge to prepare a great army, to succour the besieged, and to fight with the enemy, if need were. Arriving the 11 of September, and taking upon him the government: he gave liberty to Acugna to return into Europe, but he died in his voyage near unto cap Bone Esperance, having been governor for his K. ten years at the Indies, 
Death of Nonio Ac●gna.  with much honour and reputation. Norogno came well provided from Portugal, for this war, for that they had intelligence of the Turks preparation in Egypt, bringing 7000 soldiers in 11 ships; being at Goa he prepared 12 great ships of burden, called hulks, 16 galleons, 25 chravels, 29 galleys of 26 banks, 15 galeots, and 20 ●oists, which in all made 117 great & small, 
Army of Portugals prepared against the Turks.  but all well armed. The ● of November Soliman Bascha made his first attempt to force the castle of Diu, but he found a brave resistance Silueria having the night before discovered the Turks intentions by their preparations. At the break of day there approached near unto the tower upon the sea, about 50 barks and 12 galleys full of soldiers & engines, making a show to assail it, but it was only to draw their force thither, from the land part, where they meant to make their greatest attempt. But Silueria like a discreet captain, knowing the strength of that part towards the sea, brought his greatest force, where there was most need, & where the enemy was likely to use his greatest force. And so it fell out; for first of all there were 3000 Turks, which presented themselves to the assault, who for an hours space were bravely affronted by the portugals, and in the end repulsed with great loss: but the Bascha renewed the fight with braver men, but fewer in number, which did not a little terrify Silueria, who had seen many of his men slain in the first assault. 
Assault given by the Turks 〈◊〉 Diu.  He therefore commanded his lieutenant Roderigo of Arave, who was in the tower towards the Sea, to come unto him with his fresh band: the which was speedily effected, but unfortunately for him, being slain with a shot, in whose place Emanuel Vasconcello was put, being followed by 30 fresh soludiers, for that the enemy omitted no force. Vasconcello carried himself bravely; the enemy being upon the breach, whereas they were come to the sword, & in the end repulsed. Having had some little rest, behold there sallied out of the trenches above 6000 janissaries, Turks, & others of the realm of Cambaia, which Soliman had chosen & reserved for the last, tooverthrow the Portugals forces, which were already much weakened; and at the same instant he caused a general assault to be given to the whole castle. The enemy advanced to the rampires, and the portugals made resistance, Silueria went from place to place with a few choice soldiers, and coming where he saw greatest need, he turned him unto his company, and said: Ah countrymen, do you not remember that you are the soldiers of Christ, for the confession of whose faith we have put on these arms, follow me then, & sacrifice your lives gloriously in his service, who refused not to suffer a shameful death for our health. And without speaking more words, shaking his sword, he went where he saw most of the enemies, whereas he made such resistance as after 5 hours that this last assault continued, he made the enemy's attempts vain. 
Turk's valiantly repulsed at Diu.  At the last night gave an end to this cruel assault, not without great slaughter of the Mahometans; they had lost that day, as some writ above 3500, besides hurt men, of the Portugals there were 70 slain, & above 300 wounded, so as they say, there remained only 12 untouched. But the numbers of the slain and wounded are diversly reported, yet they all affirm, that if the enemy had given another assault, they could not have withstood it, wanting both men & munition, for they had no powder but what their ordnance was charged with, so as Silueria to provide for a future mischief, causes those pieces which were towards the sea to be drawn away in the night, & to be planted towards the land. But the Bascha seeing his attempts vain, laid the blame proudly upon Coffaro, & other Lords of the country, who had assured him that the fort was very weak, and not able to make two days defence: moreover he said they had abused him, and not assisted him, with such forces as they had promised him in the beginning, & assured the great Turk in Constantinople; so as full of wrath & shame, he knew not what to resolve, for that there was a bruit of a Portugal army which was preparing at Goa, doubting they would fight with him both by sea & land, trusting little in them of Cambaia, who in effect hated him generally, for the sacking of Diu & other great wrongs the Turks had done them: Besides, they feared that this cruel man having chased away the Portugals, would put their new king to death, and seize tyrannously on the whole Country. Whilst they stood upon these terms, the 16 galeots sent by Acugna arrived happily, being come the night after the 2 day of November within sight of Diu, four miles off from the enemy's army, the commanders thought it a politic stratagem, every one to carry 4 lanterns, the which succeeded haply; for the enemies th●nking they had been so many ships as they saw lights, and believing it had been the whole army, they lay close and would not hazard to meet them: so as being favoured by the darkness of the night, and the enemies fear, being terrified with the former success, and the opinion they had of the army, they entered happily into the river, which made the port of the castle, bringing great joy to their friends, who were in that poor estate. 
Turks retire 〈◊〉 from Diu.  The Bascha being first in doubt, was now resolved to rise, having no hope to better his condition; whose rising was with such disorder and fear, as it seemed a very flight. Soliman leaving at land about 150 pieces of ordnance as Goez writes, 1000 Turks that were wounded, & another thousand which were gone forth to forage, all which were slain by them of the country, to revenge the injuries they had received. The Portugals got the artillery, with some goods of value to repair the losses they had sustained in those combats. The Turkish army being gone from Diu in this confusion, Soliman revenged his disgrace upon those miserable portugals, which had been taken in the Tower, whom he had treacherously kept in prison, causing them to be all murdered.  
The new governor Norogna, hearing that his men were freed, that there was no need to go with an army to Diu, he resolved to secure all things in the province, in quieting the peopls minds, the which was easy to effect, through the reputation which the Portugals had gotten, in defending themselves against the Turks forces, & by the hatred which they had purchased by their thefts. 
Mamudio K of Cambaia: and an accord made by him with the portugals.  He therefore made a peace with Mamudio the new K. sister's son to the deceased Badurio. Upon these conditions, That the portugals should be masters of the fort, & port of Diu, but the king should have half the customs of the said port; & that he might raise a wall right against the fort, but so far off, as it should no way annoy nor hinder it; which concluded, he provided for the guard of the castle, sending james Sosa for governor, in Siluerioes' place, who required rest after so honourable a service, he had 900 men given him for garrison, with all fit provisions. This young king was not long quiet, but solicited by the ambition of some, and by his grandmother, desirous to revenge the death of her son, he began to make war against the portugals, upon a pretext to recover Bazain, whereof there had been no mention made in the last accord: but it proved a war of no moment.  
38 After the emperors retreat out of France, 
Interview of the Pope, Emperor, and French king at Nice.  the war being hot in Piedmont, pope Paul considering how many miseries this war brought unto Christendom, & fearing and foreseeing the ruin of Italy if it continued, he procured an interview of those two princes and himself in the town of Nice, where there was no means to reconcile them: there was only a truce concluded for ten years, of either side the Alpes, both of them holding what they had gotten: the pope hoping during this long truce there would be some means found to conclude a peace. The emperor returning from Nice towards Spain, he was stayed by the weather about Marseilles, where the king sent to entreat him to enter, and to rest himself until the wind were fair: for the which he gave him thanks, letting him understand, that he desired they might see one another At Aigues mortes. Whereunto the king consented, and went thither from avignon, being upon his return towards France. 
Emperor and French king meet at Aiguesmortes.  The emperor landed, and dined with the king in Aigues mortes, & the king entered afterwards confidently into the emperor's galley, where they discoursed long together, but what it was few men understood, yet they parted with great shows of friendship.  
This year one thousand five hundred thirty and nine, the emperor, the young prince Philippe his son, 
1539  his two daughters, and the whole Court, were full of sorrow and heaviness for the death of the empress Isabel; 
Death of the empress Isabel.  she died the first day of May being delivered of a son, which followed her soon after, they were both much lamented by the young Prince, who began to feel the heavy crosses whereunto the miserable condition of man is subject. She was carried from Toledo where she died, with a funeral pomp befitting so great an Empress, to be buried in the royal Chapel of Granado, which honours were afterwards religiously reiterated in all the City's subject to the Emperor her husband, and by King john of Portugal, her brother. After her death the emperor Charles remained always a widower, during the which he had a base son by a maid whose name and family was concealed: 
D. john of Austria.  he was called D. john of Austria, whom he did not advow until his death.  
39 The emperor being a prince of a great courage and high attempts, embraced many actions, so as his revenues could hardly supply the charge, wherefore he sought to draw money from the people & towns that were subject unto him, 
Impositions cause of troubl●.  by divers means, by subventions, impositions, loans and extraordinary benevolences. Among others he would have the Castillans make him a present whereunto the Nobility should contribute, without exemption of any, having caused it to be propounded in an assembly of the lords & noble men of the country, giving them to understand it was for the charges of the war he made against infidels, whereof the profit and honour was common to them with him. Whereunto answer was by D. I●igo of Velasco constable of Castille in all their names: That the Nobility would never suffer their freedoms and liberties to be broken; whereat the emperor was very much discontented; & there happened at the same time an accident, whereby he might see that the nobility of Castille, were not easy to be governed as they pleased that counseled him: and this it was. There being a tourney held without the city of Toledo, where the court lay, when the sport was ended, & the emperor desirous to return towards the city, the press being great, an Alcaide or Provost meaning to hasten those that marched before, 
Act of choler done by the Infantasg●.  he struck the duke of the Infantasgos horse with a riding rod upon the croper, he being the chief of the Mendosas, & one of the greatest noblemen of Spain, who suddenly drawing his sword struck the Alcaide on the head, telling him that he should learn to execute his charge with respect: whereupon the duke's servants would have slain him presently, but he stayed them. The Alcaide being all bloody, presented himself before the emperor, whereat he seeming to be offended, doctor Ronquillo one of the 3 provosts of the emperor's palace, advanced as if he would lay hold on the duke to carry him to prison: but he was willed to forbear unless he would receive as much as the other, and that he should go and learn his duty better: wherein Ronquillo showed himself nothing obstinate. The duke retired to his lodging being followed by all the nobility, leaving the emperor in a manner alone: who dissembled this act, lest he should cause some trouble in Castille, 
Satisfaction done by the emperor to the duke of the Infantasgo.  where they had so freely refused him the donative which he had demanded, and the better to cover his discontentment, he caused the Alcaide to be put in prison, as having exceeded in his charge, sending the duke of the Infantasgo word, that he would cause him to be hanged to give him satisfaction. The duke came and gave the king thanks with all humility, sued for his delivery, had him cured at his charge, and gave him 500 crowns, wherein he showed himself generous. The emperor soon after passed into Flanders, where he understood that the Gantois were rebelled by reason of subsidies and imposts, which Queen Marie of Hungary governess of that country had laid upon them; 
Rebellion of the Gantois for imposts.  and discharged his choler upon that people.  
The Emperor at his going out of Spain towards Flanders, he left the prince D. Philip his son, 
1540  his lieutenant and vicegerent there, being them no fourteen years old, he was assisted by the same Council that the empress his mother had, he took his way thorough France, where he was royally entertained, and accompanied by the Infants of France. Henry Dauphin of Viennois, and Charles duke of Orleans, whom the king his father desired much to see duke of Milan. What passed in his voyage betwixt him and the French, the French history relates. But the Gantois were severely punished, and kept in awe by a strong Citadel, 
Citadel of Gant built.  which was built, furnished and guarded at their own charge: the Emperor being the more incensed for that he heard of nothing but mutinies and rebellions in all places for want of money: for that at the same time that he punished them of Gant, the Spanish soldiers which were in Lombardie mutined against the marquess of Guast governor of Milan, for want of pay, but they were pacified by a general taxation laid upon the Country, 
Mutiny of the Spaniards in Lombardie.  the which they did willingly pay D. Bernardin of Mendos● had more difficulty to content his mutined garrison in Goulette, being forced to show his wisdom and to save both himself and the place from their furious disobedience and mutiny, which made him fear that they had some intelligence which the Moors of Tunes or the Turks of Alger, and that they would deliver liver the fort into their hands. 
1541  The duty we own unto God, and reasons of State march not in one rank in our policies. D. Bernardin having advertised D. Fernand Gonzague viceroy of Sicily, 
Rebellion at Goulet●e.  of the danger wherein he was, and had good correspondency with him, he entreated, coninured and flattered the Spaniards in such sort as he filled them with hope to receive their pay in short time, holding them in this expectation until the coming of the galleys of Sicily, bringing new soldiers to change this garrison: and then it behoved him to lie, and assure them with the most religious oaths that might be, that their money was all ready at Messina, to be paid them as soon as they should land, and that the emperor remembering the good and faithful services they had done him, and desirous to reward it, drew them out of that barbarous land, to lodge them in a more pleasant and delightful country where they should be freed from their toil, persuading them with such good words, as they gave him credit, and embarked in the same galleys: But they were much amazed, that coming to the port of Messina they would not suffer them to enter into the city, and that they told them there was no money for them, and that they sought to divide them into divers garrisons, until that the Emperor had otherwise disposed, wherefore being transported with fury and shame, to have been thus circumvented, they began to over run the country, and to spoil houses in open villages, with all the insolences that might be imagined: they first of all gave an assault to the town of Castro real, and had almost forced it: their insolences were such, as joining other mad men unto them, they were a terror to all the Island, the viceroy being forced to assemble the nobility and commons to suppress them by arms, seeking in the mean time to win and draw away the heads and ringleaders of this mutiny, so as having won some with oaths and promises of impunity, and hope of pay, he had means to disperse them into diverse small troops, afterwards he caused the most seditious to be easily apprehended and to be executed by way of justice, 
Punishment of the mutinous Spanish soldiers.  filling the towns and high ways with gibbets well furnished, for example's sake. This serueritie caused the Spanish nation to bear a deadly hatred to D. Fernand.  
The Castillans of the east Indies, whereof D. Antonio of Guevara was governor, sent forth in the year 1541 a new army to the Molucques, 
Portugal.  under the command of captain Villalobos, which arrived safely at Tidore and Gilolo, but he was as unfortunate as the rest, 
portugals will not suffer the Castillans to sail to the Molucques.  which had gone before him, he himself with his ships and men falling into the portugals hands, having retreats and forts in those islands, and could not endure the Castillans should undertake that voyage. The like success they all have had, which have since attempted it: whereby it seemed that it was the will of God the portugals should enjoy them: who have used this navigation with great honour and profit, as well to their own nation, as to other countries of Europe: having made storehouses for that trade, and for the distribution of their merchandise and drugs, in the city of Lisbon, even unto the king's palace, upon the river of Tayo, the which are called the house of the Indies. To give more ornament to the realm of Portugal, the city of Ebora had been the year before 1540 made an archbishopric at the instance and request of the king D. john in favour of cardinal Henry infant of Portugal, 
Ebora made an arch●ishopricke  the king's brother, who was the first Archbishop, having the bishop of Silues for his suffragan. So as from that time there were three Metropolitans in Portugal, Braga, Lisbon, and Ebora.  
The Emperor having settled his affairs in the Netherlands, he went by Metz to Spire, and from thence to Ratisbone, 
Castille.  where he had appointed an imperial diet, as well to provide for the war against the Turk, as to bring the Protestants under the obedience of the Pope and Church of Rome, which was a fair public pretext: but he had other designs for the advancement of his own house, which he did hope to attain unto, under colour of religion, as it appeared, and using at that time this shadow of religion, he thought to stay the French king from making war (being much offended, for that Cesar Fregose and Anthony Rinson his ambassadors, were murdered upon the river Po, 
Voyage of the emperor to Alger.  going to Venice) by undertaking the conquest of Alger, for the which having assembled what forces he thought sufficient out of Germany, Italy and Spain, having seen Pope Paul at Luques, rejecting obstinately the wise council of Andrew Doria and other great Captains, advising him to defer the enterprise until the Spring following (by reason of the season of Autumn which would be come before he should land his men, and the bad disposition of that year: but he embarked in the port of Luna, and came in view of Alger with above two hundred and fifty vessels, of the which there were threescore & five galleys which carried two and twenty thousand foot entertained, with some three thousand voluntaries, and twelve hundred horse, besides the train of noblemen and captains which did accompany him, whereof the chief were D. Fernand Gonzague Viceroy of Sicily, D. Fernand of Toledo duke of Alva, Andrew Doria prince of Melfi, 
Assan Aga governor of Algiers.  Virginio Vrsino earl of Anguilara, Augustine Spinola, and Camillo Colonna. Barberousse had left Assan Aga a renegado of Sardinia governor in Alger, being accompanied (besides the Moors inhabitants) by many Turks, of the which there were 800 horsemen, for the defence of the town, & without it there were great numbers of horse and foot, Alarabes and Africans entertained, or otherwise drawn thither with the hope of spoil: 
Disposition of the Alarabes of Africa.  For this vagabond nation do like unto ravens or vultures, who by a certain instinct follow armies, being assured to find whereon to feed: So this people when they hear of any tumult in the country, they stay not till they be invited, but fly thither in great troops, as people which have no other care nor employment but to theve, by whom the emperors army was much annoyed in the landing, which was on the East side towards Cape Metafuso, 
Imperial, army landed at Alger.  within 7 miles of Alger. They divided the army into three batallions; on the left hand were the Spaniards with Alvaro de Sande marshal of the field, and with D. Fernand Gonzague viceroy of Sicily, and the duke of Camerino. In the battle where the emperor's person was, the Germans marched; and on the right hand towards the sea, were the Italians with their colonels, the earl of Santa Fiora, and other noblemen adventurers. That day they marched only 2 miles, and stayed near unto a fountain that night, having still sight of the Moors and Arabians on horse back, but they durst not approach to charge the Christians; but at night thinking they had been at rest, they came down from a near mountain on the south side with great cries, & charged the Christians, by whom they were easily repulsed with loss. The Emperor at his first landing had sent to try Assan Aga the governor, if he would yield up the place to his Majesty for reward, and not subject himself to the danger of a mighty and victorious enemy. But the Aga answered with a smiling countenance, that he was to defend that place against the Christians, as it had been done twice to their great loss, and some write, that he grew thus confident, not that he found himself so well furnished for his defence; but through the words of an old Enchantress, who having foretold the unfortunate attempts of D. Diego de Vera, and D. Hugo de Moncada, had also affirmed that the Emperor of Christendom should suffer great loss there. The next day they marched three miles, and camped within two miles of Alger, in a place strong by nature, being flanked by two torrents which fall from the mountains, the Spanish foot (whereof the Duke of Alva general of the horse was the chief) took their lodging upon a little hill, from which the army might have been much annoyed. The sea being also grown somewhat calm after a great storm, the galleys came within canon shot of Alger, and the ships drawing near, they did with great toil unship their horses, there being a great skirmish betwixt the Spaniards and Moors upon the hill. But in the mean time they gave order to land their victuals, artillery and munition. Towards night the sea began to swell again, & there fell such abundance of rain all night, with a cold northern wind, which is dangerous upon that coast, as both the camp at land, and the army at sea did suffer much, and the enemies embracing this occasion, thinking they could not be much annoyed with the Christians shot, meant to assail them at the break of day. And so the Arabians which were abroad, and the Turks and Moors within the city being joined, made a great attempt on the Spaniards and Italians quarters, towards the mountain and the sea shore, the Germans being something more backward▪ but the Spaniards repulsed the enemy valiantly, although they could not use their harquebuses, & did win much more commendation than the Italians, who keeping a guard upon a bridge which was upon one of those torrents, suffered them to win that passage, so as the enemy's horsemen came even unto their quarter. 
Italians assailed by the Turk●s at Alger.  Camillo Colonna was that day in guard, who with great valour withstood the Barbarians force, and putting them to flight, chased them beyond the bridge, thinking it sufficient: But it was the opinion of D. Ferdinand of Gonzaga to pursue the enemy, that they of the town not being able to use their artillery by reason of the rain, the Christians in their pursuit might happily enter pell mel with the Turks, and so sending Spinolaes' regiment after them, they pursued them unto the port of Algiers, the which they finding shut, the Turks went about the wall, and being well acquainted with those places, escaped from the Italians: who retiring encouraged the enemy to sally forth, and to pursue them with great numbers; they being new soldiers, tired with the rain and mire, not knowing the country, and wearied first with pursuing the enemy, they fainted and disbanded, so as the Barbarians made a great slaughter of them, for Assan Aga sallying forth with his horsemen, and fresh foot, they were easily put to rout, but some knights of Rhodes, colonel Spinola, count john Francisco de Bagna, with some few captains and old soldiers, making a stand at a bridge, withstood the enemy's force: And yet worse would have happened considering their great advantage of arms, using arrows and stones, whenas the Christians could not use their harquebuses; unless the emperor, who that day, and always performed the duty of a captain, a sergeant, and a soldier, had not come to secure them with some companies of Germans; whereof the first being put to flight, he with an invincible mind giving courage to the rest both with words and action, in the end he repulsed the enemy, and retired his men out of that days danger, having lost above 300 men, and 200 hurt, but few men of account: D. Carlo of Lanoye son to the prince of Sulmona was wounded. But the fortune of the army at sea was more miserable, which tossed with the waves and winds, had continued from midnight until no one the next day, 
Shipwreck of the imperial army in Algiers.  in a hard and insupportable conflict, against the furious violence of those enemies. The ships which had no other shelter, but to commit themselves to the mercy of the raging winds, sought to unburden themselves, casting their ordnance or any thing else of weight into the sea, & cutting down their masts; yet many perished, being either swallowed up in the sea, or beating one against an other were driven on shore, to be a prey the Barbarians. With the like misfortune, but with more art, and force, the gall●es did strive. Doria, and the other captains of judgement labouring to preserve them with many anchors, & with the industry of their oars, they also casting their artillery over board; but they still finding themselves in exceeding great danger, some hoping to save their lives at land, cut their cables, and ran on ground, which was a most miserable spectacle: for the galleys breaking, whilst that the men tired with the toil, being up to the chin in water, sought to save themselves, & held it for a happiness to be accepted for slaves, the Arabians and Moors which stood ready, to make the unfortunate condition of those Christians more miserable, showed themselves to be greedy of their blood and death, killing them most barbarously without any mercy. Among which jannettin Doria Admiral ran on ground near unto the emperors camp, so as it might well be relieved by his majesty, who presently sent some companies of Italians, to suppress the fury of the Arabians, and saved that valiant young man, with the greatest part of his company. There perished fourteen galleys, some writ fifteen after this manner, whereof eleven did belong to prince Doria, and the rest to Anthony Doria, to Naples, and Spain; of greater vessels some say seventy, and some a hundred and fifty, of ships, caravells, and pinnaces. At night it grew somewhat calm, so as in the morning the galleys drew near unto the shore, where they lay first, but towards evening the wind grew high again, so as prince Doria did persuade them to retire to cape Matafuso, holding that place to be less dangerous, for that there were few rocks, the which the emperor perceiving, and seeing that there were no victuals in the camp, the soldiers having been the day before without any meat, he resolved to rise and march that day six miles with his whole army. The which he had put in good order, for that the enemy was still behind him & on his flanks, yet they durst not charge them, the sick & hurt men being put in the midst of the squadrons, using all care to save them, yet many were slain by those Barbarians, being so weak as they could not be carried. For wanting all kind of victual, they had relieved themselves those two days with the roots of dates which they call palmette, & horseflesh, some being slain to that end. They came that day unto a river, which the Moors call Agaraz, the which was so risen with the rain, as it was not possible to wade through, where, by reason thereof, and to see if they could get any victuals, 
Hunger in the Emperor's army.  they stayed that night, and gathering together the masts and yards of broken ships in that river, they made a bridge to pass the Germans and Italians the next day, the Spaniards having found out a ford somewhat higher. The Turks and Moors of Alger did not pursue the army any further, and the Arabians did little annoy them, so as within two days they came unto their galleys.  
here the emperor did somewhat refresh his army, drawing some victuals out of the ships, and then he gave order for their shipping, which was on the last day of October. The invincible and undaunted courage of the emperor, was admirable, who was a great consolation to those afflicted troops: but in the shipping of the army there was great piety noted in him; thinking it impossible that ships shaken with the rage of the Sea, 
Constancy and piety of the emperor Charles  should carry so much people, he commanded that all the horses whatsoever should be cast into the Sea, were they of never so great price, not regarding the entreaties of their owners, desiring rather to save the basest soldier being a man and a Christian, that those noble instruments of war D. Fernand of Gonzaga, stayed two days to embark, who coasting along Barbary towards the East, had a shorter passage into Sicily. The Sea grew rough again, and they stayed not long to have more particular directions, the emperor having given order where his troops should land.  
There is a memorable accident reported of two ships full of Spaniards, which in the tempest were driven on shore near unto Algiers, the Soldiers within them seeking to preserve their lives by being slaves, 
Spaniards preserve their lives generously against the Arabians.  but the cruel Arabians thirsting after man's blood, refusing to accept them, they made a brave and generous resolution, so as keeping close together, they marched fight even to the very gate of Alger, where they gave Assan Aga to understand that they were come to yield themselves his slaves, hoping that he being borne a Christian, would not suffer them to be torn in pieces by the rage of the Arabians, whose lives might be a greater benefit, & so they were preserved by that renegado with more show of humanity. The galleys which were with the emperor's person, running the same fortune recovered the port of Bugia, and there they refresh themselves a little, and then the seas being somewhat calmed, they sailed towards Spain, where the emperor landed at Carthagene, 
Emperor Charles his return into Spain from the rout of Algiers.  from whence he sent to Occagna to visit his daughters, having first met with the Prince, D. Philippe, who went speedily to do his duty, and to rejoice at his return, who with an invincible courage, speaking little of his loss, showed how we should bear the crosses of human accidents. Prince Doria who yielded not to any in greatness of mind and constancy, being arrived in Italy, where the miserable success of this enterprise, was already known, he did comfort such as came to condole with him for his loss, and sought to comfort him. But the emperors bounty repaired his great loss, 
Bounty of the emperor to Prince Doria.  for he did not only give him three thousand ducats o●yerely rend for ever out of the fines at Naples, but he also made him Protonotary of that kingdom, which is the fift of the seven principal offices; the which the prince john Andrew his newphew doth now enjoy.  
41 At the emperors return from Alger, he found himself engaged in a difficult war, 
War betwixt the French king & the emperor.  against the French king, the which would not suffer him to make any long abode in Spain. The king pretended that the truce had been broken, and the faith violated by the marquess of Guast his lieufenant in Lombardie, by reason of the 〈◊〉 of Fregose and Rinson: which fact being sufficiently 〈◊〉, it was dissembled by him; where upon the French king, began the war in many places. In 〈…〉 by the lord of Longuenall, and Martin van Ro●sse. In the 〈…〉 by the the duke of Orleans: The Dauphin Henry was come into the 〈…〉, & did besiege the Town of Perpignan with forty thousand foot, two thousand men at arms, two thousand light horse, and great store of artillery, one of the goodliest armies the French had of long time drawn together; the which proved to be of no effect, for that proceeding so slowly, the duke of Alva had means to put some troops into the town (which was ill furnished) by land, and D. Bernardin of Mendosa newly made general of the galleys of Spain, to supply it with victuals and all other kind of munition by sea, so as the Prince seeing it was not easy to force, 
1542  and hearing of great succours which did advance both from Spain and Italy, he retired. In Italy the Lord of Langey made war for the king, and in Picardy the duke of Vendosme: what the success was, the French History will fully satisfy you.  
The emperor feeling yet the bad success of this affairs of Barbary, and stung by the French in so many places, fainted not: but that which did most trouble him, was the duty he ought unto Germany as emperor: for besides that Sultan Solyman had newly repulsed the forces of the empire from before Buda, he was advertised that he prepared to return this year in person into Hungary with a mighty army: and that which touched him nearer, he understood that by the persuasion of the French king, and of Captain Pa●lin, his ambassador in the East, Barberousse was at Sea, with a great number of galleys and foists, with an intent to invade his Countries of Naples and Sicily, and to spoil Spain if he might find any opportunity.  
To prevent all these mischiefs, he went to Barcelone to pass into Italy: where whilst they made the galleys ready for his passage, and that the Soldiers came which should go with him, he went into Navarre, and caused some roads to be made into the near frontier of France, 
S. john de Luz burnt by the Spaniards.  and the Town of Saint john de Luz to be burnt. And seeing himself thus priest, he held the support of Henry the eight, king of England, to be needful, with whom he entered into leagne.  
Having concluded together how they should make war, the emperor came to Genova with forty galleys, and some troops, when as Barbero●sse sacked and burnt the coast of Calabria, and had taken the town of Regium in the straight against Sicily. Then the Turkish army came to Ostia, which did much amaze the Romans, but they did only water, and so past, not doing any harm to the territories of the church, which were recommended by the French king, then leaving the river of Genova, he came to Marcelles.  
The French king had sent Frances of Bourbon, duke of Anguien to be his lieutenant in Provence, and to receive the Turks army, who attending Barberousse, and thinking to surprise the Castle of Nice, had like to have been surprised himself, by jannetin Doria, who watched for him within the Port, with twenty galleys; for he believing one who had laid this double plot, adventured to go with some of the king's galleys, whereof four which he had caused to advance were taken, and he himself escaped by flight. 
Barberousse besiegeth the Castle of Nice.  Barberousse being come, Doria quit the Port and Town of Nice to the Turks, who sacked and burnt it, but the Castle held good, being valiantly defended by Paul Simeon, a knight of Malta, the place being of itself uneasy to batter, and worse to assail, but after a while they took an occasion to leave the siege. Barberousse retired with his galleys to Antibo, being much discontented against the French, for the bad provision he had found in Provence, for the war, for he saw many necessary provisions to fail them suddenly, and that the king's men were often forced to borrow powder, match and other necessaries from the Turks; so as he grew often into such a rage, as he did threaten Captain Paulin to put him in chains, and to carry him to Constantinople, there to be punished as an abuser and liar, having made infinite promises to the great Turk, whereof he saw no effects; the which he had done if the prince of Anguien had not somewhat pacified him with good words. Being at Antibo, he understood that the marquess of Guast and the duke of Savoy were come into the port of Villafranca, with prince Dorias galleys, and that being ready to en●er into Port, they had been surprised with so great a storm, as four galleys thinking to get to sea, had been cast against the rocks and broken, and that, wherein the Marquess was, in danger to be sunk: The Turk ready for all occasions went thither with his galleys, but he came to late: he gathered up part of the shipwreck, and drew the ordnance out of the sea: After which he went & wintered at Tolon, from whence he sent five and twenty galleys to Alger, with the spoils which he had taken, the which they increased with many poor prisoners of either sex, passing along the coast of Catelogne and Valencia, 
Fernando Cortes deprived of his government of Mexico.  and with a ship and a galley, which they found near unto Palamos, which they carried away.  
I must speak some thing of Fernando Cortes, who conquered Mexico, from whence he was called being viceroy, by the means of some which envied his greatness, being accused in Spain unto the emperor, and forced to come and yield himself a prisoner, in the year one thousand five hundred and forty: he could not so sooneiustifie his innocency, although he were in a manner set at liberty, following the emperor to the war of Alger, yet he had no command; and as one in disgrace with his Majesty, he was never called to council In those dangerous accidents, although he were a great Captain, and had been tried in greater difficulties, whereof he had given good proofs in all his attempts.  
He carried with him indiscreetly in this expedition, 
Emeralds, five exceeding fair  five admirable emeralds, the which he lost, whose form and quality being held rare and precious, it is fit there should be some mention made of them. One of them which was valued at forty thousand ducats, had the form of a cup, the button whereof was a great pearl, and the foot of pure gold, the second was like a little bell, the clapper was of pearl very properly made: the third had the figure of a 〈◊〉, on the head whereof there were eyes of gold, artificially wrought, the fourth was cut like a ho●e, and the fift like a rose. After the return from that unfortunate attempt of Alger, he laboured five years to prove his innocency, and in the end had leave from the emperor to return to Mexico, and to hold his first honours and estates, but he could never enjoy them, for being sixty years old, he died in the beginning of December one thousand five hundred forty seven, leaving an honourable testimony behind him, to have been valiant, modest, and religious.  
After the taking of the City of Cusco at Per● by Francis Pizarro, 
Proceed of Pyzarro at Peru.  the Spaniards went to take the town of Quito, which was great and rich, and stood in an excellent air, almost under the South line, the which, besides that it abounds in mines of metal, hath great store of quick silver of yellow colour as they writ. There came other Spaniards from Panama, upon the brute of the great store of gold which Pyzarro had found in that province, and they soon made good purchase, though not so great as they expected.  
There came also from S. jago in new Spain, Pedro of Al●arado, with a fleet of some ships, thinking to effect some great matters, but Pizarro would not suffer him to make any profit in the country which he had discovered, and was his government: wherefore they agreed to leave his ships with Francis for 100000 crowns, and Aluarado returned from whence he came. In the year 1535 the city of Lima was enlarged, and many dwellings made for Spaniards by Pizarro, 
Lima called the king's City.  he made it the residence for the council of the realm, and called it the king's city, choosing it for his dwelling, & giving the government of Cusco to Almagro.  
This year 1542, 
D. Philip sworn future king of Spain.  the emperor caused the Prince D. Philip to be sworn future king of Spain, by the estates of the Country, seeking to draw his subjects to give him good helps for the future war, wherein he was well assisted by the treasure which came in those days from the West-Indies for his fift part, besides a great sum of money which was lent him by Merchants, and others, giving them assignments out of the ordinary revenues of his realms. He was come to Barcelona, to be near to Perpignan, or to any other attempt of the French, and there he caused the Spanish footmen to pass, which had been in Sardynia at his return from Alger; the which he would have remain upon those frontiers, if need should require, or be transported elsewhere upon any occasion. From Barcelona he went with the court to Taracona, from thence to Tortosa, & then to Valencia, the Prince making a solemn entry in all these place, where he was entertained with great feasts and pomp.  
After which, they passed the feasts of Christmas at Alcala of Henares, whereas their joy was doubled by the presence of the two Infants, 
Philip prince of Spain contracted to the Infant of Portugal  two marriages being concluded at that time; one of the Prince D. Philip and D. Maria Infanta of Portugal, daughter to king john the third, the other of D. john prince of Portugal, a youth of fourteen years of age, and D. joane the emperors second daughter. They continued in Alcala with great feasting, until the end of the year, and then went to Madrid, where he made his entry the first day of the year one thousand five hundred forty and three, where they made preparation of new solemnities for the future marriage, as also for the war, the emperor being resolved to pass into Italy in the Spring.  
The marriage of prince Philip concluded in winter, 
1543  was celebrated in March after, with great pomp and state, 
Marriages of the Prince and Infant of Spain.  and in like manner that of the Infanta his sister; the Emperor neglecting nothing touching his preparation for war, as well against the French, who had the year before annoyed him in many places, as also against the Moors of Tremess●n, who according to their natural inconstancy, had injuriously rebelled. To suppress the which he had in beginning of this year, sent D. Martin of Cardone, earl of Alcadette into Africa with eight thousand foot, and about fifteen hundred horse, 
Tre●essen rebels against the emperor  what succeeded there you shall hereafter hear. After which having provided a great sum of money, and such foot and horse as should pass with him into Italy, he gave order for the government of those Realms under the charge of the king D. Philipi, to whom he appointed for his chief councillors, the commander Covas', and the Duke of Alva, foreseeing many matters of great importance, and providing for them all with great care, as he that sought to make his forces greater, to free himself from the molestations of France, and frustrate their practices which they had in Germany, where they had those Princes ready to make any alteration, being not greatly affected to the house of Austria: wherefore he sought to settle the greatness of his house, for many ages, according unto human wisdom: And therefore he had matched D. Philippe his Son to the eldest daughter of Portugal, and to the sole Prince of the realm had given his second Infanta, only with four hundred thousand crowns dowry, although his Son had received double the sum, and for Maximilian, eldest son to Ferdinand his brother, he had reserved his eldest daughter for all doubtful events of succession in those great dominions.  
In the beginning of the year the emperor (as we have said) had sent the earl of Alcad●tte to the enterprise of Mostagan; 
Earl of Alcadette at the enterprise of Tremessen.  who going with eight thousand foot and fifteen hundred horse from Oran, in the beginning of February this year, near unto Tabida, had a skirmish with the Moors, who charged him in the rearward, but it was of no moment. The next day at the passing of a river near unto Tabida, they found a greater army of Moors, both horse and foot furnished with good shot, yet the Spaniards marched in such order, and showed themselves so valiant, as notwithstanding that the enemy stood ready on the other side of the river (which they were to wade through) to receive them, yet they repulsed them with great loss, and advanced to take Tabida.  
Having rested there a while, they marched on the next day, but somewhat late, towards Tremessen, lodging two leagues from the city, being continually molested by the Moors, with often charging and flying away. The king was in Tremessen where he had levied what soldiers he could both of horse and foot, having entertained about 400 Turks which were in garrison upon that coast, so as the next morning the earl did with great judgement put his men in battle, left that (being far inferior in number to the enemy) he should be environed by so great a multitude, & disordered, being charged in front, flank, and rear: and therefore he so disposed of his troops, both horse and foot, as they might fight and secure one another, fortifying his rearward as much as might be, for that he understood they had laid an ambush, and would charge them behind. They had sent the woman and children with their richest movables into the mountains which were near, to preserve them whatsoever should happen; and the king having disposed of his troops, would not be present at the battle, but attend the event in a place of safety. The two armies being joined, the Spaniards showed no less valour than was needful, the enemies forward being greater than all their army, and although the Moors in the beginning showed great resolution, & discharged a great volley of shot, yet they did it so disorderly, and so far of, as there was not any one slain, and but three lightly hurt, the Spaniards giving them no time to charge again, & the horse coming upon them with great violence: the fight continued about two hours; and the General having placed some lose shot in the head of the forward, they made a great spoil of the Moors and Turks; so as in the end the enemy was put to rout on that side, whilst that they fought with great obstinacy in the rearward. Thither the earl sent two companies, who charged with such resolution, as the Spaniards taking new courage, & the enemy being amazed, having seen their companions put to rout, the battle was ended (having continued about three hours) & the Christians won the victory, but there was no great slaughter of the Moors, who desired rather to save themselves by flight than by fight obstinately, to give their enemies any cause to fear a new encounter. 
King of T●emessen defeated by the Spaniards fl●●s.  The king of Tremessen, who expected the doubtful event of this battle, having a sign given him by smoke that it was lost, he provided for his safety by flight among the rest. the earl of Alcadette did win great honour in this battle both for his valour and judgement, being worthily imitated by his three sons, D Alfonso, D Francisco, & D. Alvaro, the first leading a part of the forward, & the second of the rearward: D. Alfonso of Villaruolo marshal of the field, D. Martin of Cordova, D. john Pacieco with other noblemen of mark, were much commended for their prowess that day. This victory was won the fift of February, the victor having lost few men, and most of them were slain with crosbows, whereof there were not above a hundred among the Moors, and above five thousand Harquebuziers. The Spaniards desirous to enter the Town, the general sought to stay them that night, fearing the slaughter would be great, or there would be some great disorder committed in the sack: wherefore he lodged the army without the town, among certain Olive trees, giving good instructions unto the captains, to prevent all dangers which might grow by their too great confidence of the victory, or the disorders which do accompany spoiling, as it hath often fallen out, either by the small authority of the general, or by indiscretion, on want of military discipline.  
About this time the state of Tunes (which the emperor had conquered and restored to Muley Hascen) fell into great combustions, 
1545  he having only retained Goulette, 
Moors 42.  with an homage and small tribute for the kings of Spain, 
Muley Hascen king of Tunes dispossessed again.  as we have said. The occasion was that Muley Hascen, being desirous to confer with the emperor, had passed into Sicily, with an intent to come unto him to Genoa, or wheresoever he should be at his last passage out of Spain; after which he came to Naples, and meaning to continue his course by sea he was stayed there some days by a tempest, during the which D. Pedro de Toledo, viceroy of Naples, received a commandment to will him not to departed from thence, until he received farther news from the emperor, who was busied with the wars of France, and would not have any thing to divert him. This king as it was reported, had a meaning to demand some forces against the Turks which held Constantine, a town within his realm, the which was rich and strong, and did much annoy him, and for that at the time of his passage into Sicily, Barberousse was at Marseille, he feared also that in his return he would fall upon him.  
He thought in like manner that in leaving the country he should avoid some great accident wherewith the stars did threaten him, if he remained in Africa at that season, this prince being studious of Astrology, 
moors curious and superstitious.  and too credulous of such divinations. During his absence, such as loved him not and desired some Innovation in the state, bruited it out that the king was dead at Naples, after that he had been baptised; and priest his Son Amida, (who had the command of certain garrisons which were appointed to withstand the invasions of the Turks, and the thefts of the Alarabes, which did adhere unto them,) to hasten his coming unto the City, 
Son dispossesseth the father.  and to seize upon the Castle and his father's treasure, before that his younger brother called Mahumet (who remained in hostage at Goulette) should prevent him, and make himself king with the help of Francis de Tovar, than Governor of the fort. Amida did easily credit that which it may be he desired, and although in the beginning he found some resistance, which was made him by the Manufette of Tunes, 
Amida incestuous.  (who as it is were the king's Lieutenant general in that Country) yet in the end he prevailed, and slew all his father's friends & servants, yea, he abused his wives and concubines.  
These news being brought to Naples, Muley Hascen was much troubled; & making great haste to departed, he made great instance to have some forces, the which he obtained of the viceroy, who suffered him to levy 1800 men, such as were banished & condemned by justice, to whom impunity was promised, if they went to this war; & they had a gentleman of the country appointed for their commander, whose name was Baptista Lofredo: with which troop the King did assure himself that he should be able to surprise his rebellious son before he were settled. Being come to Goulette the Governor sought to dissuade him from going into the Town, no not to approach too near, before he understood how the people were affected, and whether there were any men of authority of his faction, to assist him: notwithstanding that, some Africanes came to visit him, promising him by ceremonies, oaths (setting their daggers against their throats, according to their manner) to aid him, and to die with him if need were, whom the governor wished him not to trust.  
Notwithstanding all that Tovar could say unto the king, and to Lofredo, they would needs march towards the town, b●t before they came thither, they knew that they had been well advised by To●ar, for they fell into an ambush which Amida had la●ed for them, and were charged by so great a multitude of horse and foot, as they had no means to save themselves. In this defeat there were slain above thirteen hundred Christians upon the place; the rest with great difficulty recovered Goulette, disarmed (having cast them away) and wounded. 
Defeat of Christians.  Among the which the king had escaped, had he not been discovered by the perfumes wherewith he was anointed according to his custom; whereupon he was hotly pursued and taken.  
Being delivered to his wicked son, he caused his eyes to be presently put out, the like cruelty he used to Nahasar and Abdulas his younger brethren, 
King of Tunes taken.  who were taken with the king, to whom he reproached that he did him but justice, for that he had in like manner made his uncles blind, 
Cruelty of the son to his father and brethren.  and in the end had slain them, to reign. Which being done, Amida renewed with Francis of Tovar, all the conventions and accords which his father had made with the emperor, and did the same homage. The which Tovar thought good to accept by provision, applying himself to the time, drawing (for that he would not seem to careful of that which had happened) a certain number of ducats from the new tyrant; who also delivered twenty knights, Rabatins of the blind king's guard, who had been imprisoned for that they had showed themselves too affectionate to his service; yielding up also the ensigns, which had been taken from Lofredo, and his body, without a head, that they might bury it after the manner of Christians: And moreover Amida delivered into his hands for hostage a son of his called Seithen. But notwithstanding all this, Francis de Tovar, detesting the fact of Amida, as unworthy to be tolerated by the emperor, he did advertise Abdamelec one of the brethren of M●ley Hascen, (who had escaped with Araxid, and lived then in exile with a Lord of Numidia, called Aneniseba,) wishing him to come speedily to Tunes, having watched an opportunity by the absence of Amida, who was gone to Biserte to receive that rich custom of fishing which was near. Abdamelec was not slothful, but coming secretly to Goulette, he found means to enter into Tunes by night, with a good number of horse which had accompanied him, going directly to the Castle with his head and his face covered, and wrapped in a sheet after the manner of the Country, where he was received without any difficulty, they thinking it to be Amida who was returned from Biserte, but they soon found their own error, and being amazed thought to fall 10 arms, but they that were most forward, were presently slain, and the rest so terrified, 
Amida dispossessed by Abdamelec his uncle.  as they yielded. Abdamelec being Master of the Castle, he caused many of the town which did favour him to come, by whom he was saluted and acknowledged for king of Tunes, but he reigned but thirty and six days, dying of a pestilent burning fever. Before his death he drew Muley Hascen out of prison, who received this good from him whom he had persecuted, and retired to Goulette, where he had left in the hands of Francis Tovar, many jewels and movables of great price, whereof he gave him no very good account. The Tunesians in Abdamelecs' place, did choose for their king a Son of his called Mahumet, being but twelve years old, to whom they gave four chief men for Councillors and Governors of his youth, which were Abd●lages, who held the dignity and office of Manufete, Abdelchiri●, Mesuar, which is another dignity, and Xerife, borne at Bugia, 
Disloyalty of the Regent's to the young king of Tunes.  a Moor learned in the law of Mahumet, and with them one john Perell, of the order of the Rabatins. Abdelchirin, for that he was an honest man, was slain by his companions, who afterwards made a Friumuirat betwixt them, committing all excess and villainy, contemning the king's youth, and promising unto themselves all impunity. Among other insolences, Perel having seized upon the Serrail, where the wives and concubines of Amida were, he ravished them all; which haply was the greatest displeasure Amida received, for those people are wonderful jealous of their wives: but he took a cruel revenge, 
Revenge of Amida.  having soon after surprised the city, with the help of his friends and partisans, so suddenly, as the young king had scarce leisure to get into a little bark and fly to Goulette: he caused peril to be cruelly tortured, and having cut off his privy parts, the instruments of his sin, he caused him to be burnt alive in the market place. He put them also to death which had adhered to Abdamelec, and among others forty Rabatines', whose bodies were eaten with dogs, a punishment which he used for them which had committed any heinous offence, causing them to be torn in pieces alive, and devoured by his famished dogs. Amida reigned above fifteen years after, until that Aluch Ali, whom they called Locciali, governor of Alger, deprived him, surprising the town in the year 1560, which hath ever since been held by the Turk, but for some short interruption, whereof D. john of Austria was the cause, as we will show. As for the poor king Muley Hascen, he caused himself to be conducted to Naples, and from thence went to the Emperor to Ausburg, where he reported his misfortunes, and complained much of Francis de Tovar, who detained his jewels. The Emperor ended this difference, by a composition made betwixt the parties, and he appointed that Muley Hascen should have apention paid him, during his life, by the Sicilians, and so he was sent back into Italy, and Tovar soon after called home from his government.    

❧ THE 28 BOOK OF THE History of Spain. 

The Contents.  
1 BIrth of D. Carlo prince of Spain.  
2 Agreement betwixt Pope Paul the third and the Emperor Charles, to make war against the Protestants of Germany.  
3 War betwixt the Portugals and Turks, at the East Indies.  
4 Marriage of joane of Albret, heir of Navarre, with Anthony duke of Bourb●n.  
5 D. Philip prince of Spain goes into Flanders.  
6 Muley Basan, a prince of the Moors, demands succours in Spain.  
7 Council transferred from Trent to Bolonia.  
8 Sedition at Peru for the government.  
9 Octavio Farnese excommunicated, cause of new war betwixt France and Spain.  
10 League betwixt the princes of Germany and the French king, again the Emperor.  
11 Mets besieged by the Emperor.  
12 afric a town in the realm of Tunes, taken by the Spaniards.  
13 Birth of Henry of Bourbon, king of France and Navarre.  
14 Birth of D. Sebastian, future king of Portugal.  
15 Marriage of D. Philip and Marie queen of England.  
16 Death of queen joane the emperors mother.  
17 Death of Henry of Albret king of Navarre.  
18 The Emperor Charles gives over the government to his son, and retires into Spain.  
19 Truce for five years betwixt France and Spain, soon broken.  
20 Marriage betwixt king Philip and Elizabeth of France, and a peace concluded.  
21 Death of the Emperor Charles the fifth.  
22 Death of D. john king of Portugal.  
23 Persecutions in Spain for religion.  
24 Spaniards defeated in the island of Gel●es, or Zerbi, by the Turks.  
25 End of the Council of Trent.  
26 New bishop in the Netherlands.  
27 Contention betwixt the French and the Spanish, for Precedence.  
28 Ora● defended, and Pegnon de Veles taken by the Spaniards.  
29 Malta besieged by the Turks, relieved by the army of Spain.  
30 Interview betwixt Charles the French king, and Elizabeth his sister, queen of Spain.  
31 The Viceroy of Sicily in disgrace.    

The Realms of Castille, Leon, Arragon, and Navarre, remain united in D. Philip the second.  
Portugal by the death of the King D. john, is governed by Queen Katherine his widow, and the Cardinal D. Henry, during the Infancy of D. Sebastian.  
1 THis year 1545 the Emperor had two several advertisements, the one of great joy and content, 
Birth of prince Charles of Spain.  the other of much sorrow and heaviness: He had news, That the prince D. Philip had his first son born in Vailledolit, the ninth of july, who at his Christening was called Charles, at the which there were great & solemn feasts prepared; but within three days after all was turned into mourning and heaviness, by a strange accident: for the princess Marie, the young child's mother, died, for that (as they said) she had eaten something disorderly, contrary to the state wherein she was; which happened by the negligence of the duchess of Alva, and the wife of Covos, the high Chancellor, to whom the care of her being committed, they absented themselves a little, being desirous to see a certain sight, 
Death of Marie of Portugal, wife to D. Philip.  so as at their return they found her dead, or dying. The prince felt that force which is usual at the loss of so dear a person, yet bearing it with that constancy that was fit for his royal mind; but the love he bore her, being a princess of singular virtues, made him to retire himself for a time. She was much lamented and wanted of all men, for her great bounty and charity. She was honoured with a ●oyall funeral pomp: her body remained for a time in Saint Paul's church in that town, in the custody of the Dominican Friars, until that it was carried to the royal chapel of Granado. D. Philip had this sorrow increased soon after with a new grief, for the death of D. john of Tavera, Cardinal, and Archbishop of Toledo, under whose wise government he had been bred up from his infancy, so as he loved and respected him much.  
The Emperor Charles having concluded a peace with the French king, he presently began to embrace the affairs of Germany, which were in combustion, by reason of religion, since the preaching and writing of Luthar, against the Pope, to whom some princes of that nation, and many towns, did adhere: Which controversy many grave and religious men did believe, might have been easily reconciled by the emperors only authority, being assisted by the Estates and Princes of the Empire, without craving any other help. But, according to the common opinion, this prince and the Popes were possessed with one humour, to rule absolutely, the Pope's aspiring to be sole judges in matters concerning religion, and Charles aspiring to the like sovereign power in temporal things depending of the Imperial function, and not to govern himself by a certain necessity, according to the advice of the assemblies of the Estates, which they call Diets, by the which he thought he was kept in awe.  
2 Pope Paul and he concurring in one design, 
1546  made a league the six and twentieth of june 1546, 
League betwixt the Pope and Emperor.  by the negotiation of the Council of Trent, and they concluded to pursue the Council of Trent▪ published the year before, and begun in December: and for that the Protestants did not allow of it, nor would not submit themselves unto it, it was said, the Emperor should force them by arms, and if he entered into any treaty of peace with them, he should not do any thing to the prejudice of the Church of Rome. That the Pope should consign an hundred thousand crowns at Venice, besides an hundred thousand which he had already consigned, to be employed in this war. That he should moreover entertain twelve thousand foot, and five hundred light horse, for six months, over the which he should appoint a Legate, colonels and captains. That the Emperor might for this war take the one half of the revenues of the Clergy, and sell of abbey lands to the value of five hundred thousand crowns: And if any prince should seek to hinder their resolution, they should join their forces together to resist him. This was at such time as the Council began, whereas they made preparation for war against the Protestants, both in Germany▪ Spain, and Italy, the emperors design extending farther; for his 〈◊〉 was (as it appeared since, and was not then unknown) That after that he had 〈◊〉 the Protestants, 
Design of the Emperor against Germany  which made the greatest power of Germany, he would subject the Estates of the Empire to his will, that he might keep the Empire in his family, and make it hereditary. And to give some proof of this absolute power which he did affect, he had made a truce with the Turk, the better to attend this war, without taking the 〈…〉 those princes and States, who had contributed great su●●es of money, to ra●se an army against that common enemy of Christendom. The Protestants had long before made a declaration, That they took the Pope and Sea of Rome for the● 〈◊〉 party, and therefore they would not have him for judge, accusing him of impiety, saeriledge, false doctrine, and of usurpation over the magistrates appointed by God, and of many other crimes. They offered to give undoubted proofs to a free Council, lawfully called, were it general, or national in Germany. They complained, That the Emperor had often put them in hope, but now they saw themselves frustrate: yea, that contrary to the decree of the last Diet of Spier and Worms, where it was concluded, That to prepare the way to so holy an assembly, there should be a conference of Doctors, and men of State of either part, which should bring in writing the means to live in peace and unity one with another, attending the determination of such a Council, and that in the mean time all proceed against the Protestants should cease: yet they saw the Archbishop of Cologne pursued and condemned, for that he sought to reform his Clergy, the conference made frustrate by the policy and importunity of some Monks, the Pope to use his absolute authority, and all Germany to be full of arms; their adversaries picking quarrels, with the privity of the Emperor and Pope, so as they were forced to defend themselves, the which was falsely termed sedition. Upon which discontents there were many ambassadors sent unto the Emperor, from the Protestant princes, whereof the chief were Frederic duke of Saxony, Elector, and Philip Landgrave of Hesse, who drew after them many princes and barons of great place, their friends, allies, or vassals, with the chief Imperial towns, 
Demands of the Protestants.  all which demanded peace, and assurance that it should not be broken by any decree of the Council of Trent, and a present reformation of the Imperial Chamber, where there were some of their professed enemies.  
To which demands the Emperor made dilatory and ambiguous answers, to win time, to the end he might draw his forces, which came from all parts, into one body: so as they, seeing no other remedy, began also to arm, Ausbourg, Vlme, and other towns of high Germany, being assisted by the duke of Wirtemberg, came first to field, and fell upon the subjects of Ferdinand king of Romans, taking Ereberg at the foot of the Alpes, coming out of Italy, with other places. The duke of Saxony, the Landgrave and their confederates, raised a mighty army upon the marches of Franconia, and marched towards the river of Danow, passing quietly through the lands of the bishop of Virtzbourg, and of other Clergy men. The Emperor, who prepared his camp with all speed about Landshuot, upon the river of Iser, proclaimed them as troublers of the public peace, 
Protestants preclaimed.  and guilty of high treason. Being fortified he came and lodged upon the river of Danow, betwixt Ingolstade and Ratisbone, having received ten thousand foot, and five hundred light horse, from the Pope, led by cardinal Farnese, 
Captains of the Pope's army.  Legat, and Octavio his brother, prince of Parma and Plaisance, assisted by many worthy captains, whereof the chief were Alexander and Paul Vitelli, john Baptista and Frederic Savelli, julio Vrsino, Sforce Palivicin, Alphonso of Este, and Ralph Bailloni: And they had brought him out of the garrisons of Italy, six thousand Spaniards of the old Regiments, under the command of Ferdinand of Toledo, 
Captains of the Emperor's forces  duke of Alva, Martial general of the army, john Baptista Castaldo, Philip of Launoy, Alvaro Sandis, Alphonso vives, and other ancient and approved Captains.  
In this Imperial army the cardinal of Ausbourg had the charge of the victuals. There was with the Emperor, Maximilian, son to the king of Romans, Emanuel Philibert, prince of Piedmont, with many princes and noblemen, Germans. The Protestants army advanced, being much stronger than the Emperors: they had two generals, the Elector Frederic, 
Two generals the ruin of an army.  and the Landgrave, with equal authority, which, it may be, was the ruin of their army. They had with them john Ernest, brother to the duke of Saxony, and john Frederic, his eldest son, Philip duke of Brunswic, and four of his sons, Francis duke of Lunebourg, Wolfgang prince of Anhalt, Christopher of Heneberg, George of Wirtemberg, Albert of Mansfield, earls, William of Furstemberg, Recrod and Reffeberg, colonels; with six companies of Swisses. The two armies lay near together for some days, and the Protestants offered battle to the Imperials; but the Emperor would none, assuring himself, that the enemy could not keep those great forces long together, and that in the end he which gets the profit of the war, hath the honour: besides, he expected Maximilian, earl of Bure, with four thousand horse, and ten thousand foot, of the choice bands of the Netherlands.  
The Landgrave, 
Heads of the Protestants army disagree.  who was a resolute soldier, and therefore feared more by the Emperor than all the rest that were in the Protestants camp, made offer to force the Emperor to fight, if they would give him credit; but the Elector would not yield to it: so as these two commanders not concurring well together, lost many occasions. The earl of Bure came to the camp, and many of the emperors faction in Germany, spoiled the Protestants lands, whilst they were in the army; yea some Protestants, being won by the Emperor with goodly promises of advancement, and persuading them, that the war was grounded upon other causes than religion. 
Maurice of Saxony serves the Emperor.  Among them was Maurice of Saxony, who desirous to get the Electorship, was entered into duke Frederics country with forces, wherewith king Ferdinand had furnished him, out of Bohemia and Hungary, and had by love, or force, seized upon all the towns and places of Turinga, Misnia, and other provinces adjoining, under a colour of charity; saying, That it was to preserve the duke Electors country and lands, the which would have been ruined, if any other had been employed by the Emperor in that conquest: yet the Bohemians and Hungarians used as great cruelty and violence, as if they had made war against the Turks. The Protestants army being very great, and not able to draw the Emperor to battle, being in some want of victuals, but much more of money, the which they were forced to beg from the towns and commonalties, the confederate princes hane no support from the kings of France and England, as they had expected, having sent ambassadors unto them with full instructions, touching that which the Emperor practised by this war, to the prejudice of Germany, and the neighbour Estates. The heads being also jealous of their own houses and lands, which they saw invaded whilst they laboured for the common cause, they thought to draw the war nearer to their own commodities, whereupon they dislodged, and marched towards Norling, the Emperor still coasting them.  
The towns of ulme, Ausbourg, and others, holding the Protestants party, seeing the army retire far from them, having done nothing of import, they began to think of their estates, and the rather, for that the Imperial army increased daily, there being a fresh supply of six hundred men at arms come from Naples, under the conduct of john Baptista Spinelli: and the confederates being retired, they made show as if they would besiege Vlme, one of the richest towns of all Germany. Being troubled with these considerations, 
Protestant's league dissolved  and terrified when as they understood that the Landgrave had left the duke of Saxony, and was retired home to his house, leaving the whole conduct of the war to him, and that the duke marched towards his own country, without any longer delay they sent unto the Emperor, to make their peace. Vlme was one of the first that obtained pardon, 
1547  paying an hundred thousand crowns, and twelve pieces of ordnance, with their furniture, and receiving a garrison of ten companies of foot. Ausbourg did the like, and paid an hundred and fifty thousand crowns, and twelve pieces of ordnance, and received the like garrison.  
divers other towns yielded also, 
1546  and in the end the duke of Wittenberg would make trial of the emperors clemency: so as being assured of high Germany, he began to follow the Protestants army, and came to Nuremberg. The Prince Elector took some small towns in his way, bending towards Francfort, to draw money as well from his friends as from the Clergy; and then he turned towards his country, his army decreasing much, for that many, seeing the Emperor to prosper, abandoned him. He being come into Turinga and Misnia, Maurice dislodged, having put good garrisons into Leipfie and Dresda, which places he only preserved, for all the rest the Electors recovered, and then he retired to Ferdinand, and they both together came and joined with the emperors camp at Egre, upon the confines of Bohemia. The earl of Bure was come towards Francfort, with commandment to enter into the Landgraves' country, for whom many princes, and among them Maurice, his son in law, did sue unto the Emperor for his pardon; but to small effect, for he had a great desire to have him, thinking him alone sufficient to raise the Protestant affairs, 
Landgrave feared by the Emperor.  if they were ruined. Bure took Darmast by composition, and then Francfort, where they were in great fear to lose their Fairs, which many of their neighbours did affect. Strasbourg, a great and rich city, did also compound. The Emperor coming with great speed to the river of Elbe, having found a ford, where the Spaniards did him great service (for the passage was defended by the Protestants army) he passed his troops, and pursued the Elector, who sought to recover Wittenberg, the chief town of his Electorat, being strong and well fortified: but he stayed him near unto the forest of Lochane, the Elector having scarce half his forces, 
Defeat of the Elector of Saxony, and his ●●king.  for he had not leisure to gather them together, being dispersed. Being thus forced to fight with disadvantage, he was vanquished and taken, being wounded in the face. Ernest of Brunswic, son to Philip, was taken with the Elector: his eldest son recovered Wittenberg, being hurt, whither many others escaped from this conflict. The Emperor having this prince his prisoner, used him roughly in speech, and king Ferdinand more. He was given in guard to the duke of Alva, who committed him to Alphonso vives to keep safely. Within few days the Emperor gave sentence of death against him; the which notwithstanding was revoked, at the suit of the marquess of Brandebourg: but to redeem his life, he was forced to undergo hard conditions. Among others, he did quit the dignity of Elector, 
Conditions imposed upon the Elector of Saxony.  which was given to Maurice, with all his lands, by the Emperor, who did confiscate them, as being guilty of high treason, he and his children promising to obey the Imperial chamber, such as the Emperor should erect; and for his entertainment, Maurice was charged to pay him a yearly pension of fifty thousand crowns: The town of Wittenberg, and the castle of Goth, were delivered to Maurice, leaving it to his discretion, to suffer Frederics children to dwell in Goth: and as for himself, he should remain the emperors prisoner. There were many other sharp conditions imposed upon him, all which he signed, and refused but one article, which was, a promise to obey the decrees of the Council of Trent, the which he constantly rejected, saying, That he had rather die than yield to it: 
Constancy of the Elector Frederic.  wherefore the Emperor caused it to be razed out. Duke Maurice being now Elector, and having joined to his own patrimony the inheritance of prince Frederic of Saxony, he began to be a suitor for the Landgrave of He●●e, his father in law, employing all his friends, as the marquess of Brandebourg did in like manner, who in the end obtained a promise from the Emperor, to pardon his life, 
Conditions propounded by the Emperor to the Landgrave.  to remit all other punishments due to rebels, to leave him his country, with one fort, furnished with artillery: so as he did renounce all leagues, to the prejudice of him or his brother Ferdinand, obey the Imperial Chamber which the Emperor should establish, give him all the rest of his ordnance, pay him within four months 150000 crowns, for the charges of the war, to deliver the prisoners which he held, and come and crave pardon of the Emperor.  
The Landgrave having accepted these conditions, by the advice of his counsellors, considering the present danger, he came to Hale in Saxony, to the Emperor, on the eight and twentieth of june, where, before he presented himself unto him, they brought him the former articles to sign: but for that they had added many things which were not contained in those which the marquess of Brandebourg and duke Maurice had sent him, he would not do any thing; 
1547  for the which there was great question betwixt betwixt him and the bishop of Arras, who would needs have him sign it. Among other things, they had added, That the Emperor did reserve unto himself the interpretation of every article, and that the Landgrave did submit himself to the decrees of the Council of Trent, for the which he should give caution.  
The Landgrave being priest and threatened, remembering that Brandebourg and the new Elector, had promised to maintain the confession of Ausbourg, he signed, That he would obey the decrees of a holy, free, and general Council, where both head and members should be reform, as Maurice and Bra●debourg would do. This done, they led him into a hall, 
Submission of the Landgrave.  whereas the Emperor was set upon a throne, where kneeling down before him, and confessing, That he had offended his Majesty, and deserved punishment, he craved pardon, and implored his clemency. The Emperor made answer by George Seld, That although he had deserved grievous punishment, yet using his clemency, and yielding to the entreaties of many princes and noblemen, whom he desired to gratify, he remitted the punishment which he had deserved, either by loss of life and goods, or by perpetual imprisonment. Which done, the Landgrave was carried back to the duke of Alua's lodging, where he supped; where, having played late at dice, he was amazed, when as offering to go away, he was stayed, and had a guard given him: whereat the marquess of Brandebourg and Maurice were much discontented, but there was no remedy, the duke of Alba and the bishop of Ar●●s saying, That it was the emperors pleasure. This proceeding, which the Emperor sought to justify by glosses, deprived him of the fruit which he pretended of his enterprises: so easily are man's designs and imaginations overthrown.  
3 We must now return to the Portugals at the East Indies, 
Portugal's at the Indies.  where the Turks sought to expel them. They having honourably defended their fort at Diu, and concluded a peace with the Indians of Cambaia, in the year 1537, whereas the young king Mamudio had succeeded after the death of his uncle Badurio, into whose favour Zaffer the Renegado did still seek to insinuate himself, and to whose wicked practices this last war is chiefly attributed; devising still how he might expel the Portugals, for the effecting whereof he made such secret preparations as he thought necessary, drawing men together from other barbarous nations, making of arms, ordnance, and harquebuses: having with exceeding charge drawn five master workmen from Constantinople, and yet they circumvented the Christians, making them believe, that it was to make war against the king of Patano, an ancient enemy, which confined upon them; and yet they sought with great secrecy to incense the lords of the neighbour provinces, against the Portugals: Notwithstanding they entreated them very lovingly, and obsequiously, knowing that it was pleasing unto the king. With which policy they had made them so secure and careless, as they were wholly given to the gain of merchandise, and to propagate the faith of Christ in those parts. The Portugals than were grown so secure, and had so neglected all care of war, as whereas Garcia of Noragna had left nine hundred foot in garrison at Diu, there were not then above two hundred and fifty, under the government of john Mascaregna, who had succeeded james de Sosa; and, which was worse, they had no munition to make forty days defence, and for that the soldiers had wanted their pay, many of them had sold their arms; all which was well known to Zaffer, and to king Mamudio, which made their designs more easy, and their hopes greater to be freed from the Portugals. To make their enterprise more easy, Zaffer began to give it out, That the king had given him that city, and that he would soon come and take possession thereof: And although it seemed strange, it being one of the chief towns of Cambaia, and brought great profit unto the king by trade of merchandise, yet it was the more credible, for that the town was reduced in a manner under the Portugals dominion, and many times annoyed by the Turks, so as it was not so beneficial to the lord as it had been, who long before had given another strong place, called Sorrato, unto Zaffer, besides many other places which he had either purchased, or gotten by favour. He writ unto Mascaregna, as a friend, rejoicing, that by the king's bounty he had means to be his neighbour continually, 
john Mascaregna governor at Diu.  and to enjoy more freely the fruits of their friendship: but knowing how distasteful new lords were unto their subjects, he should be forced to come with some numbers of soldiers, to keep them in awe that should not like of his government in the beginning: whereof he thought it good to advertise him, to the end that Mascaregna should not suspect, that they would not entertain peace with king john and the Portugals. But Mascaregna began, in the end, to fall into consideration of these things, thinking, that these great preparations could not be against the king of Patana (as they had given it out) who notwithstanding did not move; which made him fear that it was against the fort of Diu: Whereupon he did write to D. john de Castro, Viceroy of the Indies, remaining then at Goa: He did also write unto Anthonio Sosa, governor of Chaul, and to William Meneses, governor of Bazain, to let them understand in what a straight the fort of Diu was, and what need he had of help; and therefore they two should seek to stop the victuals which should come by sea from that coast unto the enemies, who stayed not long to enter the town of Diu, with Zaffer, being then about five thousand, 
Diu besieged by the king of Cambaia.  but with such a number of pioneers and labourers, for their works, as some affirm, they were almost thirty thousand. Most of the soldiers were Turks and Abissins.  
Among other advantages which the king of Cambaia, and Zaffer, his general in this enterprise, had gotten, this was most important, to have begun the war in the beginning of Winter, the which gins, in those countries, when as the Spring gins with us, about the beginning of March. But Mascaregna knowing with what policy the enemy had woven this web, and seeking, with the like dissembling, to win time, and to provide for himself, he dissembled the jealousy he had of Zaffers design: he seemed content with his coming to Diu, and to discover his mind fully, he sent Simon Feo, a man of great judgement, to visit him, and to congratulate his coming, who, with like counterfeiting, was joyfully and honourably received by the Renegado, yet seeking to effect his designs, he began to discover plainly to what end he was come thither. He propounded unto Feo, That he would build a wall which should divide the commerce of the fort from the town (the which had been granted at the peace making, so as it were no hindrance to the fort) whereof Zaffer made not any mention; but he complained, that the traffic at sea was reduced to that point, as the king of Cambaia, to his great dishonour, could not dispose of it, being expelled out of the possession by their violence, whom some few years before he had of courtesy received into his realm, to make them partakers, as other strangers, of the trade of merchandise in those countries.  
All this being related to Mascaregna by Feo, he found, that the Barbarian desired as much to have an occasion to fall to open war, as he sought to avoid it for the reasons above mentioned, and therefore he sent again to Zaffer, to let him understand, That whereas by order from the king he would renew some treaty touching the Navigation, it must be done with the Viceroy Castro, who being not far off, would soon resolve, and according to equity: Touching the building of the wall, he was not to hinder it, persuading himself it should be according to the conclusion of the peace; whereof he sent a copy by Feo. The Renegado took occasion upon this writing to break out into arms, who growing into a rage, tore it, and put the ambassador into prison: Then giving the Portugals no more respite, he began to make his approaches, and to assault the fort. Mascaregna foreseeing all this, had made such provisions as time would give him leave, and having an especial care of their want of victuals, he had sent away the weakest women, with the children, and other unprofitable persons, in two merchants ships, to Bazain and Chaul: and for that the sort was large, having seven bulwarks, and he so weakly manned, he divided his soldiers and commanders, appointing twenty to every bulwark, and the rest where necessity should require. He had also drawn into the fort many Christian merchants which did traffic in the town, and did provide for all things necessary for a siege.  
The seat of this rock was in an island where the town stood, made by a river which falls into the sea: (Some have written, it is Indus, making no difference betwixt Diul and Diu:) That part of the island which lies betwixt the sea and the river, makes an angle, and riseth with certain steep rocks; there the fort is built: so as on two parts towards the sea and the river, it is safe. Towards the city, besides the strong walls and bulwarks, there was a large deep ditch, which did stretch from the sea unto the river. Within the river, right against the fort, there was a strong tower, not easy to be battered, for that towards the channel (which was betwixt it and the fort, whereas the merchants ships lay) there could no enemies ship come in, being subject to the canon on either side: but in the other channel they had entrance, but in small barks, the water was so low; and yet the soldiers could not wade through. The Portugals reserved two ships in the great channel, the which under the command of james Latta, having also armed two smaller vessels like galleys, Mascaregna commanded they should scour that coast, to stop the victuals and other commodities which came to the enemies: Wherein Latta showed such diligence, as in a short time he had taken fourteen barks, laden with victuals and divers other things for the use of the army. But Zaffer, who had long before devised how this enterprise should be governed, and therefore had brought such a multitude of labourers, in one night he caused a fort to be made upon a little hill betwixt the town and the castle; 
Fort raised by the Barbarians against Diu.  and having made the outward part of stone, many foot thick, within he filled it with earth, leaving some loop holes for ordnance. The like he made in the town, the which was so high, as it did equal the highest part of the fort, having safe parapets: He armed the wall on the out side with sacks of cotton, to defend it from the enemy's ordnance. This fort being seen in the morning, did not amaze the defendants, being prepared to resist the Barbarians assaults even unto the last gasp, for the honour of Christ's name, and the service of their king, labouring with all industry and valour, to frustrate the designs of a treacherous enemy: and then the ordnance of either side began that cruel war, which did much honour the Portugals name in all the East.  
To the first fort Zaffer added a second and a third, with the like speed, both towards the sea shore: and for that the ground was stony and hard, so as they could not well make their trenches, but with loss of time, they advanced a wall of stone, traversed in such wise one before another, as whilst they advanced, they were safe from the ordnance of the castle; and with this art they might easily come within a stones cast. There he began to raise a strong rampar of stone, thirteen foot thick, and behind fortified it with earth, the which they brought from the sea unto the river, and so they environed the fort on that side towards the city, where it might be assaulted: And for that there was a great distance betwixt the first great forts, they made some lesser along the wall, in the which they placed small Corpse de guard, to defend the works against the enemy's sallies; this renegado planting ordnance and small shot, with great judgement, to batter the fort continually.  
He had a design also to take the tower upon the river, and thereby not only make the way more easy to take the fort, but also hinder such succours as should come by sea unto the Portugals, for being master of that port, the army which came from Goa, should with great difficulty land any men. To attempt this tower, they had prepared a great merchants ship which they had kept in the haven, making a fort of wood upon it; and fortifying it with cotton against the defendants shot, and it was made so high, as being brought under the tower at a full sea, it did reach to the top of it: With these and with certain floats of planks which they thought to make fast at a low water, they resolved to assault the tower; whereof Mascaregna was advertised, who feared the success would be dangerous: Wherefore he commanded Latta, That he should come in the night with his two ships, and fire that engine within the port: for being deprived of that ship, they should hardly at that season provide another, the rivers being carefully kept by the Portugals. On the five and twentieth of April Latta went with all the silence that might be, to burn this ship, yet he was discovered by the noise of them that rowed, giving an alarm unto the enemy: notwithstanding, having but twenty soldiers with him, he went on to execute his design, whereas they found another let, for that it was not possible for them to fasten the wild fire which they had brought, unto the ship: yet he left not to effect his design after another manner; for some of them leaping, with great resolution, into the ship, and cutting the cables speedily, they towed her, in despite of the enemy, into the channel under the fort, where they burned it at their ease, making great joy for this happy success on Easter day.  
On the eighteenth of May Fernando of Castro, the viceroys son, arrived with eight barks, like galleys, who by reason of the contrary season, could not have come sooner, without very great danger, he brought them some small succours of men and munition, promising him, in his father's name, that they should have greater succours, as time would permit. His arrival renewed their joy, and taking a view what soldiers they had, they found 450 valiant men, which were better than two thousand hirelings, and gave hope of a victory, although their enemies were hardy and resolute, and furnished with all things to annoy them. They did trouble them of the fort with their continual shooting, and slew many, yet they had made no royal battery, with any intent to give an assault, neither were their defences taken away, as the art of war required: the which was reserved, for that king Mamudio would have the honour to be present at so important an action: Wherefore, on the five and twentieth of june, he being come into the town, at the break of day, there were suddenly three great pieces of ordnance planted upon the Barbarians trenches, which they called Basilisks, with other small pieces of battery, 
Battery against the fort of Diu.  against two bulwarks, one called Saint james, and the other Saint Thomas, and the curtain betwixt them. Mascaregna had provided for all this, who had not only caused a platform to be made for the defence thereof, but also, fearing they would undermine that of Saint Thomas, he caused a countermine to be made, but with exceeding great toil, by reason of the hardness of the stone whereon it stood: upon which bulwark he did also plant two great pieces, with the which he did wonderfully annoy the enemy, breaking two of their Basilisks, and dismounting the third. They continued their battery five days against those two bulwarks, and did somewhat ruin that of Saint Thomas, and they did so spoil the parapets of Saint james, as the gunner's could not stand to charge their pieces: yet for all this they saw no means to take the fort, and they were rather fit to consume the besieged at leisure, than to make way for an assault. Afterwards they planted another battery against Saint john's bulwark, which was weaker, resolving to seek to force it and the other two, which they found to be in bad estate: wherefore they began to batter them anew with many great pieces. In the mean time there fell out an accident, which did so terrify king Mamudio, as, doubting of his life, he returned to Madaba, and was never more seen in the camp; for that a piece being discharged from the fort, slew a kinsman of his, which was very near him: Yet Zaffer continuing his design, he ruined Saint Thomas, Saint john, and the curtain, very much, whose breaches falling into the ditch, they began to make the way even for the Barbarians to go to the assault.  
They had also raised in the nearest trench a cavalier, or mount, from whence they might look into the fort, so as the Portugals could not safely go to their places of guard, without great danger: and therefore Mascaregna was forced to raise up a platform against it, whereon he planted forty arquebusiers, under Anthonio Pezanna, to drive the enemy from thence, which could not be done without great toil, and the loss of many: so as the number of the besieged decreased daily, but they increased in courage and resolution. The arquebusiers upon the platform, not performing that which was needful, they raised another cavalier near unto the church, on the which having planted a Basilisk, they made such spoil of the enemies, as no man durst stay there. It seemed the ruins of the bulwarks were such, as if they might fill up the ditch to come to the assault, there would be no great difficulty to force the fort, and therefore with a long and infinite toil he began to dig certain trenches to fill up the ditch: and for that they would not be troubled in the carriage of it, they were covered over head with quarters of timber and chalk laid thick upon it, to defend it from fire and shot. Carrying stuff by this channel, and casting it into the ditch, they made their work in such sort, as they were not annoyed, nor yet seen by the defendants: for the which they found a remedy, in opening a little door, whereby they were accustomed to go into the ditch: but it was stopped up with the ruins, and it did behove them to cleanse it, and make use thereof, the which they did very secretly in the night, to feed the enemy the longer with that hope. But they in the end finding that their work did not advance, and discovering the reason, they drew Zaffer himself thither to view the place, and to provide some remedy; a happy accident for the besieged: for whilst that he went carefully up and down considering of all things, putting his head above the trench, 
Zaffer general of the army against Diu, slain.  and leaning upon his hand, a great shot came and took away his hand, and the top of his head, so as he fell down dead. He being slain, the army was in some confusion to name a successor, so as attending order from the king, he declared that Rumecan the son of Zaffer deceased, should hold his place, who in his father's life time had been general of the ordnance. This man showed himself much more careful and understanding, than either friends or enemies did at the first believe, so as following every action without rest, and trying all possible means, they raised up the cavalier again with new matter, being half ruined, where having planted two Basilisks, they made so great a ●●ine, as they stopped up the door by the which the Christians came forth, to empty the ditch, so as they could no more oppose themselves, being tired by a multitude of their enemies, which came daily in great numbers to the camp, and the besieged decreasing wonderfully; and therefore they had sent another Frigate to the Viceroy, to solicit him to send them greater succours.  
The enemies having filled up the ditch, and torn the bulwarks of Saint john and Saint Thomas very sore, 
Assault giue● at Diu.  they sought to climb up, having set up long beams and pieces of wood cross, like ladders, with such obstinacy, as the undaunted valour of the defendants was not sufficient to repulse them, using many means to annoy them, whereof one wrought great effect. They tied certain piles together with chains of iron, and betwixt every pile they put pitch, , and other matter to burn, the which being fired, and cast upon the enemy, it did burn and spoil them, and at the least did stay their fury, yet neither fire, iron, nor stones, could terrify them: Seeing therefore that place in great danger, and the little fort made near to Saint john's bulwark being weak, from the which both it and the curtain were defended by Antonio Pazanna, with forty soldiers, he was commanded, if need required, to go and secure D. Fernando de Castro with some of his men, who on the nineteenth of julie had with great valour repulsed the enemies, which were come in great numbers upon the breach. But the enemy having now made the ditch even, he resolved the next day to give a general assault, going the night before to their temples, and praying with great affection, after the manner of the Gentiles, to their imaginary gods: Which Fernando Car●●ial, captain of the tower upon the water, seeing, he advertised Mascaregna, that he might prepare for his defence with such forces as he had remaining. Two hours before day the Barbarians presented themselves to the assault: 
Assault general at Diu.  their greatest force was against Saint Thomas bulwark, where Lewis de Sosa with certain choice soldiers behaved themselves worthily, though with some loss. And at this time the Portugals leaving the places of least danger, to secure where need required, had left the corner of the fort next unto the sea without defendants, where (by reason of the height of the rocks) they did not think the enemy would make any attempt: but they (whether discovering it then, or suspecting it before, as it is likely) being not yet day, and the ●ide being gone had left the water very low, sent some of their most active and resolute soldiers with ladders, who (being threescore in number) mounted without discovery. In the end they were discovered to be not only upon the walls, but within the houses, where falling to spoil, they found some little resistance made by the women who were there remaining, who both there and at the walls, did use arms, and assist their husbands and brethren in so great danger▪ Whereof Mascaregna being advertised, he with a discreet secrecy (for that he would not amaze them that defended the breach) taking some soldiers with him from places least in danger, went and charged the enemy, whereof some he slew, the rest cast themselves from those rocks into the sea, but few escaped. They fought obstinately at S. Thomas bulwark, where there were about 1000 of the assailants slain, and they were so wearied, as they were forced to retire: but soon after, having brought fresh soldiers, they gave a more ●urious assault than before, 
A second assault.  and were as valiantly repulsed by the Christians: and it is reported for a wonder, that in this cruel encounter there were only seven Portugals slain, but many were hurt. Two days after they gave another assault, whereas they lost above three hundred soldiers, in which Fernando de Castro, and Lewis de Sosa, did win much honour. The like did Francis of Almeida, who having the guard of S. Thomas▪ about noon time, when as other men use to take their rest, 
A third assault.  the enemies ran furiously to the assault, the which he with twenty five soldiers maintained valiantly, until that some others came to second them; where the fight was cruel for some hours, with great loss to the Barbarians, where they lost 800 men. But the defendants began to be out of hope of victory, their numbers being diminished by death, and weakened, for that many were hurt, and the assailants on the other side were much fortified, there being come unto the camp, a supply of fourteen thousand soldiers, under a certain lord of Cambaia, called Moiatecan: besides, within the ●ort they had great want of victuals, and many hurt and sick for want of good feeding. Afterwards the Barbarians began to make mines, with great secrecy, making show of other approaches; but on Saint Laurence day, having brought one to perfection, under S. john's bulwark, they made offer of an assault, to draw many thither to defend it; but when they thought it time, they retired without the compass of the mine, and then gave fire to it, 
Bulwark of S. john blown up with a mine.  which blue all that building into the air: in which accident there died above sixty valiant soldiers, and men of account, among which were D. Fernando de Castro, the viceroys son, a young man of great worth, john of Almeida, Lewis melo, Diego Sotomaior, Alvaro Ferriera, Roderigo Sosa, Lorenzo Faria▪ john Brandano, George of Almeida, Tristan Sosa, Francis Lupio, and Garcia Ferr●●ia. It is written, That Mascaregna doubting of some fraud, when he saw the Barbarians retire, advertised Fernando de Castro, That he should leave that place; but he was not obeyed. The Infidels would not lose the opportunity of this ruin, but suddenly advanced to enter into the place, where they found four soldiers only to make resistance, for that of twenty which were remaining alive, the rest were so amazed at this accident, as they could not do any service. In the mean time those four, more by the assistance of God than any human force, stayed the enemy's fury, until the coming of Mascaregna with some choice soldiers, who repulsed the enemy, being favoured by the approaching night: And in the mean time others labouring behind, they had raised up a wall of stone, without mortar, sixteen spans thick, the which they did afterwards rampar with earth: and thus they repaired the ruins of that bastion. They continued their mines in other places, especially under Saint Thomas, where the Portugals countermines availing them nothing, they ruined a great part of it. The like they did to others, and were advanced into the place, and had gotten footing into Saint james church, from whence the Portugals could not expel them, so as they drew a wall through the midst, and it remained a lodging for them both some days.  
The Viceroy being advertised of the progress of this siege, foreseeing their need, sent another son of his, called D. Alvaro, with fourteen vessels; who parting from Goa on Saint james day, 
Succours sent from Goa to Diu.  which was in those countries the very height of the Spring, he arrived (notwithstanding the foul weather) at Baziin: and for that he knew it would be impossible (by reason of storms) to come all together to Diu, he gave order, they should all get thither as they could; so as all of them arrived soon or late, as they could work it out at sea. D. Alvaro de Castro, and Fran●is de● Meneses, arrived the eighth of August with the greatest part, having not brought above 400 soldiers, who had much co●●age, but not so much military judgement, as the state of their affairs required. They pretended that standing always upon their defence, they had lost much, and therefore they should sally forth courageously upon the enemy, and hinder his proceed.  
The good reasons of Mascaregna, 
Importunity of some Portugals  did somewhat restrain their forwardness: when as hearing that the enemy sought to draw two great pieces of ordnance out of one of the ruined Bastions, they held it an insupportable affront, forcing Mascaregna to give them leave to sally forth, who to avoid a greater mischief by a sedition, yielded to this necessary remedy, to whom he spoke after this manner. That it was fit soldiers should be governed by their Captain, and not govern him; that they should attend their ensign and not take it by violence, as it did behove a commander and his Councillors, to know how to manage war. But you having now in a manner laid violent hands upon me, and presented yourselves before me with seditious words and looks, the Majesty of command is overruled by an unreasonable desire, by an indiscreet hope: Go on and God make it successful unto you; let them know your valour and the force of your arms: I will be content to follow you, who by right should lead you; & although it be in an unseasonable time, yet will I be partaker of your toil and danger. Remember that in going into the enemy's trenches, & in fight, you continue as valiant and resolute as you have showed yourselves before the fight.  
After which speech, when occasion & time served, he divided his little army into three small squadrons leaving some few to guard the fort. The first he gave to Alvaro de Castro, the second to Francis de Meneses, and himself remained with the third to secure where need should require: which action was performed with as little discretion as it was begun: For they were no sooner in the enemy's trenches but they began to doubt of the event, and although they did terrify those that were then in guard, killing some, and putting the rest to flight; yet when as they saw ●he great squadron, began to march from the body of the army, they were so surprised with fear, as they had no care but how to save themselves by flight, neither could they which had retained more valour, make the retreat without disorder. The loss was great, for among a hundred that were slain, there were divers of great worth, as Francis de Meneses, who led the second squadron, Francis of Almeida, Lupode Sosa, and Edward de Meneses, son to the earl of Feria, who would not be partaker of his companions defect, but making a stand to withstand the fury of the Barbarians, contemning their horrible cries, and fight valiantly, exhorting the rest both by his words & example, to vanquish with the sword and not by flight, he died honourably. D. Alvaro de Castro mounting up a wall, had a great blow on the hinder part of his head with a stone cast out of a sling, the which battering his head piece did hurt him very sore, causing him to fall backward, where he had been slain, if Mascaregna had not come presently to secure him, & carried him into the fort, as he did all the rest that were wounded. This unfortunate action, which happened the first of September, did much weaken that small garrison: yet Mascaregna fainted not, but provided such remedies for his defence, as time and means would give his leave: The enemy did so ruin the Bulwarks and courtines with his mines, as planting divers pieces of artillery in those mines against the Portugals, they did wonderfully annoy them within the fort, wherefore the besieged were forced to labour day and night, and to make new defences, either fight or working continually, having little leisure to eat, or rest, their number being so small.  
The Viceroy D. john de Castro had been advertised of the death of his son, who suppressing his particular grief, used great diligence to provide a remedy for the general good; He therefore first of all dispatched Alvaro de Acugna with order to gather together those few Portugal ships, that were in those seas, and having put soldiers into them to sail presently to Diu, the which be effected, coming thither the last of September, with five ships and so many men as the garrison was increased to twelve hundred, 
Secure brought to Dieu.  so as they might with more ease make head against the enemy. Soon after he sent five other ships from Goa with four hundred soldiers; and with them many Artificats, and some Architects for the use of building, so as they grew daily more confident, neither did they fear, (having heard that a certain kinsman of Zaffers who had been sent to Cairo to levy men, came sailing towards Diu) to encounter him with their army, 
Victory of the Portugals at sea  whom having fought with all, defeated and taken him with many others prisoners, the rest being sunk or dispersed at Sea, they returned joyful to their Companions. They would not save one of their prisoners alive, but being slain, they cast their heads into the current of the river, to carry news unto the enemy, except that of Xaffers kinsman, which was set upon the top of a lance. But the Viceroy with all his diligence, could not draw such an army together, as he might hope to raise the siege, before the midst of October: so as having about seventy ships great and small, he began his voyage, and having surmounted all difficulties, being forced by foul weather to stay some days at Bazain, he came to the coast of Diu, 
D. john Castro the viceroy comes to relieve Diu.  the seventh day of November: where he presently sent for Mascaregna, being desirous to understand particularly in what estate they were, where they took council how to put soldiers into the fort, and to charge the enemy's camp, which being done, Mascaregna returned, and prepared to receive the succours on the side towards the Sea, where the enemy lest suspected it; and having planted ordnance in all places, where they might annoy them, they did it in such sort as it did much advance their affairs, neither did the enemies show themselves fearful; but they answered them with the like art and courage, and foreseeing that they meant to charge the camp at one instant, both from their army at Sea, and their fort at land, they did fortify that part towards the river, with a guard of fifteen thousand Soldiers.  
The Viceroy had foreseen all this, and therefore he used a politic stratagem, on the ninth day at night, having drawn two thousand soldiers out of the ships into the fort, he caused the whole fleet to stand as it were in arms, some holding burning to●ches, some held two lances, and some an ower in oar hand, and a match light in the other, all men of no service, causing the ships to move but softly, as if they would give an assault to that part of the river, where the enemies feared most, and to govern all these things he had left some captains, himself being gone to land.  
All things being ready, the soldiers having reconciled themselves unto God, in the morning they went out of the fort, the Viceroy having caused all the gates to be set wide open, and leaving a guard within the fort, commanded by Anthonio Corigia, they did not fear with five and twenty hundred soldiers, to go and charge an army of forty thousand in their own trenches. The enemy was very watchful of the landing of the Army, where they most feared the danger, for that they were persuaded there could not come any great numbers from the besieged, wherefore they had placed the best of their forces on that side, which made the Portugals victory the more easy. Mascaregna had the forward, with four hundred choice Soldiers, who being entered into the Barbarians trenches, had fought valiantly, and they began to retire, when as fresh men arriving, he had good need of succours, and so they did fight often that day, with an interchangeable inclination of victory, yet the Portugals advanced still; and having won one of their forts; in the end by their exceeding valour and the favour of heaven, they defeated the Barbarians, 
Victory gotten by the Portugals at Diu.  and put them to flight, some escaping by a bridge which they had made, joining the Island to the firm land, all the rest of what age and sex soever, were made subject to the revenging sword of the Conqueror, who incensed with cruelty used against them at that siege, and with the treachery of them of Cambaia, would not suffer any one to be taken prisoner, except 〈◊〉 a Captain of Cambaia, much esteemed, who was in the Viceroy's power. The soldiers hatred was so great, as they not only slew men, women with child, and infants, but even their tame cattle.  
Rumecano the Son of Zaffer (who had the chief charge of the army) was found dead, with Audecano a Captain of Cambaia, who came the day before unto the army with five thousand Soldiers, and Id●lcano a Captain of strange soldiers. They took the royal Standard of Cambaia, with many other, they recovered their lost ordnance, and took thirty and five pieces of the enemies: but the spoil gotten afterwards in Diu did much enrich the Soldiers. They writ that this cruel siege continued eight months: there died one thousand five hundred Portugals, and in this last battle only sixty, and four thousand Infidels. The Viceroy having taken order for the repairing and new building of the fort, having also rewarded the well deserving soldiers, returned to Malaga.  
4 During the war in Germany, 
Navarre.  whereof we have formerly made mention, there was a marriage concluded in France, 
Marriage of joane heir of Navarre to Anthony duke of Bourbon.  betwixt joane of Albret, the heir of Navarre, and Anthony of Bourbon, duke of Vendosme, a prince of the blood royal of France, the marriage was celebrated at Molins, in Bourbonois. This realm of Navarre was reduced unto a Province, when as the duke of Alva seized thereon in the name of the king D. Ferdinand in execution of the sentence of pope julio the second, and had been always governed by Viceroys and Lieutenants, as we have said. In the year one thousand five hundred forty and two, D. john de Lavega, Lord of Grayal, was viceroy, in whose time D. Ferdinand Aluares of Toledo, grand child to the duke of Alva, razed the walls of Lombier, which stood until that time: D. Lewis of Mendosa, marquess of Montdejar succeeded the Lord of Grajal in the government of Navarre, in the year one thousand five hundred forty and three; and in the year one thousand five hundred forty and six, D. Alvaro Gomes Manrique of Mendosa, entered into the government, and successively in the year one thousand five hundred forty and seven, D. Lewis Velasco, at which time this marriage was consummated.  
The emperor having gotten so great and absolute a victory, 
Castille.  as he thought he now held the reins of all Germany in his hand, he sends D. Ferdinand of Toledo, duke of Alva into Spain, to persuade his Son to come unto him into the low countries; whether he went carrying his prisoners with him in triumph, leaving Ferdinand king of Romans his brother to govern the affairs of the empire in his absence, and for that D. Philip coming out of Spain, he must leave some great one there, with the title of governor; and to give that dignity to any lord of the country, it would breed jealousy in the rest, he resolved to send Maximilian of Austria, prince of Hungary, his nephew thither, to whom he had designed for wife D. Maria his own daughter, with a dispensation from the pope; for they were cousin Germans. This Prince came and embarked at Genova, soon after the duke of Alva's departure, being accompanied by the Cardinal of Trent, the young duke of Brunswike, the earl of Mansfield and other noble men, & arrived at Barcelona, with a prosperous wind, whereas all the chief noblemen of Arragon and Castille came and met him; as their Governor and Viceroy, and conducted him to Vailledolit, where the marriage betwixt him & D. Maria was solemnised. These princes being married, they governed Spain for a time in prince Philip's absence, who parted in the same fleet, & in the same vessel that had brought Maximilian. 
Prince Philip goes into Flanders.  Being arrived at Genova, he stayed there fifteen days, where he was visited and honoured with gifts and presents, by all the princes and potentates of Italy, and by the estates of the emperor his father. From Genova he came to Milan, where he had a solemn entry made him, and then by Mantova & Trent he continued his voyage through Germany, & came to Brussels, where the emperor attended him, who made a progress with him through all the provinces of his hereditary country, causing an oath of fealty to be taken unto him as to his only heir.  
At the estates of Castille who were held at Vailledolit in the year 1548, 
1548  it was decreed that the emperor should be entreated again, (as he had been often) to pay the money which he had borrowed of the king of Portugal, by colour whereof he did not pursue his right unto the Molucqus, for the which there were deputies sent unto him into Flanders▪ who offered him in the name of the estates, to discharge that debt, so as he would grant them that trade for six years, making the landing and entering of Spices at the Groin, as he had formerly ordained; which six years being expired, the emperor should receive the benefit of the trade: whereunto he gave no great ear, for that he would not displease D. john king of Portugal, to whom he bore great affection.  
6 At that time there came unto Maximilian of Austria, 
Muley Buason a Moor demands succour in Spain  and D. Maria of Castille his wife, governing in Spain, Muley Buason, a Prince of the Moors, and Lord of Veles de la Gomera in Africa, who had been brought into Spain by D. Bernardine de Mendosa, general of the galleys, to demand succour, against Muley Mahumet Xerife of Marroc, who had expelled Muley Hamet his kinsman, of the race of the Merins, out of the realm of Fez. This Moor was honourably entertained by Maximilian, but touching his chief business, he advised him to go unto the emperor, the which he did, and past through France, but he could not obtain that which he pretended, notwithstanding that he offered to do homage to the emperor, and to pay him tribute for the realm of Fez. He knew well there was no great assurance in the promises of those barbarians, who are naturally disloyal, and that it was in vain to make any enterprises in Africa, if he did not altogether follow it; else it would prove but a fruitless toil and charge. After long soliciting, Buason returned into Spain, and made a like suit unto D. john king of Portugal, who gave him some succours, the which had like to have ruined him, but afterwards he made good use of them.  
7 The Council continued at Trent unto the seventh Session, 
Council transferred from Trent to Bolonia.  touching the doctrine and reformation of Prelates, and the Pope seeing that Germany was in such a combustion, as there was no likelihood of any reconciliation, he thought it expedient for his affairs of Cologne to draw the Council out of Germany, and transfer it to Bolonia, a town belonging to the church, causing a decree to be made in the eight Session, as if this translation had come from the motion of the Fathers that were assembled, by reason of the indisposition of many which fell sick through the bad constituion of the air, and the discommodities of the cold and moist country. The Legates went, and were followed by the Prelates and Doctors of Italy, but the Germans were discontented: wherefore the emperor upon the complaints which were made, sent his ambassadors unto the Council of Bolonia, (which he called an assembly) which were Francis Vargas, and Martin Velasco, to the end the Council might be settled again at Trent.  
The Princes and States of the empire being assembled at Ausbourge, did also write very earnestly unto the Pope, beseeching him to cause his Legates to return to Trent, and to conti●ue the Council there, unless he would spoil that which had been well begun. The Pope referred it to the fathers that were at Bolonia; who could not be induced to retract that which they had resolved by a common consent, and as it were (said they) by the inspiration of the holy Ghost.  
The emperor being discontented at the Pope's obstinacy, thought to find some means to reconcile the controversies in Religion, without attending a council any longer, for the which he caused a book to be made, which he called Interin, containing in substance all the doctrine of the church of Rome, & the ceremonies thereof; and to give occasion to the Protestants to receive it, they were allowed to communicate under both kinds, 
Interim of the emperor rejected by the Pope and Protestants  and for Priests to marry. It was censured by the Pope in those two articles, and was rejected by some of the Protestant Princes: but afterwards the Council was returned again to Trent, after the death of Paul the third, under Pope julio the third.  
8 The emperor being come this year, 
1550  one thousand five hundred and fifty, out of the Netherlands, 
Sedition at Peru for the government.  to an imperial assembly at Ausbourge, doctor D. Pedro Guasca, (being newly come from Peru, where he had commanded four years) came unto him to give an account of his government, of the fruits whereof he brought him a great sum of gold, the which did much further his affairs. This man by his wisdom and good government, had ended the sedition and rebellion of the Pizares in that country, which had continued many years much unpleasing to the emperor; and therefore he was very welcome: wherefore I have thought it convenient to make a brief relation of the whole action. We have formerly made mention of the quarrel betwixt Francis Pizarro and james of Almagra, either of them seeking to command ambitiously over his companion in that rich country, which they happily conquered with mutual duty, and their common arms: wherein they had gotten great honour if they could have maintained themselves, but they grew into factions, and to civil war, pretending nothing less in the end, then to make themselves absolute Lords, and it happened after many attempts and enterprises, to the prejudice one of another, that Francis Pizarro had been vanquished in a great encounter, in the year one thousand five hundred forty two and his brother Ferdinand taken, who notwithstanding was soon after set at liberty, yet not without great difficulty.  
Having afterwards repaired their forces, and coming again to fight, the misfortune fell upon Almagro, who being led to Cusco, he was there publicly, but unjustly, beheaded, by the commandment of Ferdinand Pizarro, who was a little before his prisoner. The son of james of Almagra carrying the same name, born in that country of an Indian woman, desirous to revenge the unjust death of his father, found means to come by night into Lima, (otherwise called the town of kings) where he surprised Francis Pizarro, and a brother of his, and cut their throats in their own lodging, and if Gonsaluo Pizarro their other brother had been there, 
Francis Pizarro murdered.  he had past the same way, but he was gone to make war at Quintoa, in the province of Cauclane.  
Gonsaluo, being advertised of this accident happened to his brethren, brought back his Soldiers, and began to make a cruel pursuit against young james of Almagra, and he on the other side to make head against him, so as the whole Country was for some years miserably afflicted with these factions, until that the emperor sent a governor thither with some forces called Vasco de Castro, who did somewhat suppress these seditions, going first against james of Almagra, whom he besieged in Cusco, forcing the Inhabitants to deliver him, he causing his head to be cut off without any long process.  
Ferdinand Pizarro, (who had put his father to the like death) being come at that time into Spain with great treasure, it may be for that he would not be in Peru at the coming of Vasco de Castro, and give an account unto him of his actions) was there committed to prison in the Castle of Medina, where sometime after at the instance of the king's Attorney general, and upon the accusations which were sent from the Indies, his process being made, he was condemned to lose his head, and the chief reason was▪ for that he had unjustly and rashly put james of Almagra the father to death.  
It is said, that through the quarrels of these mutines unto that time, there had perished one hundred and fifty thousand Indians, sometimes taking part with the one, sometimes with the other. By the death of the heads it seemed the troubles had been ended and suppressed, there remaining none but Gonsaluo Pizarro, who kept himself close: but the change of the Governor made them greater than before. For it seeming to the emperor, or to the chief of his Council, that Vasco de Castro was not fit to govern that province of Peru, he called him home, and sent Vasco Nugnes de Velez, in his place, with so absolute and severe a Commission, as seeking to execute it, he caused in a manner all the Spaniards that were in that country, to revolt with the Indians, having for the first act of his Tragedy declared all them guilty of treason, which had carried arms, were it for the Pizarres, or the Almagras, 
Sentence in considerate and unjust.  not considering how far this generality did extend, for among all the Spaniards which dwelled at Peru, and the soldiers entertained there since the Conquest thereof for the emperors service, there was not any one which had not followed some one of the parties, wherefore there were infinite appellations to the Council of Spain, and to the emperor, whereunto the new governor refusing to yield, and stopping their passage into Spain, which were deputed to carry the justifications of so many men that were condemned, 
Gonsaluo Picarro head of the rebels,  they were forced to rebel, choosing Gonsaluo Pizarro for their Captain, the which he willingly accepted, being already incensed, for the death of his brethren, but especially for Ferdinand, whom they had beheaded in Spain, beginning to make sharp war against Vasco Nugnes, and them that followed him, in the which a great number of his old Spanish soldiers perished. This new governor although he were unfortunate in his exploits and enterprises, yet he continued in his severity or rather insolency, so as such as were about him, appointed to be his counsellors by the emperor, were forced to lay hold of him, & deliver him to the custody of john Aluares, for that he had slain William Suares of Caruajal, with his own hand, for some private hatred, having an intent to send him into Spain by the first wind, as an unprofitable person, yea prejudicial to the quiet of the country, that he might give an account to the emperor of his actions, but the violence of the rebels, & of their commander, Gonsaluo was such after this restraint of the Governor, (they of the Council disagreeing among themselves) as they were forced with all speed to deliver him; to govern this war, the which proved difficult, for Picarro being assisted by Francis of Caruaial, a great Captain, and an old experienced Soldier, he then declared himself openly against the Emperor, and contended for the Sovereignty of Peru, having made the Town of Cusco the chief of that country, his storehouse for the war. Vasco Nugnes striving to resist them somewhat rashly, 
Death of the governor Vasco Nugnes.  was slain in an Encounter near unto the town of Quitoa, and his head was carried to Cusco, and there made a public spectacle, and scorn to all men, a brother of his called Vela Nugnes, being then a prisoner, who had no better fortune afterwards.  
To be reunnged of this rout, john Aluares, james de silva, and james de Ceuton remaining heads of the emperors part, until there were some other order taken, gathered all the soldiers they could together, but they were also defeated by Francis Caruaiall, so as they had great difficulty to maintain their master's authority unto the year one thousand five hundred forty and six, that the Emperor after long deliberation, 
D. Pedro Guasca governor at Peru.  and by the advise and choice of his Council, sent D. Pedro Guasca thither, a clergy man and of the Council of the Inquisition, a grave, wise, and discreet man, to whom he gave a more ample power than to any of the precedent Governors, with the title of Precedent of the royal audience of Peru: parting from Sevile that year, he came to Nombre de Dios, notwithstanding that he understood that there was there in garrison Ferdinand, Mexia de Gusman, under Pedro Alfonso Hinoiosa, Governor in that Country for the party of Gonsaluo Piarro, who had a little before put Melchior Verdugo, one of the emperors Captains to rout, and chased him as far as the fort of Carthagena, which is upon the North Sea, Hinoiosa remain at Panama, which is opposite upon the South sea. It is the narrowest place of all the firm land of the Indies, betwixt the two Seas. D. Pedro Guasca did in this action show a great resolution, for he had been advertised at the near Islands of this rout, and that the port of Carthagena was the only landing place for him, yet he would needs cast anchor near unto Nombre de Dios, which place was held by the said Mexia, with a garrison of eighteen hundred Spaniards, where he sent Alfonso Aluaredo to land, in joining him to advertise Mexia of his coming, and to found him how he stood affected. 
Dexterity of Guasca to win the rebels at Peru.  The which Aluaredo performed so well, as Mexia and he parted good friends in effect, though they made show to the contrary. For some days after the Precedent Guasca was received honourably into that place, yea, with joy and content of the whole garrison. Thus this religious man being politic and modest, did for the first fruits of his coming, win this fort and them that held it, without any tumult or blows, who thinking himself well fortified, began with gravity and authority to solicit the rebels and their leaders, that they should acknowledge their errors, to repair the which, he gave to understand, that they had nothing to do, but to embrace the emperor's clemency, and the grace and pardon which he offered them. Hinoiosa who was at Panama upon the South sea, had been advertised of the precedents arrival, and although he were none of the most obstinate rebels, yet would he see how he would carry himself at his first entry into his government, being somewhat discontented that Mexia had spoken with him without his leave and privity, writing in choler unto him; but Mexia was nothing amazed thereat, but by the Precedents advice went freely to Panama, to Hinjoyosa; what discourse they had, the events did show: for Mexia returned as freely as he went, and presently the Precedent departed, and went towards Panama, where wrought so with good words, persuasions and promises, as he drew Pedro Alfonso of Hinoiosa, and all them that were with him to the emperors obedience. They say, that the greatest motive to make them resolve was, that they saw with the Precedent the Marshal Alfonso of Aluaredo, who had been a dear friend to Francisco Pizarro. These things succeeding thus happily, the precedent holding it a great advantage to have won Hinoiosa, he thought it now time to press Goncaluo Pizarro, to come unto himself, and to acknowledge his master. He gave him hope of good usage, if he did obey, if not, he protested his utter ruin▪ writing unto him, and sending him letters in the Emperor's name (from whom he had brought many blanks signed) the bearer whereof was Ferdinand Paviaguada borne at Placentia in Spain. The emperor's letters were dated at Venloo in Guelderland the 17 of February 1546, & the Precedents the 26 of September following. Gonsaluo was at the time of this dispatch in the city of Kings (so called for that the first foundations thereof were laid, the day before the feast of Kings, which we call Twelve day) where having some intelligence of the Precedents coming, he had called all the heads of his party unto him, to consult what was to be done; in the end they resolved to send unto the emperor, and to inform him of the causes of their rising, and to justify themselves for the death of the governor Nugnes, and it was concluded, that the Deputies should carry letters from all the towns in Peru, and that they should demand the general government for Gonsaluo Pizarro: That in passing by Panama, they should inform themselves of the precedent Guascas authority, and should acquaint him with the cause of their voyage, with protestation, that if he attempted any thing, or did presume to enter into the Country of Peru in arms, before their return and the emperors answer, they would resist him by arms. The deputies were jerosme Loyosa Archbishop of the city of Kings, Laurence of Aldana (who commanded the garrison there) Thomas of saint Martin provincial of the order of saint Dominicke at Peru, and Gomes de Soli● de Carceres, some of which being suspect to Pizarro (namely the provincial) he was glad to be rid of him, and to estrange him from his designs, procuring the bishop of Sancta Martha to go the voyage with them. Thus the deputies being dispatched, they embarked in divers ships, and sailed towards Panama, causing Laurence Aldana to advance, and advertise them what was done there. In the mean time there was a conspiracy discovered against the person of Gonsaluo, which had been practised, as they said, by Vela Nugnes, the deceased governors brother, who was then a prisoner, following Pizarro, but not in custody, for the which he lost his head, being publicly executed, to the great grief both of Spaniards and Indians, who saw well that this would make the peace more difficult. Laurence Aldana being come to Panama, and having conferred with Hinoiosa, and spoken unto the precedent, he was presently won by them, he forgot his companions, and took an oath to the Emperor, persuading the precedent Guasca, to go to field to fight with the rebels, if they give him not a good answer. The other deputies coming near to Panama, and advertised what Aldana had done, did the like, and joined with the precedent: who gave four ships of war to Aldana, with some soldiers, commanding him to run up Southerly and Westward, and to try if he could seize upon the port & town of Kings, there to make a body of all those that desired to maintain the Emperor's majesty, and to give all hindrances he could to Pizarro: he left a good garrison at Panama, he paid his soldiers bountifully, he made Hinoiosa general of the imperial army in field, he confirmed all the other captains in their first places, and filled them with hopes and promises to have better: He caused the provincial Thomas of Saint Martin, a man of great authority with the Spaniards, to embark with Laurence Aldana, being fit to fortify the imperial party, to whom he gave many blanks signed by the Emperor, that he might fill them with letters directed to the captains that were with Gonsaluo Pizarro: He sent D. john de Mendosa into new Spain, to D. Antonio de Mendosa the viceroy to bring him some succours, and others were sent by him to the governors of Saint Domingo and other provinces, to the same effect. Whilst that Pizarro expected news from Panama, and from his deputies, they brought Fernand Pa●●aguada bound unto him, who (as we have said) had been sent from the precedent Guasca unto him, with letters from the emperor, and had been stayed by him who commanded in the fort of Saint Michael for the rebels: 
Gonsaluo abandoned by his chief adherents.  The Council was assembled to hear the charge and report of this prisoner, but Pizarro suppressed the letters. Being heard, all their opinions were nothing but Rodomontades, rebellions, fire and murder, and to conclude that they must keep the Emperor's army from entering into Peru: whereupon they sent for Francis de Car●●●al, who held the second place among the rebels, and was then at Plata: he came to Pizarro with 150 Spaniards, 30 field pieces and about 400000 crowns; passing by the town of Kings, they told him that they had discovered four ships at sea, but they knew not what they were, nor whither they went: james de Mora governor of the fort of Truxillo, was sent forth to discover them, who found that it was the little fleet of Laurence Aldana, with whom he spoke in the port of Malabriga, and hearing what had passed at Panama, he stayed with him increasing his army with his ship, and so they went all to Truxillo: from which place Mora was sent towards Caxamalcan, a near Province to draw all them together which had a desire to serve the Emperor, carrying with him many blanks, the which he filled with good words, assurances of pardon and promises to the Captains of that Country, all which in a manner did abandon Pizarro, who being at that time much troubled for the revolt of james de Mora, thinking to provide for the fort of Truxillo, he sent Doctor Garcia de Leon thither, but he revolted in like manner, and added an other ship with twenty soldiers to Aldanas fleet. Gonsaluo Pizarro was then certified to what end Aldana was come into that Sea: being full of rage that he had been thus abandoned, 
Captains of Pizarr●s party.  he devised with himself how he might stay the rest, being resolute to make war with all violence. He went to field with about a thousand Spanish footmen, and three hundred horse, and a great number of Indians which followed him. The Captains of whom he made account, were Francis of Caruajal his lieutenant (pretending to share the fruits of his victories with him) Doctor Caruaial and Doctor Cepeda, john Acosta, Velez de Guevara, john Torrens, and some others of less note. In his annie the generals Standard was with the emperors arms alone, but all other ensigns and cornets had Pizarros blasons and devices, testifying that he termed himself King of Peru. Martin Silueiran and Alphonso de Mendosa were left to guard the town of Plata. Anthony Robles was made governor of Cusco, and others in other places: all which he enjoined to send soldiers and money speedily to the camp, and to publish his declarations and patents in their governments, that he was not in arms against the Emperor, but against D. Pedro Guasca, who ambitiously contrary to the emperors commandment, had proclaimed war against him, and assailed him first. All that were surprised going to join with the imperial troops were forced to march under his ensigns, or to die. He caused Peter of Vlloa a jacobin friar, to be put in irons, for that he went in the disguised habit of a soldier amongst the troops publishing the emperors pardon, which he offered to all those that would return unto his service: and he sent john Acosta towards the sea, to hinder the descent of Laurence Aldana, who had newly withdrawn the governor of Guanico, and all the soldiers, and had sent them to join with the troops of james de Mora, at Caxamalcan, in revenge whereof Pizarro caused Guanico to be fired. 
Cusco revolts from Pizarro.  To increase his miseries, the Inhabitants of Cusco, disdaining to be governed by Anthony Robles, a man of no worth, in the night they opened the gates to james Ceuton, who, living in the mountains and woods in great misery, ever since that he and his companions had been defeated, seeking to revenge the death of the governor Vasco Nugnes, had now come out of his holes, upon the occasion of this war, which was made by the Precedent, and had put himself into the city with some tattered soldiers, which he had gathered together, being favoured and fortified by them of Cusco, both Spaniards and Indians; where he defeated the governor Robles, who going towards Pizarros camp, with most part of his garrison, and one hundred thousand ducats, hearing of Ceutons enterprise, had turned head: They fought within the walls, where he was defeated, taken and his head cut off, retaining all his soldiers which were appointed to secure the rebels, by force or fair means. So as Ceuton finding himself fortified with four hundred foot, and two hundred horse, he led them to the fort of Plata, to chase away Alphonso de Mendosa who had the guard thereof.  
Cusco being won, the towns and forts of Saint Michael, Mercadille, and Procellin, their governors, 
Towns & ●orts 〈◊〉 Pizarro  and soldiers, abandoned Gonsaluo Pizarro; all which garrisons went and joined with james de Mora at Caxamalcan. 〈◊〉 Martin's who should have guarded Arequipa, could not get thither, for he was stayed prisoner by the way by his own soldiers; who made choice of Ier●sme Villega for their head, and went to Ceutons troops. Against whom Pizarro marched, causing john Acosta to advance with those forces he had with him at Quitoa, but confounded with such ordinary revolts, not knowing whom he should trust, he began to use cruelty, and without any other reason then distrust, 
Cruelty of Pizarro.  he caused some captains to be slain in his presence, the which did not secure him no more than a new oath, which he caused the soldiers which he had remaining to take. Laurence of Aldana with his fleet of six ships had come near unto the town of Kings, and had caused three of his ships to enter into the channel of the river, to see if he could execute the Precedents charge, wherefore Gonsaluo Pizarro marched thither, and lodged his army near unto the shore, having commanded the inhabitants to be in arms, and some of them to follow him upon pain of death. Whilst he lay there in camp, there passed many messengers and mediators from either part, to come to some composition, according to the Precedents instructions, who desired to end this war by the mildest means that might be, but it was in vain; Pizarro could not avoid his own ruin, neither could he by any care or diligence stay his men from running to the imperials camp, which should have made him resolve to embrace the pardon which was offered him. Every day there were some wanting in his camp, notwithstanding that he put them cruelly to death that could be taken: Francis Bravo Lagunes, being taken by his horsemen which were sent forth to scout, he commanded that he should be strangled, but at the entreaty of many, especially of D. Agnes Bravo, 
Pizarro abandoned by his soldiers.  wife to D. Nicholas of Ribera he gave him his life, notwithstanding Lagunas fled away, wherewith Pizarro was in a manner mad, and he grew so furious, as no man durst come near him unless he called him. His affairs being in these bad terms, all that were in his army, were amazed and discouraged, but he himself and his own followers were most of all, when as they understood that james Maldonado advertised by Martin de Robles, that they sought him to put him to death, was fled unto the enemy, and that Martin de Robles, who had leave to go to the town of Kings that was near, had gone to horse back the next day early in the morning; and going forth by the port which leadeth to Truxillo, he had said openly, that he went to the Precedent Guasca, the emperors lieutenant, and that whosoever loved his life, and would not die like a traitor, should follow him, and leave the tyrant Pizarro. The same night Martin Lopes fled out of the camp, and there grew such a tumult, as the soldiers were ready to kill Gonsaluo: wherewith he was so terrified, as he dislodged, and went and camped two leagues farther from the town, giving the charge of marshal of the camp to Doctor Caruaial, commanding him to keep a careful guard that none disbanded, but he also abandoned him that night, leaving willingly his rich movables and furniture, where he had many goodly horses of service, and about twenty thousand ducats in coin, and got to Truxillo, being soon after followed by many other gentlemen of name and quality: Gonsaluo Pizarro did not bear the retreat of any one more impatiently, than of Doctor Caruaial, complaining often that he himself had made him revolt: for that (said he) he had made show to trust more in john Acosta than in him, having lately sent him towards Cusco, by the mountains, to try if he might recover that city which Ceuton had left in the people's hands without any garrison, and also for that he had refused to give him the daughter of Francis Pizarro his niece in marriage: And it is remarkable, that being in these perplexities, he saw with his own eyes two of the common soldiers fly out of the camp, trusting to the swiftness of their horses, crying out as loud as they could, God save the Emperor, and confound the tyrant Gonsaluo Pizarro. Then he resolved to dislodge from thence; taking the way to Arequipa, whether he brought not the fourth part of his men, for most of them had left him by the way, so as being come into the province of Nascana, he had not above 300 men in his army: He had recommended the town of Kings, to Anthony Ribera, Martin Pizarro, Anthony de Lion, and other Spaniards, whom he held faithful unto him, but whenas they saw him retired, they called the people into a field without the town, where they had planted a standard with the emperors arms, and there they caused the letters of a general pardon to be published, which they had formerly received and kept, the which was joyfully embraced by them all: Then having taken the oath, they did advertise Laurence Aldana (who lay there by at anchor) that he should come and take possession of the town in the emperors name, the which he did, leaving the charge of his ships to john Fernandes, advertising the Precedent Guasca presently of all that had passed: and that Gonsaluo Pizarro was gone from thence some eight days journey, with a small train. As for john Acosta who had been sent to Cusco, he had like to have been slain by the way, by Paceco, Sotomaior, and other conspirators, who escaped and came to Aldana.  
Acosta being freed from this danger having caused some of the conspirators which he had taken, to be strangled, he came to Cusco, and was let in (for there were no soldiers in the town) there he reform the government, displacing those Magistrates which Ceuton had made, and substituting others, leaving a sufficient garrison under the command of john Vasco, Taxia, and with the rest of his troops he went to seek Pizarro towards Arequipa; but he was not far gone, before that they of Cusco had changed all that he had done, and restored Ceutons old officers. Ceuton who went to Plata, drew unto the emperors service Alphonso de Mendosa with all his soldiers, and then all together began to follow Pizarro, to see that he should not escape out of the Country of Peru, all the towns being in a manner reduced (some having expelled, and some having slain their governors with their garrisons) and unwillingly acknowledged the Emperor and the Precedent Guasca his lieutenant general, who upon the news of this happy success, went from Panama by sea, with five hundred Spaniards, old soldiers, and great provision of arms, and munition: he came near unto Toinben, whither Ambassadors and Deputies came unto him from all parts, to offer him men, money, obedience and service in such abundance, as he had reason to countermand the succours which he had demanded of the viceroy of new Spain, and of other governors of the Provinces of the west Indies. From thence he sent Hinoiosa to Caxamalcan to command the troops, which were there assembled, and himself came with the army to Truxillo, appointing them all a time to come in the valley of Sansava. Gonsaluo Pizarro being come to Arequipa, he found not any creature there, for all were gone to join with Ceutons troops, who advanced to fight with him, the which he did, 
Victory of Pizarro.  but to his own loss: for he was defeated, and forced to fly, having three hundred and four score soldiers slain upon the place, with some captains, and almost as many taken prisoners, with which Pizarro fortified his army, distributing them among his bands: and of his part there were only one hundred men slain. By this good success some others were induced to run the same fortune with him, he promising them great recompenses: so as holding his forces to be sufficient, he returned towards Cusco, with an intent to fight with the imperial army, wheresoever he should find it, 
Army imperial pursuing Pizarro.  the which being assembled in the valley of Sansava, there were found to be sixteen hundred harquebuziers, five hundred pikes, and seven hundred horse Spaniards, whereof the captains were Peter Alphonso of Hinoiosa, commanding in quality of General, Aluaredes marshal of the camp, Doctor Caruaial, Pedro of Vlloa, and other Captains: Gabriel de Roias' was master of the artillery: The leaders of the horsemen were Pedro Cabrera, Gomes of Aluarado, john Savedra, james Mora, Ferdinand Mexia, Roderigo Salezar, and Alphonso Mendosa, all which had revolted from Pizarro. The Precedent had for his council, the Archbishop of the town of Kings, Thomas S. Martin, provincial of the preaching friars, with many others. Peter Valdwia governor of the Province of Chiliane, came and joined with his army, a man of great experience in matters of war, worthy to be opposed against Francis Caruaial, who was the most redoubted captain the enemy had; and in the end unfortunate Ceuton came and joined with them, with about forty horse. Being all together, they marched towards Cusco, whither they understood that Gonsaluo Pizarro was come with his army. The Country by the which the imperials did march, was rough, desert, and without victuals, so as they suffered much, until they came to Andaguara, where the Country is peopled, and furnished with victuals and other commodities: wherefore they stayed long there, for that they would not be consumed with travel, and the tediousness of the winter, if the enemy should seek to prolong the war, the which he might easily do, having the town of Cusco, and the river which passeth by the valley of Seguisagrane at his devotion. In the Spring time of the year, one thousand five hundred forty and eight, the Precedent caused his army to dislodge from Andaguara, and crossed many narrow passages of the mountains without any difficulty, and many rivers, whereas Pizarro might have annoyed them much, if he had not been negligent, and then came and lodged upon the declining of the hills, in a discommodious place, above the valley of Seguisagrane, in the which Pizarro was camped, who wanted not any thing, having the town and river behind him at his commandment; whereas the imperials suffered much hunger, cold, and other discommoditities: yet notwithstanding the Precedent did forbear to fight, being advertised that a good number of the Spaniards that were with Pizarro, did but watch an opportunity to abandon him, and to revolt, which he desired might be before they did fight, that he might have the weaker opposition. But they could not temporize long in that bad lodging, whereas the cold which was great in that season, did so benumb the soldiers, as they could scarce hold their arms; and also for the nearness of the two armies which were daily in skirmish; so as they were forced to come to a general battle, the which was soon ended. For the ordnance was scarce discharged, but many of Pizarros army disbanded openly, 
Defeat of Pizarro.  among which were Doctor C●peda, Garci Lazo de la Vega, and Alphonso Peres Hita captains; and all the soldiers which remained at the rout of Ceuton, went away in one squadron to the imperials, which made the rest retire and to fly the battle, some going towards the city of Cusco, which was five leagues off, and others to other places: they that were most affected to Gonsaluo, and most guilty remained about him, who being four in number, were of opinion to cast themselves into their enemy's troops, and to die fight valiantly, rather than to be led bound to an ignomimious death; but Gonsaluo told them, that seeing Fortune had turned her back, it were better to die Christianlike, acknowledging their faults, than to perish like pagans in such vanities. Being then environed by the imperial horsemen, he yielded his arms to Pedro de Vlloa, great Provost of the army, who led him before the Precedent, by whom he was much blamed for his obstinacy, yet he showed himself nothing dejected, but answered resolutely to whatsoever was demanded. Being given in guard to james de Ceuton, he was for some days well and modestly entreated, not suffering any one to disquiet him either in word or deed. All the other Commanders were in a manner taken that day, either with Gonsaluo, or in the pursuit, except Francis Caruaial, who was afterwards found and delivered by his own soldiers, being hidden among the reeds in a moor, thinking to renew the war if he might escape. All the rest were somewhat lamented, but not he, for he was exceeding cruel, and the chief author of Pizarros ●rebellion, and it was said that by his inhuman council, Pizarro had caused above six hundred gentlemen to be murdered, and thrice as many good soldiers, Spaniards, with an infinite number of Indians, and that he never was at the death of any one, but he did revile him with all the opprobrious words he could invent. The rebels camp remained a prey to the imperials, whereby they were greatly enriched: and to preserve the city of Cusco from sack, and to contain every one in his duty, and to prevent revenges, which do commonly follow civil victories, Ferdinand Mexia, and Martin Robles were sent thither with two companies. Afterwards the prisoners processes were formally made. The chief of the rebellion were condemned to die, as guilty of treason. Gonsaluo Pizarro had his head cut off, the which was for a time set in the market place in the city of Kings, 
Death of Gonsaluo Pizarro.  for a public spectacle with this Inscription. This is the head of the Traitor and Tyrant Gonsaluo Pizarro, who being rebelled, and having taken arms in the realm of Peru, against the most mighty Emperor Charles the fift, his prince, was vanquished fight against the standard royal in the valley of Saguisagrane, and hath been thus worthily punished. All his goods were forfeited: his proud palace which he had built in the city of Cusco was ruined, the soil sowed with salt, and a pillar erected with a table containing the sentence of his condemnation. He died constantly retaining his accustomed proud look, he was royally attired in silk embroidered with gold and pearl; which the executioner had. His body put into a coffin was honestly buried in Cusco. Francis Caruaial was executed in like manner with nine other captains, but their bodies were quartered and hung in the high ways. Many also of the most seditious were hung upon trees on the high ways. The Precedent having thus punished the chief mutines and rebels, he caused a general pardon to be published in Cusco to all the rest, forbidding any one to reproach the fault hereafter, upon pain of death.  
This victory was won the ninth day of April, one thousand five hundred forty and eight, happy doubtless for the Emperor, for if Pizarro had won it, Peru had been lost for him, and Spain deprived of the treasures of that Country, which are great and incredible. The Precedent found himself much troubled when he came to reward such as he had drawn from Pizarros faction, to whom he had made great promises, for there was not any common soldier but he held himself worthy of a government: and he could not please them all, but he supplied this defect with store of ducars', which abound in that golden region. Then he began to settle some order in regard of the Spaniards, which were feudatary Lords over the Indians, how they should carry themselves to the Indians their subjects. He erected a Parliament or royal Audience in the city of Kings; to the which any man that was grieved might appeal, and giving hope to them that remained at Peru, by the advertisement he said he had received from the Emperor, to have a Viceroy very soon he bade them farewell, and went away in December one thousand five hundred forty and nine, carrying with him about two millions of gold for the Emperor's part. He came from the city of Kings to Panama, where having rested some days, he went by land with his baggage to Nombre de Dios, upon the north sea, where he arrived happily: For, had he stayed alittle longer at Panama, he had been in danger never to have seen Spain more. For that certain other rebels led by Fernand and Pedro Contreras (whose father was Viceroy of Nicaragna) came and seized upon Panama, thinking the Precedent had been there, and spoiled it: and missing him, they pursued him, thinking to find him upon the way, and to strip him of his treasure, making an attempt to enter into Nombre de Dios, but they were repulsed by the garrison and the Inhabitants. The governors and garrisons that were near made a head, and went to field, and dispersed them in some encounters, in one of the which one of the Contreras was slain, 
Contreras other rebels.  and the other lost, so as he was never more heard of.  
This second revolt did somewhat stay the voyage of the Precedent D. Pedro Guasca, who embarked in july 1550, having suppressed two importaunt rebellions at the West Indies, being followed by a great number of noblemen Spaniards, who were rich in gold and silver of the spoils which they had taken, or for recompenses in these seditions; he arrived happily at Saint Lucar of Barameda, and from thence went to Sevile, where having rested some days, he passed into Germany to the emperor, whom he found at Ausbourg, by whom he was graciously received and honoured for his good services, who in reward thereof some months after made him Bishop of Valencia which fell void.  
But let us return to that prince's affairs in Germany, and what he had to treat of at Ausbourg, whereas all things did succeed according to his desire, the negot●ations of great Kings being like unto other men's, seasoned with sweet and sour, by him that governs the whole world, and for the good of men, who else would forget him if they should always prosper. This mighty Emperor, a Conqueror and wife, according to the world, and the common opinion of all men, finding after much toil, by a hard and prejudicial experience, that he was far from that which he pretended to do for the good of his house, by arms and force, against the liberty of the Electors, and the Estates of the empire, 
Emperor solicits D. Ferdinand to resign the dignit●e of king of Romans to his son Philippe.  he sought to attain unto it by the means of some convention, and therefore he did press his brother Ferdinand to resign unto prince Philip his son his right and dignity of King of Romans, whereupon they grew to a great quarrel, to pacify the which Mary Queen of Hungary their sister, was forced to return to Ausbourg, from whence she parted alittle before: he pursued this resignation by all the means and policy he could, for that it was the next infallible step to bring D. Philippe to the empire, but Ferdinand would never yield to it, thinking that if he made this dangerous alienation, all his sons (having a good number) should remain without estates and means, 
Return of prince Philip into Spain.  wherein he had reason. He had sent into Spain for Maximilian his son to come to the diet, being a mild and courteous prince, and very pleasing to all Germany. D. Philippe having failed to be king of Romans, parted from Ausbourgh, and took his way towards Genova to return into Spain to govern it.  
Peter Lewis Farnese Duke of Placentia and Parma, having been slain the year before by his own subjects, some thought by the emperors procurement, for that Fernand Gonzague governor of Milan, did instantly ●eaze upon the town of Placentia, Octavio Farnese his son, distrusting the Emperor his father in law, having married his base daughter, and seeing himself contemned by the new Pope, he sought support and protection from the French; whereat pope julio was so offended as he thundered out a sentence of Excommunication against him, by the which he declared him fallen from his estate, giving it in prey to the Emperor: 
Octavio Farn●se excommunicated, the cause of new war.  whereupon D. Fernand Gonzague spoiled the territory of Parma and the French sent succours to Duke Octavio, which caused a new war betwixt the Emperor and the French king. 
1551   
This war began in the year of our Lord God, 
Extortions of the emperor upon the German●  one thousand five hundred fifty and one, by means whereof the Germans freed themselves from many violences, which had been offered them both in general and in particular by the Emperor, being made proud with his victories, which he sought to make all men feel, as well Catholics, as Protestants, under divers pretexts; of some to be satisfied for the charges of the war, which he said he had made for the liberty of Germany; of others by the way of chastisement, for that they had revolted, wherein he said that he proceeded mildly, quitting much of his right to ease and spare them. By this means there was neither town nor country, estate nor condition of men, amongst the Germans, which were not vexed by taxes, and by sour speeches and threats, if they presumed to tell him of his duty, or to put him in mind of his conventions and promises. Finally, he would have all depend upon his own will. Thus he heaped up a great treasure; and they say, that he had wrested from the Princes and Protestant towns, above five hundred pieces of great ordnance, wherewith he did furnish his places and sorts in Italy, Flaunders and Spain. In these discontents the Town of Magdebourg upon Elbe, 
Magdebourg delivered.  which had been proclaimed and straightly besieged, for that it resisted his Edicts, was now more slowly priest, so as they had means to free themselves upon honest conditions, Maurice Duke of Saxony thinking it best to compound this war, he being the chief of it, and to attend the delivery of the Landgrave of Hesse his father in law, whom he had brought the Emperor, upon a promise, that he would not detain him prisoner, and yet he kept him, 
League betwixt the princes of Germany and the French king against the emperor.  and carried him up and down as it were in triumph: Whereupon he often besought the Emperor to have regard unto his honour, which was engaged, and seeing him make no account to set him at liberty, he entered into league with Albert of Brandebourg, the Landgraves' children, and others, and all they with the French King, who marched speedily with a great army towards the Rhine, 
1552  giving it out, that it was to restore the Germans his good neighbours, and ancient friends to the French, to their true and first liberty, which was taken from them by Charles of Austria, terming himself Emperor. The Protestant Princes went to arms also, and committed great spoils in Germany. But that war was ended by the delivery of the Landgrave, and by some things that were granted or promised to the Protestants.  
The French King being come near Strausbourgh, 
Metz besieged by the emperor  and hearing of this accord made by Duke Maurice without him, he returned discontented, retaining for his charges and pains, Metz, Thoule, and Verdun, towns belonging to the Empire: And the Emperor finding himself bound to recover them, he stayed not, but came and laid siege to Metz in the beginning of winter: What the success was you may read in the French history.  
The father's being yet at Trent, Maximilian of Austria with his wife D. Maria of Spain passed there, being returned out of Spain, who crossing from Barcelone to Genova, had been in some danger, being pursued by the galleys of France, whereof Leon Strossy was general. Alittle before he had entered into the port of Barcelone, and carried away some vessels which had been prepared for Maximilians passage, 
Port of Barcelone spoiled by Leon Strossy.  whereof the imperials complained, saying that there was no open war.  
Whilst the Emperor toiled both mind and body in Germany, betwixt the storms of the Council, the Protestants, and his own affections, being also entered into a new war against the French king: the Turks and pirates of Africa spoiled the coasts of Naples and Sicily, whereof Spain was not free. The chief Leader of these thieves was Dragut Raise (whom others call Orgut) who had surprised the town sometimes called Aphrodisium, 
Dragut a 〈◊〉 pirate.  and in our time was named Africa by us, and Mehedic by the Moors, belonging to the realm of Tunes, sometimes a rich town opposite to Sicily. This Dragut had succeeded Barbarousse in boldness and policy, and was bred up under him; of a poor galley boy, he grew a noble pirate: he had been taken about the Island of Corsica by Ian●tin Doria, and made a galley slave; but after some time he delivered him for a small ransom, to the great prejudice of Christendom. Being grow●e more insolent than before, he committed infinite spoils upon Sicily, Calabria, Naples, and the coasts of Genova and Spain, and thrust on with the like ambition to the two brethren Barbarousses he would have a retreat for the safety of his thefts, and be also called Xec or King. Whereupon he surprised this town of Africa, which was then well peopled and of great traffic: by the wealth whereof he made himself fearful to all the coasts of Italy and Spain, and of late scouring the Tyrene Seas, whilst that the galleys were busy to pass and repass the princes D. Philippe and Maximilian, had sacked and burnt Rapallo. So as the Emperor was daily importuned to chase him out of that dangerous nest, who commanded D. john de Vega, viceroy of Sicily, and Andrew Doria prince of Melfi, the chief Author of this enterprise, to gather an army together with all speed for this action. Many voluntaries came to revenge the public and private wrongs, 
Africa a town in the realm of Tunes taken by the Spaniards.  and to win honour, but especially with the hope of spoil, which they thought would be very rich, for besides the great booties, which Dragut brought, he had with large rewards drawn many merchants thither, and namely the jews which were expelled Spain and Portugal were retired to that town. Andrew Doria soliciting the preparation of the fleet, whereof he was general, the Emperor having given the charge at land to the viceroy of Italy: and for that he thought that before the whole army should be ready to go into Barbary, this cunning pirate might do some harm unto the Christians, he therefore advertised D. Bernardin de Mendosa general of the galleys of Spain, to stand upon his guard on that coast. Having then received three galleys from the duke of Florence, four from Malta, and three from the Pope, with those of Naples and Sicily, making in all four and fifty galleys, well manned both with soldiers and mariners, in the end of june they bent their course towards the town of Africa: having viewed it, and burned some vessels belonging to the Moors, it was resolved first of all to take Munisterio a little town near it with a castle, the which having few inhabitants, Dragut had fortified with a good garrison of Turks being to be feared that whilst they were at the siege of Africa, he might annoy them continually from thence, if the pirate who was then abroad should make his retreat thither with any number of vessels, as he was pretended to do, neither was he out of hope to secure them. The town was taken with small toil, but finding it a work of more difficulty, to force the castle, being bravely defended by the Moors and Turks, they caused D. Garcia de Toledo general of the galleys of Naples to land, 
Munisteri● in Africa taken by the Christians.  who battering the Castle with eleven pieces of ordonance, made a breach, the which they defended long, but in vain, for in the end they were all slain or taken prisoners: the Christians having lost above three score of their best soldiers, besides a cannon breaking in one of the galleys, it split and sunk, yet they saved all the men and furniture. Then they turned towards Africa, Doria having furnished himself with munition at Goulette, and sent to levy more men in Naples and Sicily: and then did D. john de Vega pass, having left his son D. Alvaro to govern the Island. They spent some time about this new provision, so as the Turks within Africa had more leisure to fortify themselves, both with men and all other necessaries: which made the siege tedious and difficult to the great loss of the Christians, for that Dragut having an intent to draw the army from that enterprise, spoiled the coasts of Italy, and burned some weak places, doing the like at sea to the Merchants; so as Ber●ardin of Mendosa had work to defend the coast of Spain, whilst that this pirate annoyed the islands of Majorca, Corsica, and Elba: but this could not remove Doria from his resolution, who held it an unprofitable thing to spend that summer in running after Dragut. The Christians fleet being returned well furnished to besiege the town of Africa, and the situation and strength thereof being well observed by Vega and other captains of experience, there were divers opinions among them, for the difficulties that were propounded by one and other. 
Situation of the town of Africa  The town stands upon a long tongue of land, right against Sicily, being three miles in compass, it looks towards Malta, and Gerbe, and is environed by the sea on three parts, the fourth being to be attempted by land, and therefore it was so secured as it could not be battered with any armed vessels, but on two narrow flanks, the rest of the channel being so shallow, as no vessel of any burden could approach; so as they found this enterprise more difficult than they did at the first conceive it. They held the wall towards the firm land to be well fortified, with five towers of equal distance, and a great ravelin in the most eminent place, the which did come far forth, and was well flanked. The question than was, on which side they should batter it, for to attempt it by sea they held it impossible, for that none but small galleys could come near it: some would have the ravelin first battered by land, for that it would annoy them much that should go unto the assault, if they should batter the curtain: And others maintained that it was more easy to make a breach in the Curtain, and having battered the defences which flanked it, to secure themselves with it, and with some traverse: for that it was not the custom of war to attempt a place where it was strongest; but weakest: with this advice they planted their ordnance, and began to batter from the break of day until night, finding that old wall more hard to ruin than they expected: wherefore having viewed the breach, and finding it not sufficient, they left it to make another: And in the mean time they had so battered the defences of the ravelin, as the defendants could no more use them, and the rather, for that the Spaniards were so far advanced with their trenches, as they overthrew any that showed themselves with their small shot, so as they thought they might well attempt it there by scalado. They had already retired their ordnance from their first battery, holding it fruitless, and wholly relying upon their second: wherewith the Generals were much grieved (not well agreeing among themselves) knowing what a blemish to their reputations, and a loss to Christendom their retreat would be: wherefore they laid hold of that course, which was held to be the only means to take the town: They had spent great store of munition in their batteries, and began to be scanted; and therefore they were fully resolved to scale the ravelin, and to make a diversion towards the sea, the galleys should at the same instant make an offer to assail the town on that side. Wherefore on the second day of july the Spaniards of the regiment of Sicily, gave an assault to the ravelin, with great courage and resolution, and entered it, where they might have prevailed, if they of the galleys had come forwards with the like courage, or at the least with that order that was set down: but having showed themselves too late, they made no diversion, and they that had entered the ravelin, were repulsed with great loss: which success did wonderfully afflict the whole camp, not knowing what course to take to save their honours, 
Assault given in vain at Africa.  so as there was small hope in this siege, through the disagreement of the Commanders, either of their seeking to execute his charge apart, whenas the situation of the place required an union both of minds and forces.  
They wanted soldiers by their continual skirmishes, the Moors and Turks defending it with an undaunted courage; they wanted munition, and were shortened for victuals, having none but what came from Sicily, which could be in time provided. It was therefore resolved to send Marc Centurion to Genova for new men, 
1553  who brought in ten galleys twelve hundred Spanish foot, which were given him by the governor of Milan, and some munition from the common weal of Genova, and the Duke of Florence, which fortified the camp and gave them courage to make new enterprises. They were advertised by a Moor, that Dragut being retired into Barbary, was resolved to relieve them by land, who having made the Moors his friends, by his great bounty and valour, gathered a great number of them together, which joined to seven hundred Turks, he thought might work some good effect, who making often attempts, and they of the town sallying out at the same instant, did much annoy the Christians, till in the end many being slain in a furious skirmish, and many more hurt, he despaired of ever doing good. It was not without loss to the victors, who had many slain, 
Dragut seeks to relieve the town of Africa  and of great valour; amongst which was Fernando de Toledo: Some say he was governor of Goulette, and others, marshal of the camp to the Spanish foot. Matters being thus bettered within the camp, for that after this attempt, Dragut had retired himself to Gerbe, to attend the ruin of his nest, they resolved to make trial of their last force, and not suffer themselves to be surprised with the fall of the leaf, which upon that coast would hazard the loss of their fleet. They concluded therefore to make three batteries, two by land, and one by sea, with a cavalier or mount made of timber and earth, and set upon two galleys, whereon they might plant some pieces of battery.  
This being brought unto the wall towards the sea, wrought a wonderful effect, and so did those at land, for that use had taught them better the nature of that place, where they had made many attempts and spent much munition. On the tenth day of Srptember they came to the assault with great resolution and good order in all three places; where they found very great resistance, but it was first entered by the sea, where they found the wall weakest, and therefore had made the greater breach: they won it foot by foot, and in the end many of them being retired into the ravel in to make their last resistance under a Turk, which was their leader, they never gave it over, until death; so as the slaughter was great: 
Africa taken by D. john de Vega.  There were many prisoners taken, some say above ten thousand, others but seven thousand. The wealth was not so great as was expected, for that ever since Dragut was Lord thereof, it was nothing but a retreat for thieves and pirates. The prisoners were carried into Sicily, whereas the women and children were sold good cheap, the men that were fit for labour, were distributed among the galleys. The viceroy caused the breaches and ruins to be repaired, and left a garrison of Spaniards there, under the command of D. Alvaro his son. Whilst that the army remained there for the finishing of the fortifications, they had a cruel storm, which continued four days, and did them much harm, after which they returned all home safely, to the great joy of all Italy, for this victory. Muley Hascen the dispossessed king of Tunes died at this siege. Soon after the viceroys return, it was resolved in the emperors council, that the town of Africa should be razed, as a place lying too far off, of great charge, and hard to be kept.  
13 This year one thousand five hundred fifty and three joane of Albret the presumptive heir of Navarre, 
Birth of Henry Bourbon King of France and of Navarre.  was delivered of a son, and he was named Henry, who should join the rights of Navarre to them of the house Bourbon which made him apprehend the Crown of France.  
Dragut after the loss of the town of Africa, being retired into the Island of Gerbe, he advertised Sultan Solyman of his loss, who retained him into his service, and honoured him with charges. Doria being advertised in the Spring, that Dragut was gone to Gerbe, whereas by a long narrow channel, he entered into a pool, where he might at ease trim his galleys, and go out to his thieving at pleasure, Dorias army came suddenly upon him and besieged him, 
Dragut besieged at Gerby by Doria escapes cunningly.  who to defend his vessels had a Tower which guarded the channel, and withal, he had built a Bastion to cover him. Notwithstanding they must in a short time have all perished with hunger; both he with his Turks, and the Moor which was Lord of that Island, who being loath to break his faith, would not yield him prisoner to Doria, yet he persuaded him to find some means to escape, 
1554  else they should be all famished, for that the Island was but little, barren, and had small provisions to live withal. Being then forced by necessity, he set all his Turks, Moors, and slaves to work, who began to make a channel in a lower part, the which he continued day and night until he came unto the sea, neither was he discovered by the enemies. And so in the night time he escaped this imminent danger with admiration, Doria being much discontented that the Turk had circumvented him with such a stratagem, and moreover that in his retreat he had taken two of his galleys: 
Andrew Dorias galleys lost.  but not so satisfied, pursuing this pirate, he lost seven more, which were cast away in a storm, with the death of above a thousand persons. The Turks army being then at sea, and Dragut joined with it, being in all a hundred and five galleys, and thirty other vessels, they entered into the straight of Messina, and took the town of Augusta in Sicily, which in ancient times was called Megara, from thence he landed in the Island of Malta, and attempted the strong Castle of Saint Angelo in vain: then coming to the Island of Goze, they sacked it, and carried away many slaves. Finally he came into Barbary, and took Tripoli from the Knights of Malta, having held it forty years.  
There was some discord betwixt Amida King of Tunes, and D. Lewis Perez governor of Goulette, who pretended that the Barbarian after the usual manner of the Moors had broken his faith with the Emperor, touching the accord made with Muley Hascen, 
Amida a King of Tunes makes a new accord with the emperor.  when he was put in possession, and therefore he annoyed him much; so as Amida fearing worse, made a new accord, and bound himself to give every year unto the Emperor twelve thousand crowns, to pay the garrison, of Goulette, and moreover fifteen Barbary horses, and eighteen falcons, to furnish wood for the use of Goulette, to release all Christian slaves within his realm, and not to suffer any more to be made, and finally, that he should not receive any pirates, but should aid and defend the Emperor with all his forces against any one that should seek to offend him.  
The marriage of D. john prince of Portugal, son to King john the third, and of D. joane the emperors daughter, 
Portugal.  was consummated in the year one thousand five hundred fifty and four, the which confirmed the friendship and alliances betwixt their houses and states. But this young prince who was not fully seventeen years old, died within a year after his marriage, leaving the princess his wife with child, who eighteen days after was delivered of a son, 
Birth of D. Sebastian of Portugal.  whom they named D. Sebastian, King john and Queen Katherine having not any more children remaining: D. joane being risen from her childbed, went into Castille to govern the realm in the name of the Emperor Charles her father.  
The Emperor finding himself much broken and troubled with many infirmities, made his will about that time at brussels, committing in the mean time the execution of many things to his son D. Philip, for that which concerned the affairs of Italy: And as for Flanders and the Countries adjoining, he himself with Queen Marry his sister, widow to Lewis king of Hungary, would govern.  
15 This year a marriage was concluded betwixt D. Philippe prince of Spain, 
Marriage of D. Philip and Marie Queen of England.  and Marie Queen of England, for the effecting whereof the Prince made preparation to go into England, having four score great ships and forty caravells, in the which, besides the noblemen and knights which did attend the Prince, with their ordinary train there were four thousand foot, Spaniards to defend the fleet, and to serve in Flaunders, in the war against the French: he took shipping in Biscay having a prosperous wind, leaving for governess in Spain D. joane his sister, who (as we have said) was in the beginning of the year, left a widow by the prince of Portugal. About the midst of julie he came within sight of Hampton, where there was a fleet of six and thirty ships, some of the Queens, some of the low Countries attended to guard him, it being dangerous sailing upon that coast; there came from Southampton a ship royally appointed, being followed by ten others, which were sent by the Queen to receive the prince's person, and his whole Court, in the which were many noblemen of England sent to that end, 
1555  and to present unto him the order of the Garter, which he received with a joyful countenance, and put the garter on his left leg. He would not have any go into the ship with him, but the duke of Alba, Ruy Gomes de silva, Antonio de Toledo and Pedro Lopes, the first was his lord steward, the second lord chamberlain, the third master of his horse, and the last a steward also; but afterwards other noblemen and the whole court landed, with their furniture, which continued three days. During the princes stay there, he was entertained with all the state that might be desired, from thence he went to Winchester, where the Queen attended him, and where the marriage was celebrated. On the 25 of that month, 
Philippe made king of Naples.  there was first read the renunciation of the emperor his father, by the which he resigned unto him the realm of Naples, & then the articles of the capitulation made in regard of that marriage. The Emperor would not, neither did the English think it fit their Queen should marry with any one that had not the tittle of a King, so as the realm of Naples was assigned unto him, and soon after the Duchy of Milan. Whereupon the Marquis of Pescara was sent to Naples, to take possession in his name, which ceremony was done the 25 of November, with great solemnity in the presence of cardinal Pacheco, than viceroy, and of the prince of Bisignano, who was created Sindic of the city to that end.  
In the year 1555 died pope julio de Monte, 
Death of pope julio the third.  he was of a quiet disposition, loving his people, but irresolute in his greatest affairs; which grew of a desire he had to be friend both to the French king and Emperor, who having not that art that was requisite to reconcile their old quarrels, he found himself often deceived in his designs, and was not beloved of any of them. 
Death of pope Marcel.  He was succeeded by Marcel Ceruin of Montepulciano, cardinal of Sancta Croix, a man of a very good life, giving great hope of his good government; but he died within three weeks after his election, confirming a common opinion in the people of Rome, that the Popes which change not their name, die presently. His successor john Peter Caraffa cardinal of Ostia, failed not to change his name, whom they named Paul the fourth; 
Pope Paul the fourth.  he was called Chietin or Thietin, of the name of an Order of religious men, whereof he had been the Author, at such time as he was Bishop of Chieti or Thieti in Abruzzo, he was also surnamed the Warrior.  
16 The same year Queen joane mother to the Emperor died in the town of Tordesillas, 
Death of queen joane the emperors mother.  having been always troubled in her senses, and distracted, since the death of king Philippe her husband, until that she was threescore and fifteen years old: this princess troubling herself infinitely for that she thought she was contemned, and that they kept her as a prisoner, this ambitious humour of command would not suffer her to take any rest, so as this sharp and violent humour of melancholy, which she had as it were by inheritance from the Queen D. Isabel a Portugal, wife to D. john the second King of Castille her grandmother, was continued and augmented in her.  
17 Henry of Albret king of Navarre died about that time at Pau, 
Death of Henry of Albret king Navarre.  in the fiftieth year of his age. He ordained as the Kings his predecessors had done, that he would be buried in Pampelone, whose body was laid at Lescar in Bearne. To whose possessions, and right to the realm of Navarre, joane of Albret his only daughter succeeded, being married to Anthony of Bourbon duke of Vendosme. 
Governors of Navarre.  This realm detained by the Emperor, was in the mean time governed by Viceroys: about the year one thousand five hundred and fifty by D. Barnardin Cardenas duke of Magueda, in whose time D. Philippe prince of the Asturies, and heir of Castille, Arragon etc. was sworn prince of Viana: and in the year one thousand five hundred fifty and two D. Bertrand de la Cuen● duke of Albuquerque took upon him the government; it is he that was in Guipuscoa whenas the French held Fontarrabie. By him there were certain light enterprises made upon the frontiers of France, and upon the town of Saint john de Lussurioso in the precedent wars, and by the diligence of the said Duke of Albuquerque, the prince D. Philip was declared king of Navarre with the emperors consent, by the Estates of the Country, being assembled at Pampelone, 
Death of D. Pedro of Navarre marquess of Cortes,  in the year one thousand five hundred fifty and six. About this time D. Pedro of Navarre marquess of Cortes, and Marshal of the realm of Navarre, died at Toledo, leaving for heir to his possessions D. jeronima of Navarre, in favour of whom her husband D. john de Benavides, was made marshal.  
The war had been very hot these last years betwixt the French and the imperials, upon the frontiers of Artois and Picardy, and in Piedmont, the which had extended into Tuscaine, whereas Peter Strossy, who commanded the French forces, was defeated in battle by the marquess of Marignan General for the emperor. Sienna had been long besieged by the Imperials, 
Sienna loseth her liberty.  and defended by the French, but in the end it was yielded, and made subject to the duke of Florence. But the French notwithstandingh this bad success in Tuscaine, began to grow strong in Piedmont, and seemed to threaten the duchy of Milan, where there wanted a Governor, D. Ferdinand Gonzague being called in Flaunders to justify himself, as he did, of the slanders wherewith he was taxed by D. john de Luna a Spaniard, Castellan of Milan and the chancellor Tavern. Ruy Gomez de silva embraced this occasion, who being much beloved by king Philip, and finding the duke of Alba to be a great competitor in his majesties favour, he had practised long by all the policies of a Courteour to send him from Court, besides he was suspected to favour them that did molest Fernand Gonzague, to the end that being called thence, the duke might have means to be sent thither, with a large authority, the which succeeded according to his desire for the war increasing in Piedment, and ill managed by them that commanded, the king resolved, the emperors Council being also of that mind, to send the duke of Alba, to reduce it into some better estate. But he would not accept of that charge, which indeed was great and weighty, if he might not have such authority given him, as he might govern with honour, and hope of good success. Wherefore he obtained a title, 
Duke of Alba sent Viceroy into Italy.  which was never before granted to any of the emperors Ministers, passing with full power and authority to govern the realm of Naples, and the duchy of Milan, as well in peace as in war, and to govern all as if his Majesty were there in person. And for that he knew how weak the forces were in Italy, for want of money, before his departure he would have great provision made both from the low countries, Spain and Italy; so as with an opinion to do great matters, not only by the same of his authority and valour, but by the great sum of money which was assigned him, he gave order for his speedy passage beyond the Alpes. He sent Commissions before to have men, artillery, munition, victuals, and pioneers in a readiness, and himself came in post the twelfth of june to Milan, the success of that war you may read in its proper history. The duke of Alba hearing of some alteration intended upon the confines of the realms of Naples, was invited to go thither (notwithstanding that the king had already sent Bernardine of Mendosa thither, with the title of Lieutenant, in the place of Cardinal Pacecco, who went away hearing of the duke's arrival in Italy) making john Baptista Castaldo his Lieutenant in the state of Milan.  
18 The emperor this year one thousand five hundred fifty and five, 
Emperor Charles resigns the Government to his son  broken with toils of the world, and willing to free himself of so great a burden, and to satisfy the desire of his son king Philip, to whom although he had given the title of King of Naples, and afterwards of duke of Milan, yet the government remained at the disposition of the emperor's council, he resolved to renounce the absolute government with the titles of all those realms & states, except the empire, to the which his brother Ferdinand should succeed. So calling his son into Flaunders, he made this renunciation with great ceremonies, in the town of Brussels, the five and twentieth day of October in a great assembly of the Nobility, Prelates, and deputies of towns, the Queen of Hungary, and Meximilian the emperors son in law, with some other princes being present, but all Spaniards, officers & others of what quality soever, were put out of the hall, and not any suffered to stay, but such as had business, or had been called. So as from that time all matters were handled by the said king's Council, and he was called both king of Spain and Catholic. But before the resignation of all his realms and estates in this honourable assembly, he gave these instructions unto his Son for the better government of his estate.   

The instructions of the emperor Charles, when he resigned his estates, unto his Son Philip.  
I Have resolved (most dear son) to come now to the point of resigning into your hands the full administration and absolute government of all my estates & realms, as I have often told you; wherefore my pleasure is, that against the morning you give order for the performance of this act with all due ceremonies: you shall also give order with speed, by sending messengers into every part, that both governors, inferior magistrates and people, acknowledge you (as in duty they are bound) for their superior, yielding you due obedience, & that all persons (except such as are subject to the empire) take the oath of allegiance. The like oath I will have the generals of armies & all the commanders of martial forces take, that they may from henceforth in the point of loyalty depend upon yourself & no other. The more rare this precedent is of princes which have been content to resign their estates unto their successors, the greater are the signs not only of my love to you, but of the assurance I have of your good inclination, & my great care to see your estate settled. I could defer this act (as most princes do) until my death; but having a desire rather to imitate the smaller number of fathers in this point, I have chosen willingly by this act in my life time, to make myself a superior, rather than a companion to any. It is a weak trial of the valour & resolution of a prince, to subdue kingdoms by force, in comparison of conquering himself, being thus far content not only to bridle all ambition & desire of rule, but to submit himself to a certain kind of obedience. Against this course, sensuality doth strive with all her force, and in exchange of all worldly satisfactions which are enjoyed by the prerogative of absolute authority, setteth before our eyes the rigour of the laws, to which as to a common bounder, princes (setting their authority aside) must level all their actions, as well as private men. To blind our understanding farther with like veils, the same sensual consideration stirreth up by way of admonition a provident forecast of divers inconveniences whereinto many fall, that have made themselves subject to the will of other men, by the diversity of their conceits and censures, the which by the corruption of the care of private interest are apt to serve from the right rule of integrity. It may be that some will be terrified with this common supposition; that princes which are once possessed of authority may resign it at their own pleasures, but they must resume it at the pleasures of other men. Yet fatherly affection hath prevailed in me more than all these zealous considerations, and duty also in some part, for finding myself now aged (which may be accounted greater in regard of my sickly estate) my satiety of glory in this world, and weariness of toil; finding moreover that by my continual travel unto this day, I could not satisfy in any part the duty which belongeth unto the profession of a Christian; I find myself inflamed with a most earnest desire to free myself from so many troublesome encumbrances, and then retire myself to a mere religious kind of life, and more fit for a Christian. On the other side the consideration of your age, being now ripe and fit for government, together with the expectation which you have gotten in the world by managing the greatest affairs of Spain with great judgement, do move me the rather to proceed in my resolution. Being moved by all these good considerations, I have thought it fit to lay this weighty burden upon your shoulders, and to ease mine own, which time and travel have now weakened and disabled. I do confidently hope that the subjects of all my provinces shall have cause to thank God first, and then me, for this resolution, in respect of the gracious usage they shall receive at your hands, succeeding in my place: neither is it hurtful unto yourself, that by his occasion during my life, you shall settle yourself more firmly in my dominions.  
It remaineth then (my most dear Son) that with the same tender and fatherly affection which hath moved me to this, I put you in mind also, that above all things you set before your eyes, the fear of God, which ought to be the ground of civil government, and so to frame (as much as in you lies) the hearts of your subjects, keeping carefully in mind that which we cannot provide (by reason of this short & transitory life) by any other means, more worthily & more honourably, than by leaving unto the world when we are gone a good report of our commendable actions. Persuade not yourself (dear son) that because the prerogative of commanding many estates gives great satisfaction and liberty in this world, which ever flattereth the sense of man, that it is not in like manner accompanied with many crosses, and often intermingled with a kind of subjection, either by the restless jealousy with which the minds of Princes that demean themselves disorderly are tormented, or in respect of the continual care which they take for the preservation of their estates. Deceive not yourself in believing that the regiment hath any kind of proportion with those mighty burdens which are imposed on you by my giving place; for whereas Spain is a realm of ancient succession, and therefore firm and secure, the estates of Flaunders, Italy, and Germany, are more strange unto you, besides they are more variable and troublesome in their own disposition, and their opportunity of craving aid from Princes which are mighty & busy which confine upon their countries is more dangerous. Ad hereunto that many kingdoms bring many cares, for every small addition (where the burden was sufficient before) putteth all things out of order, even as a stomach which hath once received what sufficeth nature, every superfluous bit causeth an indigestion & surfeit of that which should serve for sustenance. He makes a great trial of himself that governs one state well, but to govern more than one well, is almost above the force of man. No man can at one time attend divers actions, for every ship must have her proper pilot, every army his general, & much more doth every estate crave a particular governor. But the greediness of man hath so much exceeded these prefixed bounds, & forced reason with such violent assaults, as the greater princes are the more desirous they are to get. It is now held baseness, not only to departed from any thing already gotten, being more than enough, but not to seek by all means to increase it. But seeing reason is so far overmastred herein by sensuality, and that our age is wholly disposed to ambitious designs, I will forbear to spend any more idle words, in persuading you to that, the contrary whereof is generally observed. I will rather yield this liberty to the world's abuse; with this excuse notwithstanding, that either all, or the greater part (and especially those that are accompated generous) do the like, and would ever do, if opportunity and means were answerable to their desires. But yet I require you with all love, that you endeavour by all means to correct this common error, and aspiring humour in yourself, aiming at a greater good, which is, to govern well those subjects that are under your command: the which is honourable to the world, & acceptable in the sight of God. To this end I must let you understand that the lives of princes stand like glasses before their subjects eyes, who looking daily into the same, as the lively mirrors whereunto they should endeavour to conform their courses with all obedience & loyalty, they discern more easily the good & bad that is therein exemplified: wherefore how circumspect and powerful soever princes be, they must not think that their actions can be concealed from the world; for although during their own lives they may sometimes seal up their subjects mouths, stay their tongs and restrain their pens, yet soon after they will break out with greater violence, & inveigh more bitterly against their honours. Wherefore let your carriage be such towards your subjects, that in respect of the great care they find you have of them, they may the better like of your directions, repose themselves upon your wisdom, & live securely & contentedly under the protection of your valour, for that the mutual affection & love betwixt the prince and his subjects, doth undoubtedly spring from this root. Remember always, that it is fit that he which governeth a state, should be as vigilant & careful of the quiet & safety thereof, as a shepherd is of his flock, or householder of his family. To give a certain rule concerning this point, I would have you to understand that all the cares which princes take of their estates are referred to the consideration of one of these two times, that is, either of peace or war, betwixt which two all our actions are spent, and therefore it is wisely said, that the maiestly of a prince hath as great need to be assisted with a council of great policy & wise forecast in time of peace, as of a great and strong army in time of war. Wherefore a princes whole care & course ought to be in the first time to have a respect to his subjects quiet & content, and in the later to their security, from whence groweth satisfaction on both sides. And men without all question are more securely governed with good entreaty under a voluntary subjection, than by enforced servitude, and more firmly kept in obedience by love than by violence. A Prince should ever prefer the leaving of his dominions to his successors by means of the people love, less absolute & more durable, than by their fear less durable, yet more absolute: It is fear that holds the subjects loves, and bridleth their insolent desires, but no longer than some fresh occasion is offered to shake this servile yoke from their necks, and to settle their loves and loyalties upon some other mighty potentate, who shall be both willing and able to protect them from all wrongs, which being once done, they will never be willingly drawn to their first obedience. It doth also often happen that the secret hatred which proceedeth from fear, enforceth them without any respect to make attempts for their delivery. Some hold that the best way for a prince to keep his people quiet, is to keep them poor: but in my opinion they stray much from the path of policy: The reason is, for that every hope or likelihood of bettering their estates under other rulers, moveth them to lay new plots, and to desire innovations. I do as little allow of their policy, who to divert their subjects from practising any alterations hold them in continual action, especially if their employments be barbarous and base; for besides that it breaks their hearts, experience doth teach that for desire of ease they will affect alterations, for as the end of fear deserves reproof, so the means that lead thereunto are also reprooveable. How much the way of winning the people's love ought to be preferred before the course of keeping them in awe, may easily appear by a due consideration of the causes from whence these affections have their beginning: The causes of the people's love are justice, gracious usage, and favours, all which deserve praise: The causes of their fear are grievances, ill usage and oppression, which merit blame. Look what the cause is, such is commonly the effect, whereby it follows necessarily, that as out of love is drawn a regiment more firm and stable, though more moderate, so out of fear proceeds a kind of power more absolute in show, but yet less durable: the like proportion holds in the people's hearts, for where they love there is all satisfaction, mirth, sweet conversation and dutiful respect, but where they fear, there is suspicion, strangeness, discontent, quarrels, melancholy. Out of the impressions which fear breeds we can expect no better fruits than hatred, but from that devotion which love kindleth assured confidence, whereupon we ground the common proverb, Love is among kinsfolks, and fear among enemies. The parts which beside respect of Religion, are required in a Prince for the better government of his estates, & settling in his subjects hearts a love, and reverent respect both of his person & state, are chief three, Faith, justice & Continency: Faith makes him entire in all his proceed, and a man of his word, for without it no man would give credit either to his practices or promises: Continency makes him to be reverenced with respect, and imitated with commendation; it giveth him an excellent advantage in a large field; correcting severely the faults of subjects that offend in that degree, the which he could not do without blushing if himself were culpable: justice teacheth a prince how to reward the good and to punish the bad, to give every man his due, to restrain men by correction that are apt to err, & to encourage others by rewards that are desirous to deserve well: besides it makes the prince's blood, his honour, and his estate secure, without which virtue no force is able to keep the subjects faithfully affected to their Sovereign, for it is the property of all people when as they neither find reward of good deserts, nor punishment of offences, to grow first into distrust, & then into despair, which passions corrupt their minds, having once gotten the mastery. Wherefore let the due consideration of what is just and honest be always preferred in all your princely purposes, that being once settled in the subjects hearts, that justice is duly administered, they will ever remain satisfied with your direction, especially if besides this favour, they live in abundance, having free traffic to all parts, and quietness of mind, for men toil and travel during the course of their lives, not only for their Princes & superiors, but for themselves and families. Doubtless, to maintain the people in abundance of all things necessary for the preservation of their lives, is not only commendable in a prince, but doth work great effects in winning the hearts of men, the which may be easily provided for, by a careful foresight of the times of dearth, making diligent provision for necessaries in due time, so as the benefit may wholly redound to the people's ease, and not to the prince's gain, by enhancing of prices and preferring of private benefit before public content. A prince may always hold himself rich when as his subjects that live under him, are rich; for upon any extremity he shall be frankly relieved by their beneolence: good usage settleth their loves, and bindeth their devotions. Experience teacheth, that favours of this kind are never forgotten, that a small consideration in time of need wins more unfeigned love than greater benefits when there is plenty: And that those favours have always had deepest impressions in men's grateful thought, which concern maintenance and the preservation of life in time of necessity. It is sufficient for a prince in this cause of provision, to take order that he lose not by the bargain, or if he desire to gain something for the relief of other charges, let it be no more than an honest merchant with a good conscience may gain, for to these bounds may the politic provision of prince's aim, but no farther, either in respect of honour or authority. If a Prince will be beloved of his people, he must give them cause to think that he loveth them; assuring himself that their thankfulness must grow from his desert, their love from his providence, & their content from the peace and security which they enjoy under him; and that according to the fruits of favour which the people reap by the Prince's policy, they frame themselves to live contentedly, under the gracious shadow and protection of his princely wings, relying upon his wisdom and careful govern meant. Otherwise there is no doubt but, subjection being in itself both burdensome and odious, they would soon take some new course to settle their quiet and security by some other means, freeing themselves from all cause of fear, which (as I have said before) is less durable, and less secure, and therefore less pleasing to the state of a Christian Governor. Let no Prince imagine that with solemn shows and public sights alone subjects are delighted and pleased in their own conceits, for those things are not acceptable, but when as their minds are satisfied in matters which do import them more. Upon this ground and to the same end I must also advise you in any case to use that moderation which is fit in charging the people with tributes or any other kind of impositions, for albeit that States cannot be ruled without some kind of relief, in respect of the many occasions and excessive charges wherewith Princes are burdened in times of peace, but much more in time of war; yet unto every thing there belongs a mean, which in all occurrents is the perfect rule of human actions, especially those which any way grieve the subjects hearts, considering that every prince's power is grounded upon their conformity to his directions and uniform assent to serve and honour him: wherefore this mean must be sought out with all care, & being found it must be put in practice with great temperance; and worthily preferred before all other courses, seem they never so commodious and profitable. If the continual toil of war hath enforced me at any time to hold a heavy hand over my subjects in this kind, I protest this course was always against mine own liking. Touching this point of observing a convenient mean in all impositions and taxes, you must consider that the revenues of a prince, whether they be public or private, are raised two ways, the first by augmentation of the old, the other by addition of new, for unto these two heads all the inventions to get money which are put in practice by the princes of our age may be reduced.  
In like manner the ways by which money may be drawn from the subject & others, are voluntary or forced. The voluntary may be contained in the sale of customs, offices, and other like alienations of commodities and rents. That which is forced may in like manner be exemplified in such taxes and ordinary tributes, as are imposed upon the people with out recompense: the first hath in it a kind of sweetness, for that it is seldom urged by necessity: wherefore it is requisite to limit the other kind by this, and when necessity requires rather to sell offices & rents, than to invent any new grievances to the people. I have many times resolved with myself to deal after this manner, but have ever been diverted by occurrents from bringing into my state that custom of selling of offices, and making magistrates for life, which is used in the court of Rome, for it is a matter of great import, & a means to bring a sudden gain into the prince's purse, for the next vacation, either by remove, employment, or death, yieldeth as much or very little less than the ordinary rent, which by their account is to be answered. No doubt this was a course of great consideration, and of especial commodity to the superior, as may be gathered by this reason of experience: That the Popes in how great poverty soever they find the Church at their first entry to the Sea, yet they never want means to procure money after the first beginning of their government.  
It is true that in the Court of Rome, as it should seem, the sale of Offices, which have annexed unto them ordinary administration of justice, brings not so great danger unto the State, as it would do in other Realms, for that avarice is not the chief object in that place, of men's intents, but rather hope to raise themselves to greater honour from this ground, and access at all times unto the Pope, upon this occasion, which carrieth with it many other especial commodities. But the Princes of the world may in like manner devise to set ambition in the eye of Officers, as the object and end of their offer to buy Offices, by rewarding such as carry themselves well with great honours, and disgracing those that shall deal otherwise. By this means you may change the object of your Officers, from covetousness to a desire of rule, and to supply the humours of authority, which is always accessary to Ambition.  
The second means to seek relief from the subject (which I termed forced) is heavy and odious, yet by the good discretion of Ministers which deal in those affairs, and by the precedents of other countries lying near about, where they are oppressed by their Governors, this grief may be much qualified. The Prince in this case may do much good unto himself, by giving easy access unto his person when occasion doth serve; for he must take a fit time to acquaint them with his occasions, he must seek in some fort to free himself of their hard conceit, and ease the other part by favours of an other kind: he must justify his actions in the judgement of the world, either by proving the cause of this grievance to be very urgent, or colouring the same so cunningly as it may at the least appear so, or endeavouring to send some away satisfied, if it be possible. This not voluntary, or forced way, is subdivided into two other parts, into perpetual burdens, as customs, or temporary: as subsidies: and this later at the time of the first imposing, makes people to grieve for a while in respect of the pain which pincheth them, but this grief cannot long endure, for that one instant, and one payment freeth them, especially if the prince make protestation of his unwillingness, and with all make apparent to the people's mean capacity, the necessary cause that urgeth him thereunto. The other kind is far more grievous and offensive, albeit in time the people grow better acquainted with that course, and bear it as well as they can, for that there is no remedy. Sudden impositions, although they seem grievous at the first, yet by a prince whose lineal succession is not well settled, aught to be preferred, as potions which are more sharp and yet more quick in operation, are before those that are more gentle, yet long and tedious in curing the sick; and the rather in this case, for that Prince's cosers are suddenly replenished. Above all things you must have a great care, that during the levy of this aid, your Officers add nothing to the burden, either by extremity, discourtesy, or demand of fees, for we find daily that by such extraordinary extortions, men are more incensed in respect of the wrong and violence, then with the principal, which is disbursed for the satisfaction of their Sovereign: The subject is much impoverished by this hard course, and yet the Prince reaps no benefit thereby; nay when he shall have need to crave a new supply and aid from them, he finds them more feeble and less able to relieve his wants. Rents increase by raising new impositions upon occasion; by bettering the trade, by reducing forfeitures to the prince's pleasure, by limiting all necessary charges, and cutting off such as are superfluous. The field of raising new rents is exceeding large, yet the prince is bound to walk in it with all possible respect, so far as it concerns the people's grievance: he must especially abstain from imposing of heavy customs upon such things as his subjects are enforced to send abroad, as Sicily doth grain, and the Realm of Naples wine and Silk. The like consideration is to be had of things brought in from foreign parts for the supply of other wants at home: for upon these two reasons experience and time hath grounded the ordinary traffic that holdeth betwixt countries for their natural necessities. Wherefore in these causes princes ought to have a care that their revenues may be answered in a mean, rather than by excess; for the more moderate customs are, the greater store of needful things are brought home unto our doors, in respect of the great gain which merchants make by selling at the second hand: and for the like respect the greater store of superfluous things are transported by the subjects into foreign parts. By this means the rent is raised far above the measure which a great imposition would yield: The people want no foreign commodities for their relief, and yet their purses are filled by the vent of superfluous things at home; so as they may be the better able both to satisfy their prince's custom, and contribute also upon such reafonable occasions as shall occur in policy: upon other things which are rather brought in for wantonness and pleasure, than for necessary use, a more weighty imposition may be laid, for the estate (which may well forbear these lose commodities) is not damnified thereby, if some, to satisfy their humours, will needs buy, it skilleth not though they pay somewhat dearer for their fantasies. Besides, some are discouraged sometimes with the great price, which otherwise would acquaint themselves too much with the pleasures which make men effeminate. Princes that seek to increase their old rents, by raising of their wonted impositions, must be careful, that they do it rather with a limitation of the customers commodity and gain, that levies it, than with the people's loss, that answers it: for a grievance in this kind were in effect as ill as any other imposition. There must be a care also taken, that a convenient respite may be allowed the subject for the payment of his task. As for example, if the prince have need of money in Summer, then to sesse the subjects the Winter before; for they are apt to take the time of this delay for a kind favour. This levy of money must be put into the hands of ordinary officers, and not to appoint any new to disquiet them, or to rifle their wealth, under colour of service to the State; for such parts are most hateful unto them. But, as I said before, a prince ought first to consider, whether it be possible by selling or engaging some part of his revenues, to supply the urgent occasions of his estate, before he seek to help himself by the purse and sweat of his subjects: for otherwise, as the wiser sort perceive that, whatsoever they do or say, they shall be still forced to contribute to their superior; that on the one side their old burdens are increased, and on the other, all means cut off, by which they might have vent for their commodities; all traffic either overthrown, or much decayed, by the which they were wont to relieve their wants with foreign commodities, it is not possible but they will eagrely desire an alteration, and attempt it by all means possible. Touching this point of molesting the subjects with impositions as little as may be, it importeth much, that they be agreeable to the nature of the country where they live, that the people may bear the burden more easily; for from those places which yield nothing but men, princes may not demand money. England yieldeth an example of this kind; for on that side which lieth next to Scotland, they sesse not their borderers. You yourself may draw some money out of Spain, Germany, and Flanders, when occasion doth serve, but out of Italy both men and treasure. Moreover, when you impose any burden, it is not amiss to set the rate in the beginning high, that the people may hold it as a favour, when as, at their request, it is brought to some reasonable terms. They may be ea●ed also, by admitting their excuses which they make in respect of time, and giving ear with patience to that which they are able to allege for some toleration; you must always have a care to leave them satisfied in some sort, at the least to comfort them with kind words, and make them capable of the just cause that moved you. You must lay before them the times, the reasons, and the occasions which enforce this course, providing always, that all gracious dealing may be thought to proceed from yourself; and whatsoever is offensive, sharp or odious, refer it to your officers. You must moreover have an especial care, that all profits so dearly purchased with the people's groans, be brought to your own hands, and not employed or distributed to the private use of persons that are put in trust to gather it under you. It importeth also your estate very much (dear son) to keep credit with the merchant, which will always succeed happily, so long as you assign unto them convenient commodities, in consideration of their bonds, and maintain them ever in security, especially with the state of Germany you must take this course, for the holding them thus engaged in your estates and realms, by reason of their interest and bonds, without erecting of any forts, which they detest much. You may no less assure yourself of that Estate which is of great importance in Italy, than the French king held the Florentines tied unto him by the trade of Lions, as we have found by plain experience. Now seeing it is not possible that a prince of many estates and countries should alone be able to govern them all, nor any one of them (all things considered) it is requisite that this defect be supplied by the means of ministers and deputies, that may help to support so great a burden: Whereupon it follows of necessity, that to choose such as be worthy and sufficient in all respects, is a matter which doth much import the State; wherefore I will speak unto at large of this matter, to the end you should not want a rule to know them, and employ them in the service of the State. I would have you consider, that the properties belonging to worthy ministers are these: First and principally, wisdom and understanding how to manage their affairs that are committed to their charge; secondly, love to their superior; and lastly, virtue in themselves: to the end that by wisdom they may have knowledge, and by virtue disposition to execute the trust: for otherwise, either through ignorance they shall not know, or by frowardness refuse, or through malice grudge, to discharge their duties. These are the qualities without the which the prince cannot rely upon their worth, nor the people be pleased with their actions. But as there is great difficulty both in finding out and observing such, so experience doth teach, that all princes which have been served by men of such sufficiency in these degrees, have ruled happily, with great contentment to their subjects, and eternal glory to themselves, notwithstanding that they have themselves been somewhat dissolute: for what made the name of the Emperor justinian immortal, besides his profound knowledge, but the great worth of his counsellors & ministers, both in peace and war; for by their help in both seasons he effected great matters. Doubtless it is an argument of great wisdom in a prince, when as nature hath not enabled him in the first kind of perfection, which is, out of his own sufficiency to rule the State, yet at the least to marshal himself in the second rank, which is, of such as employ men in their service that are capable; for thus they draw the quintessence of many pregnant wits to their own use, and grow to understand more than a number that know by themselves: as four eyes must needs see more than two, by the course of nature. But we may hold that prince unfortunate, which resteth in a third proportion, being neither able of himself, nor willing to give ear to others that are more sufficient. A prince can never want means to replenish his own Court with men fit for his service, if he will be careful to seek them out where they are, esteem them, and acknowledge their deserts, by good effects. Let him rather make the first motion, and not deprive himself by daintiness of a worthy servant: for that prince is rather proud than politic, who persuadeth himself, for that his treasures are greater than other men's, therefore every man should creep before they call, especially the wise and virtuous, who many times carry minds as haughty as princes, and in that respect desire not to submit their liberties to the will of any man, preferring the freedom of a mean fortune, before the golden fetters of a prince that either knows them not, or regards them not. The reason is, for that wisdom and virtue are in themselves a king of superiority, or rather the very true superiority itself, for that we see that Empires, treasure, fortunes, favours, and nature's ornaments, are subject to corruption and change, by alteration of time, or accidents, as it pleaseth God to dispose: But the riches of the mind, such as wisdom and virtue are, can never be divided from the party that possesseth them. The minds of honest men are much estranged, when they find how little their superiors esteem them, preferring a wicked and lewd person before a loyal heart, a flatterer before a faithful minister, a man puffed up with undeserved favours, before him that seeketh to purchase grace by desert, an idle drone before a painful officer. Those princes err exceedingly, which want judgement to conceive, that virtue cannot be valued, that it deserveth more than any one can give: that all favours which a prince bestoweth upon worthy servants, are both honourable and profitable, and that a prince cannot employ his treasure with greater gain by interest in any trade, than by rewarding such as are both virtuous and politic. Nothing can be made more plain, nothing can be found more necessary, considering how impossible it is, that any prince should either win great honour, or achieve great matters, without able ministers. Beware you err not in this point, but seek for worthy servants, and retain them in your service with all honour and preferment, setting this down for a Maxim, That in a matter of importance a resolute and wise Counsellor shall stand you more in stead with his sound advice and judgement, than your legions of soldiers with their arms, or whole mountains of treasure in your coffers.  
Do not believe, for that a prince is wise and vigilant himself, he therefore needs not any able ministers; nay, you may observe, that the greatest princes of the world have always sought to draw unto them the greatest number of rare men. Who was ever attended on by a greater number of this quality, than Caesar? whom I hold to have been the greatest prince that to this day, both in peace and war, hath either ruled over provinces, or commanded armies. It seemeth rather, that these proportions and qualities are linked together with an indissoluble knot, that when the prince is valiant and wise, so are his officer, when the prince is fainthearted, so are his ministers.  
If we allow a grounded excellency in the prince, it is to be presumed, that the same can never brook an insufficiency, in those that attend on him, whereas the weakness of the prince's judgement cannot be capable of his servants excellency. From hence our common proverb taketh his first original; Like will to like: Equals are most apt to consent in love; and he that will guess probably of the disposition of a stranger, whom he knoweth not, must consider with whom he keepeth company. Consider of this point of employment and election with an especial care (my most dear son) and herein it shall be sufficient for you to imitate and follow me, your father, alone, who during the course of my life have endeavoured to have about me men of greatest esteem, both for counsel and execution. To the care which is to be had in respect of them, for their virtue, wisdom, integrity, and love, I would have you also for your own part be careful to employ such persons in the affairs of Italy, as are best acquainted with their humours, and are most suitable to the conditions of that State; providing that they may be thoroughly instructed in those points, without respect of any private interest, or special love or bond to any. The like course I would have you take in Spain, and your other Estates, especially in choosing the leaders of your armies; for undoubtedly the fitness of your ministers for those places which they hold, is a matter of very great importance in all actions of government. We read of Hannibal, That he was most fortunate at land, yet very unhappy in all actions belonging to the sea. And how many do we find in general experience, which are exceeding fit for the nature of one people, and unfit for another. Sometimes we meet with persons absolutely wise, and that carry themselves with great commendations in all places, and at all times, and upon all occasions that are incident to their charge; but we find them rare: of others that are only fit for special affairs there is no great plenty in the world, and therefore they must be employed in that faculty wherein they are held most sufficient to serve: for it is a matter of no small importance, to make choice of such a minister to any end, as is found most excellent in his own profession.  
Make your special choice out of divers ages, and diversity of gifts, for so shall you be sure to light on those that are most fit. Be careful that under your most trusty and most sufficient Counsellors, some may be trained and instructed for the service, when their date is at an end, lest otherwise the fortune of your great government seem to be bounded within the term of their continuance; for private persons have their periods, but policies in States well governed should be perpetual. Let the Romans serve for an example in this case, who to prevent the danger that might grow by committing the burden of direction to one only man, assigned by way of succession (in case he should perish that had the chief command) sundry governors unto every army. In any case beware you do not lay your most important causes in a time of danger, upon the shoulders of such persons as were never made acquainted with affairs of equal weight: When any such occasion doth happen, your safest course is, always to prefer the judgement of your eldest counsellors, who speak out of experience.  
Aim not at honour in the choice of your cowsellors; respect those of a middle age, where gifts are answerable: for as the younger sort is commonly ever credulous and bold, so others that are never called until their later days, are suspicious, incredulous, irresolute, and commonly leave the world before they can be made fit for their calling: but they that have made proof of their sufficiency for the space of many years, and upon very dangerous occasions, waxing white headed with the toil of service, and the cares of government, ought ever to be reverenced and respected, as a necessary wrest to turn the jarring strings of disagreeing humours at a council board, to perfect harmony. I would also have you in this point of imitating the military discipline of Rome, to make a medley of your council, betwixt wise old men, and young men of great hope: for such a spear, like unto that of the pythagorians, consisting of so many sundry parts, as triple, mean, & base, will yield that sweet consent which is to be wished in all policy. By this mean princes shall not need to make their music of one string, they need not build upon one hope, nor addict themselves to one certain quality: for many times among those that are young of years, we find persons old of understanding, and among aged men, counsellors that have green heads, and flourish both in wit and fortitude. In this case, such young men are accounted old, and such old esteemed young: The middle sort are to be marshaled on either side, as their conditions and qualities incline to one or other, more or less; for ministers ought not to be respected for their years only, but for their judgements, manners, and conditions in the execution of their charges. And yet, besides these ordinary objects, according to the age and quality of every one, seek also to have knowledge of their natures and private affections: for it is not sufficient for a general that conducteth an army through any country, to have a general Idea of the country in his mind: but it is requsit he should have a particular knowledge of the country itself, whether it abound with water & other necessary provisions, or be in want, which first of all causeth a dearth, and then ruin. A prince must ever presuppose, that although the quick conceit of some ripe heads, makes them soon to take instruction of a new charge, recommended by superiors, and to grow fit for the managing thereof, the greater part notwithstanding is for a time uncapable, and during that time may commit disorders, and offend the subjects in their customs, privileges, and rights: which, seem they never so slight, either in respect of themselves, or of any other accidents of less account, yet must they needs be valued according to the rate which they had in general opinion, and the great disturbance which is bred by want of observation; for small sparkles may kindle a great fire, if they be not quenched in due time, with moderation.  
Now that you may the better know who are the wise and worthy ministers, that deserve employment in your estate, you must understand, that true wisdom may be gotten by four means especially: The first is, by experience of occurrents in the world; wherefore it is said, That they which practice much, must needs learn much: And this kind of wisdom our ancestors exemplified in their own kings, the Greeks especially in Agamemnon and Menelaus: who by variety of matters put into their hands, and by occasion of that which by their accidents and consultations they generally understand, may easily grow wise, and learn (as the pronerbe faith) at the charges of other men. The second mean is, by the instruction of histories; for thus they come to knowledge both of actions and reasons, in times past; they mark their applications and effects, and thereby setting down rules unto themselves, for the direction of their own affairs, not only purchase honour and reputation by their knowledge, but wax great by the toil of other men. Of this kind we may find patterns both in Solon and Socrates. The third course is, by traveling into divers countries, and by observing the diversity of laws and policies: for this particular collection of foreign wisdom, may be sensibly applied to particular occasions of their own. And this kind of wisdom is ascribed unto Ulysses by Antiquity. The fourth means to attain unto it, is, by long life: for although a man should learn but one good lesson every year, yet time, at length, would make him generally wise. Nestor may stand in this degree for a fair precedent, of whom it is plainly said, that he understood very much for that he had lived very long. And I cannot see how a young man may be capable of any of the other three first kinds of wisdom, both for that he cannot in a short time gain so great experience as is necessary to this effect; and moreover, youth wanteth that well seasoned consideration that is requisite: neither are a few years sufficient for men to travel, and to observe that which breedeth judgement. Lastly in respect of the defect and want of time, he cannot draw a true picture of that apprehension which old age hath gathered. I deny not, but by the means of some prudent ministers & counsellors, a young prince may attain to all four kinds at once, if he retain about him a convenient number of men, wise in their degrees, and not only use their counsel in his great affairs, but with all regard follow it.  
Wherefore there ought to be great regard had in the choice of these men, especially to choose wise men, which by way of instruction and history, can conceive, especially with any small experience of the affiars of the world, and the benefit of their many years, which is the most secure, and least deceitful mixture, of these kinds of wisdom, that can be limited; saving that those persons which are best furnished with all these kinds, aught to be preferred before all others. The wisdom of ministers ought to be referred to the same two times we have formerly spoken of, of peace and war, whereunto all the considerations, forecast, and provisions of a prince, aught to be directed.  
The goodness of ministers and officers, which is the second part that is required in them, may be judged of by the good name which they do carry, and by their good behaviours. A man is said to do well four ways, by chance, by cunning, by the beginning of the habit itself, and after that by use and practise, if it be fully perfected. Good works done by chance, or to a cunning end are distinguished from those that are done at the first beginning of the habit, for that they never spring from any virtuous intention, as the other do, though both may be indifferently accompanied with good effects. And for that the secrets of the mind are hard to be discovered by the judgement of man, for that God alone doth see the inward part of our hearts: wherefore men do greatly err in making use of them, being impossible to attain to a perfect knowledge of those persons, but by a continual observation of their actions with special care. In the first kind, which is of things done well by chance, it is not possible there should be any good intention, for that the party never thinks of that he hath in hand. Much less in the second, where all is directed to a cunning end, for that malice bears the sway. The third and fourth degrees, where men either begin a virtuous habit, or have attained it, the intent is always good; yet the effects and operations of the third do not always fall out so happily as of the fourth: for the third proceeds sometimes from a sense not sully settled, not thoroughly corrected by the restraint of reason, & rains of virtue, which only ruleth their intents, and accompanieth their actions, else there should be more difference betwixt the members of this division. They that by cunning will seem virtuous, in respect of endless fear lest their ill meaning should be brought to light, standing in the mid way to the mark which is common to all men, like a bow drawn from the other extreme, they are heavy, melancholy, and full of doubts, upon every rumour of the vulgar sort, they cast false shadows of suspicion, linger in mistrust, and affright themselves with fancies: their days are troublesome, their nights unquiet, their cares infinite, and therefore our Saviour might boldly say, Haeparietes testes. But they that are sincerely and entirely virtuous, relying only upon their bounty and worth, live in continual peace, with content of mind, and without all fear of oppression. It resteth in the will and power of the prince himself, to encourage faithful ministers to show their love and duty to their superiors, either by binding them by rewards and favours, or by contenting them with honour and authority, or by fitting them with such commodities and pleasures as they most affect, or by settling their inclinations to deserve well, in offering occasions whereby they make proof of their fidelities: For as it is most proper for man's nature, to proceed with courage where they find their service thankfully rewarded upon just cause, so princes are apt to trust upon due trial of their ministers integrity. But the way to make them constant and sure against all assaults, is, to tie them, not with any single bond, but with all these together, if it be possible. Let no prince think, that it is more safe, in consultation touching his affairs of Estate, to trust domesticals, and such as are most dear unto him for other ordinary causes, but less able to advise, before others that be farther off, so as they be more fit, only of fear to seem more unthankful to the first, and deprive them of their due: for the end will be, that by this opinion he shall prefer men of no worth nor understanding, before others that are more sufficient and necessary; which is the most absurd and senseless error which he can commit, touching this point of election of ministers. I would have all other considerations of riches, favour, and all other gifts of fortune, yield in your esteem to virtue and worthiness: for where a prince finds qualities agreeable, it is his part to think how to enrich and advance them; for the meaner their estates are whom the prince shall raise to high degrees, the greater shall their bond appear, and the more sincere and firm their duties and affections. In rewarding your servants good deserts, I would wish you to endeavour as much as you may to gratify them according to your desires, and to have an eye to their own ends: for some seek ease only, and abundance of commodities belonging to this life; others hunt after honour and authority; and some covet satisfaction in other kinds, according to their several humours, or as such favours either are indeed, or at the least are held by them most suitable to their conditions and qualities: without respect of these affections of men, a prince should often lose the thanks which bounty expects: for many desire rather to fast than to be crammed against appetite. Among other rules it shall not be amiss to note, that nothing bindeth love more firmly, than when a prince bestows a benefit out of his own free choice, without the instance or soliciting of any favourer. The first we must ascribe to the favour of our Sovereign alone; the second we may divide between the prince that giveth, and the friend that moveth it. Some have commended and allowed a distrust and disagreement between ministers of State, as if it were the best means to acquaint a prince with the truth: but this course was never pleasing to my humour, neither could I ever find how so bad a cause as discord, could ever produce any commendable effects in a prince's service. A kind of emulation is not amiss, so as it tend only to incite honourable minds to show themselves more worthy of the prince's favour, to deserve better in his service, and to be fit for a better place when time shall serve, as we read of two of Caesar's Corporals: but in no wise let it grow to malice or mislike; for the prince may never show more favour to one than to another, as it falleth out sometimes, for that it will not be possible always to keep the balance even, but the party which receiveth less is tormented with jealousy, fretted inwardly with spite, blinded with disdain, and all, in the end, turneth to the prejudice of the prince's service, and the public action.  
Among these, and out of these, ought the prince to make choice of a sufficient number to serve him in the place of council, and employ the rest in other services belonging to the State: for being guided by their advice & counsel, he can hardly err, but may rather rest assured, that his worthy acts shall purchase honour & immortality to his name; wherefore strive to abound in these rather than in any other treasure whatsoever: and fear not lest facility, in being led and directed by the advice of worthy men, should rob you of the honour which belongeth to your rare deserts; for that the chiefest commendation is not ascribed unto him that either giveth counsel, or hath charge to execute, but unto the prince, upon whose resolution all depends, and who out of his judgement and discretion, assigns to every man that part for which he is most fit, in his own opinion: for although there may be aptness in the timber, yet to make choice of the best for building, and employ it to the best use, shows the skill of a good workman. Besides, if the prince, out of a jealous and suspicious humour, be mistrustful in this point, how easy a matter is it at all times, upon divers colours and pretences, to change, altar, or defer his resolution, so as whatsoever they invent shallbe ascribed to his own perfection. A prince can never want occasions to sound their opinions, and to make profit of their deep judgements, without imparting the secret of his purposes to any one of them.  
My meaning was to discourse with you about this point of choosing able ministers, at large, for that, in my opinion, the weight of this subject required no less: wherefore I repeat it again, That a prince can never become great, nor maintain his greatness, without the service and assistance of sufficient counsellors & officers: And therefore (my most dear son) I require you carefully to open both your eyes and ears in this respect, and to be diligent in searching out the qualities of men, for your better instruction. All offices, administrations, and governments, which are given for a short limited time, are most secure from those suspicions & jealousies which long continuance in office and authority doth breed; being impossible, in so short a space, to make parties, or to procure followers. And although this course be not always free from those dangers and discommodities, which are incident to governors, who either want experience, or acquaintance with state, yet a moderate exchange ought, in my conceit, to be preferred before a perpetuity: for the people (be the governors never so religious and just) feel a kind of safety at the least, and as well in this point as in others, delight, in change; using the same as a counterpoise to that irksome loathsomeness which groweth out of the continual use of any one thing without alteration.  
Let your manner in giving audience to suitors be easy, liberal, and ordinary, whereby not only the subject is pleased with the same, reputing this access as a restoritive, for that it giveth them opportunity to ease their grievances by their superiors favour: but on the other side it maketh the prince more wise, when every day by this means he cometh to the knowledge of new accidents, new impressions, & new opinions. The prince also cometh to understand all the affairs, humours, passions, and plots of his own subjects, and their interest, which is, as I said before, one kind of wisdom. To this end therefore, and for a thousand other good effects, a prince ought to visit all his estates often, but in such sort, as many progresses and extraordinary charges which belongs unto them, may not be burdensome to his subjects, and a blemish to his own authority: for things that are accounted excellent, if they be made common, they lose a great part of their estimation in the eyes of the world. If their progresses be seldom, in like manner, they give some suspicion of neglect, and careless regard of the people's good; they give encouragement to deputies and magistrates, to follow their own humours: and moreover, they make their subjects despair of all hope of refuge to the prince's presence, and of recourse to the same in time of necessity: for, as I said before, this is a mean to ease the subject, and to curb the magistrate. In giving audience, let your care be to send every man away with some satisfaction, or at the least with good liking of your affability. Hear such as offer you petitions with patience, and answer them with compassion. Provide always, that the power of those that are most mighty oversway not the right of them that are miserable; have no respect of persons, but look only to the justice of the cause. If any man appear before you in a rightful matter, who is otherwise ill spoken of, regard not at that time his conversation, but his complaint, not what he is in life, but what he speaketh. Now to the end the parties which have recourse unto you, appealing from your officers, or charging them with corruption, may be more thoroughly convinced by due proof, and more easily induced of themselves to confess their faults, stretch out your hand as far as in honour you may, in granting them new judges, or Commissioners, who together with other ordinary officers, will be more careful to carry themselves uprightly in such offices as are assigned to their cares. The way to plant a firm resolution in your officers, to deserve well, is, to reward them bountifully that have showed their worth: for by this means, by the discharge of his duty in a mean place, he will endeavour to be held worthy of an office of more esteem: notwithstanding there is great reason why the prince, upon these occasions, should have due respect to the credit and honour of his officers, and to use such moderation in this kind, as without wrong to the plaintiffs, their reputations may be tendered. Examine weighty causes with deliberation, but be careful to give quick dispatch to matters of small moment, especially if they concern persons that are in misery. Use the like expedition in matters concerning poor men, orphans, dowers, churches, education, maintenance, charges left, tutorship, debts, and such like charitable causes, of which you are in conscience bound to have an especial care, and to protect them in necessity. That state can never prosper where such causes are neglected, for that God which makes no difference of persons, but assureth us, That he will always have one ear open to the sortowful complaints of simple souls which suffer wrong, will punish kings and magistrates for their contempt even of their Christian subjects. I would exemplify this danger by some special example of God's justice in my time: but the very ground of charity set down in a word or two, may serve, and for the rest I leave you to the tenderness of your own conscience, and the counsel of your Confessor. The like course must be taken with tradesmen, artisans, merchants, and husbandmen; for these kind of people can never follow the court, nor without ruin to their estates, spend their goods, labour and time about suits: for it were better to be speedily dispatched with some loss, than to be tired with a world of Proctors, Advocates, and Notaries, in hope of getting all; considering how much the loss of time, in regard of their trade, importeth them. Whatsoever may be ended at one hearing by yourself, dispatch: what you are not able of yourself to rid, recommend it by way of tables and memorial in other affairs. It shall not be amiss, for quick dispatch of causes, to assign to every officer his particular task; for otherwise it were not possible for one man to run through all. In case of necessity the prince may commit his office, for his own ease, to his faithful ministers, in imitation of the knife which in old time was used in the sacrifice at Delphos: for there was such a fashion devised for the relief of poor men, which could not long attend without great loss, as one man alone was able by the help of its many parts, to serve all the priests. In criminiall causes, where there is question of life and death, and other capital punishment, proceed benignly with severity, and severely with benignity, according to the state and quality of the cause. Apply you senses to the circumstances of the person, time, and place, the manner, and such like considerations. Be content to imitate the rule of Lesbos in this case, which was apt to bend according to the obliquity of the subject unto which it was applied by art: So must princes follow occasions, if they will rule with commendation. This is not to make difference of persons touching the right itself, but to judge of right with wisdom and discretion, according to the sundry indifferences that are aptly offered; proceeding notwithstanding, where we find the like respects in all degrees concur with like consideration: for the people are not grieved with setting down any resolution, how grievous soever it may seem, but diversity of punishments for one and the selfsame fault, where no certain reason can be found of the diversity. If any conceives this counsel to be in any sort repugnant to this Maxim, That all laws should be equal, inflexible, unchangeable, etc. he must be answered, That it is only understood of the dead letter of the law which as it ever speaketh and resolveth in one manner, so ought it in respect of itself, to be indifferently interpreted and executed: But there is another reason of the living law, which is the prince and his ministers, especially touching Commissions which be received from him: for they ought to execute the dead letter of the law with such respect and moderation as hath been mentioned before, so as they bend it with equity, but break it not with wilfulness: Wherefore there is a certain power given unto the prince above the laws, and by the rule of conscience which is imprinted in the heart of him or them that are set under him, the cause is qualified according to the reason of the circumstance; for rigour is not always right: neither may we say, that they rule best, which urge the letter without respect to the reasons; that rather follow the words of a text which is mute, than the due consideration of a quick interpretation, which is more sensible. Provided always for the preservation of Majesty, and maintenance of laws, That howsoever it may please a prince out of his own conceit to dispose, in overruling any matter, with respect either of the person or time, augmenting or abating the reward of any good desert, or punishing of any fault, the same be not drawn to consequence, or enforced as a precedent to those that shall live after him. They that govern know better how to moderate these cases, than the lawyers that plead; and many things are incident to politic direction, which never come within the compass of an ordinary Advocate. Contention betwixt husbands and wives, masters and servants, parents and their children, neighbours, kinsmen, friends, and such like, conjoined in the straight link of ordinary officers, ought rather to be ended by a friendly arbitrator, with spare of charges which belong to suits, than by a severe judge, who decideth all things by extremity. The best course for a prince is to censure causes by due circumstances without partiality; and that the difference which shall appear betwixt his moderation and the written law, may rather seem to arise out of a right in equity, than an error in affection. I would have all the courts of justice offend rather in compassion than rigour or cruelty, unless there be a notable example to be made for the terror to the multitude. In all kinds of rewards be bountiful above the common course, and always choose rather to leave a light offendor (whose crimes are not manifest) unpunished, than to condemn an innocent, or to leave a piece of service unrewarded, at the least with favourable words, with praise and cause of hope, until time and opportunity may yield a more ample satisfaction. Be careful that compassion & facility in remitting punishments, be tempered with such a reasonable mean, as it neither encourage men to offend, nor give occasion of many errors which grow by too much lenity. Let it suffice, that your subjects live under you with industry, and as becometh men, without giving scandal or ill example to the world Proceed not to that kind of curiosity which makes many rules to inquire & search what men do in the most private and secret places of their houses: this humour is many ways offensive, for both a breedeth trouble to the prince, and oftentimes great harm to the party, without desert. Though some be not absolutely chaste, yet so they be found wary in avoiding all cause of scandal & manifest offence, the prince hath reason to refer the judgement of the secrets of men's hearts unto God, and the correction of secret sins to his divine Majesty: for where our eyes can no way pierce, there is no reason that our hands should execute. Keep one ear always open for the adverse party beware of settling your judgement, especially in causes of justice upon the first impression; for time traveleth for truth, and oftentimes grave deliberation easeth her of her burden. In those occasions a moderation should be had in such regard, as neither the subject be induced by too great facility to attempt any practice of unlawful action for the furtherance of his intent, nor discouraged by too great rigour for expecting reason at your hands; for both extremities are dangerous. Whilst that you are in choler, or have made yourself a prey to any other passion, or respect of private interest, be very careful never to give sentence, or at the least not to put the same in present execution, lest afterwards appeals be made unto yourself from such unjust sentences and executions, by the parties that are wronged, when you are come unto yourself. You may read in histories, of a poor woman that appealed from king Philip, being transported with passion, to the same king Philip, qualified with a due consideration: and of the penance which was enjoined by S. Ambrose to Theodosius, after the massacre of Thessalonica.  
Touching the orders of your family and Court, I have discoursed with you at other times, out of which you may draw rules for the direction of those affairs: be always mindful that your guards be entertained about your person, according to the wont manner, rather to set forth the majesty of government, than in respect of danger of your life for evident necessity. Touching the wearing of your apparel, there is no doubt but princely garments, fit for your estate at certain times, do both grace your person, and strike a kind of awe into the people's hearts: Notwithstanding to suit yourself ordinarily more plainly, & according to that fashion which is most general, doth win great love, as I have observed by mine own experience: for nothing pleaseth the subject more, than to note sometimes a careless contempt of those outward compliments, in which some princes set their princely felicity. The like consideration must be had touching your die●, and other necessary things belonging to your person and your Court, with a careful regard, that neither hatred be purchased by excess, nor contempt by too great equality.  
To the time of peace likewise belong divers kinds of works worthy of a prince's care, which draw the subjects eyes to admiration, and his heart to thankfulness. In this degree we marshal whatsoever princes either build or repair for the people's good, as adorning cities, amending highways, repaying bridges, making rivers navigable, charges in bringing waters, in repairing of churches, hospitals, guild-halls, public places, and town walls, taking order for the reformation of abuses in religion, Universities, Colleges, and judicial places, in limiting the fees of Counsellors, excluding avarice from courts of conscience, and corruption of magistrates in the bringing up of orphans, marriage of poor maids, and redemption of prisoners. Blessed is the heart that thinketh on those things, and the hand that putteth them in execution; for by this means the subject shall not only be provided for in the common course of life, but the pleasures and commodities of persons, places, and conditions, settled in happiness: Yet in these cases also care must be taken, that the people be not over burdened; for it is all one to them, whether oppression creep in by this or any other means, which they cannot remedy, and where the people themselves are urged to an extraordinary charge, they hold not the prince to be an author, but an executioner. To the time of peace also belong many considerations, provisions, & forecasts, concerning war; to the end that whatsoever accident happens, the prince be not taken altogether unprovided on a sudden, or driven to seek shelter when the storm is imminent. But to avoid confusion about these times, I must warn you, for a conclusion in this point, that as an honourable peace is the end of war, so must your peace be governed by such great discretion & diligent foresight, as the war may also be secure to the state when it happens. I come now (my most dear son) to discourse with you of some points belonging to the time of war, whereon it standeth you in hand to think advisedly, as well in consideration of your present estate, as also for the increase thereof, whensoever just occasion shallbe offered. To these ends of preservation and enlargement by way of counsel and advice in time of peace, and of arms in time of war, a prince ought wholly to addict himself, and neither spare pain, diligence, nor danger, in any enterprise, that enable him to attain them happily. A prince ought to be more heedful to look into the accidents & occurrents of war, than peace; for that war aboundeth more with unexpected actions, with disorders not foreseen, and when they happen, for the most part, are irrecoverable: Again, for that war is less restrained by the curb of civil laws and officers than peace, depending commonly upon the will of him that is most powerful, as most commonly it is kindled by a greedy desire of one to reign above the rest, and is afterwards maintained by the fear of a necessary defence: both which affections are so forcible in the mind, as they will rather constrain you to make the satisfaction of your will the object, than to look into the means whereby you may compass it. These cares and preparations for war, are most necessary for princes & potentates, whose unquiet estates are often troubled by foreign enemies, who lay plots to annoy them. These and such restless neighbours give every day just occasion to be offended by them. This is your case, who being seated betwixt the power of the Turk, & the jealousy of Christian potentates, could not design a matter of any great effect, though you gave yourself to rest. But let not this scruple greatly trouble you, for that discotinuance of professing arms, will in time do you more harm, than the maintenance of your reputation by them can any way trouble you. Experience doth teach, that all men fear to incese an enemy who hath his arms ready drawn to strike. Besides, as men wax old with time, so states are weakened with sloth, and in effect consumed by the canker of idleness, whilst that others that contned with martial enemies, are not only maintained in health, but augmented daily more & more in force and vigour, as man's body is by exercise. Upon the laying down of arms, & discharge of troops, the subjects grow wanton, and wild at home, finding so great a part of their wont burden eased: and this we daily see, that having been long accustomed to this pleasing ease, you shall hardly bring them again in awe, to have the patience to endure your impositions, & their former frankness and readiness to supply your necessities. On the other side, the multitude of soldiers tainted with the liberty of ambition and other humours of camp, will hardly frame themselves to lead an honest sober life at home, which hath often been the cause of tumults & uproars in monarchies. Besides, I cannot see how a prince that ruleth many estates, can ever settle any resolution to live in peace, in respect of their ambition & greediness that are about him, their emulation and jealousy that are equal to him, and their fear and suspicion that are under him: For they that are of the first sort dispose themselves to give occasion of offence, out of a desire to subvert the estates of other men, the second, to settle their own fortunes; and the third, to prevent oppressions & injuries: wherefore it is well said in our proverb, that he which cannot take hard measure at the hands of other men, must keep them low that are most apt to offer it. It is therefore necessary for a prince, especially being possessed of so many estates as you are at this time, to dispose yourself effectually to a care of such things as belong to war, whereof having fit occasion to discourse at this present with you, & taking my beginning from the chiefest parts thereof, I say, That this care standeth chief upon arms, forts, and garrisons, upon order for provisions to be made for them, knowledge of the quality and conditions of States, & of the people that inhabit them. The care of an army consisteth in the setting down of a certain and convenient number, and in giving good orders and directions for their manner of fight. The number must be such as will suffice for any brave attempt their Leader will undertake. The rate will fall out fitly, if no error be committed either in too much or too little; for too little will not serve, and excess is ever a cause of confusion. Opinions have differed exceedingly concerning this point, but the best and most expert agree, Than an army consisting of 30000 foot, and 4000 horse, is sufficient for the execution of any worthy enterprise. The reasons that are brought for proof hereof are many, & of great force; for this proportion is reasonable, neither superfluous, nor wanting. According to this proportion an army may be better disciplined, it may be better entertained with pay, and supplied with victuals and all other things necessary. It is more easily repaired after some great loss, either by sickness, or any other accident, and it may be better employed and maintained in all places. The people that receive them find more ease in their charges. A prince may better stand upon his guard with such a force; and a victory gotten by a reasonable number is more honourable. To conclude, it is in all respects most agreeable to the manner of service in our age, as they can best judge that have often had proof thereof by their own experience. Whereas huge armies are, we see few come to fight, and therefore a less number might serve the turn, as it did the Romans in their wars in many countries, when as they brought multitudes of men: As it served Alexander in ourrunning Asia, and might, perhaps, have served Hannibal against the greart force of Rome, if either he had received due supply from home in due time, or could have made the soldiers which he was driven to levy in other countries, as resolute as his own, which was not possible. The Romans during the state of the commonweal, afterwards the Emperors, and the Turks as this day brings greater forces to field. To which precedents many answers may be given, especially, That this both was and is done rather for a kind of glory, to extend their forces over all, than for any other need of help in war: for an army so proportioned, as I have said, is sufficient of itself for any notable attempt, as may be proved by many effectual reasons: for hardly shall you find a place whereas a greater number than I have mentioned, can be put in battle, by reason of impediments which grow by ditches, rivers, lakes, mountains, woods, & such like, whereas a reasonable army may escape them by the conduct of a discreet General. This proportion is to be kept exactly by such princes as resolve and are ever enforced to stand upon their guard, & keep their forces in a readiness, whether their occasion be offensive or defensive: for by this mean they shall be able to bear out the charge, and dispose at all times of their companies, as advantage shall be offered. The Turks policy is worthy to be imitated in this point, who notwithstanding his great numbers, hath drawn the resolution & glory of his forces to his janissaries alone, which are a certain number, and more easy to be satisfied. These standing fast, the rest are kept in order by that means, whereas otherwise it were very difficult to content all the companies. In the same respect Caesar gave most honour to the tenth legion, but with another kind of moderation & respect to the rest than the Turk useth. Some think, that in respect of many occasions to diminish the prefixed number, either by drawing some into garrisons, or by employing them otherwise, or by some accidents that may fall out, an army should consist of a greater number of sufficient men: but to one that hath the perfect skill of war, this number doubtless may suffice, so as the companies that are withdrawn for other services be instantly supplied: for thus shall the number & the army be the same, as the tenth legion was ever one and the same, notwithstanding accidents. Neither would I have you to persuade yourself, that by often changing armies wax weak, but rather, if supply be quickly made, more gallant & more courageous: for thus we reap the benefit of those forward & resolute men, which being newly come, are far more ready to hazard their lives, for that they know not what the danger means, nor have not the consideration & stay which time brings: on the other side the valour of old soldiers is more thoroughly refined by experience. By this means also the ready ways are opened, to recompense and honour those that deserve well, and for correction and infamy for such as deserve otherwise. These means are most expedient for the maintenance of armies in the field, and there is not doubt but every one of those that are valiant and tried, will exceed ten that want experience in any enterprise. Next to the proportion of the number, I could wish you to be provident in setting down good rules for the camp, which ought chief to be grounded upon conscience, in observing those things which belong to religion, and leading an upright & honest life. Next to this you must dispose your soldiers minds to dutiful obedience, and due respect, not only to their General, but to their commanders. The best means to ground this respective awe, is by encouraging with hope, & rewarding upon good deserts such persons as are chief noted for their forwardness, and disgracing others that are otherwise affected. The first attempt of mutiny must be presently corrected; for the remembrance of sharp punishment will stick longer in a soldiers mind, than any earnest exhortation of a General. Out of these means of preparation springs a disposition in all men of valour, virtue, and obedience. Besides the ordinary exercises of the camp, to keep their minds from idleness, and their bodies from sloth, you must provide, that by parties made, and shadows of true fight indeed, the profession of arms may grow familiar unto the soldiers, and they made fit for any sudden attempt. Moreover, it is fit to dispose the minds of commanders, as well in camps as garrisons, to command with judgement, and to serve with discretion: In the soldiers likewise willingness to obey, and a readiness to execute; the which may the more easily be effected, if order be taken that the captains account the soldiers their companions, as Caesar called them Commilitones in this respect, and take an especial care of them in all things that belong to their profit, reputation, and love. And soldiers for their part, the more courteously their Leaders entreat them, the more humbly they ought to obey their commands. An army being thus provided for, in that which concerneth the proportion and discipline, you must employ your care effectually in setting down good orders touching fights; for without great care you may not hope for any prosperous success in martial affairs, nor presume of any victory. I know that circumstances altar rules sometimes in all professions, and in those most of all; notwithstanding Maxims grounded upon reasons and experience, will make a man more apt to take his best advantage. Surely it would seem a labour worthy of so great a prince as you shallbe, to use all possible diligence to find out a better way than that which is used among the Christians of our time, whereby an army may be often relieved, and come to try the fortune of the fight: so as the first rank being forced to retire, it may not fall upon the second, nor the second upon the third; but that they which are behind advancing to relieve the first, being tired, & forced to recoil, may perform that service without disorder, in such sort as the first may no way hinder them: for although the first be enforced to retire, yet the other that are fresh, making up the body, by stepping into their places, may come to handy strokes with their enemies. Herein consisted the chief perfection of the Roman discipline, and hereof, among my notes, you may find many strange conceits, for that I had an earnest intent, if time and leisure would have given me leave, to have set down some plot, and made this ground one of the chiefest labours in respect of war with the Turkish Infidels. But in respect of my continual affairs, and being ever turmoiled with endless business, I could never effect what I intended, nor apply my mind entirely to this singular invention. It may be that God hath reserved the credit of this stratagem to you, wherein you may be somewhat assisted by that brief collection which I have made for memory. Surely it is a great disorder, and a foul discredit to the Leaders of our time, that all the force and power of a mighty army should consist upon three or four of the first ranks of the battle. This error groweth from the defect of our rules in the marshalling of our battles and squadrons in a direct line, every man in particular, and all the ranks in general, standing one directly behind another: for in a direct line it is not possible to give the first any means to rerire, but they must disorder them that follow. Wherefore for an introduction to a better method than hath been hitherto practised, it shall not be amiss to put those three bodies into which an army is divided, namely, the forward, battle, and rearward, into three squadrons, so placed one to another's side, as they may meet together in form of a triangle.  
The first squadron must represent the point, the other two the sides, for being thus disjoined & dissevered by art, it is an easy matter to bring forward the second to fight with out disturbance to the first, and the third without trouble to the other two: Thus coming to succeed their fellows side long in continual fight against their enemies, another advantage will arise, which is, they shall try the fortune of the field thrice in one encounter. I do assure myself, that from this beginning men may proceed to a more perfect knowledge how the squadrons themselves being also divided into lesser squadrons might one retain another by the same proportion. A man may aim at such a mystery by orderly degrees, for the matter being so entangled, as experience dothteach, it were no more possible to bring this than any other art at the first invention, to perfection in an instant.  
It is the labour of a bear to lick misshapen fruit to fashion, and of a Lion to bring military rules to certainty. The want which men may justly find in direction of an army at this day, proceedeth farther yet, for they put the best and most resolute soldiers in the foremost ranks, who being forced to give back, they cause all the rest by their example to do the like, as if it were lawful for them to imitate their actions and thoughts. In some sort they may be excused in their imaginations, yet we see that from this error doth commonly grow the ruins of all Companies. The Romans were far more discreet concerning this point of marshalling their men, for the first front was made very strong with young men of great force, whom they called ● but a third part of their old and best soldiers were mingled with this headstrong youth, both to defend them, & to temper them. The second squadron, to the which they gave the title Primary, consisted of two parts of old soldiers only & a third of young. The third was ancient old soldiers called Triarij. By this means neither the second depended of the first which were young for the most part, nor the third of the second in which were also some young. Besides, the first encounter was always very furious by the forwardness of young spirits, who the less they knew of danger in this kind, the more resolute they were and adventurous: experience doth teach that to withstand the fury of a fight, we cannot make our head better than of young men, so as they may be tempered with a third part of old; the second shall be better governed, and the third more furnished with valour, judgement and consideration. Such aught the distribution of our forces to be in this age. Wherefore let no man presume to prefer any before this discipline of Rome; for it is very likely that they which with such prosperous and long continuance of time made the only true profession of arms, marshaled their forces in this manner, would ever have forsaken it, if there had not been some special cause; and therefore we may rest assured that they had reason on their side; for proof whereof I note that when soever those Phalanges came to join with the forces of Rome, being ordered as we have said, they never sped happily. The reason will appear plainly by comparing both disciplines, for the Greeks by marshalling the best men in the foremost Squadron, had a meaning to put valour and resolution into the rest which could not be expected generally of all the companies, the greater part being a multitude void of experience, & guided only by their sense: whereas the Romans had as well regard to preparation of minds, so as it was not hard to bring those that were guided by sense to execute things with good consideration: wherefore it was sufficient that only bodies of men were assigned over to the corporal whom Scipio left with S●phax, the better to brave the foot of Cartharge, for albeit at the first they were lightly esteemed by the enemy, yet by a course of good discipline, they became afterwards the means whereby the Romans conquered. Every man is able to consider with himself to what great use this forcing of bodies by good order was, and how much it was esteemed at the first. It were frivolous to say that those rules can hardly be now observed with any hope of good success, for that artillery is crept into our wars; for if those squadrons had in those days, and would have (in case artillery were not in use) an advantage over our men, considering that this aid is common to both sides, it followeth that the perfections of those squadrons remain in the same advantage which it had and should have without artillery. Besides it is evident to sense that those collateral Squadrons, are not in half the danger of great shot, that ours be, which are ranged this day by a direct line: for a volley of shot coming from the head of one battle to another, scoureth through all the ranks. Let us add the deceitful use of late artillery and chief to offend the bodies of men in field. But for that the small shot may be made to play with great advantage, where those squadrons are close, & other rules of that Roman discipline carefully observed, you shall seek out particular instructions among my notes: And moreover what fit considerations may be used in the choice of commanders to an army, what moderation should be observed in causing the common soldiers to depend upon their General, & other commanders put in trust by him; besides other means for the settling of your best security.  
I will now pass unto other things which come into my mind to advise you touching the carriage of yourself in this time of war: but by the way I must once again put you in mind with great earnestness, that this care of finding out the best way of marshalling your forces in the field, aught in reason to be one of the chiefest that you must embrace, as well for occurrents of war, as to make your name immortal among all nations. Your fleets at sea ought in like manner to have their particular respects, touching which there seldom chanceth any cause of innovation. The chiefest care is, that all necessary employments that belong to Navies, be always in readiness: That the vessels be rigged, augmented, and employed ever in some service for the state, so far as is convenient with security. Above all things settle those affairs in such a certain course, as your galleys and other shipping may be properly belonging to yourself, or to the state, and not to your captains, officers, or other private men, for having reposed the whole weight of your fortune and reputation upon the safeguard of those vessels, they will not easily or willingly be brought to hazard them where the smallest danger shall appear. The charge of getting ships of price into their hands, together with the difficulty of repairing and supplying them in case they should miscarry by any mischance, doth make men so fearful of the worst, as oftentimes a public opportunity is lost, while private respects are tendered. By taking of this order you shall bring all men to depend upon yourself, and you shall never need to depend upon any: I speak not of the large allowance which will be made by officers, when they serve themselves for their own commodity. Cause your forces to be viewed and surveyed, & their munition to be reviewed & repaired: where you find the rate superfluous, abate, where too scant, augment it. Avoid extremities in any wise, either of too much or too little; discretion must be the measure of these considerations. Be careful always to furnish your places of strength, with sufficient governors and trusty garrisons. Let your number rather offend in excess than want, for of both there is less danger in an overplus, both for that the only valour and resolution of the soldiers hath often supplied the weakness of the place, in respect whereof the Romans ever trusted more to the courage of their men, than to the strength of the place; as also in respect of those that fall sick and die, or run to the other side, or are cut off by any other means, so as the whole number is never seen to fight at one instant: fortify yourself with sure forces against the enemy, with your tents pitched, trusting rather to forts raised in the field, than to the situation of towns. On the other side when you begin to quarrel and invade, you must rather assail your enemies by the help of forts, and sconces, built of purpose to annoy him, than seek to win his places of strength, with loss of time, and an intolerable charge. This course is secure and certain, as the other is deceitful and dangerous: whereof you shall find further profess among my notes for memory.  
Touching the manner of erecting forts with speed and little charge, and the best means to settle a wavering estate, the best way is to mark advisedly the whole position and situation of the place, and to fashion out of it the frame that shall be fit; apply your industry to the plot of nature, with such certain reasons and undoubted rules, as both the whole may answer to the parts, and the parts unto the whole in due proportion and workmanship. Thus must you proceed from one estate unto another respectively, standing always thus far resolute touching the rules of fortification, That although no place can be impregnable, yet it shall be sufficient that ours be such as the enemy shall have small hope to win them, either in respect of long time, or the great expense which such a labour will require, being threatened by many misfortunes & disadvantages, The provisions of war consist in victuals, artillery, munition, supplies and coin, which altogether in effect import no more than an ability to maintain continually so great a force of trained men, as out of the same an army (when great need requireth) may be drawn by the Sovereign, or forces sufficient in all respects for the uses above mentioned. Hereupon followeth, that a prince, who either resolveth or is enforced to stand upon his own defence, must think upon a kind of war with which he may be able to rule both the charge and weight that goes with it. Wherefore I had a meaning to set down a certain order in my armies, which might be sufficient to bring this to pass, but I could never find any fit opportunity to put it in execution. My intent was first to levy a gallant army of Flemings, Spaniards, and Italians intermixed; being thus assembled, I meant to keep them ever in one estate, either in war against the Turk, or some Christian Princes which I could not avoid without great danger, or great dishonour: Then I did think it good to capitulate with this army, that all booties of great matters belonging to the public state, as artillery, munition and such like things, being gotten either by the sack of Towns or spoil of the Country, should be properly reserved to the prince's chamber, the rest left unto the soldiers. Notwithstanding I resolved to bind the Soldier to sell & deliver unto the Prince's officers at a reasonable price set down, all victuals, garments, household-stuff and other goods pertaining to their necessary uses or their commodities. These things I would have kept in store until the Soldier should have need of them again, with some convenient profit unto myself. By this provision both Prince and Soldiers should be supplied, but the soldier most: for besides the comfort of receiving ready money at all times for that they get, they shall be also sure of all necessary things at an easy price. If we compare it with their loss, who buy all things from the Merchant, or the stranger who still followeth the camp, it ought not to offend the Soldier, that his Prince should draw some little portion to his own relief of that unmeasurable gain which otherwise would be divided among cormorants. I thought moreover that it would prove profitable to the soldier, and safe for the Prince, if a certain officer were appointed in the camp, into whose hands the soldiers (being employed in any dangerous service) might confidently commit their money or the pillage of the best price with full assurance that in case it chanced to them otherwise than well, all should be delivered to their heirs or to such persons as they would appoint; imitating in this point those captains which to be the better assured of their soldiers, take up money of the officers in press to pay the companies. Caesar used the same policy, and thereby was free from all fear, either of the officers, whose credit he had by this means engaged, or of the soldiers whose pay was always ready. Besides other obligations, a reasonable gain might be afforded after so much in the hundred by the year unto the soldiers, who being assured of a sure place where to leave their armour or their stock upon any dangerous employment, & that their contracts and directions touching those things shall be faithfully performed, whatsoever happen unto themselves, they will hold it for a greater advantage to leave their substance in a trusty hand, rather than to carry it about with them. If any chance to die without heirs in blood, or limitation, in war, who should succeed him; the goods may justly be assigned to the Prince's chamber, as we see by the civil Law, the prince inheriteth their estates that die without any certain heirs. It may be jealousy, (which the base sort is ever apt to conceive of the prince's policy, to enrich himself) may discourage some, supposing under every bait to find a secret hook, until that experience hath cleared the clouds of this false imagination, wherefore the way to break this ice, is to appoint a certain, number of the chiefest of the camp, whom we may most boldly trust, to begin this order, and to bring in their shares; for who is either so suspicious or foolish, be he either private soldier, captain, or Colonel, that had rather carry all his goods about him, in continual hazard both of enemies and boors upon every sinister accident, than leave it in safety, and with some advantage to themselves, or to their heirs who may recover it. It may be said that provision for the carriage of these things will be chargeable, but that may be helped by another means, if the soldier out of the gain and interest of his goods laid down in trust, be bound to answer it, for that the goods do still remain his own, and the charge is satisfied with overplus. Touching these carriages, you shall find a model and memorial among my notes, for the private soldier is greatly eased by this new invention, having nothing to care for but his arms and himself, so as the whole camp in general should be more light: besides the greatest part of the treasure and goods of value belonging to the camp should rest ever in the prince's hand, so as he might use them for the furtherance of his attempts in war, as we see the proof of things left by like trust in the hands of merchants. Thus by the money which shall remain in the prince's hands, by their decease without heirs, either by descent or disposition of will of such as were the right owners of the same, and by the gain which doth accrue unto the prince by selling victuals and other implements at the second hand (but yet to the soldiers ease, in respect of that which he should pay unto the merchant or victualler for the like, the prince may make himself more able to maintain a mighty army long, as you shall discover more particularly by my notes. But as I have said before it is expedient that with this the provision of valiant soldiers able leaders, and good orders do concur, although the vulgar sort do account money to be the sinews of all war. I have oftentimes had cause to judge of this comparison, and therefore may be the better believed in setting down a difference: It is a strength where other parts more needful are complete, but a silly sinew where the chiefest members are disordered. Allow me those abilities and politic provisions in a prince's army with perfection, whereof I spoke before, and no doubt but the war will maintain, itself: for we cannot find that a worthy General and leader of a good and well directed army, ever wanted courage to begin, or means to maintain the war, as well with pay by means of pillage and such other gain, as with victuals even out of the enemy's country. Besides a prince may always keep his troops in heart, by putting them in hope of honour, profit and all kinds of reward, when time doth serve, although provision for the present be scant, so as they know the prince's ability and fortune to be sufficient to perform his promises. Then may the Prince, imitating the Romans, repose greater trust in soldiers that are both valiant and well affected to his government, then either in deep trenches, or places strongly fortified: I mean such a Prince as either hath a will or is enforced against his will to hold his sword always in his hand, and to look for hard measure. If all the charges of war should be drawn out of a prince's coffers, it were not possible it should continue long. To prevent this inconvenience, it seemeth good to some, to have the war made to a profitable end, but it is not very easy as I think to give an instance of this advice, considering experience doth teach, that by offensive war the country is ruined, the people spoiled, and the prince impoverished, and in a defensive war, of what quality soever the gain be, men may not expect that it should answer the charge that doth grow thereby. Imagine that this inconvenience may be eased by good counsel, and applying battery to the chief places only, which either by their wealth, or the relief which others bring in by their means, may yield satisfaction and recompense for any charge, without being forced otherwise to fight in vain, or for the opening of a passage which is already given you, into the enemy's state: yet it cannot be denied but for many other respects, and in sundry other cases, the war, which without such a kind of relief is no way tolerable, by means thereof is made secure and free from all dangers and disorder of any moment.  
Now for that supplies are necessary for the maintenance of a continual army in one and the self same estate; I think it very requisite for the service of your camp, that throughout all your realms and estates, the which in your choice are fittest to set out men, a particular muster be taken, and a Register precisely kept of all the youth that are able to bear arms, so as it may be done without offence to the people, or incensing the haughty hearts with rage and malice against their Sovereign. As I said before, your tried Soldiers must be kept in practice, lest their spirits grow dull and their bodies unable by sloth and discontinuance, so would I wish those young soldiers were trained by sufficient leaders, that they may be the better able to serve when they are called for. In this general muster especial choice ought to be made of such men as by nature are given to the wars, and apt of their disposition; that are in good estate to live, and especially that have families, for of such, a man may look for better proof, and rely more on, for that they have somewhat to lose at home, they esteem their reputation, and fear shame and punishment more, the which they that have lands and goods to answer for their good behaviour, cannot so easily avoid as they that have nothing: Besides they are encouraged by a respect of blood to a care of their own houses. These persons may in no wise be drawn out of families, that have but one man in them, or so few, as the pressing of one man may endanger the whole family for want of food, but you must press them where they may be spared without danger, and encourage them besides with the hope of credit, and commodity to be gotten by their merits in the camp, for otherwise we see that being brought with discontentment to the field, their deserts prove according. Thanks be given to God, you are sovereign over many great realms and great estates, in which you may raise such martial troops without offence, as they may not only be sufficient to defend, but to offend others if you live in union of good correspondency, with your friends and kinsmen of the house of Austria: by this agreement you shall settle your own power, and become a comfort and support to those that love you, and a tertor to such as envy you: On the other side assure yourself that discord among near allies, will blemish your authority, put heart into your enemies to make designs against your greatness, and so distemper your friends, as they shall not be able to resolve which way to bend their affections. Standing thus united, you shall have great opportunity (besides the Italian & Spanish forces) to dispose of the Germans, as your need shall require, the which is a martial and a very honourable nation. I know that this mixture doth oftentimes cause disorders in a camp: but yet by one that knoweth how to temper this light discord with a moderate emulation, they may be employed to most excellent and rare effects, in respect of the great difficulty and almost impossibility that ever they should join or agree together in offensive mutinies, distractions and disobedience of any kind. I cannot forbear to report upon this just occasion what I have often advised you of before, that you respect with all due regard your cousin the king of Bohemia, to the greatness and inestimable value of whose mind, the greatest empires are too narrow bounds; and doubtless upon every fit occasion, you shall see effects answerable to this conceit which the world hath of his worthiness. Believe this confidently, that there is more good to be expected from the love which springeth from consanguinity (although that sometimes causes of unkindness may arise, than from the fairest shows and greatest professions of good will that can be made by any stranger. Now for that all offences and unkindnesses are most bitter, growing among persons that are near in blood, if they be not quenched in due time: to prevent a greater inconvenience, cut off all just occasions on your side, setting down this lesson for a rule, that it is an art more worthy commendation to yield in some sort to those that are allied, to continue their affection, than to end quarrels & unkindnesses with other persons, by enforcing them to yield to our authority.  
But to conclude my council touching the care which must be taken of this trained youth, is, that it may always serve as a Spring to supply the army: for the better pleasing of their humours, and winning of their loves, it shall be fit to privilege them with a liberty to wear weapons, especially on those days that are appointed for their exercises, and to make the best show they are able of their forwardness. I would also have them graced with some special favour, as occasion serves, and exempted from all servile burdens in Countries. Then would I wish you wholly to direct your care to a due consideration of your estate in general, and of the countries in particular under you: Look upon their condition, situation and quality, consider both of their abundance and wants, and of sufficient means to live, as water, wood and grain, that supply being made from other places that have greater store, all love and kindness may be entertained among people that are subject to one Sovereign power. Though policy did not prescribe this care, yet christianity would challenge it. Cause plots to be drawn of all their greatest rivers, mountains, straits & passages, that by repairing unto your map upon any accident, that shall happen, you may dispose of things with greater certainty. Be careful not only to know the dispositions & humours of them (which is very necessary for great princes) but also their alliances and factions, whereby you shall be always able both to bridle their undutiful affections, and to prevent their practices, if they break out into extremities. The balance of authority is in your hands; all credit comes from yourself, & therefore govern the scales with some moderation, so as that side may be heaviest which is best affected to your party. Provide against all dangers, & serve your tum by all such opportunities, as may further your intention. If any country doth live in danger of an enemy, that doth fronter upon them, secure them in such sort by captains, officers, & garrisons, as they may be freed from fear of all wrong. To be short, I would have you cast up an even reckoning, & make a just account of their inclinations, their power, their wants, their store, their agreement, their divisions, their alliances, their habits, their customs, their affections, their dependences, their affinity, their commodities, & their discommodities, that by easing one & charging another, you may turn all things to your best content. Then will it be time to turn your eye to the like consideration of their account. In this point you must resolve with ripe judgement and great care, making fit proportions by comparing sundry circumstances of persons, places, times, natures, customs, neighbours, officers, adherents, and other accidents, as are incident to so strong a knot of civil policy. These things being understood and wisely pondered by him that hath the helm in hand, there is no doubt but he may ever march upon a firm ground in amy enterprise he takes in hand; for in knowing our own & our enemy's strength, in weighing circumstances with an equal hand, & being able to apply the best advantages, that wisdom & experience can find, to profitable uses, consisteth both the hope & hap of victory. I know that divers courses must be taken according to the divers qualities of the nation, & the situation of the country. Touching the first, whether it be peopled, or scant of men, armed or naked, valiant or cowardly, pleased or discontented. Touching the second; whether it be full of mountains, valleys, plains, woods or rivers, whether it abound with victuals and all other commodities that are fit for war, or is barren or beggarly. Above all things be sure you never be drawn into quarrels, with any mighty potentate for the relief of such as rather burden than ease, endanger than help your estate, which else may turn to your great disadvantage. Besides these rules, I would prescribe a number more of like effect, the which long experience (the mother of true wisdom) hath imprinted in my heart, which other men perhaps which go more by aim than by art make small account of. War ought always to be undertaken upon a just quarrel, and directed to no other end than to a safe & honourable peace which cannot be purchased without wars. In war he that spendeth most in account, spendeth least in want; doubt of this opinion who list, myself can warrant it. It is not good to enter into a quarrel without forecast, how to make it good, but after it is once begun, there is neither dalliance nor delay without danger. To him that hath best skill & understanding how to manage war, it will maintain itself, so as good order may be taken from the first beginning; and the proof of every piece of council that experience maketh good, may serve for sound direction in other things that happen afterwards. Let provision of all things be made in the best kind, & ever with an overplus, for in that which is left can be little loss, & although there were, yet there is no proportion betwixt it and the dangers that may grow in weakening brave attempts with scarcity. Let all your proceed & inventions tend to victory, for that is the final end of the art of war, to which men attain with seasonable provisions, discreet orders, & wise government. In the beginning wisdom, diligence, & wariness is required, courage in the pursuit, & a constant resolution unto the end: you must ever give the first assault, rather than attend until you be set upon: And although your fortune should be so bad as to be prevented in this course, yet must you seek by all means to divert that force by the great advantage that is gotten by making war upon some other prince's country, or doing some good piece of service to stay the frowns of fortune. Repose not the only stay & hope of your martial proceed either upon your companies of horse by land, or your fleet by sea, for they are things without sense or reason; & we see that at sea the greater number prevaileth commonly, besides the deceits & uncertainty of the sea. But touching these instructions thus scattered and other considerations to be observed in the whole course of war, I will refer you to my notes which will give no small light, how to demean yourself upon all occasion, the which (considering your present estate) are likely to happen.  
I will now speak first of the war against the Turk, 
1550  as that which I hold to be of greatest importance, most certain, and most dangerous, as well in respect of your profession and faith, which ought to be preferred by a Prince of your religion and conscience before all other ends, as also the Turk is the mightiest enemy, that either at this day you have, or are like to have. You may assure yourself that he is a certain enemy, not only through the malice which he beareth to yourself and faith, but by the grounds of his own politic, or rather tyrannous estate, which press him to be always ready and in arms to withstand all attempts. It is hard for him to work any great effects in Hungary, as well in respect of the long course of the river of Danow, and of the champain country, as of the situation of Vienna, and the neighbourhood of Germany. In other places likewise his next neighbours are either mighty or troublesome, and such as in process of time may be more easily brought under than at this instant, standing always with their swords drawn to defend their liberties: They are not like unto the Sophy, whose deep wisdom and great valour makes his forces to be feared more than the greatness of his own estate: But God knoweth whether his next successors will be able to supply the want that is found in his fortune. In other places the borders are not all inhabited, for they lie waste most commonly upon the greatest parts of the dominions and realms that are possessed by this tyranny for these respects: And for his sovereignty upon the sea side, besides the discord and division which is among the Christian princes of our age, there is no doubt but he shall be drawn to turn his whole forces upon the islands, and your estates in Italy. It is not probable to think that he will break with the Venetians before he break with you, for doubtless he will imagine, that in warring against Venice, your forces will come in to aid: but beginning first with you, it may be he will hope that the Venetians will remain neuters. One reason may be given in this respect, which is, their discontinuance from all exercise of arms for so many years: Another, for that commonweals consisting either of popularity or peers, in respect of the long life which they presume to be most certain in their estates, and their hope of preferrment from degrees of good to better, which is ever green, do ever trust more in the advantage of time, and such accidents as may fall out in the changes and alteratious of the world, than in any war that is attempted by great Potentates, and will either not at all take arms, or so late, as they had done better, not to have meddled. Moreover, having already fastened their talons in his sides, and put a sharp bit into his mouth, by the possession of the islands of Cypress and Candie, it is likely they will stand long upon their guard, before they will hazard themselves to offend or defend any man. Add hereunto that the estate of Venice standing wholly upon merchandise, they can not forbear the traffic they have in the Turks Dominions. Now we see that the Turk is by little and little grown proud, having multiplied your dangers by the greatness of his power, which is now so advanced to the top of Fortune's wheel, as we may rather hope that it will break with its own burden, or that it may be weakened by policy, or war, than look for an overthrow by some miracle from heaven, or by the power of Christendom, for as men are sinful, so God is just.  
No doubt but the Turkish Empire hath a period, but in God's foreknowledge, not in man's forecast, and therefore until we change the course of our evil lives, we strive in vain to moderate the plagues of his deserved indignation. I know many have been of the mind, and are yet at this day, that it is impossible for any Potentate in Christendom, to set down any course by his own force to keep under this aspiring miscreant. And therefore by a general league and combination of all princes this work must be effected. Notwithstanding, when I consider by the light of long experience what poor effects have issued from this device, and what fraud doth often lurk amongst such consorts, I am of opinion that you should wholly rely upon your own strength: and before the attempting of any famous enterprise, examine what your own estates are able to perform, and then those which your neighbours and allies have promised. I have found, and you have reason to remember how the French king carried himself concerning these occasions upon a causeless jealousy, 
1555  and a private spleen: men will have humours whilst they manage the affairs of this world: your wisest course is to provide that they may not prejudice you. The way will be more easy by conferring the good will and affection of your allies of the house of Austria alone. But for the full accomplishment hereof with commendable effects, you must resolve according to the proper and true means, which are, wisdom and infallible conclusions out of the grounds of long experience.  
The first point is to consider advisedly what kind of war may most avail you, to defend, offend, pervert, or divert. Touching a defensive war, my opinion was always to have it absolutely excluded, for what is it else but a laying of ourselves open to a manifest consumption of strength from time to time, not without great hazard of the whole in a short space, or by long delays, as things fall out, and with despair of any satisfaction or restitution. This kind of war hath been generally held by all men of experience that made profession of arms, to be the most unprofitable and most dangerous of all the rest: but when as men are enforced thereunto by necessity. An offensive war which reason persuadeth to be made against him in Greece, both in respect of our inferiority by sea, and for many other reasons which concur, I hold it very hard and in a manner impossible to be brought to any good effect, seeing that diversions are so easy and commodious unto him: for as it is impossible to make preparation for such a war, without discovery, great charge and loss of time, so the Turk will plainly foresee our designs, and frustrate our executions. The war which we call preventive aught to be esteemed the more fit, for that the multitude of soldiers which the Turk carrieth always with him to maintain his own designs, and to frustrate our purposes, is infinite. The course of diversion can avail as little, presupposing that offence go before which I have specified: whereupon I may conclude, that none of these simple kinds are for your good: I might proceed and discourse particularly, and according to their several terms and differences touching every one of these; but by the strengthening of this discourse with sundry other reasons of importance that concur, it will appear that out of the conclusions of these several kinds, there arriseth a mixed kind of war, most fit for your occasions: for seeing there is no remedy but you must have war against the Turk as I said before, since we can neither make a war merely offensive for the reasons I have set down, nor ought once to think of a prevension without ports, we must presuppose that such a war may be defensive in act, but offensive in proof, yet simply neither offensive nor defensive, according unto the special rules and notes of both in simple terms.  
Let this war thus tempered go forward with a wise care to divert, and so by little and little it will take a safe course to prevent; and in the end prove merely offensive to the enemy. But before I come to exemplify this pattern, and set down my plot, I must put you once again in mind, that in making war against the Turk, you must rely more upon stratagems and the Art of war, than in multitudes of men, watching all opportunities, his troubles and incumbraunces in other wars, his losses and ruins by them, the partialities which fall out oftentimes betwixt the successors of the State, and the divisions amongst themselves: All these things may induce a better knowledge how to make our party strong, but above all things bind upon God's favour. But for that this favour ought to be procured, partly by such means on our side, as are incident to the discretion of reasonable men, you must understand, that nothing can be more expedient for you, than agreement and intelligence with your friends of the house of Austria, as on the other side proprtionally it standeth them in hand, for the better effecting of any enterprise, to be firmly united unto you, and to acquaint you with their purposes. These things provided for, you may easily come to the knowledge of the true course which it behoveth you to hold in maintaining this kind of war: for if by any fit occasion which shall be offered, the Turk being either engaged in other wars, or his estate declining at home, you shall see reason to begin the quarrel, and to prevent his resolution. You may do it best towards Hungary, making your uncle now designed Emperor, acquainted with your intent, keeping the war out of the champaign Countries, and far from the river of Danow, whereof the Turk standeth in great need, in regard of his carriages for such an army: Besides, forcing him to pass by places which are not fit for his great troops of horse and multitudes of foot, there is no doubt but you may hope for a very happy end of your designs. But in case not any one of these occasions be offered, yet you may procure one by your own discretion, making the year, wherein he maketh his preparation to serve your turn, by temporising warily and frustrating his designs by delays and shifts, according to the circumstances and advantages which shall be offered.  
The next year when either he doth not, or perhaps can not so speedily advance, or arm his troops as he desireth, in respect of the great provisions he is enforced to make, than would I have you to advance, and to fortify that part of the Country which you have gotten before that he can be ready to impeach your courses upon the frontiers, and defend it with the like resolution. Again, use the matter in such sort, as when he begins to cassiere his companies, and to retire his forces, you may be ready to renew the war, and thereby force him to make a new defence. By this means you shall enforce him to continue his great army still in pay, which he is not able to endure, or else to bring such mean forces to field as he may be easily dealt withal, and by consequence change the manner of his war, which were no mean step to an honourable victory, for thereupon setting down a new and discreet course for direction, you may presume of a most fortunate success. Wherefore you have reason both to grant and offer all kinds of aid, both of men and money, I mean to the King of the Romans, who shall fitly serve your turn, to keep the balance even, till you find a fit opportunity. And for that we know, that upon any worthy piece of service the Turkish forces are very apt to shrink, for that they rely wholly upon their strength, being also apparent that this blow must be rather given by stratagem than by force, it shall not be amiss to touch those means which are likely to advance our purposes: you must be very careful to draw them into straight places, where the war for want of carriages and other necessary provisions may prove very cumbersome, as both I have specified before, and experience hath taught in the wars of Albania. Again he must be encountered with so strong an army of foot, as it may be able to withstand his troops of horsemen. Which in respect they are for the most part unarmed, might be easily effected. It is a point of especial consideration also to put forth a squadron of choice men to entertain the janissaries in fight, from the beginning unto the end of the battle, leaving in like manner convenient forces to encounter the rest of his army: for whereas the manner of the Turkish discipline is always to reserve the valour of the janissaries for the last supply and recourse to victory, when the rest of the army shall see that they have been charged from the beginning of the fight, they will, no doubt, be much troubled with this alteration, and the janissaries themselves amazed and disordered with a stratagem unlooked for. It can not be objected, that this device will serve but once, for in truth it will force them to forsake that course for ever, when they shall see their policy prevented, by which they have many times prevailed against the enemy. It cannot be denied but by means of his provision Hannibal more than once defeated the Roman Legions, and the Romans themselves using the like stratagem against the Latins, in the very bowels of their own estate during the time of their dissensions and war, obtained victory. Above all things bend your care to stir the people to rebellion against their Governors, by good usage, exemption etc. This may be brought to pass more speedily, by removing camps, and erecting forts in the Country, both for defence and offence, than by places inhabited, as you may find set out at large in my Memorials: I have there set down the means to make them speedily, and with small charge, the true reason by which they may be brought to good effect, the way to hem in, to cut off, and to subdue securely with good provisions, the forces of any great estate, with very few of them; as we find that Cesar himself dwelled in France, by the report of his Commentaries. The least beginning of good success, will presently draw down the Turk, to make war against them, where you shall be best provided to encounter him: for it standeth him in hand to be jealous (as he is) of that reputation in arms, and opinion of superiority above all princes, which he hath hitherto held, for fear of disorders and revolts, which every little declining of his fortune might cause in his mighty estate, by reason of the discontent wherein the people live in respect of his tyrannous government.  
You have likewise to consider of your wars with the crown of France, the which are of great consequence in respect of the  and united forces of that realm, and the conjunction and league which they may easily continue with other Potentates of Christendom, and chief with the princes and states of Italy, for the jealousy wherein they live of our greatness. But besides that point whereof I warned you before, speaking of the danger that is in leagues, and the small effect that comes of them, you have besides this one secure and sound provision in readiness at all times for your further comfort in this very case of France, that so often as you shall assault that king within his own dominions, which is not hard to do, considering in what manner his realm is environed on every side, you shall be sure to draw him back, and so divert him both from Italy, and from other enterprises. Surely the French king warreth in Italy to his great advantage, as well in respect of the people's disposition to innovations, as of the great gain he sometimes makes by one only attempt, in comparison of his small expenses: we should have seen the proof not many years since, if the French could have made use of that advantage which they held at Cerisoles, or at the taking of Cassal, after the great overthrow which immediately after the revolt of Sienna the Turkish fleer gave to ours in the Sicilian sea. Besides, the Italians are so much grieved, being kerbed by Milan, Naples, and Sicily, as they are glad of any opportunity to weaken our suspected forces, and do willingly offer themselves to any one that will promise to ease them of their burden, and to set them free, not foreseeing that the French, if they were once masters of the like forts within the body of the state, would be as much, or more offensive to their liberties.  
The war of Piedmont will make the French king weary in a short time, if you endeavour to fight hand to hand as they do: for by a custom which they have long observed, to leave no enemy behind, you shall very easily bring this to pass, if you hold some strong town well fortified against their force, proceeding there from hand to hand as you find occasion: If they diminish or abate their army, increase yours, so as you may be able to take some place of importance, which being weak you may fortify. Thus by the help of places, and of so great an estate on your back, you may make war in winter. And to these ends if you be provoked by occasion, I had once resolved for their speedy riddance and dispatch to cut off their passage out of France to Turin, raising two or three forts betwixt Turin and the Alpes: for when they shall be forced to maintain a mighty garrison, and their provisions on this side the Alpes cut off, it would be hard for them to furnish themselves with sufficient store of victuals and munition out of their own country. In assaulting the French King at home, there are two kinds of war which promise prosperous success; the one is by the commodity which you have to draw your forces sooner together, and to enter into the heart of his Country, where you shall find abundance of victuals and other things to maintain a sufficient army. Before the French king come into the field, I would have you seek to make way for yourself, and so to advance, enlarging your own course, and cutting off your enemy's best opportunities by forts built in the Country, as I advised you before speaking of your wars against the Turk, which course Cesar himself observed, when he made war in that country. Sometimes opportunity may be given either by the declining of the adverse party upon some brave attempt of yours, or by your good success and their misfortunes. Whereupon you may so prevail as afterwards you may lay plots to compass that which is not yet conquered. Divisions may happen in the country, and a thousand other accidents, especially in this age, whenas love and charity so decay, whereby an enterprise begun with judgement, may be greatly furthered; wise men must not disdain to go forwards by insensible degrees, for so goeth the Sun about the world; for it is impossible that a kingdom of such strength, and at union within itself, should be at one instant swallowed up by any foreign enemy. But if the least part which is one, be drawn from them, and added to a stronger part than their own, the odds will grow within a while to be so great, as they that find the want will smart for it. Surely, if I had understood the reason from the first. beginning of my proceed against France, which I have learned since by long experience, and the consequence of many brave attempts which I have made against this realm, undoubtedly I would have brought some rare effects to pass: But it may be that God hath reserved that for your greater glory. One only difficulty is to be thought on this case, which is, that the French may sooner enter into Italy by certain months, considering the season of the year, and forwardness of the Country, than we can enter into France: But this advantage must be prevented by another stratagem: for as soon as you find that the King hath entered into his charge, and made his provisions, devise to trouble him in France with so sufficient an army, as he may be constrained to increase his forces on that side, and so give over all other intended enterprises. It is needless to set down any other rules for your proceeding in this course, so long as you are Lord of the Low Countries, and firmly united to your friends and allies in Germany. Against this mischief I find two certain remedies, the one by entertaining the French King in Italy, and assaulting him in France, at one instant. The other in making show to be ready, and to set forward in so good time, as he shall have other matters to think on than his attempts against Italy. You shall easilly attain to your desired end, in proceeding after this manner, as well in respect of the jealousy which the King in his absence hath of that estate, as to avoid the danger that may follow, if he leave his frontier towns behind his back environed both with forts and troops, as Cesar dealt at Marseilles, making war against Affranius and Petreus. By this means smaller forces may serve your turn, and all the bravery and terror which the French intended in their coming forward, shall turn to your advantage, and having an other army ready to advance, you shall be master of the passages and force him to abandon that garrison which he left environed with your forces upon the frontier.  
The other way to invade France, is to set upon the frontiers, and then go forwards; but this requireth too long time, and serveth rather to divert the French Kings course from Italy, than to feed our hope with gaining by the match, in respect of the little likelihood to win any great towns upon the frontiers, for the French king is mighty, and will come armed to rescue rather than leave it in danger: Besides, the winning of a town by batterle, requireth a long time, and a wanton charge. It is very true that the difficulty may be recompensed in some sort, by making choice of such places as import the cause wholly, or in the greatest part; but of all these ways the first hath most valour, and is most likely to prove successful. I remember well, that when I assaulted France towards Landersey, my intent was to have entered into the bowels of that Realm, before the coming of the Suissers, but after that I had made some stay about the winning of certain towns upon the frontier, the facility that I found in prevailing against the first that were attempted by my forces, made me to change my mind, and to engage myself there, with an assured hope that I might with the like success go through with the rest, before the King should be strong enough to march: but being stayed there longer than I either thought or expected, the King had opportunity to make himself stronger with ease, to defend himself with greater security, and to constrain me by force to retire, and to yield to an agreement which was then made rather (to tell you plain) to colour my retreat, than for any good effect that followed.  
Now if in making war against France you should prevail in your attempt, to the which (for that it were against the skill of Arms) I can not believe you will be ever drawn without great likelihood of victory; you must labour effectually to bring it to that point: Pursue your advantage in such sort as I have said, for by this means the king being forced for the most part to supply his wants from countries farther off, before he shallbe ready with new forces, you may come upon him with a fresh enterprise: But if the worst should happen unto you, (which God forbidden) you shall always have leisure to repair your strength, and so much the more freely, both for danger and all other inconveniences, if you can put off the hazard near to the point of winter, so as the credit which he getteth in that action may not further his affairs in Italy: To these ends a gallant army consisting of a reasonable number, shall avail you more than huge multitudes. And against France also you may greatly strengthen your estate, by maintaining a continual number of foot, to match their ordinary troops of horse, as you shall find it set down more plainly in my Reports, with full consideration of all accidents, augmenting your proportion against the Turk, according to the rate wherein he exceeds the French king and others, princes of Europe, in force. It standeth neither with your judgement nor skill, in any of these cases which I have set down, to give your first onset upon any place which requireth long time, great forces, & excessive charge before it can be won, unless you be first sure of some secret intelligence within the town, or privy to some great defect or want which pincheth them, whether it be of men, munition, leaders, victuals, and such like necessary things which they can not forbear; or have some certain knowledge of the unsettled humours of the people, or of some chief magistrates, or of division within the body of the state itself, so as you may assure yourself before the cards be dealt, to win the great rest by setting it up.  
These occasions ought not at any time to be neglected, unless you mean to abandon the due consideration of the Art of War, for otherwise the enemy gaineth too much time for the preparing of his forces, and brings his desires to pass; whereas on the other side, it is hard to maintain an army long with victuals and other provisions at a siege without making some room at the first for the passage of his convoys. I remember well that I once undertook an enterprise against Provence in France, my Rendezvous was at Marseilles, which was the cause that my hopes were made frustrate, and my charges lost, and withal, my retreat was exceeding dangerous: And which is worst of all, the eyes of Francis the French King were opened by this means, so as he plainly discovered the dangers of his realm, and forthwith sought to settle himself at Turin, and to make his residence in Piedmont where the French did afterwards make war to their best advantage, discouraging the ready means of diverting all attempts on that side against France, besides the credit which they got by the action with the States of Italy.  
If they had known (as I have said) how to use this prosperous success to their best advantage, I doubt not but they had often put all the estates you hold thereabouts in danger: Seek therefore always to assault the French King in his own Realm, and to prevent his first attempts, for otherwise you cannot when you will rid your hands of him, by making a diversion from Italy, if he may be suffered to put in his foot, for then the difficulty of repairing your army with supplies of Spaniards, considering the situation will be very great, wherein all consisteth, for they being defeated by any mischance, it gives great encouragement to the States of Italy, to lay new plots, especially the Venetiant whom every little blast doth easily awake. Persuade not yourself that your dearest friends in Italy, seeing your power decline, will ever adhere to your misfortunes with the hazard of their own estates, but rather secretly reconcile themselves to him that hath the upper hand, and follow the Victor's good fortune. I would not wish you to apply your whole care about the recovery of Sienna, which will be hardly effected. I grant the Duke of Florence hath been jealous to that State, considering his opportunity to annoy them, both by near neighbourhood, and the power of his authority: This plot if it might take effect, will be a notable precedent to all States, and make them wary how to intermeddle against your power: And which importeth your cause most of all, you shall by this means cut off all intelligence between the French Kings forces, and the States of Italy, who finding the French settled within the heart of their Country, will be more apt to join with them in friendship, and rely upon their strength, rather than when they see them far off in Piedmont; and much less if they can be drawn on this side the Alpes, whereas their favour cannot be commodious, nor their displeasure dangerous. It shall also much avail in your dealing with the Crown of France, to be fully informed of the humours and affections of all such persons as are in greatest favour with the King, or that stand for the best offices; thrust your hand secretly into all their competitions, and draw the strongest party unto you with all the Art you can: for never can the Theatre of public Actions afford more favourable shows in your behalf, than when it shall be moved under hand with invisible devices. If ever Fortune favour you so much, as that either by alliance, or any other kind of agreement, you shall be able to remove the French out of Piedmont, wink at all other things. Do the best you can whereby the Realm may be induced to desist from arms; so shall you be secured from tumults and many other kinds of crosses, which are more dangerous, and not known to every man; if afterwards any occasion be offered of doing yourself good, forbear not to lay hold of it. Thus shall you ever be most secure concerning causes which belong to Italy. This is the ground upon which in the end it behoveth you to settle the strongest sinews of your foreign power, and therefore have always an eye unto it with an advised consideration.  
The reason is not all one for the French to be now put out of Piedmont, and as if they had never held it, for in the opinion of the world it will be more disgrace unto them, than the winning thereof before did yield them profit. Wherefore in all your capitulations and agreements let your eye level directly at this end, and your plots of policy aim always at this mark. For believe me son, and I assure you out of my long experience, that Piedmont alone will benefit you more, than if on that side which lies next unto Flaunders, you had bearest him of the third part of his own kingdom. Seeing then we are entered so far into the State of Italy, and engaged in the highest mystery of State, we must proceed a little farther in this politic discourse. I will tell you once again, that by the life of this one artere the pulse of all your great power doth beat. This way your eyes must be ever bend and open to all opportunities: First I would have you use all devotion and courtesy to the holy father, and the apostolic Sea; I would wish you to be very kind to the members of the same, as the Cardinals, Bishops, Prelates and other of the Clergy belonging to the Court of Rome. Be ever ready for the defence of them and the Catholic profession. In all elections of Popes, see that you labour not by any unchristian, unlawful, and indirect means to prefer any of those Cardinals that are your especial friends: Strive not to make one rather than an other, so as all Competitors be worthy of the place, for in these sacred actions the holy Ghost doth work: And it is better to submit our like to the providence of God, which turneth all things to the best, as we may understand by that which is recorded of Mathias in the Text, than to follow humours or respect particulars.  
There is no question but any of them may be won by due respect, and admit they should become strange, yet after you have sought to reconcile yourself into their favours by such means as are prescribed you by the holy Ghost, having your territories included in the midst of their Country, you can never want the choice of many means belonging to the world; by which for your last refuge, when there is no other means, you may insinuate yourself more easily into their good opinions: I mean either by alliance with their chiefest friends abroad; or bestowing pensions and sundry courtesies upon such persons of the Clergy as they most affect at home, with a thousand such like compliments, as may pleasure them daily, without any hindrance to princes of your quality. This is the way to make the Pope you friend, though at the first he were elected by a faction of Cardinals which depend not on your affection, for hardly shall you find any hawk so haggard but he will pray upon all apt advaunxstages: Hereof you must have an especial care, the end whereof is the general good of Christendom, rather than any respect of your own private interest; though many perhaps do not so much regard those bonds which ought to move them simply to make a Pope, as they do the profit when a Pope is made to their purpose.  
The territories of the Church lie (as we may say) in the very heart of Italy, but so environed with yours, as they may serve for a garland: if Sienna were once recovered, they should then be compassed in on all sides with your forces. So as the way which you shall take, according to the rule set down before, shall be made more easy by your diligence, and the favours which you mean to bestow, shall more readily bring forth those good fruits which you desire among them. So long as godly men are preferred to that Sea, there is no doubt but charity, religion, & care to keep the seamless coat of Christ unrent, will move them both to tender and deserve your love. If men delighted more with worldly honours should hold those places (which God forbidden) yet would they be always glad to make a friend of one whom they are not able to encounter with hospitality, besides his devotion to the pope's themselves. The courtesies which you may likewise use to the cardinals your special friends, will much fortify this wary & discreet consideration. Apply your care from time to time to win many friends among the cardinals aswell old as young, the which may be easily effected, in giving them preferments & such dignities as they desire. The like course I would have you hold with the Bishops & other prelates of that Court: but have a care to deal most bountifully with such persons as are most inward with his Holiness.  
Above all things ground yourself upon the conscience and equity of your demands, in dealing with the cardinals & other friends; but in cases that require grace and favour, see that you rely upon the bounty of the Pope himself, lest you be deceived of your expectation. Stick not to afford all commodities out of your estates to the court of Rome, with a bountiful and a willing heart, & if necessity enforce you to break with the Pope, yet use the matter with such temperance and wariness, as the world may rightly understand the reason: and acknowledge that the cause of this stratagem grew not from your desert, but that you were enforced thereunto for your own safety. Religion is the bond of love, and therefore nothing is more contrary to hope and expectation of good success, than to leave an ill opinion in the minds of men of your affection towards those that hold the place and credit of God's ministers.  
In matters pertaining to accounts in general, conform yourself at all times with obedience & humbleness to the certain & infallible determination of his Holiness, & howsoever causes of unkindness may arise, yet let the world see your religion is unchangeable. Touching the Venetians you may easily take order, if you find it good for yourself to continue in the league with them, being (as I said before) so disposed to rely wholly upon time as they will wander between these vain & idle expectations, suffering themselves willingly to be drawn on from day to day, & consuming still with a soft fire of ambition till at length they become a prey to some martial power without any great difficulty. Moreover the Turk, having shut them from Corfu, will soon bereave them of Cypress & Candie, & restrain them much: And considering that the trade of Venice standeth wholly upon merchandise, you may never undertake any enterprise upon hope of their assistance, especially against the Turk, if it be not at such time as they are very low, and you in great prosperity; and yet even then also it might be thought that jealousy & fear of your good fortune will work more in their suspicious conceits, than any other due consideration, or respect whatsoever. Experience hath taught that these mean conceits, whose humour is to apprehend more than any can contain, lose more by emulation than they get by policy; but whensoever you have cause to break league with them, assault them first, & with all celerity, for as they do lie in wait to work upon the first advantage that their neighbours miseries do afford, so states which have often had proof of this strange inclination, look warily to their attempts, & hold no stricter league with them than stands with their own necessities. If then you shall begin to ply them lustily before they can have leisure to combine with other states, or make provision for war, a matter so long neglected by their sloth, as it will appear they have quite forgotten their first alphabet; & as in popular estates fear breedeth infinite confusions, so may you make your profit of their ignorance. If this be doubted of, you can desire no plainer proof, than their want aswell of carriages, as of policy in letting ship so many brave occasions as these late years have offered. It seems that they presume out of their slothful humour to maintain their dignity by certain quiet ordinances, and sober institutions made by their gown men: & herein fortune hath been more favourable to them; but yet it may be said without offence or error, that commonweals so qualified, do neither know nor understand in what sort to use their power to their best benefit.  
This weakness being found, in setting first upon their estate, I do assure myself, that with that sudden alteration, and many other troubles and disorders that will ensue, you may bring some great enterprise to pass, before they be awaked from sleep, or resolved among themselves what to spend, or whom to rely upon, what Leaders to employ, or have revived their old discipline or manner of making war so many years neglected in their government. Their covetous desires to cut off all cause of charge in time of peace, their ignorance in training men that may be fit to serve when need requires, their want of leaders in the body of their own estate that may withstand the violence of any mighty potentate, that maketh head against their force, will always give advantage to your policy, in taking the first start of them: you may boldly imagine that by this means you shall enforce them to their own defence, whereas if you give them leisure to begin the war, and to assault you first in the realm of Naples, they might do great harm, in respect of their kind usage towards them, and their civil government which is yet fresh in memory. If you find no likelihood that they will fall to their defence, enforce them what you may, and seek to prevent their purposes by means of division in some good sort, for herein consisteth the greatest advantage of your actions. I must now let you understand that in seeking to assault them first, your greatest care must be by all means possible to thrust into the very centre of the State, for having forced them to put garrisons into all the strong places which they hold, it is not possible they should be able at the same time to keep the field. In the mean time you cannot but find some great want in one or other of their forts, either of leaders, garrisons, provisions, or pays; you may find out the striving humours that are set a work by faction in general, or of persons discontented in particular. In any one place that your fortune shall be to take, use your happy beginning as an extreme to further good, and leave a precedent and encouragement to others, by your princely dealing with those, so as they may more easily be brought to yield upon reasonable conditions and honourable offers made to Burghers, Leaders, soldiers etc. with other means which circumstances, time and place shall present to your discreet consideration. If you be once master of the field whatsoever is not strong will remain at your devotion, or they shall be enforced to come to field, where they can not long continue their garrisons being provided: for hereupon a battle must ensue, which in respect of their long discontinuance of arms, and want of knowledge & experience of the service of these times, will be greatly to their disadvantage, and disgrace, so as they may be diverted first from the realm of Naples, which is one of their best hopes, when they may approach without opposition.  
Be careful also that no other prince in Italy grow too potent, although he seem to depend wholly upon your crown; for in this case you must be no less careful to contain those which make show to be your friends within reasonable bounds, than to keep down your enemies; holding it for an infallible ground, that they which make profession to follow you, and are most forward in your service, would be the first (upon the least disadvantage and declining of your fortune, and hope to better their own) that would turn unto the other side. But as the many divisions and factions in Italy do make the labour hard, to keep that which you now hold, as sometimes it happened betwixt the States of Greece and the Romans, you must ever presuppose this principle, that the Estates of Italy desire above all things to see a Duke settled at Milan, and a King at Naples; to this end tend all their practices, for that is a means to weaken your encroaching power, and withal to free themselves from foreign servitude: The reasons are, for that with petty princes they may treat at all times upon even hand, with you they promise fair in jealousy, and persevere in dissimulation. Again, a Duke of Milan, or a King of Naples, which had no more estates than that alone to build on, would fear and hope with them, and ever tie himself to them in a firm league of friendship, against foreign forces for his own security, which is the strongest bond.  
But with you they neither dare enter into league, lest thereby you should grow more strong, nor war, lest with an over-match you should weigh down their policy. Besides, a door well kept is a defence for all that live under one roof, and in one family. The Venetians above all wish for this, because they might have great choice in setting down their plots, and more help at their need. The Pope hath also been as apt as others to combine and practise to this end: but your best remedy against this humour will be to take advantage of the divisions and factions which happen daily among themselves, and to maintain by continual action, your reputation in arms, holding good intelligence in every state, appointing able and sufficient ministers to attend the Pope; by fishing with a golden hook where the streams are troubled. As for Italy you need not fear any danger, if you can devise to keep them from combining craftily within themselves, and especially with the French King on that side the Alpes, which is not hard to do, for him that standeth ever watchfully upon his guard, and hath in his head discretion to see, and in his hands means to prevent their purposes. The safest course as I have advised you before, is to nip off the first buds of ambition before they ripen to your prejudice, or seed to the hazard of your government.  
These brief notes (my dear son) I thought good to leave with you, as certain grounds and principles, whereunto you may resort for resolution of doubts as occasion shall be offered. I am not ignorant that many circumstances may change the rules, but yet the reason of them well observed will direct you, in what sort to deal, howsoever fresh occasions may enforce you somewhat to digress and vary from my former observations. Touching the manner in particular of fashioning your policy, both in time of peace and war to the best use, with extraordinary plots for the performance of greater actions, rather sensibly conceived in my head upon likely grounds, than warranted by certain proof during the time of my flourishing in the world, I refer you to the complete discourse which shall ever witness both my love to you, and my travel for your happiness. For a conclusion of this point, I charge you by the interest which by nature I may claim, and by the duty which by the law of God you own me, that in all enterprises you set the rule of conscience before your eyes, and what stratagems and policies soever you use to attain unto your desires, yet let the ground and end be justifiable in his sight who weigheth all things, not by human passion, but by his most holy ordinance.  
Be kind in natural affection to all the branches of your honourable house: Continue league and friendship with your ancient allies: Prevent the first beginning of your enemy's attempts: Beware of sugared words, where reason maketh you to suspect ill deeds: Be sure of sound advertisements from every state: Be just at home, and bountiful abroad: so shall your end be suitable to your entry, and both to that unfeigned wish which your father's love affordeth you. I will never cease to pray for your good success: in you it resteth to proceed in such a course as praise may sound your purposes.   

D. Philip the second of that name, and 23. King of Castille etc.  
AMong other advertisements which the emperor had given unto the king D. Philip his son, 
1556  he had exhorted him much to make a peace with the French, and to keep it; Marry Queen of England did also affect it, being desirous to have him by her to have some issue: whereupon they entered into treaty, and there was a truce concluded for 5 years, by the which it was agreed that every one should remain in possession of that he held. 
Truce betwixt the French and Spaniards for five years.  By this truce which was both profitable and honourable for the French, Octavio Farnese duke of Parma returned into favour with king Philip. But soon after the Pope falling in quarrel with the king of Spain, touching the Colonnois whom he had excommunicated, and deprived of their goods, as rebels to the Church, having made his nephew john carafe duke of Paliano, 
Bre●●h betwixt Pope Paul the fourth, and the king of Spain.  & given unto his son, but yet an infant, the castle of Cavi, belonging to Marc Anthony Colonne, with the title of marquess; the D. of Alba viceroy of Naples, having commandment from his master to press the restitution of the Colonnois to their possessions, had protested that he would do it by force, who (hearing that the carafes did fortify Paliano, upon the confines of the realm of Naples) sent the earl of Sanvalentino to the Caraffis, exhorting them that they would not attempt a thing so prejudicial to his Majesty, and that they should do all good offices to pacify the Pope, and to take away the occasions of these tumults, seeing that they might expect more from the King of Spain's bounty, 
Earl of Sannalentino at Rome to treat at accord.  by quietness, than from their uncle, by such dangerous and not durable Innovations, which could not produce any thing but war and ruin. The Earl complained also in the Duke of Albas' behalf, that his Holiness had used all them sourly that were friends to the Emperor, and to the King of Spain, and that he daily gave new occasions to think, 
Duke of Alba complains of the Pope's actions.  that his heart was estranged from them, for that to wrong the favourites, friends, and dependents of the house of Austria, without respect of any, was a sign of much hatred which was borne them, and small account that was made of them: besides arming and levying new troops daily, the which were sent unto diverse places of the frontier, and finally causing a fort to be built upon the confines of the realm of Naples, and employing men therein, that were suspected to the house of Austria, did show plainly that he had done them wrong, or meant to wrong them, and then defend it by force. But this was against the quiet of Christendom, seeking to overthrow the hope of a general peace, which with great toil was lately grounded upon a truce: and to receive into Rome, not only the enemies of his King, but open rebels, was nothing else but to approve their treachery, and to have an intent to use their council or service to prejudice his Majesty, seeing they were so familiar, in his Court. The which he should believe he could not long endure, being of so generous a mind, and of so great power as he needed not to fear any man; and if he had endured until that time, it was only in respect of the holy Sea, desiring peace above all things, whereunto the Pope should be more inclined than he, in regard of his dignity and charge.  
The Pope answered pertinently to every one of these points, showing that it was not fit for any man, 
Answer made by the Pope to the duke of Albas' complaint.  much less for a Catholic King, or his ministers to seek (upon any colour whatsoever) to hinder the Pope's authority over his subjects, that he might not take knowledge of their offences and punish them, for the respect he should bear to any Potentate: and that he (although that the King of Naples were feudatary to that Sea) took no care for that which was done in that kingdom, much less should he with such vehemency seek an account in Rome of the Pope's actions, who was a free and absolute Lord: But touching that which was spoken of arms and soldiers, it was neither in that city nor any where else, a preparation to war, but for the safety and defence of his person and State, seeing that he had cause to fear secret treason, and that which they could not do by poison, they would seek to effect by the sword, and they that could not deprive him of his life, would with ignominy spoil him of his estate, having before his eyes the example of Clement the seventh by his too great trust. And as he could not altogether blame his majesties royal conceptions, so he could not excuse the malice of some of his followers, who have thought therein to please him, whom he also blamed, for entertaining any hard conceit in the King's mind, causing him to suspect his Holiness actions and his nephews, so as happily he had commanded him to send some troops unto the frontiers of the territories of the Church, under Bernardin of Mendosa, and that they had made other demonstrations nothing conformable to the peace, which the Duke seemed to desire, according to the intent of the King his master. Touching enemies and rebels which he said he had received into Rome, he answered, that he might well know, that that City had been always a common Country, wherewith the King should not be grieved: Besides, the Duke of Alva, who made all this noise, should consider how much the Pope of Rome was reverenced and respected by him, seeing that he had received and favoured Marc Anthony Colonna, who had been excommunicated by him, with all those that should receive or assist him. And as for the Kings well taking of it, it was well known, and of what power he was, seeing that having scarce taken in hand the government of his Realms, he would have sovereign Princes respect his majesties favourites, the which he entertained in other men's estates: But notwithstanding he did hope that God would favour the just cause, and that being forced to take some other resolution, he trusted to find them that would help the oppressed.  
But after this they fell to open arms: the Pope apprehending the preparations which were made by the Spaniards in the realm of Naples, 
Truce broken betwixt France and Spain.  had recourse unto the French King, and to the forces of France, the ancient refuge of Popes oppressed. This was an occasion to break the truce, and to bring France and Spain again to arms. There had been a league made by the procurement of the cardinal of Lorraine (before the conclusion of the truce) betwixt the Pope, Henry the French king, and the Duke Ferrara, whereof the Duke should be general in Italy, in quality of the King's lieutenant. 
Cardinal Carraffe legate in France.  Cardinal Carraffa the Pope's Nuntio was sent into France for Legat, who brought a sword unto the king, in signification of war, at whose instance there were three thousand foot appointed to be sent to Rome, whereof part were speedily embarked in those galleys which brought this Legate to Marseilles. The Pope he stood upon his guard, entertained captains, and gave commissions to levy men, causing the places about Rome to be fortified. The duke of Alba seeing the French king engaged in this quarrel, entered in hostile manner into the territories of the Church, where he took many places, and brought his army near to the gates of Rome, which made the Pope to importune the French King for succours. Afterwards he took the town of Ostia, and the castle; the which had wonderfully amazed the Romans, if Peter Strossy had not been, who since his defeat, being no friend to the Spaniards, had lived in Rome, and had accompanied Cardinal Carraffa into France, and returned with him to Rome by the king's commandment, who employed himself wholly for the carafes who had all the authority, wherefore he was very pleasing unto them. By his industry and valour, Ostia with some other places were recovered from the Spaniards.  
The king desirous to rleieve the Pope, 
Duke of Guise sent into Italy.  sent Francis of Lorraine Duke of Guise into Italy, as the Pope's soldier, with whom, and with the Duke of Ferrara he had made certain conventions, for the entertainment and safety of the army, consisting of twelve thousand foot, French, Swisses, and Grisons, and two thousand horse, with the which he passed the Alpes in the heart of winter.  
About this time D. john de Luna was in Flaunders, who (as we have said) had been called thither touching Fernand Gonzague: 
john de Luna flies into France.  he seeing himself very severely handled by the King's ministers in that business, seeking a strict account of him of the munition of the castle of Milan, being accused to have employed it to his own private use, he resolved to fly from Brussels, who coming into France, was graciously received by the Christian king, and an honourable pension given him for his maintenance. He wrote from thence to his son Diego, that he should deliver the castle of Milan (where he remained in his father's place) to whomsoever his king should commit it, and that neither he nor his brethren should ever serve from his service. And so it was delivered by way of provision to Alonso Pescioni, by order from the catholic King, and afterwards to Alonso Figueroa, who was sent Castellan thither, fearing the danger.  
The Emperor Charles having the last year made a resignation of all his realms and dominions, showing a rare Precedent of his fatherly love, and of a wise and temperate mind, he resolved also to write unto his brother touching the government of the Empire, and, leaving the government of his states more free unto his son, retire himself, and spend the remainder of his life in a free and quiet contemplation. Wherefore on the seventh day of September this year one thousand five hundred fifty and six he sent doctor Saler into Germany to his brother Ferdinand with a resignation of the government of the empire with the Crown, 
Charles resigns the empire to his brother.  Sceptre, and other Ornaments; pretending, that being unable to undergo that burden, by reason of his age, and the infirmities which did afflict him extraordinarily, he persuaded the Electors to confirm the said Ferdinand in his place, being younger, stronger, and more apt to bear the burden of such an empire, to whom there was given by the providence of God, for a natural enemy the Turk, who was mighty & always watchful, the which was now most to be feared, for that he heard he was making a great preparation for war. He did write particularly to every one of the electors touching that business, & a very familiar letter unto his brother, recommending his son unto him, that he would direct and assist him in all occasions, with his council & help. On the 14 day of the month he went from Gaand into Zealand, his ships attending him at Flessingue, but for that the wind was contrary, he was forced to stay many days at Zuytbourg a village betwixt Flessingue and Middelbourg, 
Charles the fifth passeth into Spain to a solitary life.  which turning fair, having taken his leave of his son, and given him his blessing, and embraced all the Princes and Noblemen, he took shipping with his two sisters Marry widow to Lewis King of Hongary, and Leonora first widow of Portugal, and then of France, who would needs accompany him in this voyage.  
He came in a eleven days to the coast of Spain, and landed at Laredo in Biscay, where before that he received any of those Noblemen that came to do their duties to him, he kneeled down, and gave God thanks, for that in the last years of his life, he had suffered him to come and die in that country, which had always been most dear unto him, and by whose means he knew he was come to the height of that honour and greatness: And then embracing those Noblemen and Grandoes of Spain very lovingly, he passed by Bourgos to Vailledolit, whereas his Nephew Don Carlo was, to whom he gave many good instructions, putting him chief in mind of religion and justice, where resting some days, and leaving his sisters there, that he might have no let to attend the life which he had propounded, he retired himself to the Monastery of Saint Just of the Order of Saint jerosme de la Vera, near to Placentia, a desert place, in the Province of Estremadura. Here, with four servants only to serve him in his necessity, he passed his life in continual contemplation, giving great alms and doing other good deeds of charity, for the which he had reserved a hundred thousand ducats yearly out of his great possessions. Pope Paul the fourth hearing of his resignation, was much troubled, thinking that the Emperor could not do it, seeing it was necessary, that being desirous to leave off that degree, whereunto he had been advanced by the Pope's authority, he should resign it into the Pope's hands; whose office it then was to write unto the Electors to provide one that were worthy of that dignity, who was to obtain the ordinary confirmation from him, wherein Ferdinand afterwards found some difficulty.  
Queen Leonora being in Castille she had a great desire to see the Infanta, 
Interview betwixt the mother and the daughter.  D. Maria of Portugal her daughter, who remained at Lisbon, wherein there was some difficulty upon the point of honour and convenience, whether the mother should go into Portugal, or the daughter into Castille, so as the Emperor was forced to write somewhat sharply unto the king D. john. In the end the daughter came to see the mother in the city of Badajos, which was the last time of their meeting.  
The king of Algiers with the help of an army at sea of Turks, 
Oran besieged and valiantly defended.  of two and forty galleys, and many Moors at land, did much annoy the coast of Africa, and in the end came to Oran thinking to take that town from the Spaniards. Being encamped there the seventh day of August, and viewed it where they might plant their battery, they began to cast up trenches about the wall, planting some pieces to batter the castle of Alchaizer, but it was very indiscreetly done, for they lay open both to the artillery of the fort, and to that of the port Tremisene, so as very many of them were slain. Whereupon they were forced to make new ramparts, and to find out a better seat for their lodgings, the which were on every side discovered, their army being great, for besides 12000. Turks, there was an infinite number of Moors, both horse and foot. They stayed there some days before they resolved to batter it, for that they could not find a convenient place, but that they should be wonderfully annoyed by the ordnance from the fort, which standing high discovered the country round about, and shot into their trenches. In the mean time the besieged sallied forth daily to skirmish, and carried away the honour in a manner always: and although there were not above two thousand soldiers in the whole garrison, which were divided in Mersalcabir, the castle Alchaizer and the town, yet the Earl of Alcauderte the Governor sent them continually forth to annoy the enemy. But the Moors resolving in the end to batter it, and come to an assault, on the fifteenth day of August they began to batter the castle in two places, where they themselves received the greatest loss; for besides many others, all their gunner's were slain, so unskilfully they had planted their battery, so as at night they withdrew it, 
Turks and Moors fly from Oran.  knowing that all their endeavours were vain. The next day the Turks began to retire towards the sea with dishonour, making all possible speed to get into their galleys, which lay at Sorzet, and the Moors on horseback saving themselves by flight. The reason why they received no more loss by the Spaniards in their retreat, was for that they heard thereof lay, when as most of them had recovered their galleys, or were fled away on horseback.  
There was some slaughter made of the Moors that were footm●en, but the greatest part of them were pardoned, for that being of the country, the Spaniards would incense them as little as might be, notwithstanding that they were treacherous and of no faith. The Earl took some of their baggage which the enemies had left behind them for haste, with one piece of Ordnance, and if they had had three or four hundred lances to follow then suddenly, few of the Turks had escaped, for that they were all in a confusion, and most of them without arms. This sudden retreat of the Turks at the enterprise of Oran, eased the Catholic King's army of much toil, having been many days doubtful, whether they should go and relieve this town, or carry the Spaniards into the Realm of Naples, to the Duke of Alua.  
After all the broils in Italy, 
1557  betwixt the Pope and the King of Spain, and the taking and retaking of many towns, in the end both parties seemed to incline unto a peace. The Pope being a man of a small discourse and ignorant of his own affairs, fearing to be abandoned by his foreign forces, which he could not entertain but with great charges, which his means would hardly supply, suffering himself to be governed by men which deceived him, 
Pope yields to treat of a peace.  and applied all to their own private profits, with supreme authority, men of no faith, and which had many practices; he therefore yielded to their persuasions which did mediate a peace betwixt him and the King of Spain, amongst which were the Duke of Florence and the Venetians, desirous to divert this war, which could bring nothing but spoils and ruins. The Duke of Guise lying near to Rome had news of the battle of Saint Quentin lost by the French; wherefore he persuaded the Pope to take some course for himself for that he should be forced to return with his army or the greatest part thereof into France, to secure that Realm, which he saw in apparent danger.  
King Philip did in like manner write unto the Venetians, 
King of Spain disirous of peace with the Pope.  showing how weak the Pope's hopes were grown, yet he offered all honourable conditions of peace to his Holiness, referring the composition to the judgement of their commonweal, if the Pope and Viceroy should disagree: He did also send commandment to the Duke of Alba, that he should procure a peace with all conditions; and so as his friends and servants might not be oppressed, he should accept any accord from the Pope, with whom he meant not to be any more in disgrace, and that he desired no greater fruits of the victory which he had newly gotten, than to be at peace with his Holiness. The Duke was then ready to invest Paliano, but the Cardinal of Santafiora continuing to negotiate this peace, had often sent Alexander Placidi his Secretary unto the Viceroy, to let him understand, that the Pope at the entreaty of many Cardinals, had yielded to a peace, and sent him these conditions.  
That the Pope was well pleased to receive Philip king of Spain, and the Duke of Alba into favour, pardoning all the injuries they had done unto the Church, so as the Duke with all his troops did within ten days depart out of the territories of the Church leaving the towns and forts taken in that war free unto the Pope: and that he in like manner would cause the Duke of Guise to departed for France within ten days. The Duke of Alba although he knew the king his Master's mind, and were himself desirous of peace, yet would he make use of the occasion, 
Duke of Alva's answer touching a peace.  and have it with all advantages: And therefore he answered the Cardinal, that those propositions were to be propounded to men that were vanquished, and not to victors: But if the Pope would have peace with the king of Spain, he should accuse his own injustice, for spoiling the Colonnes, and his error having imprisoned so many of his majesties vassals and servants; making war against him, and calling in the French to prejudice his states, for the which he should crave pardon: a proposition which showed rather the pride of that Nation, that the mind of the Prince, to whom it was no small blemish.  
The Caraffis seeing the present danger, & doubting the vast designs of the Spaniards in this great prosperity, according to the which they do commonly guide their passions, either insolent or dejected, they persuaded the Pope to retire into France, or to some other place of safety, leaving garrisons of Frenchmen in all the forts belonging to the Church, to kindle such a fire in Italy, as neither the Spaniards nor their partisans should ever be able to quench. But the Pope who naturally did not love strangers, and had received small service from the French, rejected it as a desperate Council, yet being resolved rather to embrace any party than yielding to the Viceroy's propositions, to do a thing contrary to his mind and dignity.  
At such time as they treated of this accord, the Viceroy (the more to terrify the Pope) began to advance with his army towards Rome, with an intent to give an assault to the City, and then retire, yet it was given out that he had a meaning to take it, but his design was made frustrate by the vigilancy of the Caraffis. The duke having relation from Palazzo and Moschera (two of his Captains, whom he had sent in the night to view the city) that giving a sudden assault towards Port Mayor, with the help of some pieces of artillery, it might be easily forced, he removed with the army, 
Duke of Alva goes to assail Rome.  and stayed at Colonna, where the six and twentieth day of August at night, he caused his army to march in this order. The light Horsemen were in the forward, he made a great Squadron of all the Spanish foot, which served for the battle, and the Dutch had the rearward, and on their flanks they had other troops of horse. And for that they were in some doubt of the French which were at Tivoli, they sent some troops of horse and foot on the right hand to stay the enemy, if they should have any notice of their enterprise. He then sent above three hundred before with ladders, and other instruments to climb up, and to break open gates if need were, that being brought by some near way near unto Port Maior, they might give a sudden assault, and being seconded by some horse which were near them, they might enter the City, and keep a port until that the rest of the army arrived.  
The order was that they should present themselves unto the wall about the seventh hour of the night, but there falling a small continual rain, the ways were so broken, as being constrained to take a longer course, it was break of day before they arrived, so as being discovered by some of the Countrymen, they advertised them of the city, which made them retire speedily, leaving their ladders against the walls, and many cloaks wherewith they had covered themselves from the rain, yea, and some arms, but the slackness of the enemy in the pursuit was the cause that there were not above five and twenty or thirty taken.  
Cardinal Caraffy had intelligence by the Secretary Placidi, when he came from the viceroy, that the army began to rise; whereupon he doubted they would assail Rome, or Tivoli, and take the French unprovided, so as he gave them warning over night, and he himself (not making it known to the Romans, in whom he had no great confidence) wach● all night with the duke, and was in arms, doubling the sentinels whereas they most doubted the enemy. Ascanio de la Corn, who commanded the horse that went to second the 300 foot, seeing the lights about the wall, and the guards in a readiness, held the enterprise to be discovered. And to confirm this opinion, four light horsemen went forth early to get some booty, they thinking by reason of the darkness of the night, the number to be greater, and that they had laid an ambush, whereupon they retired.  
The duke of Alba coming near unto Rome, and seeing his men had not done any thing, thought that they stood ready within to receive them. And for that he understood by certain spies, that Strossy had led four hundred Horse and twelve companies of Gascons the evening before out of Tivoli, it confirmed him in his belief, that they were entered into Rome, 
Rome in danger to be sacked.  having notice of the Spaniards coming, whereupon he caused the army to retire to Colonna from whence it came: without doubt if he had but attempted it, Rome had been taken and sacked. The city was so ill guarded, as a lesser army would have forced it, for that the Romans were enemies to the Caraffis, for the wrongs they thought they had received of them, and of the soldiers that were within the city; of the which the Gascons did not spare their goods nor honours, & the Germans, enemies to the Pope, spoiled the church & altars. The Pope considering of these things, & lamenting the miseries of the time, being forced to countenance and not to punish those wretches, who called themselves defenders in name, but in effect were destroyers of that miserable city, began to be fully resolved to peace; and the rather for that he did visibly see the danger wherein he was, being certified that the Citizens of Rome had resolved, that if the duke of Alba returned, they would send to capitulate with him, and open him the gates upon honest conditions.  
The duke of Guise, and Peter Strossy entered into Rome after this tumult, who talking with the Pope, advised him to accommodate himself unto the time, as wisemen do commonly. They laid before him the unfortunate loss of the French king, whereby there was no hope of any greater succours, and that he should remain without a General, for that he was to return speedily into France, which would be no small prejudice unto him, for that his Nephews, who were to govern the war, were of small experience, neither would they believe them that understood more in that art, but entreated them ill, keeping back their entertainment, so as seeing his holiness without money, and without Captains, they did not think the war could continue long: wherefore they counseled him to make the speediest and best accord he could with the king of Spain. The Pope gave an attentive ear to the free speeches of these Noblemen, and resolved to make an end of the people's miseries, wherefore he called the ambassador of Venice unto him, entreating him to go and inform that Senate of the estate of things, and to exhort them in his name to make some good accord with the imperials.  
After many treaties, in the end a Peace was concluded by the Cardinals of Santafiori and Vitelli; and afterwards by Caraffa and the duke of Alba, who met together at Cavi. And so by either of them having full authority from the Pope, and the king of Spain, the following accord was published the 14 day of September.  
1 That the Pope should receive from the duke of Alba in the name of the king of Spain, 
Peace betwixt the Pope and the king of Spain.  the submissions that were necessary to obtain pardon from his Holiness, but afterwards the Catholic king should send a man expressly to that end. And so his Holiness should receive the king into favour, as an obedient Son, admitting him to all the graces of the holy church, like unto other Christian Princes.  
2 That the Pope should renounce the league contracted with the French king, and remain a Neuter, loving them both equally, as his Sons.  
3 That his Majesty should cause the towns and Cities demanteled, which had been taken and held since the beginning of the war, to be restored, if they did in any sort belong unto the apostolic sea.  
4 That the ordnance taken on either part in that war should be restored.  
5 That his Holiness and his Majesty should forgive all offences that had been done them, and remit all spiritivall and temporal punishments, granting them a gerall pardon, with restitution of their honours, dignities, faculties, and jurisdictions, whereof they had been deprived, in regard of that war. From the which were excepted Marc Antonio Colonna, Ascanio de la Corgna, and other rebels, the Pope's vassals, who should remain in the same censure and disgrace, during the Pope's pleasure.  
6 That Paliano should be delivered into the hands of john Bernardino Carbone, son to the Pope's Cousin, but faithful to both parties, delivering the fort as it was at that time: and that the said Carbone should swear fealty to the pope and king of Spain, and to observe the articles concluded betwixt the Cardinal Caraffa, and the duke of Alba, he having the guard of Paliano, with eight hundred foot, which should be paid equally by the Pope and king.  
Besides these there were (as some writ) other secret articles concluded betwixt Caraffa and the duke of Alba, concerning Palieno and that duke.  
During these broils betwixt the Pope and the king of Spain, the war was as violent upon the frontiers of Artois & Picardy: where the duke of Savoy being general for the king of Spain, 
S. Quentin taken.  entered with an army of 40000 men, he besieged S. Quentin, defeated and took the Constable which came for to relieve it, and then took the town: after which the duke of Guise was called home out of Italy.  
The duke of Savoy having taken Castelet, and some other places in Picardy, dissolved his army: after which the French king having raised a great army commanded by the duke of Guise, 
Calis taken.  he took Calis, Guines, and all the land of Oye, from the English in the heart of winter. 
1558  Soon after the Marshal of Terms went with an army into Flaunders, where having taken Bergues and Dunkirk, and besieged Gravelin, he was charged by the earl of Egmont, his army defeated, and he himself taken. 
Martial of Terms defeated.  After which rout the French king levied new forces, and came and camped about Amiens: And king Philip on the other side being nothing inferior in forces, lodged near unto dourlan's. Whilst that these two mighty armies which lay so near one unto another, held all the world in expectation of some bloody battle, God inspired the hearts of these two great Princes with a desire to quench this war without effusion of blood, and to prefer an accord before a doubtful victory: wherefore their Deputies being assembled in the abbey of Cercampe upon the Marches of Artois, having propounded certain Articles, a peace was more easily concluded at Castle Cambresis, 
Peace betwixt France and Spain.  upon the news of the death of Marie queen of England. The conditions were:  
1 That king Philip being a widower, should marry Elizabeth elder daughter to king Henry.  
2 That Marguerite of France the king's Sister, should be given in marriage to Emanuel Philibert duke of Savoy, and that in consideration thereof, all his country, towns, Castles and jurisdictions of Savoy and Piedmont should be restored, except the towns of Turin, Quire, Pignerol, Chivas, and Villanova of Ast, which should continue three years in the French kings hands, and that in the mean time the king of Spain should retain Ast and Verceil.  
3 That all the Towns and forts which had been taken in these last wars, should be restored on either part, whether they did belong to those kings, or to others which had followed their parties, and namely the Island of Corsica to the Genovois, Montferrat to the duke of Mantova, and the town and castle of Bovillon to the bishop of Liege.  
4 That they of the house of Longueville should be put in possession of the county of Saint Paul, and the king D. Philip of the country of Charalois, the Sovereignty referued: but there was no mention made of the Siennese.  
5 That the two kings should do their best endeavours to entertain the peace of Christendom, and should procure the continuance and ending of the general council begun at Trent.  
This year one thousand five hundred fifty and eight, 
Death of Queen Leonora.  queen Leonora sister to the Emperor Charles the fift, died in February, at Talaberuela three leagues from Badajos she was first wife to Emanuel king of Portugal, and then to Francis the French king, she was honoured with a royal funeral pomp: And in September following, the emperor Charles ended all his toils, 
Death of the Emperor Charles the fift.  and past to a better life in the monastery of Saint Just, where he had remained two years: his body was left there to be afterwards buried in the monastery of Saint Laurence, which king Philip his son did since build with great charge and state, in remembrance of the victory gotten against the French, and the taking of the Constable on Saint Laurence day, the tenth of August. He left an immortal fame of his valour, 
Praises of the Emperor Charles.  more than any of his predecessors had done in many hundred years before, for that in him all those virtues might be seen, which are to be desired in one, that should govern his people justly, and command arms and manage war judiciously: He was very religious and pitiful to the poor, wherein he seemed rather prodigal than liberal: In his eating, drinking & apparel he was very temperate & modest, so as he might well be a precedent to any private man, as well as to great princes, in the practice of that virtue: He had a care of justice, to have it duly administered, although the continual wars wherewith he was afflicted made him to endure many defects: He not only spoke the language of every nation on where he commanded in Europe, but also those that were not under his government, for he spoke the French and Sclavon tongues readily. In other things he was not learned, but eloquent, showing great gravity in his speech. It seemed that his good fortune did strue with virtue to favour him: He was prompt in execution, and constant against any apparent danger, little esteeming death. He was so accustomed to the toils of war, that until he grew aged, it seemed no trouble unto him. He lived eight and fifty years six months and six and twenty days, his funerals were celebrated with great pomp throughout all the cities of his realm, yea, throughout Christendom, every one seeming both in public in and in private, to be partakers of this general loss.  
In December after, king Philip his Son caused his funeral to be made at brussels with great state and pomp, where all his most glorious enterprises were represented. Spain this year besides the loss of two such great Princes, was not a little annoyed by the Turks army, which going from Provence, landed some men in the Island of Minorca, beyond the port of Maone, and there, after some difficulty and loss, 
Army of Turks in Minorca.  they took Cittadella, where there were not above five hundred men to defend it, of whom there were above four hundred slain, the Turks disdaining that they were forced to batter it, and to give some assaults before they could take it. And so valour which is wont to be admired and respected of the enemy, did now cause a contrary effect in the hearts of these barbarous and cruel men, and having spoiled the town and the whole island, they returned with many prisoners into Provence.  
22 A little before the emperors death, 
Death of D. john the third king of Portugal.  D. john the third of that name king of Portugal, died at Lisbon, to the great grief of his subjects, by reason of the infancy wherein he left D. Sebastian, the heir of the Crown. He was stately and beautiful Prince, and of haughty enterprise, he continued the Navigation of the Indeses, with great happiness and reputation, and made the name of Christ to be known to many barbarous nations. He made many leagues with the Potentates of the East and South to abate the Turks power, yea with Tamas king of Persia, to whom he gave succours of men, artillery, and all other munition for war, teaching him and his people to war after the discipline used in Europe, that they might annoy the Turks: yet he was blamed, that to spare money, he had caused many forts in Africa to be razed which the kings his predecessors had won with great charge and loss of men. Notwithstanding, he left many monuments and marks of his piety, according to those times: for in favour of him, the Pope made Miranda Portalegra & Leira, bishoprics, and the city of Ebora, an archbishprick; he reform many abbeys, taking away the superfluous revenues of the rich, and giving them to the poor: He made an university at Coimbra, increased the city of Lisbon much, the which is the greatest and best peopled of all Spain, and by the perfuasion of the Clergy received the Inquisition into Portugal, being until that time rejected by his Predecessors, by reason of the abuse: He was a very great favourer of the Jesuits: and died in june, in the Palace of Riviere, in the five and fiftieth year of his age: he was interred at Belem.  
King Philip being at Gand, 
1559  he sent William of Nassau Prince of Orange, and D. Fernando Aluares of Toledo, 
Castille.  duke of Alba (who had left Italy and his charge to the duke of Sesse being sent in his place) into France, to swear and confirm the articles of the peace in his name: and the duke of Alba had an especial commission, to make the matrimonial promise of the king of Spain to Elizabeth of France, according to the accord, and to solemnize this act, as it is usual for great Princes that are absent. 
Marriage of king Philip with Elizabeth of France.  This was celebrated at Paris in julie one thousand five hundred fifty and nine, but the feasts and joy of this marriage proved mournful for that k. Henry was hurt with the splinter of a lance, and died, as you may read at large in the History of France. Before his death he would have the marriage of his Sister Marguerit with the duke of Savoy consummated, which was a great content to that poor prince dispossessed of his state, who feared much that the king's death which was undoubtful, would be a great cross unto him. King Philip (after the consummation of his marriage, by the duke of Alba) sent Ruy Gomez de Sylva unto his queen, with a rich diamond, valued by some at eighty thousand crowns, by others, at an hundred and fifty thousand, with order, that she should prepare herself to go into Spain the next year. And he finding himself freed from troubles, and having disposed of the affairs of the Netherlands, appointed governors for every province, and over them Marguerite of Austri●, 
King Philip returns into Spain  his sister, duchess of Parma, he took shipping at Flessingue, in September, and arrived at Laredo in Biscaie, very happily: for he was no sooner landed, but there did rise so violent a storm, and such contrary winds to that navigation, as, had he been at sea, he had been in very great danger, or, had he been in Flanders, he could not have parted in six months. They persuaded him, that his presence in Spain was very necessary, for that by their acquaintance with the English and Germans, many of the Court, and other Spaniards which had followed the wars, seasoned with Luther's opinions, had spread them there: to root out the which the judges of the Inquisition said, that they were too weak, the king being absent.  
23 Being arrived, 
Persecutions in Spain for religion.  it was his chief care to have a strict search made for them that had any ill conceit of the Romish religion, and to have them rigorously punished: so as that year there were two hideous spectacles presented, one at Vailledolit, and another at Sevile, of people of divers conditions, sexes, and ages, condemned to be burnt alive; among which there were some of noble families. Some said, it was a secret plot betwixt the two kings of France and Spain, at the conclusion of the peace; for he of France had begun the like persecutions within his own realm, and with his own officers first. The Archbishop of Toledo, the chief Prelate in Spain, was much suspected to decline from the Romish Church, wherefore he was put in prison, and his rents sequestered.  
This year the Roman Sea was void, 
Death of Pope Paul the fourth  by the death of Pope Paul the fourth, being fourscore and three years old; before his death being duly informed of the villainies of cardinal Caraffa and his brethren, being his nephews, he banished them out of Rome, and deprived them of all their dignities and offices. The cardinal lost his place of Legate at Bolonia, the duke of Paliano the command of the arms and of the galleys of the Church, and the marquess of Montabello, the guard which he had of the Pope's person, and of the palace. This Pope was succeeded by john Ange de Medici, a Milanois, and was called Pius the fourth: at his first coming to the Sea he caused cardinal Caraffa to be put in prison, and strangled there, and the duke of Paliano, the earl of Alive, and other of his predecessors kinsmen, to be beheaded, being convicted of many crimes. He did intimate the Council of Trent, which had been left off since the year 1552, but it began not until the year 1562.  
During the wars of Europe, Asia and Africa had not been at peace; for that famous pirate Dragut having gotten the island of Gerbe from Solyman that was lord thereof, whom he caused to be hanged at Tripoli, giving the place to another lord, for a tribute of six thousand crowns, and yet soon after he deprived him: but those people, not able to endure his tyranny, took arms against him, and sought to make a new lord. Tripoli had also been taken eight years before by Dragut, from the knights of Saint john, who to revenge that disgrace, sought to recover it this year. The people of Spain desired nothing more, than to keep under the Moors and pirates of Africa, who being near unto them, may easily trouble their navigation, and annoy the Southern coasts: Wherefore it was not difficult for john Valette, a French man, great Master of Malta, to persuade the Catholic king, and the Council of Spain, to send an army to the conquest of Tripoli, from whence Dragut and other pirates did daily annoy the Spaniards. Dragut was much hated, not only of the Christians, but also of the Moors, over whom he used most cruel tyranny, seeking by treachery, or by open force, to kill the chief Commanders, and to make himself lord of their States: Among which the king of Caruano was the chief, from whom he had taken a great part of his estate: and for that he was of great force, he was reverenced among his people, almost like a Pope among the Christians; wherefore it seemed he might help much in this enterprise, against this famous pirate, if (as he had made offer) he would show himself favourable. Valette being encouraged by his offers, he began to treat with the duke of Medina Celi, than Viceroy of Sicily, and afterwards in the Court of Spain, 
Tripoli besieged by the Christians.  by the Commander Guimarano, his ambassador. At the first there was some difficulty, the king being in war against France, but a peace concluded, he resolved to attempt the enterprise of Tripoli, sending Guimarano with his resolution, and letters of Commission to them that should have the execution thereof. He carried letters to prince Doria, That he should with all speed make ready the army, being now mid june; who being very old, and unable to bear arms, gave the charge thereof to john Andrew Doria, being his lieutenant, writing unto him into Sicily. The duke of Sessa had commission in the State of Milan, to make ready two thousand Spaniards for that service: and Alvaro de Sandy to go thither in person with the footmen that were under his charge within the realm, and with the two thousand Spaniards. The Viceroy of Naples had order to send two thousand Spaniards of the regiments of that realm; and the Viceroy of Sicily had the title of General in this action.  
Guimarano having performed all these Commissions, in the end he came to Messina, the seventeenth day of julie. Every man was careful to execute his Commission, and the great Master, to whom the king had given the chief care to manage this enterprise with discretion, and to assist it both with his counsel and force, laboured by all means to get the army forth, that they might perform some worthy action before Autumn: But they had so many crosses, as the navy could not possibly get out of the port of Sarragosse in Sicily, before the first day of December. There were levied for this enterprise by Sandy in the State of Milan, besides those men above mentioned, two thousand five hundred Italians, all old soldiers, and three Companies of Germans, which had remained there since the last war, commanded by Stephen Leoparti: and so all these soldiers were sent to Genova to embark, where they had many difficulties, and the Spaniards mutined, so as Sandy and Lorenzo Figueroa had some difficulty to pacify them with four pays: then putting them into certain ships, the fift of October they went to Messina.  
Of the two thousand Spaniards out of the realm of Naples, the Viceroy would give but five hundred, he fearing to leave that coast without a good guard, for that the Turks army, being fourscore sails, was then at Velona, breeding a doubt in the Christians, where this tempest would fall: But in effect it was by Solyman to keep our men from the enterprise of Barbary; for that the great Master having some months before sent two foists into Africa, to discover, one of them was taken by Dragut, whereby he understood the Catholic kings preparations, and his designs: so as having but five hundred men in Tripoli, he suddenly hired to the number of two thousand Turks and Moors; writing thereof to Constantinople, whereupon he resolved to send forth this fleet. Moreover, there were levied within the realm twelve Companies of Italians. In Sicily also there were twelve Companies, among the which, as in those of Naples, there were many banished men, who were fierce and warlike, but very mutinous.  
All these men, being above thirteen thousand, were commanded by valiant captains: 
Number of Christian Army going to Tripoli.  john Andrew Gonzago, son to Fernanda, was Colonel of the Italian foot levied in the State of Milan, and Marshal of the camp to all the Italians that went in that action: Luigi Osorio was master of the camp to the Spaniards of Sicily: Bernard Aldana was master of the ordnance, whereof they carried great store, both for field and battery: Peter Velasques was Commissarie general of the army, and the Commander Charles jesiers, was Colonel of five hundred arquebusiers, sent by the great Master, beside four hundred valiant knights in the galleys, of that Order. There were in Sicily of galleys, three from the Church, whereof the charge was given by the College of cardinals (the Sea being void) unto Flaminio of Anguillara, thirteen of john Andrew Dorias, paid by the king, seven of the realm of Naples, governed by Sancio Lieva, ten of Sicily, commanded by Berlinghery Reques●ns, four from the duke of Florence, under Nicholus Gentile, five of the Order of Malta, and one galliot, five of Anthony Dorias, commanded by his son Scipione, two of Bandinell● Saul. To these were added two galliots of the duke of Medina Celi, the General, one of Lewis Osorioes', and one of Frederic staves: so as they were in all four and fifty, besides eight and twenty great ships, of the which john Andrew Gonzaga was General; two galleons, one of Malta, the other of Cicala, with five and thirty brigantines and frigates: so as they reckoned in all an hundred and nineteen vessels. They carried great store of munition for the war, and victuals to feed 30000 men four months.  
There was some difficulty to embark the Spaniards of Sicily, mutined, for that there were many months pay due unto them; but Fernando de Sylva, marquess of Favara, being left lieutenant by the duke, satisfied them with two months pay. Going from Messina to Sarragosse, in October, they stayed there many days, by reason of the contrary winds. Their long stay there did much prejudice them, for it not only bred a sickness among them, whereof there died above two thousand, but also many fled away, especially of the Sicilians. The first of December the galleys parted from Sarragosse, with great hope of a prosperous voyage, the ships sailing towards Cap pass ro, being towards night, with an intent to go to Secci di Palo; who having left the ships behind, and a contrary wind blowing in the morning, they were forced to return again into Sarragosse. The galleys fearing if the contrary winds should grow great, it would breed them great danger in this long voyage, being much before the ships, they resolved to get to Malta. Here the galleys, with the General in them, and other men of account, were honourably entertained by the great Master, for some days, the winds being still contrary to their intended voyage. It was then resolved, that two and twenty galleys should return into Sicily, to bring the ships to Malta; most of which arrived after some difficulty: Five of them stayed until the fift of januarie, and three unto the twelfth, among which was the galleon of Cicala, which running to Cap passero, was there spoiled by the Sicilian soldiers that were in her, who killing their commanders, fled away. The like happened unto a ship which carried Sicilians also, of the which Vincentio Castagnuola was captain, who was not slain by them, but very cruelly entreated. Some days before there arrived seven Companies of Spaniards, sent in three ships by the Viceroy of Naples, to fill up his number of two thousand, according to the king's commandment. There came in like manner a galleon with many refresh from Sicily, and great store of munition.  
They were haunted still with that infectious sickness in Malta, 
1560  whereof many died, giving in the beginning apparent signs of the unfortunate success of this army. 
Queen of Spain conducted into Spain  Thus the secret judgements of God do often make men's counsels and resolutions vain, the which in regard of the cause are held good, but are not approved by his diviue providence, it may be to confound the wisdom of men, but without doubt for our offences.  
In the year 1560 Isabel, or Elizabeth queen of Spain, was conducted into Spain, to the king D. Philip her husband, being accompanied by Anthony of Bourbon, king of Navarre, with other lords and ladies: she was received at Roncevaux by the cardinal D. Francis of Mendosa, bishop of Burgos, D. Inigo Lopez of Mendosa, duke of the Infantazgo, and many others, who conducted her to Guadalajara, where the marriage was celebrated. At that time D. Gabriel de la Cueva was Viceroy of Navarre, in the place of D. Bertrand his father, deceased, who gave the new queen a stately reception passing by Pampelone. The same year the prince D. Charles, son to king Philip, was sworn, and acknowledged to be true successor in the realms of Castille, Navarre, Arragon, etc. after the accustomed manner of Spain.  
But to the return to the war of Barbary. The Catholic king's navy stayed many days at Malta, by reason of the contrary winds; so as in the beginning of the year the General (although he were persuaded by the great Master to stay until the weather were better settled) commanded the army to embark, and about the midst of February he came to the island of Gerbe; where having discovered two ships of Alexandria, laden with merchandise, lying within the channel, they took and spoiled them: but they used no diligence to take two vessels that went with oars, which lay more within, the which afterwards were no small hurt unto them. Dragut was there with seven hundred Turks and Moors, on horseback, and three thousand foot, being then in quarrel with the Xec, or lord of the island, who also had good numbers of Arabians and Moors, and expecting aid from the Christians, was continually in arms against his enemies.  
Dr●gut held that part of the island which was towards the channel, having kept those two vessels ready to send unto Constantinople, 
Christianr army at Gerbe.  or to fly away, if necessity forced him, having no hope to escape on the other side, whereas the Xec lay with his forces, especially if all the Christians army were landed, whereof a part went to land, to fetch fresh water, being led by Alvaro de Sandy; where skirmishing nine hours together, during their watering, they received no great loss, and slew many enemies: In the retreat Alvaro was shot in the flank, yet could they not possibly take any one prisoner, to be informed of the state of things: which was afterwards thought to have stayed the victory, and to have ruined their enterprise, when as, by the taking of the two galliots, Dragut could not possibly have escaped, after which the taking of Tripoli had been easy, neither should he have had means to send to Constantinople, to advertise them of the state of things in Barbary, and to procure an army. It was known afterwards, that there was great store of money and jewels, 
Occasion of a victory lost by the Christians.  which Dragut sent by Vluccialy the pirate, unto the Bassa of the port, to procure succours from the great Turk: so as if they had taken and burnt them, they had obtained a happy victory; the which was not done, partly through the negligence of them that commanded, and partly by the great diligence of the enemy, who would not have the Christians know what passed in the island, for that there was not any creature living found in the two ships, all being fled to land. In the morning before day the Christians parted with their army, neither could they put any to land in a frigate, to discover the state of the island, the Moors were so careful to defend the shore.  
Two days after there came eight galleys to Gerbe, the which had stayed at Malta for some provision, where landing unadvisedly to water, they were charged by the Turks, 
Christians slain by the Turks in watering.  who slew an hundred and fifty good soldiers, and took some prisoners, among which was captain Pedro Vermudez: and of the chief of them that were slain, were four Spaniards, Adrian Garzia, Alphonso de Guzman, Pedro Vianega del Rio, and Francisco Mercato: which disorder did much trouble the General, being now at Secco di Palo with the whole army; and they were all much discontented, to hear afterwards, that a frigate of the knights of Malta, passing near unto Gerbe, had been told by two Renegadoes, that Dragut was there, and that Vluccialy was gone with two galliots to Constantinople: And, which was worse, the army was forced to stay some days at Secco di Palo, by reason of contrary winds, being an hundred and fifty miles from Tripoli, where drinking fresh water digged in those sands, but of a pestiferous quality, it brought a pestilent infirmity into the army, whereof many died. In the end a Southeast wind arising, it did hinder their course to Tripoli, and staying there infinite numbers died, through the corruption of the air and water, this pestilent disease increasing daily, having wasted a great part of their munition, and broken the Admiral's ship by the mariners negligence, having also lost two smaller ships laden with victuals, at Chercheny, they had not many men in the army for this enterprise, expecting footmen from Naples and Sicily, and the Galeon of Cicala, two galliots, and some ships, which had been kept back by contrary winds. Wherefore they resolved to return, and to land at Gerbe, where they arrived the two and twentieth day of March, and on the seven and twentieth Alvaro de Sandy, marshal general of the camp, landed with their men, 
Christians army land at Gerbe.  and some field pieces, to lodge in good order, near unto certain wells of fresh water, two miles from the castle, towards the West. At their landing Alvaro's nephew died of a pestilent fever, carrying his name; a young man of great hope: he was much lamented by him, and the whole army.  
Having at night made three squadrons of all his men they lodged near. Sandy not thinking it fit to go unto the wells, for that he found by many conjectures that the Moors had received them as enemies, wherefore it would be dangerous, if lodging late, they should be charged by the enemy. At night the Xec sent two men with a feigned Embassage, entreating the General to go to Tripoli, for that he had been received quietly by his subjects, who would take it ill if the Christians should remain in that Island▪ but in effect they came to discover the camp. They were entertained until the morning, and then an answer was given them, that they had landed at Gerbe finding the winds contrary to go to Tripoli, but yet they had done it willingly to put the Xec in possession of the Island, before they went to Tripoli, which they intended afterwards. They therefore desired to see him well settled, to buy refresh with their money, take water, and as soon as the winds were fair, go for Tripoli. In the morning having put all their men in battle, they marched towards the wells, being six miles off, the soldiers having endured much that night for want of water, having not brought any out of the galleys, so as they marched with great thirst, Sandy being careful lest at their arrival, disordering themselves having a great desire to drink they should be charged by the Moors, and receive some great loss. They marched in three squadrons; in the forward went the great Commander, with the knights and soldiers of Malta, and with the Germans and French, which were not in all above two thousand.  
Andrew Gonzaga commanded the battle, 
Order of the Christians army at Gerbe.  consisting of three thousand Italians, and in the rearward were three thousand and five hundred Spaniards: And of either side they were covered with a wing of three hundred shot, leaving in the midst a convenient space for the baggage. But if they came to a battle, one of these wings was to join with the forward, and the other with the battle; having marched a while, they were stayed at a certain bog, by a field piece: Sandy with the shot which were towards the shore, advanced to recover the wells, which he found had been spoiled by the Moors, and filled with stones and sand, so as he was forced to send for pioneers with tools to cleanse them: neither did the Moors yet show themselves, being an apparent sign that they had an intent to charge them in their lodging, so as they marched in good order, forbidding any man to disband upon pain of death. Then they met with four Moors of Authority sent from the Xec, with a design to view the army, but with an excuse of a frivolous Embassage, where they were entertained with good words, whilst that the army advanced toward the wells, and then were dismissed with a generous answer from the General: That seeing the Xec could not come unto him, being stayed by his people, that he should rest satisfied, and that he would soon be with him in his castle, rejecting their proposition, that the Duke should advance with four horses only, as the Xec had done, that they might parley together. Yet for all this the Moors, who lay two miles off, covered with a little hill, did not move, seeing the order of the Christians army to be very firm, wherefore they did forbear until they lodged, imagining that having endured much thirst that day and the night before, they would in their lodging fall into a confusion with a desire of drink. Which did not follow by Alvaro de Sandys great care who caused them still to keep their ranks: Notwithstanding that Colonel Spinola having too eagrely advanced to entertain a great skirmish, was in great danger with some Harquebusiers that were with him. But the Marshal foreseeing this danger, had sent captain George Ruis with two hundred Harquebusiers of Sicily behind certain walls to favour their retreat. The Moors attempted also to break the ranks of the Christians in other places, with great courage and readiness, but with little loss that day, only captain Ruis being hurt in the shoulder with a lance, died within few days after.  
The skirmish ended two hours before night, and the Christians lodged, having caused the wells to be cleansed during the skirmish.  
The day following they fortified their lodging against the enemy, and the galleys were sent for to furnish themselves with water; but three days after they went forth in battle, to go and fight with the enemy, which did not succeed, for the Moors with their Xec, did often entreat the General to receive them for vanquished, offering to be subjects to the King of Spain. Having first taken hostages, Michael of Baraona a Colonel was sent with two companies of Spaniards to take possession of the castle, and the next day the General entered, with the chief of the army, the Moors showing themselves very obsequious, bringing abundance of victuals unto the camp. The Arabians Mahamidi were also paid with their Xec, who had faithfully kept the passage of the bridge, as they had been appointed at Secco di Palo. They afterwards held a Council, how they might keep that Island at the king's devotion, the which they held to be very necessary, for by that means they should take a retreat from the Turks and Moors which did rob upon those seas, and withal they should secure Sicily, Sardinia, Malta and other places, and to that end they should build a fort, making use of the castle to keep their victuals and munition, and for some wells: besides having their materials near, with other commodities for the speedy doing it.  
On the seventeenth of March the army began to lodge about the castle, 
Fort built in the Island of Gerbe.  where they had appointed to build a fort, Antonio Conte being Engineer, assisted by Bernardo Aldano and Sanchio de Lieva, within two days after the work began, it being divided amongst the Nations after this manner. Being to make four Bulwarks, the charge of one was given to Andrew Gonzaga, and to the Italians, an other to the great Commander, and to them of that order, the third to Andrew Doria, and them of the galleys, the General reserving the fourth for himself, so as within few days it was put in defence. But neither the air nor the water were healthful for them that were not accustomed unto it, so as many died daily, and more fell sick, which was a lamentable spectacle. There was an hospital provided, and the bishop of Majorca who was also governor, did what he could to preserve the soldiers. They had news that they prepared an army at Constantinople; and the great Master of Malta doubting some danger called home the great Commander with his Galleys and men, the which patted from Gerbe the eight of April, leaving the charge of fynishing that Bulwark to Pedro Vrrea, for that they made great haste to leave it defensible, the Duke resolving to embark, being very careful to furnish it, although that all things did not succeed according to his desire. The king of Caruano came to visit him, and there past great kindness betwixt them, but the Xec would by no means meet him, yet he came once half a mile out of the castle to treat with him, being accompanied with a great number of Moors. The General was earnest to have store of victuals brought from the ships unto the camp, but they that were interessed seemed to have small care of the public good. There were two thousand foot Italians, Spaniards and Dutch appointed for the guard of this fort, with fifty horse under the Colonel Michael of Baraona. There was order given to have the Xec take the oath, who should advance the arms of Spain. And then he resolved to part with the army in the beginning of May, but he was stayed upon some controversy grown betwixt the Christians and the Moors, upon a light occasion; but it was wisely pacified, and some that had most offended punished.  
The fame of the army increasing, and the solemnity performed the fifth of May, a mile from the camp, in the presence of Monreal the General's Secretary, and some of his gentlemen, 
Xec swears obedience and tribute to the King of Spain.  the Xec did swear upon the Koran to be faithful to the king of Spain, to pay every year six thousand crowns, four Estriges, four Lancrets, four Falcons, and one Camel, and in like manner the Moors, that were with him did swear vassalage and fealty unto him. Then order was given to embark the army, wherein they were very slack and negligent, until that there came a message from the Great Master to the General, assuring him that the Turks galleys being four score and five had parted from Gozo on the eight day of that month at night, with an intent as he did conjecture to relieve Tripoli, and then to seek out the Christians army, hearing that it was unfurnished of soldiers, and out of order. Then every man desired to be at sea, so as the confusion was great, and their opinion divers, but most concurred to go presently to sea.  
The General went to john Andrew Doria being not well recovered of a great Infirmity, to resolve of all things, leaving a charge with Alnaro to have his men ready, so as returning at night he might not stay; Doria being resolved to put to sea, and having given order to the ships to follow him, he left a galley called the Contesse, for the duke to embark in, being light, and well furnished with slaves, that all things being ordered, he might go and join with the army. The General would not omit any duty that night, being before the twelfth day, but having given good instructions to the governor of the fort, he spoke with great efficacy to the soldiers which remained, assuring them, That the army at sea being in that accident in greater danger than the fort, it was fit he should be where the peril was most apparent, entertaining them after this manner until the day began to break, when as he with Sandy came unto the frigate which should carry them to the galley that was governed by the Commander Guimarano. But he made a sign unto him with his hand, that he should retire to land, for that the Turks army began to appear, with an intent to charge the Christians. After Dorias resolutions to get out of those shelves, there arose a contrary wind, which did hinder him: so as the Turks General having cast anchor but sixteen miles from Gerbe, the night before, having sent Cara Mustafa governor of Mitelen and Vluccialy to discover, he understood in what confusion the Christians were, being ready to departed, he then resolved to set upon them at the break of day: with which resolution he came on with a prosperous wind, when as Scipion going forth with a squadron of galleys for the guard, he was so suddenly surprised by the Turks, as he had no time to advertise the army: so as every man being amazed by this sudden accident, they had no other care but how to fly, but it was done with that confusion which a sudden fear of an inevitable danger doth usually bring. john Andrew Doria distrusting his Admiral galley, for that it was old and heavy, he resolved to draw near to land, being forced to recover the fort in a bark, 
Army of Christians miserably lost at Gerbe.  being a mile off: the galley was presently abandoned, and left in the slaves hands, who being at liberty, carried it to the enemy. It was a miserable spectacle to see that mighty army scattered in an instant, some one way some another. There were seven galleys which sought to save themselves in the channel of Gerbe, where most of the men leaping into the water, although they were far from land, sought to save their lives by swimming, so as all the shore was full of men.  
The Marshal Sandy ran thither with a great troop of shot and pikes, to defend them that came to land, for that the Moors, being treacherous and inconstant, had presently changed their minds, and slew and spoiled as many as came unto their hands. The General to avoid this other mischief, sent word unto the Xec, by the king of Caruano, and the Infant of Tunis, That he should forbid his Moors to annoy the Christians, putting him in mind of his faith formerly given. But they prepared to fly also, fearing the Turks, pretending, that they went to gather together some Arabians Mahamidy, with the which they would return, and favour the Christians; wishing them not to trust the Moors of the island, who were not well affected to them. That morning there were nineteen galleys fell into the enemy's hands, with the Admiral, the rest saved themselves in divers places, by flight, the which was attributed to the courage and good counsel of the Commander Anthony Maldonato. The great Master had called home his galleys to Malta, as hath been said, to provide for the dangers of that island; but afterwards he sent back three, under the command of Maldonato, who in this confusion going to sea, was followed by many galleys, relying upon the skill of this knight, the which succeeded happily. The duke and Sandy stayed upon the shore, to defend those poor wretches which came from the galleys, from the Moors, giving them clothes and arms, which were prepared for them that should defend the fort.  
The same day they held a Council under a tent, where were the Generals john Andrew Doria, D. Alvaro de Sandy, and the Commander Guimerano. Doria said, That it was necessary for them to departed speedily, whilst that the enemy was busy in giving chase to the galleys, which he meant to do in a frigate, carrying them to Malta, or into Sicily, to gather together the dispersed galleys, and to arm others, to make head against the Turks army, if he should seek to annoy any place of the kings. Sandy did counsel the duke to go to attend his chief charge of Sicily, the which was now in great danger, and if he did it not he should fail much of his duty: but for his part, he would remain in Gerbe, being thereunto bound both by the duty of his charge, and the service he ought unto his king, seeing there remained above three thousand, besides the appointed garrison, some of which escaped from the galleys, and some were never embarked, being sick, and not fit for the war, and yet they were to be respected as Christians; besides, there being many which had followed him in the action, it was not fit he should seek his own safety, and abandon them.  
These with other his reasons were allowed of, and it was resolved, they should departed that evening about Sun set, in nine frigates, some other knights and officers following them: but a contrary wind stayed them that night. But the next day there, happened another disgrace: for the General meaning to keep the Turks from the shore, whilst they pursued the galleys that retired into the channel, he caused the artillery of the fort to be mounted, among which was a Culverin, which being overcharged, brake, and slew some that were near unto the General. The loss was exceeding great in those galleys that were taken, not only of the vessels, and of many soldiers that were in them, but also for that there were many men of account slain, or taken prisoners: among which were Flaninio of Anguillara, General of the Pope's galleys, Sancio de Leva, General of them of Naples, Berlingheri of Requesens, of those of Sicily, the bishop of Majorca, Gaston de la Cerde, the General's son, with others. But at the Turks return from the chase of the galleys, they prepared to fight with the ships which were full of soldiers, being five and twenty, all which they took without any difficulty. Some writ, there were above 3000 men taken in the ships & galleys, and drowned, seeking to fly to land. The Viceroy of Sicily, and john Andrew Doria, escaped, and came to Malta, and from thence to Sicily, having first given order, that a frigate of advice should be sent to them that were in the fort at Gerbe, of their safety, and that the Commander Guimerano was sent into Spain, to inform the king of this accident, and to entreat him to send D. Bernardin de Mendosa, General of the galleys of Spain in Sicily, to join with such as were escaped, and to make the body of an army, whereby they might secure the besieged at Gerbe. They of the fort were very joyful of these news; and Sandy, who was made General by the duke, confirmed them with many good reasons, that they should undoubtedly expect it, omitting no pains to fortify the place.  
Pialy Bassa, who was General of the army, resolving to take the fort, did write to Dragut (who, a little before the Christians had come the second time to Gerbe, was gone with all his horsemen to Tripoli, to defend it) That he should send, or come with all the forces he had, to besiege Gerbe, sending him also provision of victuals, and munition for that enterprise. 
Turk's camp about the fort at Gerbe.  The Bassa landed his soldiers, and began to fortify his lodging near unto the wells where the Christians had camped. Sandy did not think it convenient to make often sallies, having no great store of good men, and too many that were unprofitable, which was his greatest trouble, having neither victuals nor water sufficient for a long siege. But he resolved to draw it in length, for many respects, hoping that they should be relieved, it importing his Majesty much, not only for the loss of the fort, but also of so many good soldiers, and captains of quality, which were there exposed to apparent danger. The Bassa having all the garrison soldiers of Barbary, with other necessaries, made his approaches near unto the fort, where they were daily in skirmish, about certain wells, 
Wells lo●● by the Christians at Gerbe.  where the Christians kept a guard without the fort, but in the end they took them from the besieged. The Turks priest them with their trenches, and prepared a great battery against the fort; but their greatest misery was, that by the loss of their wells, and the great heat in those Southern countries, many begun to die of thirst, having but littlewater which they had reserved in vessels; for the water which they drew out of the wells was so salt, as it did cause thirst, and not quench it. Sandy seeing how much it did import to be thus kept within the fort, and to be deprived of water, he resolved to make a great sally, and to chase the enemy from their trenches; the which had been successful, if the soldiers had kept the order prescribed them. There went forth five hundred Italians, and as many Spaniards, all arquebusiers, with an hundred Germans, pikes, who sallying forth by two ports, should come and join together, cloy the ordnance, and kill all that should resist, expressly forbidding them to fall to the spoil. There were others also stood ready to secure where 〈◊〉 should require. At the break of day they went forth, killing many of the enemies▪ in which charge Dragut himself was hurt: they cloyed three pieces of ordnance, took some Ensigns, and were masters of the trenches: but forgetting the order was given them, some being too bold, advanced so far, as they could not be relieved by their companions, and some too greedy, fell to spoil; whereby they were in such disorder, as the Turks embracing the occasion, turned head, and charged them, striking such a terror into them, as they basely fled. There were many men of worth died fight valiantly, among the which were the earl Galu●● Anguisola, captain Carlo d' Aro, and some others. The Turks pursued them that fled even unto the fort, where the artillery from the bulwarks made a great slaughter of them. But the want of water, through the loss of their wells, was of such importance for the besieged, as without doubt it was the cause of all their miseries, and in the end of the loss of the fort. They were forced to make their bread with salt water, their victuals were very salt, being provision taken out of the ships, the season of the year in that climate was exceeding hot, their toil great, and continual, so as their thirst increased as their water decreased. Those poor wretches, to fly the occasions of great thirst, eat little, so as they grew so weak, 
Thirst unheard of in the sort of Gerbe.  as they could not endure the insupportable toil of war, but died without remedy. Many seeing that they must die of thirst, fled to the enemy, and although they knew well, that they went to a perpetual slavery, yet they ran when they had any opportunity, to give themselves unto the enemy for drink, and to no other end.  
They had not much water remaining in their cisterns, and that which they digged within the fort was salt, like unto the sea water: whereupon a Sicilian, called Sebastian du Pollere, offered to draw a good quantity daily by Alambick, and to make it fresh: Sandy promised him a great recompense for this invention, 
Salt water made fresh by Alambicke.  and caused the Germans to make eighteen Alambickes, having no more matter to work with; but they could not draw above five and thirty barrels a day out of their wells, which was a small provision for so many thousands of thirty persons. The salt water being distilled, was so sweet, as tempering it with the well water, it made a pleasant mixture: so mingling the water of the wells, the distilled water, and that of the cisterns, together, the General divided it among the soldiers, giving a double portion to them that carried arms. The division of this drink was very strange, whereof the governor of the fort had the chief care, being a matter of great importance, and therefore it was distributed in a place where there was a good guard, whereas the soldiers passed in order, having a sponge hanging at a line, the which being put into a tub of water, he took it and sucked as much as was allowed him.  
The Turks continued their works, and had advanced their trenches even unto the sort, and the soldiers ran daily unto them, yea they who had the charge not to suffer others to run away, were the first that went themselves; and some were so villainous, as they had plotted to set fire on the powder, and to blow up all. Some affirm that there were fifteen hundred which had fled to the enemy, whereof there were many soldiers of known valour, and some nobly borne, but not nobly minded, felling body and soul to fly the want of drink. The Turks sought to win the fort by mines, battery, and assaults, and the besieged repulsed them valiantly. In the end of june D. Alvaro de Sandy having viewed the provisions carefully, and finding that they had not wood for six days, which was most necessary to distil their water, and that they had not sufficient of cistern water left, to serve the soldiers three days, they being above a thousand, seeing matters reduced to that extremity, he called the captains and chief officers to council, having first appointed that the soldiers should have double allowance both of meat and fresh water alone, with some little wine which had been reserved for them that were wounded.  
He spoke unto them at night, letting them see to what estate they were brought, and repeating in what manner they had defended themselves with judgement and valour, against the violence of their enemies; and that seeing themselves now vanquished rather by hunger and thirst than by arms, he knew not a more honourable resolution, than to put that generous course in practice, 
Resolution of Alvaro de Sandy for their last refuge.  which in most desperate cases hath given a glorious victory to brave and resolute soldiers. They therefore concluded that night to make a gallant sally, and to charge the enemy, who lest dreamt of it. In the morning, two hours before day, there went forth at the port towards the sea, six captains with three hundred men, being chosen out of all the nations, and he himself followed with the chief of all his men, leaving some behind to guard the fort: of those that he led he commanded some to remain in the rearward, with certain captains, and to kill all them that should disband. He commanded the forward to go directly to the Bassa and Draguts ●ents, he himself choosing to assail the great tent, where there was a great corpse de guard. With this order they ●allied forth with great resolution, some marching towards the General's tent, and some towards the other: They passed three trenches valiantly, to come unto the tents, and Sandy defeated the corpse de guard, where making a great slaughter, he put all into confusion: but he found himself suddenly abandoned by his men, meaning to advance, not any one remaining with him but Marotto, the Sergeant Major, and captain Peruccio of Nizza, of the which Marotto was soon after wounded and taken prisoner, and yet he fight still with the enemies, being followed by Peruccio, who had offered to conduct him to the galleys, in the end he freed himself, and recovered a galley, whereas he neither found victuals nor clothes, being all wet: wherefore he sent a messenger unto the fort, to will john d' Alarcone, the Treasurer, to send him clothes, and some provision for the soldiers of the galleys, with some oars, to the end they might conduct him, by the channel, into the fort, exhorting all them that were yet remaining to defend it safely.  
The news of their General's life was some comfort to the captains and soldiers, but they began presently to despair of all help, but by some accord with the enemy, having water but for two days drink. There were many Christians died in this sally, but most men of command, the rest being either fled unto the enemy, or gotten unto the fort. The Treasurer Alarcone went unto Sandy with provision, and yet they could not part that day, the galleys being battered continually by the Turks artillery. They within the fort were so full of confusion, as they knew not what to resolve, and although there were some captains which did encourage them to attend the generals return, yet the fear of the greater part was such, as they forced the rest to yield, to another resolution; and they had already set up a flag on Spinolas bulwark, in token of a parley: whereunto the Turks made answer with the like sign. Whereupon three captains with an Ensign went unto the camp: but the Turks seeing no flag of truce set up in the galleys, as well as in the fort, Pialy commanded that they should assail them both by land and sea. Sandy being surprised with this unexpected fury, he with captain Cl●ment disposed the soldiers as well as they could for their defence, finding in them a great willingness and resolution: but seeing afterwards that they made no show of hostility in the fort, and that the Moors, Turks, and Christians seemed to be united, they also sought to escape, so many flying away, as Sandy had not above thirty men remaining with him; at which time Dromux Arez, a renegado of Genova, captain of the Bassa's Admiral, came unto the galleys prow, who spoke unto Alvaro in Italian: My lord, 
D. Alvaro de Sandy taken prisoner by the Turks.  you can no longer defend yourself, fall not therefore into the hands of these base people, but yield yourself, and choose a better party: I will not yield myself to thee nor to any other, answered Sandy, but I will go with thee, if thou wilt promise to bring me unto the Bassa: The renegado promised him, and receiving him into a little boat, being over laden, it sunk, and they were wet. Being then conducted to the Bassa's tent, he received him with honour, and discoursed much with him touching his defence: but he refusing to accept of any offer unworthy the name of a Christian knight, was conducted to Constantinople, and presented to the great Turk. Sandy seeing the captains which went forth to capitulate, he blamed them, foretelling them, that they should not have any thing observed, as it fell out: for having agreed, That all the officers should come forth freely, with five and twenty soldiers in a company, they were most of them put to the sword, and the rest taken prisoners, only they had liberty which went forth to capitulate. 
Fort at Gerbe taken by the Turks.  The fort was spoiled, but the gain was small. The General Pialy having stayed there eight days with his fleet, he went and made a stately entry at Tripoli; then returning home, he was forced by contrary winds to stay in a port of Sicily near to Sarragosse: where some Turks, going to water, they received much loss by the horsemen which guarded the coast.  
The next day Lewis Saha●edra went unto the Bassa with a safeconduct, touching the ransom of prisoners, lamenting much the misery of those noblemen he found there, and wondering at the smiling countenance wherewith Sandy entertained him, who showed himself like one that was never altered by the crosses or smiles of fortune. The Bassa gave him good hope of ransom; but the wind growing fair in the morning, he weighed anchor, 
Pialy Bassa ●●ters Constantinople in triumph.  and went on his voyage. Coming to Constantinople, he entered in great triumph, causing the prisoners to be carried to his house: In which Alvaro de Sandy showed again his generous mind; for some showing him a bathing house, a place appointed for many slaves, he refused to enter into it, letting the Bassa understand, That it was no fit lodging for him: and the Turk (not without wonder at the greatness of his mind) commanded, that he should have chambers appointed for him. They were all presented with great solemnity before the great Turk, who stood behind a window to see them, they all refusing to accept any unfitting conditions, that were offered them by the great men of the port. Sundry was carried to the tower of Marnero, whereas those prisoners which once enter, do never, or seldom, come forth. Sancho de Lieva Berlingheri, and others, were sent to the tower of Pera.  
After this great loss, 
1561  new miseries pursued some of them that escaped: for D. Lewis Osorio, and the vicont of Cigale, being come into Sicily, having bought a Turkish galley which had been taken from Vluccialy the pirate, a renegado of Calabria, it was taken from them by the Viceroy, in the port of Messina: Whereat these two captains being much moved, they meant to pass into Spain, to complain unto the king, going in two of their vessels; but they were set upon by a galley and two Turkish foists, and taken almost without any resistance. Cigale was led to Constantinople, with Scipio his son: the father died there, and the son denied jesus Christ, from whom came that famous Cigale, who was a Bassa in our time. The Commander Guimerano having the reputation of a great mariner, was made General of the galleys of Sicily; but at his first going forth with seven galleys, he was encountered by Dragut, near unto the island of Lipari, having eleven galleys well armed, who took him with his seven galleys, and led him away. Among the prisoners was the bishop of Cattanea, of the house of Caraccioli.  
In the king of Spain's countries of the Netherlands, they of the reformed religion increasing mightily, notwithstanding the rigorous Edicts which had been made by the Emperor, the Council of Spain thought it fit to bring in the Inquisition to suppress● them, appointing certain Inquisitors of the Faith, who should have a care that no forbidden books should be read, nor kept in their houses, and that no man should dispute against the Romish religion. But the king having promised, That he would not charge his subjects with such an intolerable yoke as the Inquisition was, and the Inquisitors finding that they could not by any means put it in practice, they sought to bring it in by a covert means, 
Now bishops in the Netherlands  under colour of making new bishops in the country; to effect the which cardinal Granuelle sent doctor Sonnius to Rome, as you may read more at large in the History of the Netherlands.  
This year 1561 the king of Spain made great instance at Rome, 
King of Spain seeks to prepare a great fleet with the revenues of the Clergy.  to have liberty from the Pope, to dispose of some of the tenths of the Clergy of Spain, which amounting to a great sum yearly, he meant to apply to the good of Christendom, and especially of his realms of Spain, arming a great number of galleys more than had been accustomed to defend those coasts, being continually annoyed with multitudes of pirates, who had their retreats in the ports of Barbary: And as many of the noblemen of Spain showed themselves ready to contribute out of their own revenues, to so good and necessary a work, so the Pope did not refuse to gratify the king, but stayed his resolution, for that he would not displease the Prelates of Spain, who did not seem very willing to bear this burden; and the Pope desired more at that time than any other (when as they sought to draw the Council again together) not to give them any great distaste.  
The war beginning to grow hot in France, 
1562  for matters of religion, the Protestants being in arms, after the massacre of Vassy, the French king craved aid from the Pope and king of Spain, who were very willing to give him the best succours they could. The Pope, on the sudden, could not send him above two thousand foot, and two hundred arquebusiers on horseback, under Fabritio Serbelloni, his nephew, General of his forces at avignon: who finding himself too weak for them of the Religion that were in that country, demanded new succours, and had two companies of lances sent him: but the Catholic king offered to sed ten thousand foot, 
King of Spain sends succours into France.  and 3000 horse, of the which the French accepted 3000 Spaniards, and 3000 Italians; but they came late, after the battle of Dreux.  
The prince D. Carlo, 
D. Carlo prince of Spain grievously sick.  son to the king of Spain, appointed the sole heir of so many realms, playing at Alcala de Henares with some young youths, his play-fellows, he fell unfortunately down the stairs in the palace, where they stood playing: in which fall he was so hurt in the head, as the Physicians despaired of his life. In this mournful accident the king referred his fatherly affection to the will of God, writing into all his realms, That they should with their devout prayers procure the princes long life, if it were for the glory of his divine Majesty, and the good of his subjects. Some writ, that he was strangely cured by the body of Saint Diego, who died some hundred years before, a religious man of the Order of Saint Francis▪ the which the king caused to be brought into the prince's presence. This body was kept in a shrine of iron, which Henry the fourth of that name, king of Castille, had caused to be made, and laid in a chapel built in honour of him. This shrine being brought and opened in the king's presence, they found, with great admiration, that the body was nothing corrupted, nor a hair diminished, but breathing forth a sweet savour; where causing the prince's body, half dead, to be laid upon it, he began presently to amend, and within few days after recovered his perfect health. But every man hath free liberty to believe it, if he please.  
This year, besides the king's private sorrow for the dangerous sickness of his son, he had a public discontent for the loss of some galleys, near unto the port of Herradura. D. Bernardin of Mendosa, some call him john, was Admiral of the fleet of Spain, who was ready with two and thirty galleys, well furnished, to make an attempt against the Moors; 
Bernardin, or john de Mendosa drowned with some galleys.  but they were surprised with a cruel storm, and in the end three were swallowed up in the sea, of the which the Admiral was one, where Mendosa was, and the rest were driven into the near harbours very much shaken: of the three there was not any living creature saved, and of the rest there died very many: so as some writ, they lost two thousand persons, others five thousand. The which, with their former loss at Gerbe, was very grievous to the house of Mendosa: for the same year Indigo, brother to this Mendosa the Admiral, sailing from Genova towards Spain in a galley, it was so tossed with contrary winds, as the mariners not able to help themselves, they were swallowed up; so as Mendos●es body could never be found, yet the body of the galley, and of the rest that were dead, were recovered.  
25 The Prelates being assembled again together this year 1563, 
1563  they began to prosecute their sessions, 
Council of Trent.  and it ended in December, having continued almost eighteen years, but with many interruptions, not without the protestations of many princes and Christian States, of some pretended nullities, as well in the manner of their proceeding, as in the substance of their decrees. But among all the questions, that of Precedence betwixt the kings of France and Spain, was urged by their ambassadors with great vehemency, and in the end it was sent by the Fathers to Rome, to be decided by the Pope, and the Consistory.  
These two great Princes having both at the Council and in Rome, where they attended a definitive sentence, their partisans that were affected, and others which discoursed without passion, many pertinent reasons were produced on both sides, both by word of mouth, and by writing: whereof for that it concerns this subject, I will make a brief repetition.  
The Spaniards said, that take it how they would, 
Controversy betwixt the French and Spanish for precedency.  were it for temporal or spiritual matters, Spain was of greater dignity than France, and that it was in a manner judged by law, custom, and the opinions and authority of the most learned, that the kings of Spain should have the prerogative for their excellency and nobility, and for their merits to mankind, and especially to the Church of Rome. Antiquity (said they) in these matters imports much, whereof Spain retains the undoubted marks: 
Marks of the antiquity of Spain.  for since the first peopling of the earth, the name of Spain hath been famous to the world, and preserved in that nation since the time of great Hercules Oron, or his nearest descendants which have reigned there, and hath never been extinguished, whereas the name of the French is new.  
The Spaniards by the consent of all men, are descended from Tubal one of japhets' children, 
Tubal father to the Spaniards.  which his posterity hath called jubal, of whom the mountain jubalda, called by Geographers Idubeda, retains the name: But the Celtes and Gauls to whom the French have succeeded, or (to do them more honour) with whom they are in a manner incorporated, have their beginning from one Samoteus, who according to Berosus was the younger Son of Tubal. 
Situation of Spain.  The situation of Spain adds to her dignity, it holding the first place in the Geographical maps: but if the greatness of the country gives power to kings, and that they are valued thereby, who knows not but that Spain is much greater than France, whereof the kings of Spain do yet hold a good part in Sovereignty? It is, unquestionable, 
Greatness of the king of Spain's dominions.  that ever since there were kings of Spain, their dominions have been larger than those of France: it is apparent in the reign of the Spanish Goths, who did not only hold at one time Spain bounded by the Spanish seas, and the Pyrenee mountains, but also the country of Languedoc, unto the river of Rhosne, and that which is now of the realm of France beyond Garonne, and moreover in Africa a great part of the country: The greatness of the empire of the king of Spain at this day is different, who holding the best part of Europe, with many places in Africa upon the Mediterranean sea have discovered a fourth part of the world, unknown to the ancients, and thereby enriched the rest with temporal commodities, as it hath done that new world with spiritual blessings, causing those barbarous nations to be instructed in the knowledge of God. To which new regions the monarchies of the ancients cannot be compared in greatness, much less the empire of France at any season. 
Right of the kings of Spain.  And to increase their greatness, we may add unto these revenues the rights which they have gotten to the empire of Constantinople, not only as successors to the earls of Flanders, but by contracts made with the Paleologues, expelled by the Turks, & in like manner to jerusalem, which every one holds to be the chief in dignity among all the Christian realms. 
Felicity of the land of Spain.  The gifts of nature are also very considerable, where there is any question of the pre-eminence of realms and countries; wherein Spain excels France without contradiction: for there is no Region in the world more temperate than Spain, nor better endowed by nature, be it in fertility of the land, in bounty of the fruits, or in any commodity it doth produce, and as for the men, they are active both of body and mind, industrious, warlike, and fit to command, as the world hath found by experience. Spain hath been always known to be a nursery of good soldiers, and the mother of great Captains, and we need not doubt, but that Hannibal (who made the Romans to sweat and tremble) if he had any magnanimity and courage, he retained it from the instruction and breeding he had in Spain in his youth. Spain hath in former times given unto Rome a trajan, 
Emperors and Popes, Spaniards.  an Adrian, two Theodosius, all emperors, valiant and triumphant, with many holy and learned Popes, guiders of the church, among the which Damasus was great and admirable. As for the Nobility of the kings of Spain which reign at this day, it is incomparable, for they be successors to the kings of the Goths, and allied to them in blood, 
Nobility of the kings of Spain.  and are as it were grafted into the stocks of the famous families of the Baltes and Hamales. But to draw their Genealogy nearer and more personally; Authors agree that they descend from the Merovingiens and Carlovingiens, the founders of the estate of the French, whereby it follows that they have right unto the realm of France, so as they cannot be taxed of fraud when as they shall seek to settle themselves there to advance their monarchy. If you consider their prowess and victories, we have no need to go beyond our own age: for the emperor Charles the fift, king of Spain, hath alone won more famous victories, than all the other princes of Europe. The French are witnesses to their costs, and that mighty and fearful german Nation, which he subdued in less than ten months, and brought all the Princes, Towns and states of the german empire under his obedience: he repulsed the Ottomans forces both by Sea and land, and conquered the realm of Tunes in Africa. But it is very remarkable, that notwithstanding any war which Spain hath endured since it was freed from the Roman yoke, being invaded by the Goths, Moors, Arabians, and other nations, yet the Spaniards have always preserved their liberty, and retained their manners, their language, and their religion, and have drawn others unto it, with whom human changes have made them to live and converse. Seeing then by antiquity, nobility, largeness of dominions, power, victories, generous actions, and finally by all that may purchase greatness and temporal dignity to nations and their kings, Spain is to be preferred before all; it follows, that the first place is due to the kings of Spain before all other Christian kings, and by consequence before him of France. But for that the question of this precedence hath been moved in a general Council and disputed before the Pope and the sacred Senate, it is no less requisite to set down the testimonies which Spain and her kings have of the spiritual favour of God in his Catholic Church, wherein they shall be found to exceed in graces, and spiritual gifts, the kings of France, and all other kings, and their realms, as also in devotion and merits to the Popes, and to the Sea of Rome, the only judge of this controversy. 
Sp●●●e first instructed in the Gospel.  It is certain that jesus Christ having finished the work of man's redemption, and ascended into heaven, Spain among all other Pagan nations was first advertised of this great benefit; as also by signs and wonderful prodigies, she had the first feeling of his coming and birth: for the Spaniards had first of all this credit to see the Apostles personally among them, and to hear the Gospel preached by them, and to believe, the which is confirmed by many grave and faithful authors, and by the ancient and undoubted traditions of the churches of Spain, saying that S. james had been sent by the Apostles to the Spaniards, had preached among them, and made many disciples, who returning to jerusalem, had led some with them, who assisted at the third General Council, (whereof mention is made in the fifteenth of the Acts of the Apostles) and had their voices there, this holy Apostle being precedent: who having been put to death by Herod Agrippa, and his body cast unto the dogs, it was gathered up by the said disciples, and transported miraculously into Spain: and by their peaching infinite families had been converted, where afterwards many received the Crown of martyrdom, whose memory is famous in the church: the authority whereof commands every man to believe that the virgin Mary being living, 
Virgin Mary seen in Spain.  appeared to Saint james in the City of Saragosse before he parted from Spain, exhorting him to cause that church to be built, which is there dedicated to her, which is the most ancient of the Country, and it was not long before the Princes of the Apostles, S. Peter & S. Paul came into Spain, where with an incredible zeal in manner all the people were converted, unto the Asturies; whereof Torquatus the Asturian, was one of the first to give testimony of their constancy in the faith, for the which he was executed at Rome. The Prelates of Spain, were at the first counsels, especially at the first at Nice, whereas Ozius that famous bishop of Cordova signed the decrees thereof, before Nicasius bishop of Gaul: The church of Rome is beholding to this Ozius a Spaniard, for the donation made unto it by the emperor Constantin, who had been instructed by him in the catholic faith. After this sacred general council, there were many others held in Spain, 
Counsels in Spain.  of the which that of Illiberi in Granado is famous, whereas Helen the emperor's mother was with her grand child Constantin. But since there have been frequent Counsels in that nation, namely in Toledo, during the Goths reign, where the kings did assist, & showed themselves ready to execute their decrees. There is no contradiction, but but the kings of Spain were made Christians before them of France: the memory of king Rio●edo is and shall for ever be honourable, who chased Arrianisme out of Spain, & did persecute here●●●●, 
Richaredo a Catholic king  of which Catholic Prince the kings of Spain which reign at this day are true successors, for that they suffer not any one within their dominions to speak against the holy Catholic Apostolic and Romish church. To maintain the which without blemish upon earth, there is nothing like in all the Christian government to the inquisition of Spain, 
Inquisition of Spain.  exceeding in holy severity and profitable rigour all the inquisitions of other kingdoms and estates. There the laws and constitutions of Popes are received, reverenced and practised, the which are not in France, whereas the Canon law is abrogated, and whereas they have often resisted Popes and Counsels, censuring their decrees, which are irreprehensible, under colour of certain pretended liberties of the French church whereof their kings make themselves protectors to the prejudice of the sea of Rome. The first princes which opposed themselves against the spoils of the Moors invading Spain, abandoned by the defeat & death of king Roderike the last of the Goths, 
Kings of Spain Saints.  have been holy & well beloved of God, whereof there are most a●tentik signs in many places. To D. Garcia Ximenes first king of Sobrarbre, the deliverer of Spain, 
Arms from heaven.  was given from heaven for his arms a red cross upon a green tree in a field argent. D. Inigo Arista one of his successors, by the like favour received a cross argent in a field Azure. Many miracles are reported to have happened at the Christen of kings of Spain. Some of them have cured the king's evil, & many have expelled devils. In the city of Leon, is kept a holy standard brought from heaven by S. Isidorus, one of the Patrons & protectors of Spain; in the which there is painted a bishop on horseback, holding in one hand a cross, & in the other a sword, under which the kings and catholic princes of Spain fight against the Moors, have obtained many victories. By the constancy of the kings of Spain, especially of them of Castille, who have never varied in religion, since king Ricaredo above mentioned, they have had the honour to root the Moors out of Spain, & to cleanse the country of those blaspheming jews. In acknowledgement of which graces, they have always freely given the first fruits of the conquests and glorious victories which they have obtained against Infidels to Popes and churches, building more goodly abbeys, Cathedral churches, Monasteries and Colleges, than any country in the world, and giving them large endowments; whereof that of Toledo is a strange precedent, 
Church of Toledo rich.  for the archbishop hath above 300000 ducats of yearly rent, besides that which concerns the church & chapter, & the rich dignities & Prebends, the revenues of which archbishopric exceed the ordinary of many kings. In Spain, the jeronimitans have had their beginning, with the order de la merced, of the redemption of captives, & many other orders of holy knights, which have been a terror to the Moors and Infidels. But above all, 
jesuits first bred in Spain●  the jesuits are a worthy brood of Spain, courageous defenders, & advamcers of the Catholic apostolic and Romish religion cherished by the kings of Spain, in favour of the holy Sea, and continually entertained by them, & sent into all the parts of the world, to make war with their spiritual arms, whilst that they did valiantly, with their material a●mes fight against infidels, 
Name of Catholic.  & root out heretics: for which good offices, they do rightly carry the name of Catholic, the which is much more excellent than that of most Christian which the French kings use, for sectaries, & they that are strayed from the church dare boldly call themselves Christians, but not catholics; the which were absurd for that this appellation is not proper but to those that are of the true family of jesus Christ, ever distinguished by this name of Catholic, receiving no other superlative note, and therefore of greater dignity, the which hath been confirmed in the house of Castille & Leon, since the king D. Alfonso the first, who reigned in the year of our Lord 737 for a mark of their piety & merits. By the which they are both by law and privilege from the Pope worthily advanced to the first seats among Christian kings, and therefore to be preferred before them of France, in all assemblies, both spiritual and temporal.  
Against these reasons the French and their partisans maintained, that the French king should have the precedency, not only for that they had been long in possession, but also by right, having well deserved it, and for many reasons answering those which the Spaniards had objected. 
Preiu●●ice done to the kings of France by the Council.  The ambassadors of France complained much that the fathers of the Council had done wrong unto their king, in admitting of this action, although they had surceased, and would no decide it, the which they should have rejected, having also allowed them of Spain to sit alone our of rank, by way of provision, until that the Pope and the Consistory of Rome had determined, calling thereby in question the precedence of the kings of France, over all other Christian kings the which had been so many years practised, & confirmed by the judgement of Popes, and the testimony of the most famous Lawyers, and ancient writers. For Saint Gregory the Pope saith, that the king of France doth as much exceed all other kings as a Royalty doth a private man. Pope Stephen the third saith, that the French nation shines above all others. 
Testimonies of the pre-eminences of the kings of France  Bald●s doth maintain that the kings of France carry the crown of liberty & glory above all other kings; That they are as the day star in the midst of a cloud coming from the South, which cannot be darkened. That the banners of France march first, over the which no other king can pretend any advantage of honour. Boniface of Vitalianis an Italian, Auditor de Rota, Suidas a Greek author, & many others have left in writing that when they named a king simply, it was meant by him of france. Besides, the ranks of Christian kings is seen in the Registers of the court of Rome; and in those which they call provincials in all the Cathedral churches, in which the king of France precedes, & they of England & Spain are set after. That it was unworthy after these holy & learned judgements, to bring it again in question: & they held it for an insupportable injury to the kings of France, who in effect are not subject to the Pope's judgement, nor to any other jurisdiction in this matter, not, in any thing that concerns the rights, pre-eminences & prerogatives of their crown, which they were to maintain by the means which God had given them: whereupon they made a sharp invective in open Council against the Pope, by reason of some former opinions he had declared at Rome: yea they did tax him bitterly, for that he did challenge unto himself all power above the Council, suffering nothing to be determined but what had been allowed by him at Rome: That he showed himself too unthankful & unjust to France and to her kings, who had always been benefactors to the holy Sea, seeking to put them from their lawful rank; and cruel to all Christian people, in that he rejected the just demands of all Catholic princes which was, a necessary reformation of the manners of the Clergy, & of that which was corrupted in the discipline of the Church, & especially of the abuses of the court of Rome, That instead of bread of health, he gave Scorpions, sowing discord betwixt the kings of France and Spain, under colour of these importune precedencies, tending to cause a pernicious war in Christendom: wherefore they said, that reserving the reverence that was due to the holy Sea of Rome, wherein France and her king meant to continue, they could not acknowledge Pius 4 for a common Father, nor true Pope, but for an unlawful usurper of that dignity; they protested nullity of the acts and decrees of the Council, which were but repetitions of that which Pius had set down; declaring that they had commandment from the king their master to retire, with all the Prelates of France, lest by their presence they should seem to allow of his attempts against the dignities of the kings of France, the privileges of their crown, and the liberties of the French Church.  
The Partisans of the French nation both at Rome and at Trent discoursed at large both by word & writing: 
People an incorruptible judge.  seeking to satisfy the curious multitude (which it may be is the most incorrupted judge in such controversies.) And for that the Spaniards would bring their nation from Tubal, one of the near descendants of Noah, they to pay them with the like money, laid for a foundation of the antiquity of the French Nation, that the Gauls and the French were one nation, and one people, issued from Gomer, grandchild to Noah, and that this nation of the Gauls did extend from the river Tanais, unto the Western & Atlantic Ocean, in which circuit at this day is contained Spain, France, Germany, Polonia, Russia, with the Gottike & British islands; and these people were generally called Gommerians & Gauls, a name taken from their progenitor, Gomer, who was also surnamed Gal, which signifies escaped from the waters, that is to say, the Deluge. But since to distinguish their troops & members, as they dispersed themselves, they took other names, as of Galates, Albins' Theutons, 
People comprehended under the Gauls.  Germane, Cimmerians, Cimbres, Cicambtians french etc. drawn from their adventures or the situation of the regions where they lodged, or from the princes & captains which did lead them: yet the name of Gauls hath been always retained by them which have held the country on this side, or on the west part of the river of Rhin, for a perpetual mark of their antiquity, taken as is said, from the deluge, that all the foresaid people were in old time of the same manners, that is to say, free, open, warlike and conquerous, courteous to their friends, fierce to their enemies, using for a long time one language, taken at the division of Babel, which was the Teutonicke, more pure at that time than it hath been since, by reason of the mixture of nations: And thereupon the Gauls which dwelled on this side, and the Germans or Teutons, which remained on that side the Rhin called Brethren. That the inhabitants of Spain at this day could not attain to this antiquity, although they say they are descended from Tubal the brother of Gomer, for Gomer Gal was the eldest of japhets' children, as they are set down in the holy Scripture, and Tubal was the fift, who made another branch; the which came but late into Spain, having taken another way. That one Iberius issuing from him, had given the name to Iberia Asiatica, which at this day is the Country of the Georgians, from whence out of doubt the Iberians Spaniards are come, but long after the Deluge: 
Iberians Spaniards.  And that on the other side some wandering troops came into Spain under the conduct of one Sepherad, whose descent the rabbins bring also from Gomer, of whom there is no other record, but that having crossed Africa, which was held by the posterity of Cain, he had entered by the straight into Spain, and that he had called that continent by his name Sepheride, turned since into Speride, and in the end into Hesperide.  
Moreover (said they) that the names of these two stems or fathers of nations are very considerable in this question of antiquirie and nobility, being most certain, that in all the names of these first men, there was something mysterial and prophetical, which gave a note unto posterity. But the word Gomer signifies a man perfect and finished, and Tubal signifies seed, which gins to spring. There is an honourable mention made of Gomer, and his descendants in all authors, as given to religion and sciences: And if we shall believe Berosus, as we have him at this day, and draw the Gauls from one Samotheus brother to Gomer, he commends him to have been the wisestman of his time: whereas there is no worthy mention of Tubal, to ground nobility on. When as the Scripture speaks of the children of Tubal, it puts them in the ranks of mercers, 
Ezechiel 27.  peddlers, & horse coursers, frequenting the Tyrians fairs & markets. The Spaniards themselves say that Tubal and his people were first seated in Iberia Asiatica, from whence they without doubt came, which have peopled the greatest part of Spain, who were therefore called by the Greeks and Latins Iberians, which is the true and most ancient name which we find of that region of Europe, 
Name of Spain come out of Asia  which we call Spain, which name was brought from Asia. Before this transmigration of the Spaniards or Iberians out of Asia into Europe, the Gauls, who were also called Celtes, had run beyond the Pyrenees, and being as it were in possession of Spain, did this honour to the Iberians that were new come, to give them passage through Gaul, and a dwelling beyond the mountains: and although that afterwards growing insolent against their benefactors, there grew contention and war betwixt them, yet they were reconciled, and thence comes the name of Celtiberians, a people famous in the war, with whom the Romans had to do in Spain; the which were long subject to Princes and Captains, Gauls and Celtes, whereof the name of Brigus one of their ancient kings (which word is of the ancient Gaul) makes mention: and the names of Celtiques and Callaiques or Galliques have been for many ages preserved among the people of Spain, whereas now the Countries of Portugal, and Gallicia are, for assured testimonies that the Celtes and Gauls had been seated in Spain before that ever the Iberians Asiatikes had set footing there. 
Name of France or French.  As for the name of Franc or French, which their nation carries now, they were agreed that it was new, but with all they maintained that it was most honourable, for ●ranc signifies fierce and valiant, free from all servitude, active, noble, and an honest man; and for that they had given it to the nation of the Gauls, not conquered by them, but rather freed from the tyranny of the Romans, and of the barbarous nations which did spoil it, it did nothing derogate from the antiquity and nobility thereof, nor to the fraternity which they have always had with the Gauls, seeing that both these names are still in use, and common to the Nation, that of Gaul and Gaulois being much used in solemn acts both spiritual and civil.  
It is certain that Gauls is as it were the general name, and French a particular, so as the Spaniards in the search of Antiquities cannot find any other, but that the French being somewhat dispersed from the body of the Gauls, by the violence of the Romans, who priest them, and to whom they would not yield but by extremity, were in the end united: again under one Crown, whereas by their virtue they erected a realm i● Gaul, of the French family of the Merouing●ens: And they may read in Histories that the Romans possessing Gaul, found always them of that nation, dwelling upon the banks of Rhin and , whereas now be the Provinces of Cleves, juliers, Gueldres, Holland, Zealand, Frizeland, and the neighbour Countries, known to all Authors by the name of Sicambrians, who were hard to manage, 
Sieambrians are French people of Gaul.  always contending for their liberty, until they had freed themselves from the yoke and tyranny of the Romans, which Sicambrians of the Rhin did afterwards take the name of Frances or French, and have imparted it to others: So as we may be good proofs conclude, that when as in the time of the emperor Valentinian, the Sicambrians French erected a realm in Gaul, that they were no new people, but of the same nation, whereof a number became more eminent than the rest, not for any desire to rule over them, but in hatred of the Romans tyranny, and to repulse the Bourgongnians, Goths, and other barbarous Nations, which spoilt the Country, and held their brethren in servitude.  
Having freed them, and joining all in one body, they erected this French monarchy, which hath exceeded all others in dignity and valour, adding to the name of Gaul that of France, in honour and remembrance of their deliverers, who held the Sceptre and Sovereignty as due unto them; but the Belges, Celtes, French, Acquitanes, and finally all the Gauls made the body of the estate, under one common bond of civil liberty, one honouring another by mutual courtesies, for as the Gauls had reverenced the French arms which had freed them from servitude and oppression, so the French for their part, had received with honour the civility, laws, and religion of the Gauls, & made an equality of free right betwixt them.  
The Spaniards have no memory to brag on, 
Spain a prey to the Barbarians.  for as Pharamont made war in the lower part of Gaul Belgike, Spain was then a prey, and torn in pieces by divers cruel and barbarous nations, having neither fear nor courage to resist them. The Goths began to show themselves on this side the Alpes, and to frame a royal estate in Gaul, making their seat at Tolousa, but they held it not long, for the French sent them soon beyond the Pyrenees, to contend with the Vandals, Alanes, & Sueves, who had already wholly subdued Spain, and having divided it among them, fell to jar about their portions, at the coming of this Gotike nation, who had no conformity nor acquaintance with the Spaniards, as the Sicambrians had with the Gauls, but was a mere stranger & an enemy, seeking nothing but spoil. The Spaniards having been conquered by the Goths from the Romans, and the above named nations, they fell out of one servitude into another, which continued above one hundred and twenty years; and their condition was very miserable from Wallia the Arrian king unto Richareds the Christian: for all that time was a mere conquest full of desolations and ruins, without any form of good government, whilst that the reign of the French Gauls was settled in piety and justice, and did prosper in arms, subduing the Burgongnians, forcing the remainder of the Goths which were on this side the Pyrenee mountains, to go to their companions in Spain, and rooting out the rest of the Romans in Gaul. Ricaredo and some other kings following him held some better order in their governments, and made laws grounded upon natural equity & justice, the which are at this day in price: There past some reigns in this nation, in the which the princes being made Christians, did willingly take counsel in Spiritual things, of the Clergy in national counsels which were often held, and namely at Toledo.  
In like manner the Clergy did reverence the royal authority, and did freely receive fit orders for their estate, in temporal things: & we must confess that whilst this harmony lasted, 
Abuse of Counsels in Spain.  the Spaniards & their affairs did prosper: but when their Counsels were converted into assemblies of the states (where also the Clergy would ever have most authority) when as instead of treating of the doctrine of jesus Christ, and the due dispensation of his heavenly blessings among Christians, studying to refute errors with knowledge and charity, and to reclaim the manners and affections of men, to the rule of true justice. By holy Constitutions they did handle with contention the pre-eminences of Prelates in their dioceses and jurisdictions, disposed of the estate of King's houses, of the honours and offices thereof, and of the guard of their persons, reconciled quarrels among great men, and dealt in other such worldly affairs, all under the authority of councils, whereby all was corrupted, every man for getting his rank, in the end they found proud and obstinate Kings in that State, who in disdain of the impertinency and excess of such pastors (and for their cause of religion itself) abandoned themselves to all vice and impiety, so as God to punish them gave way to the Moors and Arabians, who entered into Spain, 
Moors the scourge of God's justice.  and made such a spoil, as both Clergy and Lay men, King and Subjects, Noblemen and Clowns, finally all degrees smarted many years. That from these lamentable calamities the defenders of the Spaniards pre-eminence and of their kings, seek I know not by what Art to draw glory, saying with ostentation, that their nation hath always preserved (among the Goths and Saracens which have ruled over them) their Language, Religion, and Liberty: wherein they show themselves very vain; 
Vanities of the Spaniards.  for as for their liberty, the Histories show the contrary, neither had they kept their religion pure: And as for their language, they of the French party said, that the Spaniards had urged it to no purpose, yea if they would consider it well, they should find, that it gave them no grace, but did rather blemish them. If they will say, that in Spain they neither speak the Gothike, Arabic, nor African tongues, they must also add that they speak not Spanish there. The French do freely confess that the true Languages of the Gauls and French are not much used now in France. Do we not know that either of them spoke the Roman tongue in those days? for having been long subject to the Empire of Rome, they were forced to learn the tongue, and to use it by an express Law, as all other people did, which were subdued by this proud Nation.  
This Roman tongue was retained both by the Spaniards and French to this day, yet mingled and corrupted by other tongues: but there is one notable difference, which gives the advantages to the French, which is, that although they have some words and terms remaining of the Roman tongue, yet have they very few that are merely strange, but are of the old Sicambrian, Germane and Teuton tongues, which is the common language of the French, and of all the ancient Gauls, whereas that which the Spaniards use at this day, consists of the Roman, Gothike, Arabic, Moorish, and African tongues, a perpetual note (unless they change it) that they have served the Goths, Moors, Arabians, and Africans; the which is yet fresh: And therefore it appears that the Gauls being delivered from the Roman yoke, by the French their Country men, having made one body, and one people, have since preserved their language better and more generously than the Spaniards: and (which doth more import) increasing still in power, dignity and good government, they have always maintained their estate and liberty, keeping any other nations from supplanting them either in all or in part, were he Christian or Infidel, and therein they do much exceed the Spaniards, who have suffered themselves to be controlled by the Infidel moors above 800 years.  
And whereas they think to extol Spain by reason of her situation, above all the regions of Europe, 
Argument taken from the sitation of Spain vain.  for that say they, it represents the head in the Geographical Maps: they answered, that it was a frivolous induction, grounded upon the speculation of children and idle persons. That in truth Spain makes a chief part of Europe, but that proves not that it is the best part. If in the description of Authors it be set before France, that gives it no pre-eminence: for by this reason Ireland should be preferred before Italy and Spain itself, for that Ptolemy and other Cosmographers after him set it first in their geographical descriptions.  
And for that there was no contradiction but to the greatest Princes greatest honours are due, they were agreed upon this point: But the French said, that the honourable greatness which consists in dignity must not be measured by the greatness of his dominions, nor the multitude of his subjects, as the Spaniards would do. That seeing they did confess that the Realm of jerusalem, which did never equal the fourth part of Spain, should be preferred before all Christian realms if it were standing, they show plainly that this greatness which gives pre-eminence, doth not consist in quantity of ground, 
Dignity and greatness of st●●es wherein it consists.  but by piety and justice, by the valour & virtue of kings, and of their subjects, & by their bounty, they and their estates increase in reputation: In all which it is very apparent that France hath the better. But discoursing of his greatness which consists in quantity, they said that the number of realms which they reckon within the contient of Spain, is a vanity and evident sign of the weakness of that nation and of their shame; witnessing that Spain hath been dismembered into many parts, which hath not happened in France, since it was a realm, in the which they might have made a dozen better realms than those of Arragon, Granado, Gallicia, and the Castilles, being reduced to their ancient limits, 
The Spaniards Empire is a ●●●rge to itself.  the other foreign estates, where they command, are no profitable accessaries to Spain, as Sicily, Naples, Sardynia, the Netherlands, no nor the Indies: These members lie too far off, and do more trouble than advance their king's affairs. Let the Spaniards than heap together all the realms, duchies and counties which are of the jurisdiction of Spain in Europe, and let them add thereunto Peru, and new Spain, and for an increase let them bring their pretended rights to the Empire of Constantinople, and to the realm of jerusalem, France will always balance all this even as a small bullet of gold; and will equal in weight a greater mass of other metal. This greatness, said they, of that Spanish Empire, is too new to be esteemed, and too young to presume to go before France, the which is venerable for his lusty age, and hath maintained her Crown above 1200 years, with so great honour, as it were folly to repeat the attempts of her feudataries and vassals, the which she hath happily calmed and quenched. This Spanish pride, glorious but of late, is too delicate to stand of itself, the which time will discover. This arrogant presumption is like unto the gourd, which being grown in few nights, advanced itself before the Pine tree which had endured many a sharp winter, but it withered away with the first wind, the Pine standing firm and immovable.  
But as for the commodities which the Spaniards say that the greatness of their king's Empire brings to the rest of Christendom, 
Spain hurtful to all Christendom.  they answered, that it was quite contrary, & that there was no nation in Christendom but complained of the wrongs & injuries they received from Spain, neither was there any one pleased with any good was brought from thence, upon which terms France stood. The commodities, said they, which people receive one from another, proceed either from mere liberality, or by way of commerce and traffic, or else casually, and as it were by reflection of that which a nation doth for itself, which notwithstanding redounds to the profit of their neighbours. They know not in France, what the Spanish liberality is proceeding from charity. The commerce and and traffic which these two nations have together, do without doubt incommodate France, and cause a dearth of victuals and other commodities, besides it doth daily withdraw the labouring people & Artisans (which are said to be the riches of a country, being enticed with the Indian gold) which hath course in Spain. And it were difficult to find a precedent of any deed or enterprise of the Spaniards, which hath turned to the profit or ease of the French. But what benefits and good offices have not the Spaniards received of the French nation? since the time of the Goths reign in Spain, these people being always in the paws of some tyrant, the French were forced to go and deliver them. Upon this occasion King Dagobert passed the Pyrenees, 
French always benefactor to the Spaniards.  chased Suintilla, a disordered and cruel man, from the royal throne, and settled Sizebut a good prince. Lewis 8, and his son S. Lewis, to the end they might not divert the weak kings of Spain from their wars against the Moors, they did charitably dissemble the wrongs, and the affront which (said they) was done unto them by D. Berenguela, wife to D. Alphonso 9 king of Leon, when as she seized upon the realm of Castille, the inheritance of her eldest sister D. Blanch mothkr of S. Lewis, causing her son D. Ferdinand to be invested, the French being busied in greater affairs. They will say, they have made war against the Saracens, the usurpers of Spain, when they threatened to invade France, and the other regions of Europe; That they have stayed them with their own forces, and in the end expelled them: It is their custom to brag, but they cannot give the lie to so many worthy Authors of all nations, and to their own Annals which show the contrary. The French are not so malicious to deny that the Spaniards have not carried themselves valiantly in many encounters against the Moors, holding their country and houses, but to say that they alone had subdued them, that were not fit. Let them for ever thank the French, who have given them the means: Let them acknowledge, that to attain unto their delivery, the French made the way, and brought the ladder, mounting with them, yea before them: whereunto they had never attained without the French. Did not Charles Martel prince and governor of the French defeat the barbarous Africans, whenas being masters of all Spain, they passed the Pyrenees, presuming to devour France? Every man knows that in two memorable victories, which he obtained against them, the one in Touraine, the other in Languedoc, he show above 400000, by which routs they were so weakened, as the petty Kings of Spain, who had begun to lay the weak foundations of the realms of Ouiedo, Leon, Arragon, and Navarre, in the mountains, had some leisure to fortify themselves. The same Martel, did not he keep the country of Cattelogne with the forces of France, whereof he made a bulwark against the Saracens of Saragosse, Valencia, & those that were lodged in the near country of Navarre? They would gladly deface the memory of so many painful voyages and worthy exploits done for them by the French during the reigns of Charlemagne and his son Lewis, who did so long keep the Moors on this side the river of Ebro, that the Asturians and Castillans might on their side advance against the Barbarians, for that it may be they would blush at the report of these things whereof we cannot speak but to their great dishonour. They should remember, & can not dissemble it, that D. Alphonso 2 of that name king of Leon and Ouiedo, surnamed the chaste, for that (although he were married) he would not have any children, seeming to have a desire to recompense Charles the great for so many good offices which he had received, invited him to come into Spain, upon a voluntary promise, that he would cause him to be acknowledged by his subjects, for the lawful successor of his estates: then having lightly changed his opinion by the persuasion of his courtiers, he did forget both God's honour and his own, 
Treachberie and ingratitude of the Spaniards to the French.  making a league without any scruple with the Moors: whom he did arm against the French, being upon the way, for that said the Spaniards they would not subject themselves to a stranger. This was the cause that the French army received a notable rout in their retreat. The French being incensed at this bad usage, began to neglect the affairs of Spain for a time, which gave means to the Moors to increase their power, and to settle themselves for many years, God letting them know by this severe and long punishment, how much he was displeased with their treachery & ingratitude, the which showed a manifest contempt of religion: Notwithstanding the French did not forbear to secure the Spaniards many times at their great need. 
Generosity of the French to the Spaniards.  Read the Annals of Spain, you shall find, that King D. Alphonso the first of that name in Castille, and the 6 of Leon (it is he which took toledo from the Moors, and united it to Castille) was virtuously assisted by great troops of French, led by the Earls Raymond of Burgundy, Henry of Bezanson, and Raymond of Tolousa, who purchased him the surname of Brave, by reason of many goodly victories, obtained against the Moors attributed to this king, although that most were done by the French, and their commanders, to whom he was not unthankful. For in requital of their virtues, he married all three to his own daughters. Raymond of Bourgundie left unto his son D. Alphonso Raymond the Royal sceptre of Castille, by the right of his wife D. Vrraca: and Henry of Bezanson was the stem of the royal house of Portugal. The same Spanish Histories make mention, that at the siege of Saragosse, in the year of our Lord 1118, being held by the Moors, D. Alphonso the seventh, who called himself Emperor of Spain, for that he held all the Christian Realms in that country, had in his army the earls William of Poitiers, Rotron of perch, with them of Cominge and Bigorre, the viscount of Lavedan, the bishop of Lescar, with many other French noblemen and knights, by whose valour the city was taken, & made the chief of Arragon, and many routs given unto the Infidels. It was not by the sole forces of the Spaniards, although they were all united, that the famous battle of Muradal was won: it were too great ingratitude, or senseless malice, not to acknowledge it, the which their own Writers do witness, that in the army of king D. Alphonso the fourth of that name in Castille, there were above 100000 strangers, & most French: and in like manner at the battle of Salado, at the siege of Algezires, and such like actions, it is most certain that the Kings of France, and they of Navarre, who then came from the French, neither sparedmen, nor treasure, no not their persons, witness Philip of Eureux king of Navarre, who died at Sevile or Xeres. They did confess that the Spaniards predecessors had fought valiantly against the Moors, according to their means, but it was for themselves, and their own private commodities, and to return into their houses, the which did not much concern the profit of other christian people. Whereas the French without any private design, moved with the only zeal of religion at the simple persuasion of Popes, and at such time as they did assist the Spaniards, have enterprised most holy and difficult wars, against all the forces of the East, drawing upon them the warlike nations of the Turks, 
Enter prizes of the French for the public good of Christendom  Arabians, Chaldeans, Egyptians, and others of Mahumets' sect, from whom they took the city of jerusalem, all Pales●ina, and Syria towards the sea, erecting a realm there, which they held and defended valiantly, to the good of all Christendom, wherein the Spaniards cannot say that they gave any aid; and yet they entitle themselves Kings of jerusalem, and aspire to the Empire of Constantinople, which estates have cost France so much blood, so as they have no reason to quit their rights, being grounded upon a donation and investiture of the Empire of Constantinople, made by Pope Leo the tenth to King Francis the first, and to his successors, when these Potentates had interview at Bolonia.  
Experience doth teach us daily, to what use the forces and treasure of the Kings of Spain are employed, and of what import they be to the state of Christendom. The navigation of the west Indies, and the possession of those great and vast deserts seem very honourable and fruitful unto them, and they make great ostentation of the gold, silver, and pearl that comes from thence. These things, which are not worthy to be put in the rank of things to be wished for by virtuous men, seem to give content, and to bring some ease to this common life, the which we passed more sincerely, and it may be more commodiously before the discovery of these countries. In one respect they are very available for the Spaniards and their kings; for they are as it were sinks and common sewers, to drain away and confine all their banished men, bad husbands, bankrupts, infamous persons, and finally all men that are hurtful to their other subjects, for with such men the west Indies are for the most part peopled. Moreover, it is certain, and it doth plainly appear to those that consider things rightly, 
●iscomm ●ities by the discourse of the we●● Indies.  that all other regions and states of Europe, yea and Spain itself are hurt in many respects: for since the plenty of Indian gold, all things are more dear and impaired. By this metal which passeth currently with the arms of Spain, Invention and Industry are made dull and sleepy, and thereby Truth and Honesty are corrupted. By this Indian gold, the Kings of Spain, who were wont to entertain friendship with other Potentates their neighbours, are now grown full of contentions. They entertain many soldiers, and make continual levies, being never without quarrels, so as they and their subjects are in continual troubles; as it happens always to those, who to afflict others, lose their own quiet and rest. By this gold the Kings of Spain presumed to have away made to a monarchy in Europe, and have engaged themselves in unnecessary wars upon divers pretexts, which have kept back the Christians forces, whilst that the Turk got Hungary, and made other lamentable breaches into Christendom; and by this holy or cursed gold, Charles the fift Emperor or King of Spain, made war against the Germans, under colour of religion, though the true cause was to force them to suffer the Empire to be hereditary in his house. He vanquished them, but not without the aid of other Germans, corrupted with his gold, he triumphed over all the princes, estates, and towns of the Empire, and thought he had attained to the height of happiness; but behold Henry the second the French king, stays him suddenly, with the valour of his Arms, accompanied with justice, and maketh him desist; hearing that the French army approached near unto the Rhine: the Germans received this good turn at that time of the French their friends, neighbours, and brethren, 
Germany freed from servitude by the French.  to recover their liberty and the dignity of the Empire. A worthy and fresh example, to show that France precedes Spain in qualities which give splendour and dignity to Kings, that is, in valour accompanied with justice, and in a charitable protection of the oppressed: & that true riches consist in sufficient, which is always found in France. But who could forbear to smile, to hear the scorching air, & the dry & barren ground of Spain preferred before the mild and temperate climate of France, whereas the Spaniards seek relief in all their necessities, as every man knows: what good comparison can be made of the men and fruits which Spain produceth with them of France? whereas so many religious, active and ready wits are bred, such goodly and nimble bodies, so courteous and pleasing in behaviour, of such invincible courages in all great and difficult enterprises? whereas so many great captains were borne, who planted colonies throughout all the world? a nation which hath made the Turk to tremble, hearing only the name of Franc or French, which hath furnished so many Popes & sovereign pastors to the Church, and so perfect, as the Spaniards cannot compare with them, be it in regard of their virtue or number: which hath produced so many great emperors, fathers of nations, & amplifiers of the Christian religion, sons to so many noble kings, & of so great antiquity, as no others can attain unto it. Let the kings of Spain glory of the families of the Balthes and Hamales reigning among the Goths, fatal nations, which have brought nothing but miseries and ruins into Europe, where in the end they themselves have been ruined and extinct, but that the Spaniards would now make them live again amongst them: But that they are descended by issue male, from the Merovingians or Carlovingians as some of their feed chroniclers suggest, & they themselves vaunt, there is not any but they that speak it, & their profess are very obscure & vain, and subject to many invented fables.  
The princes of the family of Austria, 
Beginning of the Kings of Spain issued from the house of Austria.  from whence the kings of Spain at this day are descended, are issued (as the French said) from the earls of Habsbourg, the which Earldom was a very small thing in that part of Germany, which is now called Ergow, among the Swisses in the year 1272. This place of Habsbourg, whereof they entitled themselves earls, is now a ruinous castle, & hath often changed master. As some report, it was one Rapat or Rathoth which laid the first foundations, as also of the Abbey of Murr, where they find some charters, from the which they have drawn their genealogy since this Rapat unto Raoul or Rodulphus the fift of that name among those Earls, who was chosen emperor of the Romans, at such time as there was a great schism among the Germans; & they found that this house had been first brought into credit by a bishop of Strausbourgh, brother or near kinsman to the said Rapat. They also showed by the testimony of some writers, that this Rodolphus Earl of Habsbourg was so poor, as he was forced for a time to serve as steward to Ottocaire the titulary king of Bohemia, and that afterwards aiming at the commodities of the Church, he did insinuate himself into the favour of an archbishop of Mentz, whom he did accompany in a voyage which he made to Rome, and was so gracious with him, as at their return, finding the princes of Germany strangely divided into factions, for the imperial dignity which had been void above 25 years, this archbishop caused Rodulphus to be chosen K. of Romans, by his credit which was great, and by means of the prince's contentions, who would not yield one unto another, & by the same favour he was easily confirmed by pope Gregory 10, who was then at Lion, at a general Council. Rodulphus having attained to this dignity, employed himself happily to pacify the quarrels of Germany: and as he was politic, he neglected no occasion to advance his own affairs, managing his good fortune in such sort, as he caused the duchies of Austria, Suevia, Stiria, and Carinthia to fall into his house, with the realm of Bohemia for a season, and the Landgraviat of Alsacia, with other lands and fees of the Empire, the which fell void during the said troubles, most of the which have remained to his posterity. So by these unexpected events, and contrary to all men's expectations this house of Habsbourg grew famous, as God doth sometimes raise the poor, and make of a Shepherd a King, when he pleaseth. There was some light (said they) unto that time of the house and family of Austria, issued without contradiction from the estates of Habsbourg, but whereas Writers seek to draw their ancestors from the Princes of Austrachia, of the French race of Merous; It is a mere vanity & rashness for them, to wander through the deserts of these turbulent times, where there is no path, nor way to lead them to the knowledge of such ancient beginnings. For the ground whereof, they suppose one Sigebert, (who it may be never was) from whom they would draw the families of the Earls of Habsbourg, and others: and they say that he was son to Theodebert king of Austrasia, he that was dispossessed of his estate, and slain at the instigation of Queen Brunhalt, by Theodoric king of Burgundy, she being grandmother to these 2 princes. That Theodebert and all his sons being slain, except Sigebert, who having escaped the massacre, was sent into high Burgundy, beyond Mount jura, where he begat sons and daughters, and that his issue was dispersed into divers families of Germany: but the French maintained that this pretended Sigebert was feigned and fabulous, as doth appear by the best French writers, who say that Brunhalt herself slew all the sons of Theodebert, casting herself a little one, being in his swathing , against the stone, whose name was M●rouee, Theodoric hi● other grandchild being also poisoned by her, & she punished by Clotaire king of France; having also rooted out the unlawful race of Theodoric, he united the realms of Austrasia & Burgundy to his crown: afterwards he gave Austrasia with the title of a realm to his son Dagobert, who coming to that of France, invested his son Sigebert, who dying king of Austrasia, left one only son called Dagobert in the guard of Grimoald Maior of his palace, who sent his Pupil into Scotland, where he caused him to be made a monk, and soon after died, and then he caused his own son Hildebert to be crowned king. But the French to revenge this disloyalty, brought an army against him, slew Hildebert, and carried the father to Paris, where he died in prison. Since which Austrasia and Burgundy were governed by Majors of the Palace or Viceroys, unto Pepin, who was crowned King of France, by reason of the idleness of Childeric the last king of the race of the Merovingians, not by fraud nor violent usurpation, and much less through the favour, approbation, or counsel of any Pope, as some say, but by the election & consent of the princes and estates of France, and therefore with a more just title (if there be any comparison) than that by the which the kings of Spain do now hold the realm of Navarre: for it is a fundamental right which never dies among the French, to have liberty to choose their kings (provided always that they go not out of the masculine line of the blood royal) in case of some great incapacity, or for some other important accident, which concerns the public good, and preservation of that crown & state: which nation among other good humours cannot endure a stranger's command, no not of their own princes, when they seek hateful alliances elsewhere, and that contemning the honours and sweetness of their own country, they affect the manners and fashions of strangers: whereof Charles of France duke of Lorraine made trial, after the decease of king Lewis the 5 his nephew, before whom Hugh Capet was preferred, being also a prince of the blood, but not so near: whom the French rejected, for that he was wholly given to the fashions of the Germans, which are much more tolerable to the French than those of the Spaniards, who seek at this day to pretend a right under feigned genealogies, to quarrel for the crown of France, if opportunity serve: whereupon they did conclude, that if their ancestors could not endure a prince of France Germanized, they should hardly ever accommodate themselves with princes of the Germane race, but Spaniolized, yea transformed into mere Spaniards, both by nature and education, if they should prove directly that the house of Austria come from the Earls of Habsbourg, were descended from the Merovingians and that pretended Sigebert. They added moreover, that if the historians of the house of Austria could prove, that their feigned Sigebert had been in the world, and could trace out his posterity directly to Philip King of Spain now reigning, yet could they not make it appear, that either he or Theodebert his father were capable of the crown of France, by reason of the uncertainty of their blood, for that queen Brunhalt reported that Theodebert was a supposed child, and that he was not brother to Theoderic, nor son to king Childebert of the blood of France. Moreover, they demanded of these curious searchers of the rights of the house of Austria, where these princes descending from the pretended Sigebert were hidden, whenas the sceptre of the French was transferred into the family of Charles Martell to Pepin, and then to Hugh Capet: why did they not show themselves then, or at the least make some solemn protestation to preserve their pretensions & rights to the crown of France, if they thought they had any. For they might have done it safely, especially since that they of Habsbourg came unto the empire and were grown mighty: but it is strange that never any prince of that race opened his mouth, nor employed any Chronicler to colour this imaginary title, no not the emperor Charles 5, who wanted no ambition, seeking to lay hold of it by force only, and the right of conquests. D. Philip his son is the first of his family that talks of this ancient Merovingian nobility, & hath begun to cause instructions to be drawn to entertain his greedy desire to denour France, employing also with the like design the alliances made by them of his race with the blood of France, by marriages, thinking thereby to maintain in the house of Spain some hereditary pretensions to the realm of France, if he had no other support. The which in good terms of Law is called, to slander or to cavil, which is when one contends for that which is notorious: for every man knows that the realm of France is no inheritance, but a succession of the males, by reason of the blood, and that it respects not the women, being contrary to the inveterate custom of the French. Thus the French and their partisans restrained the Antiquity & the Nobility of the kings of Spain, & brought them to the house of Habsbourg in Germany, saying notwithstanding that they of Habsbourg and Austria have great reason to commend the alliances contracted by marriages with the house of France: for if they have drawn any lustre from the german empire in Rodulphius the first, and other Emperors of their family, they have made it perfect by the marriages which some of them have contracted with the Princesses of the blood of France: witness the Emperor Maximilian, who having married the heir of Burgundy, had so great lands and possessions by her, besides the company of a noble lady, as he made a way thereby for Philip his son, and his descendants to attain unto their greatness.  
But coming now to the chief points, which should be decided in this question propounded in a general Council, which are, the piety and religion of people & their princes; and their duties and merits to the church of God, and to his ministers. The Spaniards (said they of the French party) tell wonders and miracles upon the relation of their Writers, and their Spanish traditions: That if God hath given pre-eminence in these things to their nation, it ought to be allowed and confirmed among men, yea in ecclesiastical assemblies. They brag that they first saw and heard the chief Apostles in their country, and that they had believed the Gospel before all other Gentiles. Hereof they give no better proof than the French might do, if they should say that these great lights S. james, S. Peter, and S. Paul going into Spain had passed through Gaul, going by land rather than by sea, desiring to profit more, as it is likely, according to their duties and commissions, and that in passing they had preached and made Churches. That by this probable reason the Gauls had been instructed before the Spaniards, and had seen the Apostles first. As for the Apostles disciples, it is most certain that Gaul did see the first, & the most renowned, according to good Authors, the which was Crescentius disciple to S. Paul: and if we shall believe traditions, Lazarus, who was raised from death by our Saviour, came & preached at Marseille, Nathaniel in Berry, & Denis Arcopagita at Paris. There have been counsels in Gaul since the time of pope Victor, 
Councils in Gau●e.  about 180 years after our saviour I●sus Christ whereas that great doctor Irenaeus, governor then of the church of Lion, did preside. And there is an Epistle yet extant written before that time by the Martyrs of Vienna upon Rhosne, & from them of Lion, to comfort them of Galacia & Phrigia in Asia, during the persecutions of the Emperor Commodus. As for the Council Elibertin (that is Eliberris) that neither the time nor the place where it was held are not very well quoted by them that have written, and it is probable that it was not in Spain, but rather at the foot of the Pyrenean mountains, upon the straight of Gaul, where there was also an other good town of the same name, reduced to a village in the time of Constantine the Great: the which was called in regard of the portion which he had given to Constantine his eldest son, in the which Gaul and Spain was comprehended, to which two great provinces this place confining was commodious: but admit (said they) it had been held in Spain, it would no more advance the Spaniards cause, than the counsels of Arles that of the French, assembled in a manner at the same time, to compound the controversies of the Bishops of Africa, by the authority imperial of Constantine the great, in whose empire & long before, Gaul was full of goodly churches, at Arles, Vienna, Lion, Autun, Treves, Angers, Poitiers, in Berry, Auvergne & elsewhere, which were furnished with learned & catholic Pastors, famous by the writings of the learned that were near that age, the which are come unto us, and that Synods were as frequent then and some ages after in Gaul, and more than in Spain, but they were all national, or called upon some private subjects, where if they believe that the kings, Goths, coming into Spain did assist, we may believe that the kings of France have done the like in their country. But to maintain as the Spaniards do, 
Kings christened in France before them in Spain.  that the kings of the Goths reigning in Spain, were Christians and Catholics before them of France, there is no ground, unless they will say, that the Ascians were Catholics and Christians: with which vice all the Gothish kings in Spain were infected unto Ricarede, who was converted by the catholic Doctors, among which was Nigith of Narbona, and he abjured Arrian heresy, at the third Council of Toledo in the year 589, a whole age after the conversion of Clovis king of France to the true Christian faith; in the which the kings of France, and the French in general have always persisted, unless they will impute to the whole nation the private blemishes of some, which will be found trifles in regard of those which have been raised in Spain, for the which it hath been often troubled, 
Heresies in Spain.  as by the heresy of Basilides & Martial mentioned in S. Cyprians epistles, whereof the one was bishop of Legio Gemina, & the other of Emerita, & that of Prisulian a Spaniard, which was condemned at the council of Bordeaux, and himself with other his confederates executed at Mentz: and in like manner by that of Felix: the which shows that heresies have been less countenanced in Gaul than in Spain.  
But leaving these old things, seeing that priority of time doth not carry it, being said, That in the kingdom of heaven the first are many times found last; it is requisite to know, how both Spain and France have governed themselves for matter of belief and godly works during these later reigns. It were not fitting for the French to contend of the holiness of the kings of Spain, who did rise first after the invasion of the Moors; nor to dispute if their Arms came from heaven, whether S. Isidores standard be true or a fiction, nor in like manner the graces and gifts which they maintain to have been in some of their princes, to cure diseases, and to cast out devils. For by the same grounds they believe that Charlemaigne & Lewis 9, kings of France, are Saints, and their feasts are celebrated by the Church, that the flowers de Luce of gold, with the holy oil are gifts from heaven, and that it is most apparent the Kings of France cure the King's Evil, which things the French would not have any man call in question. Wherefore let them be allowed of either part without prejudice to their rank: but (said the French) the Spaniards should show themselves hollow hearted, if they should deny that they had not been often retained in the true doctrine, and instructed in the exercises of Christian religion by the Prelates, and Doctors which France hath sent them from time to time, whilst that the nobility of Spain, and their Kings also, defiled themselves with the too familiar conversation of the Moors, 
Marriages profane of the kings of Spain.  when they were not in arms, allying themselves unto them by marriages, as D. Alphonso 5 of Leon did, who without scruple gave his sister D. Theresia in marriage to Abdala the Moor king of Toledo: and an other Alphonso 6, of that name at Leon, and 3 of Castille married Caida a Moor. They will not make any doubt, that by the diligence of D. Bernard Archb. of Toledo a French man borne, and other clergy men of the same nation which did assist him, the exercises of the Romish services was brought into that Church, instead of the Musarabic, which they had used in Spain unto the year 1086. Wherefore the exercise was called Gallican. And they must confess, that for want of worthy men to govern the churches of Spain, the said D. Bernard was constrained to furnish his bishoprics of Braga, 
Churches of Spain governed by French Prelate's.  Ozma, Siguenza, S. james, Segovia, Palenza, Valencia, Zamorra & others, with Prelates which he had brought from France, in his return from Rome. And that an other Bernard of Again succeeded him in the archbishopric of Toledo: all learned and holy pastors, and so reputed in their own Annals.  
The kings of Spain have built store of monasteries and churches, & do entertain many orders of religions, whereof the heads be in Spain, & have given the first fruits of their victories to pope's as to Christ's vicar's. The French contradicted it not, seeing by the effect that the prelates & clergy men of Spain are very rich: 
Riches of the clergy of France  but will they say that they are poor in France, whereas they find by a true computation, that of twelve parts of the lands they hold seven, and receive the revenues, besides the tithes, the devotion of good men, and other casualties? And as for the heads of religious orders, it is well known that the chief and most ancient are in France much honoured, 
1564  and that the kings of France, and other princes of that nation, have not only given the first fruits of their victories to Popes, but they have given them whole realms.  
Whereas the Spaniards brag that by the discovery of the west Indies, they have increased the number of Christians, and gotten a new world unto the church: The French confess, that doubtless this design in the beginning was royal, and that the respect we own unto princes, and Christian charity doth bind every man to believe, that such was the intention of the catholic kings D. Ferdinand and D. Isabel, whenas they first gave means to Christopher Columbus to undertake this voyage: but they maintained that there were never Commissions worse executed, nor more maliciously diverted than those by the Spaniards which have been sent since to the Indies, and that in all their government there is not any show of good zeal nor of true religion. If they will say, there are many religious men of all Orders, and especially Jesuits, well entertained, they replied, there were many reapers, seeking harvest to feed them, reaping where they had not sown: 
Excess of the Spaniards at the Indies.  That so many religious men went not thither daily to instruct the Indians, but to gather the fat of the earth. That it was well known there were few natural Indians left at the west Indies, and that the Spaniards, as well soldiers, as farmers, and officers of the mines, had slain and murdered them by millions, and did seek to root out the race of them, using them like bruit beasts, and causing them to burst under the burden of an insupportable labour, in searching into the bowels of the earth to find gold, & into the depths of the sea to draw forth pearls. It is not the way to increase the number of Christians, and to get a new world unto the Church, to captivat so many poor souls so tyrannously, and to take away their lives without reason, against all humanity, by such cruel, vile and miserable services. That these things were not spoken at random, nor invented; for the cruelties used upon these poor Indians, had been verified by good informations made by the commandment of the Emperor Charles the fift, upon the complaints which had been made by certain good religious men, who were eye witnesses of those insolences, but yet there followed no great reformation: Finally, that great number which live there in religious habits, under a colour of devotion, be at leisure enough, having no cure of souls, wherewith Spain and other countries of that jurisdiction on this side the seas, are overcharged, and cannot well entertain them without the west Indies; and that is the chief mark of religion which they can show in regard of those Indies. For it is neither piety nor charity which draws them thither, it is covetousness and an insatiable greediness of gold, which entertains this navigation; and without doubt this traffic will cease, the memory of those places, and the name of jesus Christ will be forgotten, if others than the Spaniards do not raise it, as soon as their mines be dried up, as they are in some places, and therefore abandoned.  
As for the Inquisition which is an other great trophy of the Spaniards reputation with the Church and Christendom, for that (say they) it keeps both great and small in obedience: whereunto the French answered, that it is hateful to the best Catholics, & to all men of honour in Spain, by the report of those which have frequented that country; for that it is injurious unto them, and by extreme rigour doth seem to note them with infamy, making the world believe, that they are not Christians, but by a servile constraint. Besides, the abuses which are daily committed, to fill the treasury, & to enrich the Inquisitors, 
Inquisition of Spain injurious and abusive.  and their ministers & spies, by fines and confiscations, procured upon feigned & supposed crimes, make it unprofitable in it chief duty, which is to maintain the purity of doctrine, & holiness of manners; and therefore this Inqusition practised after the manner of Spain, is abominable to every honest man. That many have held this bridle necessary in former ages in Spain, where there was a great medley of nations, & of divers religions, which made many to believe what they thought good of the divinity, yea unto our father's times: in the which (as it is related in the history of the wars which were in Italy during the reign of D. Ferdinand the fift, and of the emperor Charles his graundchilde) many of the Spaniards which were slain in any encounters or battles, being stripped, were found circumcised: but it may be the nation being now somewhat settled and resolved in the religion of jesus Christ, it seemed high time to moderate this sharp rigour of the Inquisition of Spain, 
1563  and that it should be practised with more charity and modesty, if it had no other end, but the glory of God, and the health of men's souls. That in France the use is more free and sincere, to edify men's souls, and not to ruin them, and that the French had no need of such spurs; for there was no nation that did more willingly obey the Sea of Rome. The kings of France have always showed themselves most devout; they reverence the Popes and their authority: the holy Decrees and Constitutions of lawful councils, are in great recommendation with them, referuing the dignity of their estate and crown, which binds them to be protectors of their clergy, & of the immunities & liberties of the French church. It is an article of their duty, office, & royal charge. These are old rights without dispute, whereat the sea of Rome was never offended, but when as it hath been held by some, who forgetting all fatherly duty towards France, would adhere too much to the passions of their enemies: yet notwithstanding the kings of France have been always ready defenders of the church of Rome, & benefactors and deliverers of Popes, and their sole and safest refuge in all afflictions. And therefore they do rightly carry the surname of Most Christian, 
Tule of Most christian.  since the time of king Clovis, yea of the eldest son of the eldest son of the catholic church, the which can not be disputed but by inconsiderate rashness, nor suppressed but by ignorance or malice. That the Spaniards did not defend his Holiness predecessors from the insolences of the six governors, lieutenants to the emperors of Constantinople in Italy: nor from the violences of the Kings of Lombardy. It is not by any benefit of the kings of Spain, that they are lords of the city of Rome, & that they enjoy so great a country, and so many fair towns. That they are not the forces of Spain which have chased the Saracens out of Sicily and Calabria. That the goodly realms of Naples & Sicily are not come unto the church by the bounty of the kings of Spain: but the French made them these rich presents, and have maintained them in it. That it was princess of the blood of France, which gave unto the pope's that which they hold in Provence. That Spaniards hands are more accustomed to ransom Popes & cardinals, and to spoil, burn & destroy the patrimony of S. Peter. Finally, the church of Rome must acknowledge all her bounty upon earth to come from the French nation, and from their kings, & ground upon these new & undoubted titles, the rights & possessions of her lands and signiories, & not colour them with a donation from Constantine, nor from the favour of such a mediator as Ozius bishop of Cordova might be, the which have no ground but upon Spanish reports which are not authentic. By these benefits, by the continual obedience, & by the ready succours so often tried, the dignity and pre-eminence of the crown of France should be maintained at Rome, in the Council, & in all places, so much the more justly & necessarily, for that by long acquaintance, it hath been made as it were essential & substantial with the Pope's dignity, so as for the support thereof, they have no need but of the crown of France, to resist the attempts of her bad children, which are frequent & dangerous. Moreover, if they should presume to put the kings of France from their rank, it could not be done but very difficulty, & by a forgetful & very hateful ingratitude, which doth not befit the holy Sea, & could not in their opinions fall into the Pope's thought, 
Office of Popes wherein it consists.  who did then preside. Concluding, that for the best and most wholesome expedient for Christendom, he should contain himself in his pastoral office, which is, to judge of causes concerning the faith, religion & the discipline of the church, & to abstain (specially during the general assembly) to enter into knowledge of a controversy, which is merely temporal, in the which sovereign princes do not willingly acknowledge any other judge but their own swords, & so leaving every one in his possession, to admonish the king of Spain, to give peace unto the Church, and not to trouble the Council, not the public peace.  
Thus did the French maintain the precedence of their king, 
Question of precedence undecided at Rome.  with their natural freedom and vehemency against the pretensions of the Spaniards & their partisans: but the Pope to whom this controversy was sent, would not take upon him to judge it, but left it undecided, as it is at this day; which made the impatient spirits of the Spaniards to pursue this question, & to maintain their pretended rights of priority, by writing, whereof there are great volumes printed, with privilege from their kings, which the French do not trouble themselves to answer.  
The year following 1564 the Acts of the Council were confirmed by the Pope at Rome, 
1564  in the open Consistory of Cardinals, yet against the advice of some fathers, who held this confirmation to be needless, and all Christian princes were commanded to cause the Decrees thereof to be published and observed. At these last Sessions of the Council, D. Claudio Ferdinand of Quignones' Earl of Luna, was ambassador for the king of Spain, to whom by reason of this difference there was a place appointed apart, out of rank, by provision and without prejudice.  
This year D. john de Benavides marshal of Navarre died, 
Navarre.  and at the same time there died also D. Francis of Navarre, Bishop of Valentia, who was brother to D. Pedro of Navarre, that last marshal of the blood royal descended from D. Lionel. The interest to this Realm remained in Queen joane of Albret, widow to Anthony of Bourbon, by whom she had two children, Henry and Katherine: In the mean time there were Viceroys or Lieutenants for the King of Spain to govern it, and about that time D. Gabriel de la Cueva left the government of Navarre, to the Licentiat D. Michael Ruis of Otalora, Regent or Precedent of the justice in that Country, and passed into Italy to govern the estate of Milan, but D. Alphonso of Cordova and Velasco Earl of Alcaudete, who had been governor of Oran, and had defended against the Turks which held Alger and the Moors, was sent thither for viceroy, where at the end of 3 months he died, yet he caused an assembly of the estates to be held at Tudele, where it was concluded to make an University in that town, 
University at Tudele in Navarre.  that the Navarrois might have means to study, and not go out of the Country. After the Earl's death D. joseph of Guevara came to govern the Realm of Nauar●e. And in the year 1565 D. Lewis last earl of Lerin of the house of Beaumond, and Constable of Navarre died, leaving one only daughter and heir called D. Brianda de Beaumond, who was married to D. Diego de Toledo, son to D. Ferdinand Aluarez de Toledo duke of Alba; who in her right was Earl of Lerin, and Constable of Navarre. D. jeronimas of Navarre, widow to the marshal of Benavides, being married again to D. Martin of Cordova and Velasco, brother to the Earl of Alcaudette, she brought him the title of marquess of Corces, and the estate of Marshal of Navarre.  
The Pope having delayed, during the Council, to satisfy the king of Spain's demand, 
Clergy of Spain help the king with money.  touching a subvention from his Clergy toward the maintenance of his war, the king sent Lewis d Auila great Commander of Alcantara to Rome, to solicit the dispatch of this supply from the Clergy, towards his preparation, which was granted to be 400 thousand ducats yearly for five years only, giving him hope, that if they might see any good effects, they would continue to assist him. And the king hearing in what estate they stood for matters of religion in France and Flanders, fearing some alteration also in the state of Milan, he caused this ambassador to demand leave of his Holiness, that he might with more severity restrain the curiosity of his subjects, & their liberty in matters of faith, the which he might do, bringing the Inquisition into those provinces, according to the custom of Spain. And for that he had seen what an alteration it had caused some years before in the realm of Naples, and that being a remedy of great violence it could be easily applied, he sought to attempt it first in the state of Milan, for that he doubted that as the Netherlands being so much altered, would make some great resistance, so in like he did hope, that when they should see it planted in the duchy with good effect, they would be moved by their example. The Pope not only seemed difficult to yield unto this demand, but the whole college of Cardinals protested that it was a very dangerous thing, not only for fear of some insurrection in the beginning, but also that in process of time the ministers of the office might convert their extraordinary authority to their own profit, so as not only a bad conscience, but great wealth might bring any man in danger both of life and honour. Notwithstanding at the kings great instance the Pope did gratify his Majesty, 
Inquisition of Spain attempted at Mila●.  and presently the duke of Sesse gave them of Milan to understand how desirous the King and the Pope their countryman were, to see that important business of the faith firmly settled in that duchy. But the governor was not willingly heard by them, who seemed resolute not to subject themselves to such a servitude, saying that they would send ambassadors both to the Pope & King, whereupon the duke of Sessa promised to write and dissuade his Majesty, as he did.  
About the end of this year there came two sons of Maximilian King of Romans into Italy, Rodulphus and Ernestus being much desired by their uncle in Spain, 
Princes of Austria go into Spain.  that they might spend some years in that realm, and know the great men of his court, but above all to be bred up with prince Charles, who did trouble his father, for that having much wit, he could hardly be governed: some saying, that this froward disposition, grew by reason of the hurt he had in his head. These two Princes being called by the Catholic King, and sent willingly by the father for divers respects, arrived in December (being accompanied by many Germane Barons, and by the Cardinal of Augusta) in the state of Milan, being feasted in many places.  
The King of Spain having been disquieted, for some alteration which had been growing among the Moors, who since the taking of the realm of Granado, had lived dispersed in those countries, and were suspected to have intelligence with the Moors of Africa and with the Turks, and that they practised some notable rebellion: wherefore it was thought fit to disarm them, and to forbid them to have any, upon grievous penalties, yea they that were become Christians of that race, showing themselves not to be sound in the Faith, retaining much of their first breeding. About the same time news came unto the King, that Dragut had been seen at Sea with some thirty galleys and galeots, 
Oran besieged and well descended.  in the which he had many soldiers with twenty pieces of battery, whilst on the other side the King of Alger went by land with ten thousand foot Moors, and some Turks, and Renegadoes to besiege Oran, the which they brought to great extremity for want of victuals, so as they could not have held out many days when as the kings fleet arrived to secure them. The King hearing in what extremity the besieged were, wrote first into Italy, and into all parts of his dominions, where there were any galleys, that being presently furnished with victuals, men, and munition, they should come to Barcelone, where he meant to make his fleet under the command of john Andrew Doria, and then send it to succour Oran. Doria and the kings other ministers went from place to place to gather them together, the viceroy of Naples sent 25 galleys to Barcelone, under the conduct of Sancho de Leyva: Doria staying somewhat long, the King feared he could not come in time to secure the besieged, and therefore he gave the charge unto D. Francisco Inigo de Mendos, (others write that it was D. john de Cordona.) Doria arriving, was much discontented, who having satisfied the King with good reasons, went as a private man in this action, giving the command of his galleys to his brother Pagano. There met in the port of Barcelone 34 galleys, and some of Spain, that were repaired since the last shipwreck, so as in all they were above 40 which bent their course towards Africa, whereat the Turks and Moors were so amazed, as they presently upon sight of them, set sail, and the army at land fled to their houses, abandoning their artillery and baggage very basely, so as in an instant they were freed from that great danger. Some writ, that before the army arrived, they fed only upon horses and asses, so as they must either have starved, or yield up a very important place. The Admiral pursued them in their flight, and took 25 galeots and 3 great Morisco ships, forcing the rest to call their ordnance overboard, that they might be the lighter to fly; yet they threatened to return the next year with forces from the great Turk.  
The catholic King had made great preparation of shipping to defend the coasts of his own kingdoms from the invasions and spoils of Pirates, who having a retreat at Pegnon de Velez, might easily set upon the ships which passed from the straight of Gibraltar into divers other parts. 
Pegnon de Velez how situated.  This rock stands almost in the midst of the gulf of Velez de la Gomera, which was sometimes called Bedis or Bilis. And for that in former times Spain was much annoyed thereby, for that from this rock which is very high, and divided by a small distance from the land, they discovered the ships a far off at Sea, coming from Spain, so as the Pirates, who had their galliots and frigates ready below, went forth with advantage to meet them, fought with them, and spoiled them, King Ferdinand resolved to fortify that place, to restrain those thieves which retired into the port of Velez, whither he sent an army, where they built two castles upon that rock, putting into them sufficient men and ordnance to guard them: The which the King of Fez seeking afterwards to recover from the Spaniards, they were repulsed with great loss, and it was kept for the Spaniards, 
1564  until that in the year one thousand five hundred and twenty, it was betrayed by a Spanish Soldier, who brought in the Moors to be revenged of his Captain that had taken away his wife.  
King Philip to recover this place, being very prejudical to their navigation, caused a fleet to be made ready of about one hundred and 30 sail, among the which there were above forty ships of burden, Galliots, and lesser vessels, with one great Galeon of Portugal: There were eighty and seven galleys, that is, two and twenty of Spain, eleven of Naples, 
Army sent against Pegnon de Wels.  ten of Sicily, eight of Portugal, twelve of Dor●a, eight of Floremce, three of Savoy, six of Marc Antonio Colonna, three of Malta, and four of Marco Centurioni. There was in them above ten thousand Italians, Spaniards and Dutch, among the which were many Noblemen and Gentlemen voluntaries; the chief, besides the General D. Garcia de Toledo, were Francisco Baredo, who commanded the ships of Portugal, Sanchio de L●yua those of Naples, the Lord of Plombin the duke of Florence galleys, john Andrew Doria his own, Marc Antonio Colonna, Chiappin Vitelli commander of the foot of Tuscaine, Hannibal Altemps with his Germans, Fernando de Sylva and others.  
They came not to the port of Malaga, which was appointed for the rendezvous, until the end of August, and then the army parted, meeting with the aides of Portugal: being all united together, they arrived near unto the port of Velez, where they had some trouble to unship their ordnance and men: for the rest they had no great difficulty, for the Moors and Turks fainted, when as they saw the artillery (planted in two batteries) began to annoy them, the which would soon have ruined that fort being but small, & therefore they studied rather how to fly than to defend themselves. So, in the night the greatest part of them escaped in barks; there remained about 25 who yielded. The Moors came down in great troops of Horse, and did skirmish with the Christians. The general Toledo having taken this place, furnished it with all things necessary, & left a garrison in it of 800 Spaniards. After which they consulted if they should undertake any thing else, this conquest seeming but small in respect of the great charge; & they propounded that of Bugia, but considering that the season of the year was far spent, being in the midst of Septem. & that their men had endured much at sea, especially the galleyslaves of Tuscaine, being unacquainted with those seas, & the Germans who were much wasted, so as they held it not fit to engage themselves in an action which would require time, whereupon they returned with their galleys to winter, and D. Garcia de Toledo went to be Viceroy of Sicily.  
King Philip remembering that the emperor Charles his father had sent Ferdinand Magellanes in the year 1519, to discover the Moluques and other islands thereabouts, some of which were more plainly discovered in the year 1542, 
islands of Philip pina discovered.  he gave order this year to D. Lewis de Velasco viceroy of Mexico, to make ready a great fleet, with the which entering into the South sea, and sailing towards the west, he should discover those places better, whereof they had yet but a general knowledge, which they held were inhabited by good sensible men. But for that the preparation was long, and the charge great, they parted not till towards Christmas. The fleet being commanded by Velasco sailed towards the Moluques, he had with him Michael of Legaspo, who by order from the king should be governor of the first place he should discover & hold worthy to leave a garrison and to plant a Colony there. They therefore found out Tendaia or Tendain, Punel, Bohol and Pavilogen, all which four in honour of the king were called Philippine: they also set footing in the Island of Luzon, which is bigger than all the rest, being more towards the North, where the city of Maniglia is built, by the which the whole Island is also called. It was not difficult for the Spaniards to become master of those places, for that they of China having abandoned the government which they had enjoyed, there was not any Lord, but they that had most power, did tyrannize over the weaker. They found the Country fertile, and abounding in many things necessary for the use of man; but it was a very commodious dwelling for the great traffic of gold, silk, and other rich Merchandise, which they had with them of China, wherefore they planted divers Colonies in a short space, finding the inhabitants inclined to civility, especially in the Island of Luzon, and the city of Manigila, Michael Lopes of Legaspo, remained Governor of those places, where he died twelve years after, with the title of Adelantado.  
The king of Spain being advertised of the great preparations the Turk made at Constantinople, 
1565  to send a great fleet to Sea, gave order for the fortifying of those places which were most in danger. 
Malta besieged by the Turks.  But Soliman's intent was to attempt Malta, & it did behove king Philip to defend & preserve it, for the interest of his near estates of Naples & Sicily, this Island lying very commodiously to annoy them, if the Turks should take it and keep it as he might easily do, by the care and diligence of the kings of Algiers & of Tripoli, mighty Pirates, & his tributaries, who are always in arms, & ready to furnish it upon any sudden occasion; besides his own means which are great: whereof he might make there a good staple, or storehouse for his wars against Europe.  
The Island of Malta is a great and spacious rock, about 60 miles in compass, lying betwixt Sicily & Africa, 
Description of Malta.  from the which it is above 50 leagues or 200 miles distant, & from Sicily 60 miles, or 15 leagues, accounting 4 miles for a good league: towards the North, it looks to Cap Passaro in Sicily, and on the South to the town of Tripoli in Barbary. This rock is covered some six foot thick with earth and no more: it doth yield excellent fruits, feed some cattle, brings honey & cotton which is the inhabitants wealth; it hath many ports & landings, which are reasonably safe for their ordinary trade, but not to receive any great fleets. The names of the chief are Marsamusset, Marsa Scala, Marsa Sirocco, Cala S. Georg, & Cala of S. Paul: Marsa in the Moors tongue signifies a port, Cala is a shore or strand. The city is almost in the midst of the Island, carrying the name thereof, being inhabited by them of the country, but the abode of the knights who are Lords thereof, is about the port of Marcamusset towards Sicily, whereas the sea makes many small gulfs leaving tongues of earth or rock betwixt both, where they are lodged and well fortified. Upon one of these points which made a passage to one of the gulfs, was built a fort called S. Herme, which kept that entry, & defended the Maltois galleys which lodge within the gulf: right: against it on the other side towards Sicily is the castle S. Ange, the which was strong & well furnished, commanding towards the Sea: under it was the Borogh (where the knights were lodged, and there make their assemblies) well walled and flanked, to the which is joined an other Castle called S. Michael. john de la Valette was at that time great master of the order, 
john de la Valette great master of Malta  French by nation, a man of great courage & wisdom, who being well advertised of the furious tempest that threatened him, made all provisions necessary in such a danger: he sent for all the knights of his order to come to Malta, he had recourse to all Christian Princes for aid; he caused the Borough and other places of the Island to be viewed and fortified; he bought arms, munition, victuals & all other things which he held necessary to defend a great siege. Wherein the Princes of Italy did assist him liberally, and the Viceroys of Naples and Sicily, had commandment from the king of Spain to aid him: especially D. Garcia de Toledo of Sicily had charge to keep the galleys of Sicily and Naples in a readiness, with whom should join the galleys of Spain, the Popes, the duke of Florence's, those of Genova, and the duke of Savoys, and make a sufficient power to hinder that siege.  
The reason which made the Turks to under take this enterprise with so great preparation, was a surprise attempted by the great Master of Malta upon the town of Malaoisie in Morea, which the ancients called Epidaurum Limeria, but it succeeded not.  
The 28 of May, 
Turk's army at Malta.  in the year 1565 this great army of enemies came to the Island of Malta, about the port of Marsa Sirocco, being in number 145 galleys, 8 Maones, which are vessels which do both sail and row, having 5 men to every oar, but they are not so big as the galleasses, many foists & galliots, with a number of ships and vessels to carry artillery, horses, victuals, powder & all provision for war; with which Draguts forces should join and the galleys of Algiers, of Vluccialy, and of all the Pirates in the Mediterranean sea, upon the coasts of Africa, Asia, the islands of the Archipelagus, and other places; all which were sent for to come & serve there under the great Turk's banner, upon great penalties for them that should fail. Pialy Bassa had the chief command at sea, it is 〈◊〉 who chased the Christians from the Island Gerbe; and Mustapha Bassa was general at land. At the arrival of this army the great master had with him 500 knights of his order, men of resolution and experience, & 8000 soldiers, as well of the Island, as others levied in Italy, and some companies of Spaniards & French: whom he distributed into the city, the castle of S. Ange, the forts of S. Herme, 
1365  & S. Michael, the Borough & other places. D. Garcia being doubtful whether the Turk would set upon Goulette by Tunis, sent a supply of 700 old soldiers, Spaniards, thither, besides the ordinary garrison that was entertained. At the Turks landing, which was somewhat difficult, for that the ports were small, & the banks of the islands steep, they were encountered by some knights & soldiers, who slew many, but they retired soon, for their number was but small; having in this skirmish lost Nicholas Delbene, and two other valiant knights. But the Turks landed at this first time 30000 fight men, some janissaries, some Spachis, who serve commonly on horseback, but at that time they had been embarked as footmen, having with them great store of ordnance for battery, among which there were Basilisks, whose bullets weighed above 120 pound. At their landing they disarmed at their galleys, except some 60 which they kept for their guards, and came & lodged before the sort of S. Herme, by the advice of Pialy, who desired to take the port of Marsamusset, the which was covered with this fort, that he might lodge his galleys which lay dispersed in divers parts of the Island, for want of commodious ports, and therefore exposed to many dangers. The camp being lodged & fortified with a rampar, & a fort of earth which they suddenly cast up, S. Herme and the other places were diligently viewed, the which cost many Turks and Christians their lives: In the end there was a battery planted against S. Herme, the which played furiously, & was often changed & renewed and many assaults given & valiantly defended. The commander Broil was within the place, but he was changed by reason of his age, & Monserra● an Arragonois substituted in his place: Broille had behaved himself valiantly, yet the Turks had won a Ravelin which was without the fort, where they fortified, & filling the ditch which was betwixt bo●h, they gave rash and desperate assaults, not making any spare of their men. They cast the yards of their galleys upon the breaches to serve the Assailants for bridges, they had devices to cover their shot when they went to an assault, and they planted many ladders, but all was in vain for a time, for the defendants overthrew or burned their engines; & repulsed them with great slaughter; so as seeing how difficult it was to take this fort, they were doubtful whether they should leave this place, and discharge their rage upon the rest, into the which all the victuals, cattle and other commodities of the Island were drawn, especially into the city, which was not far from the fort of S. Herme, where the inhabitants had fortified themselves with some troops of horse & foot, which had been given them for their guard, commanded by the knight Mesquile a Portugal, who made many sallies & attempts to divert the Turks, who for their part repulsed them roughly into their town: for there was not a hamlet nor house there abouts, where they had not planted a guard to stop their courses. Having spent many days about the fort of S. Herme, 
Dragut comes to Malta.  Dragut arrives with a great troop of Turks, in 12 galleys & 3 galleasses, the which did much encourage the beseegers, for he was in great credit among them. He did not allow of their beginning to make war by the siege of this strong place, the conquest whereof would be long, & difficult, wishing they had first attempted the city, where there was more hope & more spoil, but it was now too late said the Bassas, wherefore the battery against Saint Herme was renewed, & divers new assaults given, the which were more obstinately obtained than before, with the loss of 4500 turks, & Dragut himself was mortally wounded in the head with a stone which was driven by a great shot, 
Death of Dragut.  whereof he died soon after; which made the Turks retire. There was also come unto the camp Aluc-Ali, whom we call Vluccialy, ar●negado of Calabria, who afterwards was made king of Tripoli in the place of Dragut, a great soldier. During these attempts in the Island of Malta, the great master foreseeing that in time he might be vanquished by the Turks force, which increased daily by new supplies, & contrariwise their men decreased by their continual assaults and skirmishes, so as in the end their number would grow very small, he sent often to Messina, where they made slow preparation to relieve them, to acquaint D. Garcia with their estate, & in what danger they were to lose S. Herme, & afterwards the whole Island, beseeching him to make haste, but he neither answered his request, nor the necessity which priest them, for D. Garcia besides that he was tedious & grave after the manner of Spain, he esteemed himself too weak to make any attempt that might avail the besieged, saying that he must gather forces together consisting of many pieces, according to the time & will of them that did contribute, the which was true, wherefore the Turk hath a great advantage over us, hahaving always a great number of vessels armed belonging to himself, having no need to beg or borrow them of any other, as we do, with great charge & loss of time, the which is very prejudicial in war; whereas the Turk hath the assignat●ons of his treasure certain which may not be diverted: and in this war of Malta, he had an extraordinary advantage, Rosa Sultana his best beloved, being dead a little before, she had left a great mas●e of ●seasure to be especially employed in war against the Christians, for to help her soul. D. Garcia besides his natural slowness was grown into a conceit, that it was good to suffer the Turk to waste & consume themselves in the Island of Malta, about those places which he held to be strong and well furnished, and that he should come time enough to assail them, when they were weakened with hunger, which did already press them, and with other discommodities which follow long sieges. This was to make war by discourse, but in the mean time he held his arms a cross, which is against the rules. With much pressing & importunity, he did hazard some galleys to put certain knights and soldiers, which came late, into the borogh of Malta, the which attempting often, some entered, and others were many times forced to return from whence they came. He also sent to sea to cut off the victuals that went to the Turks army. The two commanders were not very sorry for Draguts' death, whom they hated deadly: wherefore to have the honour to have taken the fort of S. Herme without him, they doubled their battery with 32 Canons, with the which they so ruined the fort as the defendants lay open, & then presently they gave a general assault both by land and Sea, the which was so cruel and bloody, as they were forced to yield. Thus the fort of S. Herme was won by the Turks, 
S. Herme taken by the Turks.  the which had cost the lives of 10000 of their men, & 20000 canon shot, in divers batteries and assaults. All that were found living in it, were put to the sword, & among others, 30 valiant knights, who had been reserved by the janissaries to draw a ransom from them, but others coming in murdered them cruelly: they found 24 canons & culverins within the place, with some remainder of munition, which they employed against the other fort●. This loss was grievous to the great Master, & to all those that were with him, their number being much decreased; for they had lost above 1500 of their best men, & among them many knights. Wherefore the rest being grown merciless, hearing what cruelties the Turks had showed to them of S. Herme, they resolved not to take any more to mercy, & so it was ordained by the great master, who had resolved to die with all his company; but to sell their lives dearly unto the enemy, despairing in a manner of all succours from Italy. But these desperate men were somewhat revived by the unexpected coming of Hen. Parisot the great master's nephew, who brought him about 500 good soldiers, with some knights; they had been 14 days at sea, before they could find an opportunity to recover the Island, the which they did in the end on the 29 of june, landing at a place called Pietra Negra, from whence they slipped without discovery into the city of Malta, and were from thence conducted with a convoy to the Borough, & received there with great contentment & joy. Some of this new supply were put into S. Michel's fort, which they thought would be presently attempted. The loss of S. Herme being understood in Sicily, many made offer to D. Garcia to hazard themselves to lead succours to Malta, through the Turks guards, the which could hardly be effected by sea; for having taken S. Herme they were masters of the entry which went unto the Bourg, under castle S. Ange. john Andrew Doria was confident, that with ten galleys he would land as many men as he could carry in some part of the Island, & lead them himself into the Bourg: which D. Garcia would not suffer, for that having not any news of the galleys of Spain, (which was his best excuse in his dilations) he would not hazard those he had, which were for the safety of Sicily, & the realm of Naples. The Turks having cleansed the ruins of the fort which they had won, they lodged 300 janissaries in it, & then they planted 60 canons in six several batteries at la Grotte, 
Batteries made by the Turks at Malta.  Coraasin, Mandrasse, at Sancta Maria du Secours, at Sancta Marguerita, & elsewhere, making so wonderful a thunder, as they were heard into Sicily beyond Messina, assailing the Bourg, and fort of S. Michael both together, by sea and land, but it pleased God so to strengthen the besieged, as they had always the better against the Turks since the taking of Saint Herme, who in the end did no● fight but with an obstinate despair, battering the houses of the Bourg, more than to make a breach to enter: their powder began also to waste, for at their coming to this siege, they had lost a great ship at Sea, 
1563  in the which were six thousand barrels of powder, with 〈◊〉 hundred ●●nisaries, and they had sent into the Levant to have new, with other things which they wanted. In the mean time H●scen king of Alger, son to Barberousse, came unto the 〈◊〉 with seven great galleys, many foists and other vessels, carrying many Turks and other good Soldiers; for whose welcome Mastapha seeking to do some extraordinary exploit against the fort of Saint Michael towards the sea, and against the Bourg by land, was repulsed, and lost above five and twenty hundred Turks, some were drowned with their barks, and some were slain with the canon and the sword: at which charge there died also about two hundred Christians, and many were hurt: yet the Turks fainted not for all this, but increased their battery against the fort and Bourg, ruining the flanks & courtines, and leaving the besieged ●●most naked to the shot of the canon, from whom notwithstanding they could not take any thing, 
〈…〉  although they did assail them fiercely by all means and de●ices, casting bridges made of their main yardss, over their ditches, & upon their ruins, as they had done at Saint Herme, with many other inventions, all which were overthrown by the Christians, who covered themselves as well as they could, but they could not prevent the death of many of them: 
Death of Parisot.  among others Henry de la Valette Parisot, the great master's nephew was slain: but there happened an accident which did much favour the besieged, the noise of the canon was so great, as they of the city being some seven miles off, heard it as easily as if it had been near them, which made them resolve to sally forth with all the men they had able to carry arms, both horse and foot, and came and charged a guard of two thousand Turks, which was set towards the Sea: the which cast forth so great a cry, as their companions which fought at the breaches being amazed; fearing that some great succours were arrived and came to compass them in, retired in disorder, leaving above fifteen hundred of their men dead upon the place, and they of the city had means to retire themselves before they were discovered. In the end news came of the so much desired and so long expected succours, for D. Garcia, being advertised that thirty and seven galleys were parted from Spain, with soldiers, to come and join with him in Sicily: he resolved not to stay their coming, making his account that if they found him gone, they would stay in his place and assure Sicily and Naples at all events. He commanded that all the Ships laden with Soldiers which attended in divers po●ts of Italy, should come to Messina, which was the rendezvous for the whole army, which being met, the question was how they should lead these succours, wherein there appeared many difficulties to men that were not adventurous like unto D. Garcia and his Spanish Council. He had gathered together some twelve thousand good soldiers, and fifteen hundred voluntaries of the nobility of Italy, who were desirous to show themselves and to win honour, but they wanted galley slaves and mariners for such a number of vessels, whereof the Turks had double the number: so as there was no means to assail the enemy's fleet at sea; and to land men in any part of the Island, to make the body of an army, and to give battle unto the Turks, they feared also in this Council to do it unseasonably, not knowing what forces the Bassas had yet remaining, having understood that, as well at their first landing, as afterwards by those that came from Barbary, and the Pirates which had joined with them, they had had under their ensigns above forty thousand men of Mahumets' sect. They feared also they should want victuals in a small, barren & ruinous Island; and to carry with them, there was also danger how to convey it safely: and they fell into the difficulty to be forced to fight, having a convoie, with disadvantage, against a greater number of enemies.  
Being in these dangerous speculations, in the necessities of war, which require speed and hazard, there was a Spaniard called Andrew Salezar presented himself, he was an old politic captain, and could speak the Turkish language, who offered to go as a spy into the enemy's Camp at Malta, and to bring them certain news. Whereupon he was sent with two galleys of Malta, which were then at Messina, who landed him in so commodious a place, as he got into the City without any encounter, where hane remained some time, he went disguised into the Turks camp, & there lived among them some days where he discovered the estate & necessities thereof, & then returned in safety to D. Garcia, to whom he reported that there was great amazement among the Turks by reason of those succours, that the Soldiers were tired with those troublesome sieges, and that there were many sickemen, that their numbers were not so great but ten thousand fresh men might win an honourable victory, and that they kept guard only by night; for the Bassas fearing these succours, they caused every night two great Squadrons of galleys to go about the Island, the which going from the port of Marcanusset, one on the right hand, & the other on the left, they met on the backside thereof towards the west, and passing on made the rowed and came to the same port, where they remained, all the day after and stirred not. Upon this report the fleet went forth, with an intent to land their men in the Island, and having recovered the city, to march in battle against the Turks. john Andrew Dori● was sent before to give advice unto the greatmaster, 
Succours come to the Island of Malta.  but having contrary winds the fleet was forced to put to Sea, and was driven to the Island of Favignana, above two hundred miles from Malta, and then it returned, touched at Sicily, failed towards Goze, and in the end came to the above mentioned place of Pietra Negra, whereas the men were landed, and in their landing they laid upon every soldiers back a bag of biscuit, weighing above fifty of our pounds, besides their arms, with sufficient shot and powder, and so they marched in three battalions, two of Spaniards under D. Alvaro de Sandy, and one of Italians, under Chiappin Vitelli, and all under the marshal general of the field, Ascanio de la Corn, towards the City of Malta, where after two restings, they arrived, the Maltois going forth to meet them with horses, and cattle to ea●e them of the burdens which they did bear.  
This done, D. Garcia returned into Sicily, and passing in view of the enemy, he caused every one of his galleys to discharge three pieces, to busy the Turks, that they should not go to encounter the succours, or to divert them from giving an assault to Saint Michael's fort, if they continued: wherein doubtless he erred, for if he had gone away and not given them this advertisement, they had not made any haste to embark, and had undoubtedly been surprised, with great advantage to the Christians, and the gain of their artillery and baggage, the which they shipped presently upon the discharge of D. Garcias canon. They had a will to retire, but it should have been after a general assault, being resolved to give it the same day they had this advertisement, or the next. The Bassas were in a manner resolved to fight with the succours, not thinking them to be so strong, but having sent five hundred of their men forth to skirmish with them, they were almost all slain, and the rest of the army fled to their galleys which they had drawn out of Marcamusset, and other places, and joined together towards Cale of Saint Paul with such disorder, as many were drowned being priest by the Christians.  
They retired towards the Levant: where some said, that D. Garcia lost a goodly opportunity, for having furnished his Galleys with new Soldiers, & being come to Siracusa, he saw this Turkish army retire close together, & never followed them. His excuse was that he had not soldiers enough to fight with them, and therefore he returned to Malta for his Spaniards, where having manned fifty of his best galleys, he directed his course after the Turks army, hoping it would divide itself, and that he might get some booty, but he returned empty handed to Messina; 
Retreat of the Turks army from Malta.  sending shipping to transport the Italians and the rest of the Spaniards, which he had left at Malta, into their Countries, but some of them were cast away in a tempest. Thus Malta was delivered in time, for they that defended it were reduced to extremity by a great disorder which seemed to be in the Council of Spain, so as the blame ought not to be attributed solely to D. Garcia de Toledo, if it had been taken, for if he showed himself slack, and of a small courage to secure the besieged, and if he were not faithful in the dispensation of the treasure, as some would accuse him, the irresolution of king Philip's Council, and the malice and crosses of his enemies in Court, did bring Sicily, Naples, and all Italy in danger of ruin if the Turks had deprived him of this assured rampar. But God fortified the great Master, his knights and soldiers, and all the people of the Island, arming them with patience, courage, and constancy, for by human, reason they had been all lost. They that did adventure to come out of Sicily, & to enter into the Bourg, have their share in the honour, neither are they that brought the succours to be excluded. The constancy of the great master, the resolution of Parisot his nephew, the undaunted courage of Romegas, the bravery of Barragan, a Navarrois, Mon●errat, Miranda, and others which defended the breaches, the willingness of john Andrew Doria to secure them, if they would have suffered him, the resolution and good conduct of Ascanio de la Corn, of D. Alvaro de Sandy, of Chauppin Vitelli, and other captains of the succours, and their soldiers, are remarkable in this war: the which continued four months, from the midst of May to the midst of September, whereas three hundred and thirteen knights lost their lives honourably, 3600 soldiers, and above six thousand of the people, men, women, and children. The Turks spent above fourscore thousand canon shot, and lost at the least thirty thousand men. The great Master after the retreat of the remainder of their army, gave God thanks for this delivery, and in like manner the Princes and Estates which had assisted him; but he was not without great apprehension of the return of the Barbarians, fearing he should not be able to resist them, by this former experience: so as it was often propounded to abandon the island, and not seek obstinately to repair and keep those lamentable ruins: for except the castle of Saint Ange, and the old city, all the rest was reduced to powder. But in these difficulties their generous resolutions were comforted, encouraged, and assisted, as well by the Pope, the duke of Florence, and other Princes and States of Italy, as by the king of Spain, who among other provisions appointed three thousand pioneers, which he caused to be levied in Sicily and Naples, to repair the ruined forts, and also to begin the new city which was already projected, and had been traced out upon that piece of ground, at the point whereof had been the fort of Saint Herme, and which divides the port of Marcamusset from that of the galleys of the religion. 
Valette a new town built in the island of Malta.  This new town was called Valette, to be a memory to posterity of the virtue and valour of that great knight john de la Valette, who lived not long after his worthy exploits in the defence of this siege: to whom there succeeded Peter de Monte, who was Admiral of the Order, and had behaved himself valiantly.  
The governors of Provinces, with the Nobility of the Netherlands, subjects to the king of Spain, seeing the general discontent of all men, tending to a lamentable confusion, they besought the duchess of Parma, their Governess, to prevent these inconveniences, which grew from the cruelty of the Edicts and rigorous persecutions, from the new bishops, and fear of the Spanish Inquisition: Whereupon they resolved to send one into Spain, with ample instructions, to acquaint the king with all those inconveniences, 
Earl of Egmont sent into Spain.  and the apparent danger. The earl of Egmont had that charge, he went into Spain, he told the king, That mildness was the best means to prevent this mischief; and was sent back with hope and promises conformable to his instructions; which gave great content to the Netherlanders at his return, but the effect proved contrary, and their hope was turned into despair: For this year 1565, in December, the king signified his pleasure to the Governess, by his letters, what he would have observed in the Low Countries, touching matters of religion. He commanded, That all Edicts made by the Emperor his father, or himself, touching matters of religion, should be duly executed: That the Inquisitors should be favoured in their charges, for the good of religion, it being his pleasure that the Inquisition should be put in practice: And lastly, That she should assist the bishops to have the Council of Trent settled: all which was contrary to that which he had promised to the earl of Egmont, and to the expectation of the poor Netherlanders. And for that the Inquisition was the cause of so great troubles, and the shedding of much innocent blood, I have thought it fitting the subject of our history, to relate it somewhat particularly, as it is now practised in Spain, and its beginning.  
D. Ferdinand and D. Isabel, 
Beginning and progress of the Inquisition.  kings of Castille and Arragon, having wholly subdued the Moors and Saracens of Spain, and being assured of them, they suffered them to live quietly under their obedience, paying a certain tribute, living but a toiling life for them that were of a free condition, but yet tolerable, seeing they were not questioned with for their religion. But as all things in this world are inconstant, and subject to change, king Ferdinand was persuaded to choose some men that might look into the superstitions and infidelities of these Moors, least in the end the jewish and Mahometan religion should suppress the Catholic: whereupon he employed himself with great zeal to religion. Wherein he was so happy, as, in testimony of his piety, he was honoured by the Pope, as well for himself, as for his successors, kings of Spain, with the title of Catholic, which Gregory the third had in the year 1230 given unto Alphonso king of Castille. Whereupon many of the Moors, Saracens, Africanes, and jews, were either forced to confess Christ, or to abandon the country: so as many thousands retired themselves into Africa, and other places. But they that desired rather to live in Spain with their wives and children, did either willingly, or by constraint, quit their religion, and were baptized. But the Spaniards finding afterwards of what force the opinion of a divinity graven in the hearts of men is, be it good or bad, true or false, and how hardly it is rooted out, they being bred up in it from father to son, they did forbid the jews the exercise of their religion; and as they could not sincerely forget, nor leave the said exercise, the Spaniard had recourse to persecutions (but with some form of justice) to root them out: But king Ferdinand's meaning was, to draw them to religion by instruction and doctrine, which should convict them in their errors. And as the Order of Saint Dominike was then newly instituted, 
jacobins first Inquisitors.  and they were called jacobins, being then in credit for their piety, sincerity, learning, and zeal, before all other Monks, Preachers, and Doctors, the charge of matters concerning conscience and religion, was committed to them. And although there were some form of Inquisition before, yet was it confirmed by these jacobins, who seeing that they could not convert the jews neither by prayers, persuasions, nor preaching, they took the material sword in hand, to force them to the Christian religion; holding, That any thing which is practised (especially religion) although it be by force and constraint, turns to a custom, which growing ancient by succssion of time, is allowed by them that did not feel the first constraint and rigour. This sword which the jacobins used then, and continueth to this day in Spain, was the cause that they said the Inquisition began in the time of D. Ferdinand king of Arragon, for that this manner of reclaiming them was more rigorous than the first, against the heretics, whom they called Marans. Thus the jacobins were the authors of the Inquisition, which the king allowed, and Pope Sextus confirmed. The king had reason to do it, to root out the cursed doctrine of the Mahometans and jews, who committed great impieties in Spain.  
These jacobins for the institution of the said Inquisition, were called defenders of the Christian religion. Their first Commissions extended but to jews and Mahometists, but since they extended their authority over all in general, calling themselves Inquisitors of heretics, to persecute all them that did not punctually observe the orders of the Church of Rome. Whereby in the end they did purchase such hatred, as king Ferdinand was forced to set learned Clergy men in their places, 
jacobins lose the title of Inquisitors.  who before had been favourers of this Inquisition. But least the jacobins should take this deprivation ill, the king gave them authority to be present at the deliberations and judgements of the Inquisitors of the Faith: so as the examination of such as they call heretics, is at this day taken by them. And although the said Inquisition were not so rigorously executed in those days, as it is now, 
Inquisition rejected by the Arragonois.  yet in some parts of Spain the Spaniards themselves would not receive it, for the Estates of Arragon opposed themselves against it (yet reverently) first by words and admonitions; but when he sought to force them, they fell to arms, and would by no means receive it, the Estates considering that it would be prejudicial to the liberties and privileges of the realm: so as they did not receive it without great force and effusion of blood of either side, as appeared by the death of M. Aepile, who being sent with commission from the king to settle it, was murdered in the Cathedral church of Sarragosse, the chief city of the realm of Arragon.  
Experience hath taught us what men these Inquisitors be, 
Inquisitors what they be.  who by their wickedness pervert all; against whom no laws, privileges, statutes, nor customs of the country can prevail; proceeding in all things against the accused according to their passions, be it right or wrong, by all cruel executions unworthy of Christians, observing no ordinary course of justice, but presuming to deal both with civil and criminal causes; citing sometimes before them men of gravity and authority, noblemen and gentlemen, for trifles unfit for children. When any one is accused, they send a Sergeant (whom they call a Familiar) to cite him to appear personally before the holy office of the Inquisition; 
Manner of the Inquisitors proceeding.  whereunto he must of necessity obey. If he denies that wherewith he is charged, they suffer him to go to his house, but one of their flies follows him, who observes his countenance: if he finds by word or show, that he hath any bad impressions, they declare it to the Inquisitors, who make a new Process. When as the accused appearing at the day appointed confesseth freely, or by intricate examinations (to make him forget his first answers) they draw any thing from him, the accuser, or fly, is hidden behind the hangings, to hear if he confessed the truth. If he be a town dweller, they send him ho●e to his house, if he be a stranger, they send him to prison. Then they writ unto the curate or bishop of the diocese where the accused is resident, to the end (say they) they should not rashly lay hands upon the sheep of a strange pastor, sending him word, that they have one of his flock in their prisons.  
He that hath a dwelling house in the town, being sent for again, and committed to prison, they demand of him the keys of his coffers and closet, to deliver them to a public Notary, who must take an inventary of all his movables, writings, jewels, or what else is in his house: which inventary is delivered into the hands of some rich neighbour, who keeps it until the end of the Process, all the said goods being forfeited to the king, if the accused be condemned: for their custom is (although the sentence be not capital) to make a prey of his goods, declaring the accused to be unworthy to enjoy any of them. The accused being once in prison, the keeper searcheth him if he have no knife, papers, or any other thing, stripping him to his very shirt. Eight days after the Inquisitors will the Gaoler to advise the prisoner to demand audience: whereupon the poor man entreats him to ask it for him, the which, after much pressing, he promiseth, and in the end, after some delays, doth it. Being come into the Auditory, he entreats them to dispatch his Process: then they admonish him to discharge his conscience, and to acknowledge his faults, promising him all favour and mercy, so as he will convert. If he confesseth, he is not freed therefore, and if he doth not confess, they send him back to prison, and tell him that they will dispatch his Process. It is in vain for him to demand audience again, neither will they tell him whereof he is accused, but he must divine it, seeking to convict him by his own confession. Then they bring him again before the Inquisitors, who tell him sharply, That if you will not otherwise discharge your conscience, you shall be delivered into the Attorney generals hands, who will entreat you after another manner, by torture. But when the crafty admonitions of the Inquisitors cannot shake his constancy, than they have recourse to another practice. They cause a cross and a book which they call the messal, to be brought, whereon they will have the accused to swear: if he refuseth, he is convicted, if he swears, they inquire first of his country, kinsmen, profession, companions, and other such like things, from the which they draw great arguments: but they that are well advised will answer nothing, if they have not first seen the informations whereof they are accused. In the end they give it him in writing, to defend himself by his Advocate, who undertakes his cause, after that his Process is in question, according to the custom (the which is only to get money from the poor prisoner) on the third day after the Inquisitors send for the prisoner with his Advocate; then they command him to speak the truth, seeing in that Auditory they require nothing else: If he doth not confess, than they send him back to prison. In the end they acquaint him with the depositions, but do not name the witnesses. But if any man will charge him with any thing, the prisoner, if he be well advised, will inquire of the quality of the person which hath been heard against him: When as the prisoner can divine of his accuser, and doth remember with whom he hath discoursed of religion, they grant a confrontation with him. They that are best advised demand a copy of the conclusion, to make answer thereunto by writing: but if there be two witnesses, they judge to death, or otherwise: one witness alone is sufficient to put him to the rack.  
The king's Attorney is his adverse party, and the witnesses be his accusers. Two or three days after the prisoner hath been called before the judges, his Advocate comes and declares unto him the chief points whereof he is accused, and doth propound unto him the most pregnant reasons, and the testimony of his accusers, to understand if they be true or not. He wils him to consider what the witnesses may be, to the end he may take exceptions against them; giving him some days of respite, to call to mind what his enemies may be, that have witnessed against him; if he cannot conjecture who they be, he is convicted; if he doth name any, they do not tell him they be they, but his Advocate doth secretly advertise him, and they ask him before the Inquisitors, what he can reproach against them. When as the prisoner will justify himself, and can prove that he hath always been a friend to Churchmen, that he hath observed all Popish ceremonies, that he hath frequented Mass, gone often to confession, honoured the cross, and images, and that he is contrary to that which his accusers have deposed (the which he must commonly do within nine days) his cause is much bettered; but no justification will serve if he wants authentic witnesses. Afterwards some jacobine Friars, or Doctors of Divinity, examine him of his faith, interpreting his answers according to their own fantasies. If he hath said well, in their opinions, they judge him free, but not without loss and prejudice.  
When they have sufficient matter, 
Proceeding to the torture.  as they think, to condemn a prisoner to be extraordinarily racked, they lead him into a cave through many doors, where he finds the judge with his assistants set, being all masked with black cypers, the executioner presents himself in a cassock of black linen cloth (such as the Spaniards wear the Thursday before Easter, when they whip themselves) with a black hood over his head and face, having but two holes before his eyes; being thus attired to terrify the prisoner, as if the devil himself should torment him. Then doth the judge admonish him to tell the truth, protesting, that if otherwise any member of his be broken through torture, the fault should lie upon himself. Then they strip the poor prisoner naked, having nothing covered but his privy parts. After which they make a sign unto the executioner, what torture he shall suffer, the which he is often put to, sometimes in one sort, sometimes in another, until that he confess. If he continue constant, and confess not any thing, they carry him into a church, where there are Chirurgeons, to put his joints again in their places, the which doth double his torments. The patiented being in this miserable estate, they wish him to confess, where if they find of what religion he is, confessing himself, there is a Notary hidden, to write his confession; for they make him speak with a loud voice, the priest telling him, that he hath power to deliver him out of the Inquisitors hands. Sometimes poor men, deceived with these words, confess things which make them punishable. Whereupon the Inquisitors give it out, That this prisoner hath confessed much, and accused some of his companions, although there be no such matter: wherewith some being terrified, come and accuse themselves, before they be called in question, to reconcile themselves to these Inquisitors.  
Two days before that sentence is to be given, 
Proceeding of the Inquisition to execution.  they send for the prisoners which are condemned to die, whom the Inquisitors command to declare unto them all their goods movable & immovable, and that they conceal not any thing: to the end that they that are in their houses be not taxed of theft; or that they themselves by the will of God do not fall dead to the ground, like to Ananias & Saphira, who fell down dead at the Apostles feet, for that they had concealed part of their goods. On the day of execution (the night before they that will being confessed) the officers of the Inquisition bring them in the morning, the Saint benita, which is a kind of mandilion, whereon are painted great heads of devils, and on their heads they wear a mitre of paper, whereon is painted a man sitting over a fire, which a devil doth kindle, 
Pomp at an execution of the Inquisition.  & torment him. When they lead him to execution the school boys go before singing Lettanies. Those which are condemned to die, follow them with two Sergeants of the Inquisition, & some Monks and Jesuits, which exhort the people. The canons and priests of Cathedral churches, abbots, prior's, & other of the clergy, assist at these executions. The Advocate fiscal, & the Attorney general, are on horseback, with one that carries the banner of the Inquisition displayed, being of crimson damask richly embroidered, having on the one side the name & arms of the Pope which confirmed the Inquisition, & on the other the name and arms of D. Ferdinand king of Arragon, & on the top of the banner a silver cross gilt. The Father's Inquisitors of the Faith, and all the officers are there also on horseback. This troop is followed by a great multitude of people, which come running in great troops from far, to see this feast, unto the field, where there are two scaffolds made, one for the accused, the other for the Inquisitors; whereas one makes an oration in praise of the Inquisition, and condemnation of heresies: which being ended, they pronounce with a loud voice the sentences of these poor condemned men in order, beginning with them that have the mildest sentence, and the easiest punishment. After the publication of these sentences, the Inquisitor Major sings the Collects of Oremus and Qusaeumus, for them that are converted, praying God to show them mercy, and that they may persevere in the Catholic Romish Faith unto death.  
This done, all the Clergy sings Miserere mei Deus, etc. which ended, the Inquisitor Major sings certain verses, and all the other singing men answer him in Music. Then the Inquisitor sings absolution, by the which the penitents are absolved from the sin of heresy, but not from the pecuniary fine, the which is executed without mercy, yea against all right and equity. This absolution being given, the Inquisitors cause them to swear unto the people, That they will live and die in the Faith, obedience, and religion of the Romish Church, and that they shall defend it and the Inquisitors against all men, hazarding their bodies and goods against them that shall offer to resist them: and moreover, that they abjure all things contrary to the doctrine, institution, and ceremonies of their Church; and will defend with all their power the said holy office, with all the officers or Sergeants, calling them all to witness, for assurance of the oath which he had taken. If there be any Churchman among these converts, which hath deserved less punishment than death, he is degraded only by words: but if he be condemned to die, than they degrade him as followeth. 
Degrading of a priest by the Inquisition.  First they put on him his priest's habit, as if he were to say Mass, whereof he is presently disrobed, the bishop (being in his Episcopal robes) using certain ceremonies upon every piece they take from him, with words directly contrary to those which they use in giving the order of priesthood: then they scrape the ends of his fingers, his lips, and his shaven crown, with a piece of glass, or a razor, to take away the oil wherewith he was anointed at his consecration. These ceremonies are publicly done in the view of all the world. When the sentences are pronounced, and the priest degraded, the temporal officer receiveth them that should die, according to the judgement of the Inquisitors, and brings them to the place of execution, having jacobines, Jesuits, or others crying in their ears, to divert them from the Faith which they have confessed: but when as the Inquisitors understand, that they are not truly penitent, they deliver them into the hands of the secular power, beseeching them to entreat them mildly, and not to break any member, not to shed one drop of blood: and to the captiall sentence they insert: 
Hypocrisy of the Inquisitors.  Seeing the pain we have taken to convert this man from his errors is vain, we deliver him into the hands of the temporal magistrate, to be punished according unto law and justice, yet we entreat, in case that he acknowledge his errors, and turn, that they show him mercy. But the officer proceeds, and causeth them to be burnt alive, being tied to stakes. Such as are not condemned to die, are carried back to prison, being constrained to look upon them that have died constantly: but the next day they whip some through the streets, some are condemned to the galleys, some to perpetual prison, or for a time, and others to carry the Sant-benita during their lives, or for a season: but if any of them fall into a relapse, there is no more hope of mercy. And after this cruel manner the Inquisition of Spain is practised.  
30 This year there was an interview betwixt Charles the French king, 
Interview betwixt the French king & the queen of Spain.  and D. Isabel his sister, queen of Spain. This princess parting from Madrid, came by Arevalo, Medina del Campo, and by Vailledolit, to Burgos; in all which places she had sumptuous and stately entries made her: then continuing her journey, she entered into Navarre by Tudele, Valterre, Caparosa, Tafalla, and so to Pampelone; and passing from thence to Huerta, Araguil, and Alsalua, the last place of Navarre, she came into Guipuscoa, whereas the gentlemen and people did her all the honour they could; for she found deputies well accompanied in nine several places, to kiss her hand, and to make her those offers which subjects are accustomed to do unto their Queen. The Duke of Anjou, her brother, went to Hernant to meet with her, and passing by Saint Sebastian's, la Renterie, Ocarson, Yrum, and Vransu, they came unto the river which divides France from Spain, where there were boats prepared, into the which the queen mother came to receive her, and led her unto king Charles, who attended her on the other bank, at the end of the bridge. After their embracings and compliments, they went all towards Bayone, with a great train of lords and ladies of both realms. The queen mother and her three children marched in one rank, she holding the right hand, the queen of Spain next her, the French king joining to his sister, and the duke of Anjou on the left hand. She stayed at Bayone seventeen days, and at her return the queen mother did accompany her unto the river, and the duke of Anjou unto Segure. The cause of this interview was known by many effects which followed: with whom the duke of Alba was sent, with full authority from his master. This princess of France hath left unto king Philip her husband two daughters, D. Isabel, and D. Catherina. The Spanish histories say, that she was brought in bed of her eldest daughter on the twelfth of August 1566, in the royal palace of Segovia, who was named D. Isabel Clara Eugenia, and was baptized by the bishop of Rossano, the Pope's Nuntio, by reason of a contention grown betwixt the Archbishop of S. james, and the bishop of Segovia; the Archbishop saying, That he ought to christian the king's child, being chief chaplain of the king's house, and that all that concerned the spirituality in the king's palace, belonged to his charge, the bishop on the other side maintained, That this act belonged unto him, for that it was done in his diocese.  
31 There were great complaints made in the Court of Castille, 
D. Garcia de Toledo in disgrace.  against D. Garcia de Toledo, Viceroy of Sicily, where he had many enemies which taxed him of arrogancy, malicious negligence, and neglect of all good occasions, yea he was accused to have retained three hundred thousand crowns, which were sent him for the war of Malta, and the last provision thereof, and that he had suffered the remainder of the Turkish army to escape, who fled in disorder (said his ill willers) whom he might easily have defeated. He sought to purge himself of these imputations by his friends, and sent Alphonso Ruis, Secretary of State for that realm, expressly out of Sicily; but his disgrace increasing, he was forced to come in person. He was there discharged by the king, and sent home to his house, being deprived of all his offices and estates. D. john de Austria was made General at sea, and the marquess of Pescare Viceroy of Sicily.    

❧ THE 29 BOOK OF THE History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 TRoubles in the Low Countries.  
2 Tumult made in Spain by the Moors of Granado.  
3 Scio taken by the Turk.  
4 Duke of Alba sent Governor into the Low Countries.  
5 Sentence of condemnation against the Nether lander.  
6 Imprisonment and death of the prince of Spain, and of the queen.  
7 Charles Archduke of Austria sent from the Emperor Maximilian into Spain.  
8 Causes which moved the Moors of Granado to rebel.  
9 Marriage of the king of Spain with his niece the emperors daughter.  
10 Rights of the Seigneurie of Venice to the realm of Cypress.  
11 League concluded betwixt the Pope, the king of Spain, and the commonweal of Venice.  
12 Famagusta yielded to the Turk.  
13 Battle betwixt the Christians and Turks at Lepanto.  
14 Duke of Medina Celi sent to succeed the duke of Alba in the Low Countries.  
15 Enterprise of Tunis made by D. john of Austria.  
16 Tunis and Go●lette recovered again by the Turks.  
17 D. Sebastian king of Portugal goes into Africa.   
TOwards the end of the last year Pope Pius the fourth died, 
1566  in whose place was chosen Friar Michael Gislieri, of the Order of S. Dominicke, cardinal Alexandrino, and he was called Pius the fifth. 
Election of Pope Pius 5.  He had been bred up in divers charges of the Inquisition, and therefore he sought to advance it being come to this dignity. The people of Rome knowing him to be of a sour and severe disposition, were somewhat troubled at his election: which being reported unto him, We hope in God, said he, so to behave ourself, as they will be more grieved to hear of our death, than they are now at our creation. But the king of Spain rejoiced much at this election, commending the authors thereof. He did observe him with great reverence, commanding all his ministers with whom the Pope was to treat, not to oppose themselves against his Holiness just demands. 
Archbishop of Toledo drawn in question by the Inquisition.  And this year Bartholomew Caranza, Archbishop of Toledo, being called in question by the Inquisition of Spain, for misbelief, requiring to be judged at Rome, as his Holiness should determine, he being not well satisfied with his Spanish judges, the king would not refuse him to the lord of Camojano, who was sent unto him to that end, notwithstanding that it was against the privileges of the Inquisition in that realm: wherein the cardinal Sansisto being sent the year before by the Pope, to judge the cause, could not prevail, the Spaniards seeking to maintain their jurisdiction, and to determine it absolutely. Notwithstanding the Archbishop's person was granted to Comoiano, who was carried prisoner to Rome, with his Process which had been begun there.  
Pope Pius the fift having been made cardinal by Paul the fourth, a carafe, in requital of this favour, being advanced to the Papacy, he caused the process of cardinal Caraffa, 
Carraffas' process reviewed.  and others of that house, which had been executed by his predecessors commandment, to be reviewed, restoring the family of the Caraffas to their honour and fame.  
The Pope persisting in his accustomed rigour against them that did seem to decline from the obedience of the Church of Rome, did not fail, after his assumption, to admonish all Christian princes to observe the decrees of the Council of Trent, and did quicken the diligence of Inquisitors in all places: But he had no need to reiterate his commandments in that point in Spain, where they had for a long time used hard persecution against them whom they called Lutherans, whom king Philip was priest to root out in other places of his obedience, especially in the Low Countries, and to publish this Council, which was ended so favourably for him, as it was rather called the king of Spain's Council than a general.  
Betwixt the Spaniards and the nobility of the Netherlands, 
Causes of hatred betwixt the Spaniards and Flemings.  yea betwixt these nations there reigned an inveterat hatred, since the Infancy of Charles their king; which grew as well by the diversity of manners, as by occasions which sprang from charges in Court, being always accompanied with envy, and many times with attempts of courteors one against another, abusing the favour of their princes: For the Flemings had been in great credit with the Emperor, and had made their profit of the commodities of Spain, yea against the laws of the country, during his reign: And at this time in the Court of king Philip his son, the Spaniards had the advantage, and were in most credit. From this spring grew the private dislikes betwixt the duke of Alba, and other noblemen of Spain, 
Troubles in the Low Countries.  and the earl of Egmont, prince of Orange, and other great men who had the chief governments and charges in those hereditary countries of king Philip. Of whom they thought they might well be revenged (as revenge is sweet and pleasant to men of that sort) by reason of the publication of the Council of T●ent, and the observation thereof, and of the Edicts which they called Placards, which the Emperor had made in regard of religion, containing many articles of extreme rigour, in imitation of the Inquisition of Spain, whereof notwithstanding at the instance of the Estates of the Country, he did moderate much of the rigour, and, giving over the government, he did admonish D. Philip his son, 
Advice given by the Emperor Charles to his son.  to entreat his subjects living under divers climates, according to their natural humours; letting him understand, that it might be austerity was necessary for Spaniards, but that the Netherlanders must be governed with a certain familiarity and mildness. Against this good and wholesome advice king Philip had other counsel as soon as he came into Spain, being animated as well by them of his Council that were about him, as by Anthony Perrenot, cardinal of Arras, who concurred with the king and them in that point, to settle a sovereign absolute power over that nation, and to take their privileges from them: whereof they had made some trial by the creation of new bishops, without the consent of the Estates. Wherein he found great opposition, as we have formerly showed, and as you may read at large in the netherlands History, to the which this subject doth more properly belong.  
Most of the provinces of the Netherlands being in combustion, it was bruited, That the king of Spain would go in person thither, carrying peace and mildness with him: but the chief of them that favoured religion, were soon advertised of a contrary resolution taken in the king's Council, 
Resolution in Spain touching the government of the Low Countries.  which was, That the king would not come among them, but that the duke of Alba should be sent with a great army, to enter the country in hostile manner, as you shall hear in the following year. King Philip was doubtful indeed, whether he should go in person into the Netherlands, but he knew not well to whom to leave the government of Spain, in his absence, being due to D. Charles his son, whom he trusted not: 
Charles prince of Spain unpleasing to his father.  for whether it were for want of understanding, as the brute was, or that he had too much, as he presumed, his father had conceived a bad opinion of him, which some of his counsellors did feed, for that it seemed unto them, that this young prince, both in his words and actions, did scorn them, or at the least did not esteem them as they desired. Above all, the Inquisitors were no friends unto him, as you shall hear.  
2 Whilst they consulted in the king of Spain's Council, how to punish the Netherlanders, 
Tumult made in Spain by the Moors of Granado.  the Moors of Granado were called in question, being pursued by the Clergy, and accused of many crimes, especially of secret impiety, as retaining in their hearts the precepts of the law of Mahomet, & having their exercises secretly in their houses, although that publicly they advowed themselves to be Christians, went to Mass, and to other offices and ceremonies in the parishes where they dwelled. Their spleen was chief against the inhabitants of the Albaizin, which is a quarter within the city of Granado, being then peopled with a great number of families of that nation, who were rich and well accommodated; being people which employed their time in the trade of merchandise, in making of silks, and in many gainful trades: and among them there were some knights, professing nobility and arms. Moreover, in other towns, and in the country and mountains of Granado, and thereabouts, there were above an hundred thousand other families of Moors of divers conditions, some rich, but most labourers and shepherds, living under the protection of lords which enjoyed the castles, fees, and signiories, to whom they paid rents & duties, as subjects, descending from them that remained in the country since the realm of Granado had been conquered by the kings D. Ferdinand and D. Isabel, who had promised in capitulating with the last king of the Moors, That they and their successors might remain there with all assurance and liberty, and not be forced in their religion, observing the laws in general, and paying the rights and tributes to the king, like to his other subjects, yet the same kings breaking their promise by the persuasion of some Prelates, they would force them to be baptized, and receive instruction in religion, by reason whereof they fell again to war against them that dwelled in Alpuxarra, a mountain country, rough, and of hard access, joining unto the sea, the which after many hard encounters, with divers events on either side, was ended by another composition: by the which it was concluded, That they that would be Christians should remain in the country, and the rest should pass into Barbary, whom they should furnish with shipping for their passage. They that remained were called Madejares, and they that passed were termed moors Andaluzes, by the inhabitants of the provinces depending upon the realms of Fez and Marroc, whither they retired themselves. Notwithstanding, howsoever the Moors which remained in Spain behaved themselves, they were still hated, 
moors ill entreated in Spain.  and held to be vile and abject persons by the Spaniards, who called them, in reproach, New Christians, and in stead of making them receive the religion of jesus Christ gently, they tormented them both in word and deed; which the magistrate could not remedy, or, it may be, would not: for the Clergy, who are exempt from answering before any civil magistrate, and have their justice apart, being wonderfully favoured in Spain, were they that committed the greatest insolences against them: yea these poor wretches were continually troubled to give an account unto the Inquisitors of their actions, and to use all means possible to obtain some rest of them that were ordinarily in the country: But their superiors, and the Prelates which were of the Council at Court, gave them no rest; so as since the time of D. joane the emperors mother, queen proprietary of Castille, Arragon, etc. and the emperors reign, there had many severe Edicts been made against them, and strange restraints in their conversations and manner of living, whereof notwithstanding they had suspended the execution, at their humble suit, and protestation of their innocencies, purging themselves reasonably well of all the imputations wherewith they were by them charged.  
At this time in the king's Court and Council, all the old accusations against the Moors were revived, and to set an order to the content of the Inquisition, and the Prelates which pursued them, 
Commissioners appointed to order the Moors.  there had been Commissioners deputed, which were D. Diego d'Espinosa, Precedent of the Council, who was afterwards made a cardinal, D. Fernando Aluares de Toledo, duke of Alba, D. Anthony de Toledo, Prior of the Order of S. john, D. Bernard de Borea, Vicechauncellor of Arragon, the bishop of Origuela, D. Pedro of Desa, of the Council of the general Inquisition, the Licenciat Mechaca, and Doctor Velasco, Auditors, 
Edict against the Moors Mudeiares.  or Councillors. These having met, made an Edict containing many articles, whereof the chief were: That all Moors, new Christians, were commanded to leave their Arabike or Moorish tongue, and to use the Spanish; and therefore they should send their children to schools which should be erected for the vulgar Spanish tongue, and to the masters which should be appointed to teach them. That they should keep no books written in the Arabike tongue in their houses. That they with their wives & children should be bound to assist at service in their parish churches, on Sundays and other festival days celebrated by the Church. That on Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, they should keep their doors open in the day time, and to a certain hour of the night, and suffer them to enter to see what they did. That they should keep no other arms but their swords, and if any were suffered through favour to have any, they should be marked by the governors. That all Moors, men and women, of what age and condition soever, should leave their Moorish habits and attire, which they had been accustomed to use, and attire themselves like other Spaniards. That they should leave off the use of baths after their manner, and their Moorish dances, which were undecent, lascivious, and scandalous to Christians. That the Moors residing in the Albaizin should not fly into the villages and jurisdictions of other lords: for thereby the decrees of justice were made void. There were other articles contained in this Edict, confirming the former old ordinances made against them, or newly invented, with rigorous penalties upon every one. This Edict being signed by the king, and put into form, D. Pedro de Deca was dispatched to be Precedent of the Chancery of Granado, being enjoined to cause it to be executed from point to point, according to the form and tenor thereof, without delay or favour, not respecting the admonitions of any whatsoever. All the Commissioners were of this opinion, except the duke of Alba, who advised them to proceed in the execution thereof article after article, after some pause, and not all at one instant. And soon after the duke parted to go into Flanders, to govern there according to the severe and injurious instructions which he carried with him, and those which he procured to be sent unto him.  
3 During these troubles in the West, 
Scio taken by the Turk.  the great Turk Solyman seized upon the island of Scio. The Bassa Mehemet, upon a private grudge he had against the inhabitants of that island, thinking that by their help a slave of his was fled, and had carried away a good sum of gold, he persuaded Solyman to make it subject, making his own private respect an apparent reason; saying, That many slaves fled daily away by their favour and aid; and besides, they were spies to observe what was done at the port, and in those seas, giving advice to Christian princes, and especially to the king of Spain, the chief of that nation being Genovois, and confederates with the said king. Moreover, he pretended, That they ought two years tribute, of ten thousand ducats a year, the which had happened by the fraud of their Agent, who kept in Constantinople. The Turk was not very well provided that year at sea, for his loss had been very great before Malta, whereas he had not only lost many men of command, and especially that famous pirate Dragut, but also the best of his forces: And his galleys were so weakened, as he could hardly draw fourscore galleys with some galliots together: Yet for that he would with the show of a great fleet divide his enemy's forces, he yielded to Mehemets persuasions commanding him to annoy the Christians where they might most conveniently, after the taking of Scio. This island lies in the Archipelagus: it is almost an hundred miles in circuit: about two hundred years since it was taken by the Genovois, and given to the justinian's their citizens, for their charges, who afterwards had the investitute from the Paleologui, paying a certain rent, which was increased to ten thousand ducats, by Mahomet the second, king of the Turks. Thus they had lived at liberty unto this time, without any annoyance, being governed in form of a commonweal, the gentlemen having the chief command. Pialy, who was General of the fleet, directed his course thither, where he arrived on Easter day in the morning, and landed under a show of friendship. Then with a practice he drew the governor of the town aboard the Admiral, with 12 men which were every year chosen to be moderators of public business: These being stayed by him, the public palace and the fort were presently seized on by the Turks, who carried away all the chief men, and appointed another form of government for them that did remain, depending upon the Turks Empire. Pialy leaving that island, failed towards the Adriatic sea, which put the Venetians into a great jealousy.  
The king of Spain understanding that there was no fear of Malta for that year, 
1567.  having a great fleet & an army ready, commanded they should attempt Alger. Wherefore they began to send certain ships laden with soldiers, artillery, and munition, towards Malaga, whilst that Garcia de Toledo prepared the galleys, to pass with all their power. It happened notwithstanding, 
Loss received by the pirates of Alger.  that those ships were taken by certain galliots of Alger, which kept those seas. This loss was of such importance, as it disappointed the resolution for Alger.  
4 It had been resolved the year before in the Council of Spain, that the duke of Alba should go with an army into the Low Countries. This Spring he was dispatched away with an ample commission, 
Duke of Alba sent into Flanders.  or rather with an unlimited authority; the which was pleasing unto him, for the hatred he bore unto the Netherlanders. As for his army, there was commandment given to the dukes of Alcala and Terranova (the one being Viceroy of Naples, and the other of Sicily) to send into the duchy of Milan the old regiments of Spaniards which they had in those realms, and in Sardinia: and commandment was also given to Gabriel de la Cueva, duke of Albuquerque, governor of Milan, That he should not only have the regiment of Lombardie in a readiness, but also the light horsemen, increasing their companies from fifty to an hundred; and that Lopes Zapata, and Sancio d'Auila, should raise two more, besides two of arquebusiers on horseback, Spaniards, levied by Pedro Montagna, and Gonsaluo Montero. The king had also given order in Germany, that Alberico, earl of Lodron, should raise a regiment of 12 companies of foot, and 300 in every company, according to the custom of that nation, & in the county of Bourgondie there should be levied 300 lances, and 100 arquebusiers on horseback. Francisco d'Ibara was victualer general, and D. Garcia de Toledo had charge to transport in his galleys the said Spanish footmen, unto the ports of Genova, that they might be ready in Lombardie at the duke of Albas' arrival. This order being taken in Spain for the voyage of Flanders, and new soldiers (whom they call Besognes') being sent into Sicily and Naples, to supply their places that should go in that action, in the beginning of May the duke of Alba embarked at Carthag●na, in the galleys of john Andrew Doria, and of the duke of Florence: he carried with him seventeen companies of Spanish foot, to fill up the garrisons of Lombardie, from whence he drew the old soldiers, making also choice of four companies of these new soldiers, to lead with him into the Low Countries. 
Army led by the duke of Alba into the Low countries.  He arrived late at Genova, having been troubled with a fever upon the way. He mustered his army betwixt Alexandria and Asti, where he found 8800 Spanish foot, and 1200 horse, Italians, Spaniards, and Albanese: and the foot were thus divided; of the regiment of Naples 3230 in 19 companies, under Alphonso Vlloa their colonel; in the regiment of Sardinia (in the which the four companies of Besognes' were put) were 1720 men in ten companies, commanded by Gonsaluo de Bracamont: the regiment of Sicily was of 1620 soldiers, in ten companies, under julian Romero; and that of Lombardie, being but 1200 foot, in ten companies, was commanded by Sancio de Londogno. There were seven companies of horse, Spaniards, whereof five were lances, and two arquebusiers, three of Italians, and two of Albanese, all light horsemen. Besides these troops, and their captains, he led with him many men of known valour, to employ them in this service, and to advance them to charges as they should fall: among which were his base son called also Fernando Aluarez, who was a knight of Saint john, and Prior of a rich commaunderie, Chiappin Vitelli, marquess of Ce●ona, Gabriel Serbelloni, a knight also of Saint john, Sancio d' Auila, Girolamo de Salinas, john of Epuccia, and Andrew de Salezar, one of which four last was Castellan of Pavia, the other of Portercole, the third of Piombyno, and the last of Palermo. And besides these, he led with him Paciotto de Vrbino, an excellent Engineer, having gotten him from the duke of Savoy, whom he then served. He made his son Fernando General of the horse, Vitelli was Marshal of the field, and Serbelloni (besides the charge of the Artillery) was made Counsellor at War. How he entered into the country, and what his proceed were, that History doth relate at large. After which they having certain informations sent them into Spain, from the duke of Alba, and the advice of the holy Inquisition taken therein, all the lay people of the said countries, both noblemen, gentlemen, towns and commonalties were by the king's sentence condemned as heretics, or favourers of heretics, or in some other sort guilty of high treason in the highest degree, without exception of estate, quality, condition, age, or sex; except some which were particularly named in the information, which made the inhabitants to fly into divers other countries.  
This year, in May, there was great joy and feasts in Spain, and in all the king's dominions, for the birth of his second daughter, who was baptized, and called Katherine.  
But whilst the war grew hot in the Low Countries, 
1568  there happened a tragical accident in the royal house of Spain. We have before made mention how that D. Charles was in disgrace with the king his father: the cause (as the Spaniards say) was, for that he was viciously given, 
Objection against the prince of Spain.  and that he spoke ill of the present government: that he had a meaning to attempt against the king's person, and to reign in his place, hating him, for that he had often reprehended him, and threatened him, for his disorder courses: or, if that succeeded not, that he would steal away, and fly secretly, with some of his confederates, into Italy, or somewhere else, and try, by confusion and tumult, to deprive the king of his Estates. That he carried himself arrogantly, and incompatible to them that had the chief offices in Court, and that he disdained all those that were appointed to attend on him, yea he would outrage and strike them. The Inquisitors expected no good from this prince, neither did the king's Council, of the which those that were then most hated of him, 
Enemies to the prince of Spain  were D. Ruis Gomes de Sylva, a Portugal, the earl of Feria, and D. Anthony de Toledo. The king was advertised by them of many particularities concerning the prince's carriage, and entertained in dislike of him. By their counsel the king resolved to come from the Escurial to Madrid, where the prince was, and to surprise him in his chamber in the night, they attending on him, and to take him in his bed. They came, and found the chamber door so well barred, as they were forced to break it open. The prince hearing the noise, leapt out of his bed, and seeing the king his father, he was much troubled, beginning to cry out, What is the reason that you will kill me? The king willed him that he would pacify himself, and that he should go again to his bed, telling him, that what he did was for his good. They seized on his sword, and some say that he had a pistol charged and bend: He complained, that they meant to bind him, as if he had been mad. His chamber and clothes were searched, and they left no instrument of iron, 
Imprisonment of the prince of Spain.  wherewith he might hurt himself: all his papers and writings were carried away, among the which there were found many copies of letters written to some princes, full of complaints of hard usage which he received from the king, whom he accused of cruelty and bad government in his affairs, and it seemed he did invite them to assist him, by compassion, making great promises unto them. His whole design was also discovered by certain remembrances which were found, 
Designs of the prince discovered.  being resolved to escape away in the galleys, which should pass into Italy, whereby they might easily see whom he loved, and whom he hated in Court, whom he trusted, and whom he would employ in his enterprises. He had been seen some days before, to discourse long and very earnestly with D. john of Austria, General at sea; and it was thought, that having acquainted him with his designs, he revealed them unto the king, which made him resolve to put him in guard. The earl of Feria, and D. Ruis Gomes, had that charge, who watched him carefully in their turns; and he was served by two gentlemen, who carried no arms, and upon the passages to his chamber there were guards, who would not suffer any other to go unto him. This continued some days: but the king who observed all that he spoke, caused him afterwards to be put into a strong tower, giving the whole charge and care of him to D. Ruis Gomes: it was the same prison whereas king Francis had been kept. There he attempted many times to kill himself, as they said, and being prevented, he forbore to eat any thing eight days together. The king advertised all the noblemen, towns, and commonalties of Spain, of this imprisonment, that they should not take it ill, letting them understand, that it was for the good and quiet of them all, forbidding them all expressly, not to speak not mediate for the prince. He imparted as much to the ambassadors, and did write unto their masters.  
The emperor Maximilian being advertised of this fact, imputed the cause to D. john, and was offended with him: for he meant to make the prince D. Charles his Son in law, & (if this accident had not happened) to have consummated the marriage within few days, as the fathers had concluded: & he was so much discontented, as he would have called home the Prince's Rodulph●s and earnest his Sons, who were bred up in the Court of Spain, but the king D. Philip would not suffer them to departed, but sought to pacify the Emperor with reasons, either true or probable. But in the end he persuaded him that the cause was most urgent and just to assure himself of his sons person, whom he should love and spare if it might be, having at that time no more Sons. Whatsoever was the true cause of the sons detention by the father, being not well manifested from Spain, the prince D. Charles the presumptive heir of so many realms, died in julie; some say he was poisoned, 
Death of the Prince of Spain  others writ that he was strangled by four slaves: He was buried in the Monastery of S. Dominike, the royal at Madrid, whereas the king D. Pedro the cruel had been interred. Peter Matthew in his French History, writing of the life and death of king Philip the second, he sets down a formal proceeding of the father against his Son in this action: the which for that this subject is so rare and memorable, I have thought good also to insert.  
After the Princes restra into, 
Mathews upon the death of Prince Charles  as we have said the king (saith he) propounded to his Council of conscience, what punishment a king's son deserved, that had made leagues against his estates, and conspired against his father's life, and whether he might be called in question? His Council laid two remedies before him, both just and possible, the one of grace, and the other of justice and punishment, showing him the difference betwixt the mercy of a father, and the sincerity of a king, saying, that if by his clemency he did pardon them which loved him not, he must of force pardon that creature which should be most dear unto him. They desired him to imitate the emperor Charlemaigne, who imputed the first conspiracy of his Son Pepin against him, to the follies of youth, & for the second he confined him into a Monastery, protesting that he was a father not a king, nor a judge against his Son. The king answered that by the law of nature he loved his Son better than himself, but by the law of God the good and safety of his subjects was to be preferred. Moreover he demanded, if knowing the miseries which the impunity of his sons offences would breed, whether he might with a safe conscience pardon him, and not be guilty of these miseries. Whereat his Divines shrunk in their shoulders, and with tears in their eyes said, that the safety and health of his subjects ought to be dearer unto him than his sons, and that he ought to pardon offences; but such crimes should be suppressed as abominable monsters. Hereupon the king committed his Son to the censure of the Inquisitors, commending them not to respect his authority, no more than the meanest within his kingdom; and to regard the quality of his Son, as if he were borne a king, making no distinction thereof with the party accused, until they found that the excess of his offence would no more admit of this consideration, remembering that they carried in their souls a lively image of the king, which had judged Angels, and should without distinction judge kings and the Sons of kings like unto other men; referring all unto their consciences, and discharging his own.  
The Inquisitors, 
judgement of the inquisitors against the Prince of Spain  for that he was charged to have practised with Castillion Admiral of France, the prince of Orange, and other enemies of the Romish● Religion, declared him an heretic, and for that he had conspired against his father's life, they condemned him to die. The king was his accuser, and the Inquisitors his judges, but the sentence was signed by the king, which done, they presented many kinds of death in picture unto the prince, to make choice of the easiest. In the end he demanded if there were no pity in his father, to pardon him, no favour in his Council for a Prince of Spain, nor any wisdom to excuse the follies of his youth: when as they told him that his death was determined & could not be revoked, and that all the favour was in the choice of the easiest death, he said that they might put him to what death they pleased: that there was no choice of any death, seeing that they could not give him that which Caesar held to be the best. These words delivered with passion, were followed with a thousand imprecations against his fortune, against the inhumanity of his father, and the cruelty of the Inquisition; repeating these words often: O miserable Son, of a more miserable father.  
He had some days given him to prepare himself for death. 
1568  One morning four slaves entered into his chamber, who awaking him, put him in mind of his last hour, and gave him some time to prepare himself unto God: He start up suddenly and fled to the bed post; but two of them held his arms, and the third his feet, and the fourth strangled him with a cord of silk. Many hold that he died of letting blood, his feet being put in warm water. But Campana in the life of Philip 2 writeth, that being in prison he fell very sick, by reason of his disordered diet, and drinking too much cold water, wherewith his stomach grew so weak as he could not digest any meat, which the Physicians could not help so as he died (as he affirms) of this sickness, very religiously and penitenly, to the great grief of the king & the whole state: & moreover he writes, that the king being much perplexed for this great loss, retired himself into his chamber with two servants, & would not give any audience & then for many days into the monastery of S. jerosme, a mile without the town, sequestering himself of all affairs, writing only to princes & potentates, & causing his secretaries to write unto all his realms & states of the death of his dear & only son. Thus writers discourse diversly of the death of this Prince: the which I leave to the judicious Reader to believe what he shall think most probable.  
Within four months after the death of the Prince D. Carlo, 
Death of the queen of Spain.  the Queen. D. Isabel his mother in law died also, being brought in bed of her third child before her time, the Physicians having ignorantly caused her to take too much Physic, fearing some other infirmity; this was the brute of the court of Spain. But in France they had reason to think that the life of this princess was shortened like unto that of D. Charles, by some notable malice, & by the same instruments. For they to whom D. Isabel did belong in blood, had been very careful to aver the causes & manner of her death, but not so resolute to call it in question, as Clovis sons were to revenge the injury done unto their Sister in Spain, where she also had been married.  
As for the Prince, 
Turkett.  it was very common in Spain, that the great hatred the king bate him, grew rather from the suggestions and reports of others, than from his own misdeeds, for by nature he was neither given to any odious vices, 
Disposition of the prince D. Charles.  neither was he of so harsh and sour a disposition as commonly great men of that country be. It is true, that D. Charles kept his gravity to courtiers, that he showed himself very ambitious, & too desirous to manage affairs, and to be employed; and was given to some kinds of pleasures. Such as would excuse him, said, that it was seemly and befitting his rank to be grave, being the son of so great a king, sworn prince and acknowledged for successor to such rich and great estates, and also that it is the first lesson & most recommended instruction of fathers in Spain, to their children, to show themselves grave in their words & actions, & that it was a commendable thing especially in them that were of great houses. If he were ambitious & desirous of honour, 
Ambition a vice of great men.  they were affections incident to princes, & were so necessary in them that were to govern people, as if any had not these motions in them, they were the less esteemed, both in Spain and elsewhere. If he desired to know & learn by practice how estates should be governed, and justice duly administered, that it is a thing wherein kings children should be bred from their youth, & practised therein all their lives, and that it is the nature of all men well bred, feeling the seeds of virtue in their minds, to advance it by their actions; wherein all men know that virtue doth consist. And yet all these things commendable in other men, were blamed in Prince Charles, by them who (it may be) would not have their misdemeanours discovered by the Infant of the house. 
Vices common to young Noblemen.  As for worldly pleasures, they be, said they, appetites which do commonly accompany young noble men, especially being bred up in the idleness of court; vices which are tolerable in many of mean condition, & therefore were less strange in great men: but, said they, there was no better means to divert this prince from delights which are superfluous and hurtful, than to employ him betimes in the government affairs; what greater bond, said they, had the king his father to his subjects, than to fashion his only Son, (he that should reign after) to command well, & to make him know both by reason and experience what the duty of a king is, both to God and men, that they be not as dumb Idols among their counsellors, having not judgement to discern the good from the bad. The thing wherein the Prince was most to be blamed, was an inconsiderate rashness to attain unto his intentions, and could not observe time nor fit occasions to make his poursuit. The which they thought proceeded only from the heat of youth, which might easily have been corrected by conversing with men of state, if he had been accompanied by some men of respect, wise, and willing to moderate these fumes which did rise through the heat of youth. And they complained that the means that might have made D. Charles a virtuous Prince, were hindered by the practices of the kings bad Councillors; who also for his part had showed himself too credulous, & in the end blind in that action, by some secret judgement of God. These were the ordinary reasons of temperate spirits, who thought affairs of state might well be managed, and not stray from piety nor humanity. Adding, that admit the Prince D. Charles, had been found inflexible to all proofs of reason, so as he had been held incapable to reign, yet should they not have taken away his life. That there were Monasteries in Spain, whether they might have sequestered him, and sought by the conversation of some good religious men, to draw him to a contempt of worldly greatness which perisheth, and to the contemplation of heavenly things, and the life to come: whereof both Spain and other Countries could furnish the like examples.  
But the Council of Spain consisting of Clergy men and secular, 
Considerations of the Council of Spain.  did not like of these old maxims in matters of consequence, and especially they that had more particular knowledge of that which passed in the king's house, did greatly apprehend what this triumphant crown would come unto, if king Philip dying, it should fall into the hands of such a man as D. Charles his Son was, whom they held to be unable to undergo so great a burden; & there was great probability that this prince had both his body & his spirits, weakened since his fall at Alcala of Henares, whether he was gone to pay a vow after a long quarten ague, by which fall his brain was somewhat crazed, so as his judgement did sometimes fail him, not being able to contain himself with the respect which he ought unto the king, and to them that had the honour to be of his Council.  
Moreover, 
D. Charles prince of Spain unable for women.  whether it were by accident, or by some defect of nature, the faculty of generation was in a manner quenched in him, so as he was held unable for women: the which did also import the state. All these things gave a great apprehension to the chief of the king's Council, being guided by worldly wisdom; the which could not suggest a better expedient than to be rid of him, and to find out some fit means to effect it. It is certain that the beginning of the king's hatred to his son, was through jealousy of State, taking an occasion for that the Prince seemed very desirous to go from Court, and to be employed in foreign expeditions, at the least to accompany them that were sent with charges, to the end, said he, that he might learn. Whereupon they presently made D. Charles a monster of ambition, who would presently seize upon the Provinces, and take away the king's crown & life to reign: & yet on the other side they taxed him that he was dull and wanted judgement, contradicting themselves, for such actions are not attempted by fools and madmen: the which the king should have duly considered; but not doing it, he did blemish his house with the most fatal misfortune that could happen unto it: for he did so readily receive these suspicions, and did so grave them in his heart, as he detested his Son, & he never saw him, but he sent him away with sour usage and threats: and that which did most trouble the Prince, some of the Councillors and mignons of court, presumed (in imitation of the father) to contemn him. 
Zeal inconsiderate of the prince D. Charles.  He gave them a great advantage over him, for that when as the Marquis of Berghen & the Lord of Montigny came to court, being sent from the estates of the Low-countries, to present their petition unto the king touching the breach of their privileges by the Cardinal of Granuelle, he became a solicitor for them, being moved as he said with the zeal of justice, and hatred of civil wars, which he foresaw and detested, blaming them openly which persuaded the king and his Council thereunto; saying that they were practices of insatiable and cruel vultures, who would gorge themselves with the loss of the king's subjects.  
By these free speeches used often when as they treated of the war of Flanders, and against the Moors of Granado, whereas religion was made the pretext, at the poursuit & by authority of the Inquisition, D. Charles made himself odious to them that were the motives, giving them great means to confirm the king in the opinion wherewith they had seasoned him, that he sought all means to trouble the state, & to make himself pleasing unto the Netherlanders, that he might have a refuge there, and by that means begin to make a breach in the Crown of Spain; adding with all to season their imputations, that he was a favourer of Heretics, so as he was sharply and disdainfully reprehended, and namely by the Inquisitors, 
Inquisitors sharp persecutors of Prince Charles.  the which did wonderfully incense him: so as being vanquished with impatience, and grief, he presumed one day to enter boldly into the privy Council chamber, with admiration of all them that were there, but especially of the king, who did preside, for he feared to see or hear some impertinency from his Son in that place where he never had access, nor was not then called. He demanded of him with a fevere countenance, what he had to say, and what had moved him to come thither. It is said he, my Lord, to beseech you to give me leave to ask you one thing, and that it will please you to satisfy me before the lords that are here present.  
The king who feared to hear some importune curiosity, sought to dismiss him instantly, telling him that he had other places to hear him, and that he should retire for that time. But the prince insisted, saying that it was only to know if he took him for his Son, and lawful successor: what demands of a Son are yours? said the king; 
Virtuous 〈◊〉 of a Son to a father.  yea you are my son, and departed in the name of God. Seeing then, replied the Prince, that I am your son, and that by nature I shall one day succeed you in the government of your realms, I beseech you take it not in ill part, if in this honourable assembly, I let you understand that I have not yet found that you have thought of my future condition: for you bred me up as a stranger, giving me neither cause nor means to be instructed in matters of government, or justice, importing the good of your subjects, having not yet liberty, being of this age, to come where it is treated, nor to converse with such men as you employ, who rather seek to estrange me; which gives me just cause to complain unto you, and to beseech you my Lord to consider thereon, and to excuse me: and then he departed. He was then full two and twenty years old.  
This action ministered matter of discourse to them of the Council, whereas there was not good concluded for Prince Charles, for that the opinions of his enemies, which were the greatest number, swayed it, and the king continued in his conceit that his Son was a frantic young man, without judgement, and that he had an intent to invade some Country, to put all into Combustion, for which cause he desired to be employed.  
The Prince not content to have made this had trial of his father's inclination towards him, 
Speech of the Prince to the Duke of Alba.  he continued his course, hearing that the duke of Alba had been appointed to go to be governor of the Low-Countries: for having sent for him, he told him that he desired nothing more than to go from Court, entreating him instantly to assist him in so honourable and reasonable a desire, and to get leave from the king that he might go with him, whom he did reverence as a great Commander in the war, and one of the greatest statesmen in the world, in whose School he should think himself happy to take instruction.  
The Duke using many compliments, seemed also to desire it, saying that he could not receive a greater honour than to command under him in that troublesome charge, where he might assure himself of his humble service and assistance, yet he gave him some admonitions, knowing well how the king stood affected towards him: wherewith he was discontented. This being avoided (for the Duke of Alba, what show soever he made, had no will to be troubled with such a Scholar) he addressed himself a while after, to increase his miseries, to D. john of Austria his uncle, who it may be had more ambition in his head than he, to whose designs which were great, 
D. john de Austria contrary to Prince Charles.  those of the Prince D. Charles must needs be prejudicial, yet he discovered himself freely unto him, being General at Sea, saying, that he would steal away, and pass with the Galleys into Italy, persuading D. john to assist him, but he deceived him; for he presently advertised the king, which made him to cause him to be watched, and his actions to be observed.  
But behold, the Queen was engaged in these miseries: The prince in all his afflictions had often recourse unto his mother in law, who being mild and courteous, did willingly hear his complaints, did pity him, comfort him, and sought by all means to revive his hopes, persuading him to vanquish his passions, and to yield unto the rigour and choler of the king his father, and to let time moderate them with patience, the which passed not from the Queen without some free invectives, after the French manner, against them that were enemies to her and to the Prince, threatening one day to be revenged on them that were authors of of her closes, and namely against D. Ruy Gomes, and a Confessor of the kings, who possessed him above all others, and were the chief practisers of these Tragedies. The which was reported unto them, for they had spies even in the Queen's Cabinet, by whom they were advertised, and the king by them, of all the speeches which passed betwixt the prince and her. They fearing that by the force of coninguall love, 
Practices of the court of Spain.  she should put some consideration into the king's heart, by the which he might be moved to examine this business with judgement, and that discovering their bad offices, he should take revenge, they resolved to press the prince's ruin, and to draw the Queen into the same hatred, that the king had conceived against the prince his Son.  
These men wrought so by their practised and coloured reports as they drew that heart already ulcered into a deadlieiealousie of his wife, slandering her with loossnesse, adding that crime to the impression which they had given him, that she favoured the prince's designs, tending to open rebellion against God & the king. Moreover to omit no imposture which might serve to transport this king beyond the bounds of humanity and reason, they let him understand, that, by the reports of Physicians and women attendants, unto his Confessor, who made relation, and to whose words he gave great credit, there appeared on the body of this Princess certain marks and spots, which showed an impurity and corruption of the blood, which might infect the king's person, if he did accompany with her, and so disperse itself into all the royal family, which was to be avoided.  
All which passions together, 
Inquisitors chief of the Council of Spain.  were of such force with the king, as he believed the Inquisitors (without whose advice there is nothing of importance done in Spain) and others which were of that Council, persuading him that it was lawful & expedient to make away the prince his son, and the Queen his wife, and the child she went with, which they held to be a son, but it proved a daughter, whereof they caused her to be delivered with drinks. This History was thus reported to queen Catherine, dowager of France, mother to D. Isabel, by such as she had employed to understand the truth thereof, & by some which had served the prince D. Charles when he was committed to prison, who retiring themselves into France, she would hear.  
The suspicion the king had of the loyalty of queen Isabella his wife, was not for the prince his Son, as many have believed: for he was (as we have said) insufficient for women. And although he would be idle in speech, and that there were found among his papers some notes of his own hand touching that subject, yet carnal pleasures were the least of his desires, and as for the Queen there was nothing more modest in Spain, by the report of Spaniards themselves, who have written books. But it hath been verified by credible informations, that her ill-willers which sought her ruin, made use of the notable malice of a French gentlewoman, one of those which was suffered to stay with her, when as soon after her coming into the country, they did order her household, and limit her train. 
Treachery, a devilish revenge  They say that this unworthy woman (for that the Queen had given away a place which was void to one of her companions, having promised it unto her) to be revenged of her Mistress, had given it out, that she had been indiscreetly and scandalously familiar with the marquess of Poza, who according to the custom of Spain, termed himself servant in show to her that had been preferred before her.  
This coming to the king's ears, was easily believed, for he was already in some doubt, he being informed by some wayward spirits, that this marquess who was of the house of Rojas, being a gallant knight, did talk more familiarly unto the queen than any other, & entertained her with pleasant discourses, whereat she did laugh after the manner of France, more freely than it seemed fit for their Spanish gravity: This wound being now again touched, the king sought an occasion to have this marquess apprehended, commanding him to keep his house being in Madrid; where going one night forth to visit his mother, and an uncle of his that was a bishop, retiring very late home in a nightgown and slippers, being accompanied by two pages which carried torches before him, he was set upon by men unknown, and slain upon the place. There were divers opinions concerning this murder, but most thought it was done by the king's secret commandment, 
Death of the marquess of Poza.  although he seemed to be much offended: For there being a great sum of money promised by proclamation to them that should discover the authors and doers of this murder, there were many bills set up in the Portugal tongue, declaring that it was the king himself which had caused the marquess of Poza to be slain: challenging him, by way of mockery, to pay the money which he had promised, but they had not set to their names.  
Hereupon there was great search made, and some Innocents taken, and so cruelly tortured as they died: being only suspected for that they were Portugals. The Queen soon after the death of the Prince D. Charles, began to find herself ill, with accidents and apparent signs of poison, whereof notwithstanding she did in no sort doubt, but took light remedies, as one that was with child, by the order of such as had been accustomed to give her physic. The business proceeding slowly contrary to that which they expected, the king having one night discoursed long with her touching her infirmity, he told her plainly that she must take some strong purgation, and that his Physicians (who by his commandment did look unto her) had told him that they despaired of her life, if she took no other phisicked than that she used. But as she took no delight to change her usual manner, nor to be phisicked by any other than her own, trusting above all others in an Apothecary of hers borne at Blois, she excused herself upon her being with child, saying that she thought it was a Son, for that she found herself otherwise disposed than she had been, and that they must consider well thereon. But being much priest by the king, she said unto him that she would do what he pleased, not thinking that what they intended was so ready.  
But early the next day in the morning they brought her a drink, a bowl and tablets, all of one composition as they said, but so varied in form, to the end she might take that which was least distasteful unto her. She took the poison, not distrusting any thing until she felt herself oppressed with great pangs, which made her be delivered of a daughter, that was some five months old, after which she had vomitings and strange voidings which quenched all the force and vigour that remained in her. Being near her end, the king came to visit her in a mourning weed, seeming to be much afflicted; whom she comforted, and among other words, she said unto him, That she rejoiced that she was going to a quiet kingdom, 
Speech of the Queen D. Isabella dying to the king.  not subject to alteration, as worldly states be, that she did not crave pardon of him, knowing in her conscience that she had never willingly offended him. She recommended her wiating women and some French officers, whom she had not means to recompense for the services they had done her, and in the end of October, on Saint Francis eve she died, Christian like, She was lamented of all Spain, where they did believe that this Princess was a Saint, she was assisted in her sickness for matters of conscience by the Cardinal of Espinosa, Inquisitor general, D. Bernard of Fresueda bishop of Cuenca, the king's Confessor, friar Dominicke de Chavas, another of the king's Confessors, who had also been to the prince D. Charles, and others: She was interred in the Monastery of las Descalsas built at Madrid by the Infanta D. joane, Mother to D. Sebastian king of Portugal. The Gentlewoman which had slandered her, and was the cause of her misfortune, was married in the Country, and died there: the lady of honour served her daughter D. Isabel Clara Eugenia: the rest were sent back into France, from whom they understood these particularities.  
A notable example of the practices of Princes Courts, of the vanity and instability of worldly greatness, and of the miseries wherein kings plunge themselves by suspicions and bad impressions lightly received, and especially how they stray dangerously from the duty which they own to God and nature, when they interlace religion with their human policies to countenance their actions. Whilst the duke of Alva seeks to afflict the towns of the low countries by strange & intolerable impositions, exacting the tenth penny of all merchandise that was sold, and the twentieth penny of every man's estate. He began to quarrel with the Queen of England, 
Quarrel betwixt the duke of Alba and the English.  pretending that she had stayed a great sum of money, which was sent by sea out of Spain into the Low Countries, the which (said the Duke) did belong unto the King of Spain his master, whom she should entreat with all brotherly love. Whereunto the Queen answered, that she was duly informed, the said money did belong to certain Merchants of Genova, and having then occasion to use it, she would stay it for a time, and pay them reasonable interest. Despes Ambassador in England for the Catholic King, made great instance for this money, 
Englishmen and their goods arrested in the Low Countries and Spain.  but he could get no other answer. Whereupon the Duke of Alba did presently arrest all the English merchants, with their ships and goods that were at Antwerp, or within his government. Whereupon all commerce was broken betwixt the king of Spain's subjects, and the English, who left the trade to Antwerp, and carried their goods to Hamborough. The Queen of England published a declaration of her proceeding in this business, complaining that the Duke of Alba had dealt unjustly with her and her subjects; but all this could not procure any restitution for the English Merchants, who had letters of reprisal granted them against king Philip's subjects, to recover the losses which they had sustained by these arrests, both in Spain and the Low Countries. The English Merchants became men of war, and so many went to sea, some with a desire of gain, and others with hope to recover what they had lost, as not a ship could pass betwixt Spain and the Low Countries, to the ruin of many poor men: whereof great complaints came to the Court of Spain. The Duke of Alba seeing what a breach he had made betwixt those two States, to the prejudice of his master's subjects; seeking to repair the error which he had committed, 
Queen of England refuseth to hear the duke of Albas' Ambassador.  he sent Christopher d'Assonuille, a Counsellor of Estate, to the Queen of England to reconcile this quarrel; but she refused to hear him, unless he came from the king his master, and had letters of credit, signed with his own hand: but coming from the Duke of Alba, her Majesty sent him to treat with her Council; which he having no warrant to do, returned without audience. Yet she let him understand, that although she found herself much wronged, she would not take Arms unless the Duke of Alba began. The like she wrote to the king of Spain, complaining of the Duke of Alba's presumption. Soon after, the Duke sent Chiapin Vitelli Marquis of Cetone, with some others, to demand the money, and to free all arrests of either side, but they effected not any thing: whereupon the Duke sold all the English men's goods that were under arrest. These were the seeds of war betwixt the two Princes, which continued unto their deaths, to the ruin of many of their subjects, especially Spaniards and Portugals.  
The Princes of Germany hearing what cruelties and spoils the duke of Alba and his Spaniards committed in the Low Countries, they priest the Emperor Maximilian to deal in those matters, betwixt the king and his subjects there; yea to take knowledge thereof as Emperor: saying, that without doubt the Provinces which are beyond the river of Escaut, towards the East, were of the Imperial jurisdiction; as those that are on this side were of the sovereignty of France. But the Emperor did not think it fit to use his Imperial authority, but prayers and intercessions. Whereupon he sent the Archduke Charles his brother into Spain, 
Charles Archduke of Austria sent into Spain  upon colour to ask the king of Spain's advice for the marriage of his two daughters: and withal he had given him ample instructions to treat with him touching the affairs of his Netherlands, and to entreat him by all fair means, to grant a general pardon to his people there, and to call home the duke of Alba and his Spaniards; assuring him that in so doing, he should be obeyed: but if he did persist in that cruel persecution, they would be relieved both with men and money from Germany, the which he could not prevent.  
The Archduke came to Genova, where he embarked in the duke of Savoys galleys, and was received by the king of Spain with great honour: 
Treatise of marriage.  his embassage was very pleasing touching that which concerned the marriages of his two nieces, for he found the king disposed to marry the elder, the which had been appointed for the unfortunate Prince D. Charles his son. And as for the second, which the Emperor desired to match with the king of Portugal, who was yet very young, he had a promise from king Philip to employ himself to have the French king marry her, although he had already demanded the other; and they were entered into treaty, by the means of the Cardinals of Guise and Espinosa. But as for the affairs of the Netherlands, the Archduke could not obtain any thing in favour of them that were banished, nor of the poor provinces afflicted. For making relation unto him of the speeches held by the Prince's Electors to the Emperor, and that they pretended he had a right of protection over those people, and that he should make himself judge of their quarrels, as depending of the Empire, it did much incense the king, who answered, that the Germans were much deceived in their conceptions in that regard, and that he had sufficient right and power to show that he was a sovereign Prince, and did not acknowledge any other superior on earth. He knew well that the duke of Alba had used some excess, but he was wont to say, that he had rather lose all those Provinces, with others, than to have rebellious subjects, especially in matters which concerned religion.  
Thus the Archduke was dismissed, having received a present of 100000 crowns, to help him to furnish his frontier places against the Turk, with many jewels of price. And he had commission when he came into Germany, to do the ceremonies of their contracting, in his name, with his future Spouse. Returning by Italy he did visit his sisters and nieces, the duchesses' of Ferrara, Florence, and Montova, and then he came unto the Emperor, to give him an account of his negotiation with king Philip, whom he had left engaged in a war against the Moors of Granado, almost as difficult as that of the Netherlands.  
We have formerly made mention of the discontents of the Moorish nation, dwelling in the mountains, 
Moors.  plains, and valleys, and in some of the good towns in the countries of Granado and Murcia; which was by reason of the contempt they were in with the natural Spaniards, 
Causes of the rebellion of the Moors of Granado.  whom they call old Christians: among whom they lived in continual vexation, especially by the Clergy, and officers of the Inquisition, and also by them of the justice, which was not equally distributed unto them. But that whereof they most complained, was the king's Edict, whereof we have made mention, tending to alter their manners, their apparel, and their language: whereof the Precedent D. Pedro de Desa was appointed to see the execution, with the assistance of the Governor Domingo Lope de Mendosa marquess of Mondejar, and the advice of the Auditors & Counsellors of the Chancery in th● Parliament of Granado, and of the Archbishop if need were, wherein they found no small difficulty.  
To begin therefore by gentleness, the Precedent gave charge to Alphonso de Horosco, Cannon of S. saviour, which is a Collegiall Church in the quarter of Albayzin of the city of Granado, being in a manner wholly inhabited by Moors, to persuade them to receive the Edict, yea to demand it themselves: but having imparted some copies unto them, they rejected it, sending unto the Precedent and Governor, George de Bacsa Proctor general of that nation, and Francis Nugnes Muley a knight, one of the most ancient among them, to entreat them to defer the publication of the Edict, until they had acquainted the king with their reasons, and the inconveniences that might grow by the execution thereof. But notwithstanding all their sayings and allegations, the Edict was proclaimed the first of januarie, 1567.; and to show the diligence of officers, all the baths and hothouses of the city were instantly forbidden, and most of them beaten down: yet they used some moderation, for that during the year 1567. there were not any penalties levied of them that did infringe it. In the mean time they sent their deputies to Court, where by the means of some noble men, they procured audience of the Council; and there were some of opinion, that if they would have the Edict stand in force, the execution should be suspended, as it been in the time of the Emperor Charles, and of his mother. 
〈…〉  The Cardinal of Espinosa was of another opinion, and brought all the rest to concur with him; which was, that the Edict should be speedily executed in all points, and the penalties exacted upon them that should not obey. There was among the new Christians, some that were descended of the blood of the ancient kings of the Moors, the which were honoured in Spain, & well respected in Court; among which, D. Alphonso of Granado Venegas laboured by good persuasions to hinder this rash execution, but he was willed to desist, for such was the king's pleasure. So as all the Moors of the city, towns and mountains of Alpuxarra, of the boroughs and villages towards the Sea, were brought to despair, apprehending this strange alteration, even in their language & habits, which persuaded them that they were thereby reduced into servitude, and confusion of their houses and families: for this nation is very curious to keep remembrances and registers of their families as by a tradition of their ancestors, after the manner of the Arabians and jews. And then began to appear the distrust they had of them, all the Moors having been commanded by proclamation to keep themselves within their dwellings and parishes, and for all them that were come out of the villages into the Albayzin to departed: the which was grievous unto them, for that the inhabitants of that place being most Merchants and Artisans, they had need of many labourers and workmen for their ordinary works, which they did usually draw out of the Country, and of their own nation. They saw that the marquess of Mondejar had levied 300 soldiers for the safety (said he) of the town, and to have better assurance of the Moors residing there; if any one of them did owe any thing, he was presently subject to arrest, and in like manner they that were cautions for any other, and by this means the prisons were full: The officers of justice under colour of seeking for such as having no means to pay, were retired into the villages and mountains, they entered into the houses where they said they were hidden, & committed many insolences, yea they sought out old actions, for the which the Moors had compounded with their parties, and drew them into new suits. Finally, as soon as they heard that this Edict was resolved in court, this nation was so basely respected by all the old Christians, both clergy and others, as every man presumed to vex & oppress them, esteeming them no better than bruit beasts; wherefore seeing themselves reduced to that miserable estate worse than if they had been common slaves, & yet fearing worse, they concurred all in one mind to revolt. Those of the Albayzin who had more to lose, incited the rest to begin, & they expected means from them of the Albayzin, and council how they should behave themselves, for they were men of understanding, civil, and better experienced in the world, than the inhabitants of the mountains, whereas the force lay, but they needed council: yea there did ordinarily converse among them thieves, banished men, and such as were condemned by justice, who desired nothing more than to see some disordered sedition. There was a bold audacious, Moor dwelling in the Albayzin, his name was Farrax Aben Farrax, a dier by his trade, yet he said he was descended from the Abenxaraces sometimes famous knights among the Granadins. This man was as a trumpet to stir up the rest, 
Farrax Aben Farrax first motive of sedition.  he went & came to the mountains, towns & villages where the Moors dwelled, & carried them advice and advertisements, how they should govern themselves in a general revolt, which was intended the 1. of januarie 1568, the same day that the city of Granado had been yielded up to the kings D. Ferdinand and D. Isabel, but being impatient to attend, he called before the time a troop of thieves disguised after the Turkish manner, & made them to enter into the Albaizin by certain places where the walls were low & full of holes, on Christmas eve at night, when making a great noise, he awaked them, showing an ensign displayed inviting them to come with their arms into the street, for the time (said he) is come that we must show ourselves men of courage, for that there were a good number of Turks arrived in Alpuxarra, which were come to favour them out of Barbary. This alarm did trouble all the other quarters of the town, for that they were in jealousy touching the execution of the Edict: for otherwise they had not been moved, being no strange thing to hear a noise in the Albaizin, the Moors being accustomed to make all their sports with tumults. Notwithstanding all this, Farrax could not draw any one out of his house, they thinking he had been drunk, but they cried to him out of their windows, that he should go sleep, and that they had nothing to do with his follies. This troop of thieves had walked up and down all the night, and no man durst go & view them. In the end Farrax led them to the place from whenee they came, and they were not followed: the next day it was said they were thieves that were come to spoil. There were some informations taken, and there was an order made that there should be guards throughout the city, whereunto the Moors should contribute. The suspicion increasing, and some insolences being done to them of this nation, they came unto the Precedent, beseeching him not to suffer them to be outraged, protesting that they never had will nor thought to rebel, that there was no reason to entangle them with other men's crimes, with whom they had no intelligence, and for caution of the innocency of the Inhabitants of the Albayzin they offered, if it pleased him, that 200 of the chief amongst them would yield themselves prisoners: the which being at the first refused, was afterwards accepted, when they had somewhat discovered that they were all conspired together, and that they had intelligence with the Turks of Alger, by a packet which was surprised: where there was found a book and letters which discovered much of their practices.  
Among these people there were certain fantastic and frantic spirits, which dispersed certain prophecies among the people, 
Superstitions among the Moors.  which they said were old, by the which they had a deliverer promised them, who should deliver them from the oppressions of the Christians, the which indeed were great and intolerable, to men whom they made believe were free, and that they enjoyed the Laws equally with others. This nation thus tired, superstitious by nature, and nothing instructed in the Christian religion, had a sudden desire in this persecution to call back Mahomet and to abhor the name of jesus Christ, whereupon they fell into open rebellion against the King and his magistrates, and the first murders which they committed upon the Christians, were certain Clerks young practisers, which came from Vx●car in the Alpuxarra, to Granado, to pass the holidays there, as they had usually done every year, and passing by the villages, they made good cheer, 
Murders done by the Moors.  under colour that they did belong to the justice. Of the which they dispatched some, and then they did set upon a troop of 50 soldiers of the garrison of Adra, who went also to Grando with the like insolences, whom they slew in a manner all. The marquess of Mondejar, who was gone to Court to advertise the King of the estate of the affairs, returned with commandment to suppress the rebellion by arms, and the governor, lords, knights, towns and commonalties thereabouts had charge to assist him. Wherefore having taken advice of the magistrates of the royal Audience and others of the city, and especially of the archbishop, he prepared himself to set upon them that were already risen in confusion, and without order; but there being among them the abovenamed Farrax, one Daut, and Ferdinand of Cordova, and De Valour, a knight of the Moors, who said that he was of the royal race of Aben Humega, descending from the prophet Mahomet, they assembled at Bresnar in the Alpuxarra, to make election of a head, where after much contention, they did choose this Ferdinand, to whom having given the title of a King, 
Aben Humeia made king of the Moors rebels.  he called himself Muley Mahomet Aben Humeia. Farrax, who would gladly have been, and had in a manner promised it himself, could not attain unto it, but was content to be Alguazil maior, which is the second dignity, like to that of Constable. This Aben Hamcia was very well known in the city of Granado for his vanity and other vices, which decreased not in this great advancement. If we consider well (by the report of such as had seen this war) the number of them that had rebelled, the expectation that infinite others would rebel, being of the same mind, if they had well managed the means which they had gathered together, as of Churches and Christians houses which they spoilt, the nearness of the kings of Fez and Marroc, and of the Turks of Alger, together with the bad agreement which was betwixt the governors and the royal justice of Granado, and the neighbour provinces, who contended without all reason, touching their manner of proceeding against these mutines, every one seeking to make use of his office, and to fill his purse with so many goodly confiscations, & rich preys which fell daily. Without doubt there was matters in this war sufficient to have overthrown the Crown of Spain, if it had been managed by men of more discretion and judgement than Aben Humeia, and Farrax Aben Farrax.  
It is not to be imagined what insolences they committed in the first fury of their reign. They slew all Christians males above ten years old that they could get, especially clergy men, with all judges & officers of justice; the women & children they made slaves, they spoilt churches & fired them with most of the houses, yea their own: so as they made the boroughts & good villages inhabitable, & in a short time grew savage, living among woods and rocks, where they made their retreats, being almost inaccessible, drawing their wives and children after them, and abandoning them upon any difficulty or let, without any feeling of love or charity. He might term himself happy among the Spaniards, who being surprised in his house by Aben Humeias men, did meet with some Moor of his acquaintance: and truly there were some, though very few, who moved with compassion, did hazard their lives to save Christians, from whom they had received some pleasure, 
Farrax Aben Farrax disappointed.  the which is not strange among reasonable creatures, seeing it is often seen among bruit beasts. Farrax Aben Farrax having had charge to gather together the gold, silver, and movable goods which had been abandoned to the spoil, to make a stock for the war, and to buy arms in Barbary (whereof they had great want) he committed so many insolences and thefts, as afterwards he was not employed in any business, neither durst he show himself before king Aben Humeia, who having passed like a violent stream, or rather a lightning by Locrine, Lanjaron, Orgiba, Pugneyra, Ferreyra, jubiles, Vxicar, and other places of the valley of Sierra Nevada, he was confirmed king at Andarax, whereas he made Aben Zign● Alcaide or Captain, and Michael de Roxas his father in law his Treasurer general, and Hernando Caguer one of his Lieutenants or Marshals: it is he who saved most of the Christians from slaughter, and spared their goods in this war. This tumultuary king seeing himself followed, he threatened the city of Almerie, he made Salobregna to waver, with other maritime places, whither the mountains and the valleys stretch, and in like manner all that coast which is upon the declining of Sierra Vermeja, unto Gibraltar and Maruela, so as in less than fifteen days this mischief ran above sixty leagues, and the law of Mahomet was openly professed among them. Then the Moors dwelling in the Albayzin at Granado were in extreme danger, there being a great garrison, and soldiers coming thither daily from all parts: and (that which moved the Granadins to choler and compassion) many men and women came naked thither, having escaped the cruel hands of the Moors, for in all places both champaign and mountains, the old and new Christians had their dwellings mingled, but the Moors were more in number, and stronger. The Moors about Salobregna contained themselves long, for that their seat was not strong, as within the mountains, neither did they revolt, but through the violence that was done them by the king's soldiers, and by his Lieutenants, who were most insolent and disobedient to their Commanders in all this war.  
Salobregna and Motril are upon the sea, where there grows much good wine, the riches of the inhabitants. In the city of Almerie near unto them were above six hundred families of the Moors, who did not stir, and were preserved by the Governor: notwithstanding that, one Mare Ramir a Moor, with some other indiscreet men thereabouts sought to murder him. The Lords of villages, who had no houses of strength, did wisely to retire themselves, for wheresoever they were the weaker, they were set upon and slain: as it happened to D. john Zapate, who sought to make it good in the Church of Guejares de Fondon, where he was forced and burnt with 150. men.  
The marquess of Mondejar, and he of Velez, raised either of them an army, by order from the Council, and invaded the Moors, one by Granado, and the other by Basa, the marquess of Zenete bending towards the sea to Almerie. These two Commanders never joined during all this war, although they came near together upon the declining of the mountains that were betwixt them, which were in manner plain towards the West, 
Dispositions of the marques●● of Mondeiar, & he of Velez, Generals against the Moors.  for they were of very different humours; D. Lewis Faiardo marquess of Velez was proud, ambitious, impatient of all superiority, and bloody: and he of Mondejar was mild and courteous, seeking rather to persuade, than to force the rebels: the marquess of Velez was sudden in his exploits, he of Mondejar was stayed, and did not advance without great deliberation, and therefore he was taxed to be slow, and to regard his own private interest, for that he was Lord of many places in those mountains, and other parts of the country, which were unpeopled by this war, to the prejudice of his rights and revenues. The first lodging his camp made being gone to field, was at Alendin, and from thence to Padul, which is the first borough of the valley of Lecrin, having with him the nobility and the troops of Granado and Andalusia: he of Velez, that of Murcia, Basa, and the neighbour places. In the absence of the marquess of Mondejar the Earl of Teudille his son commanded in Granado for martial matters, being lodged in the Alhambra, the Castle and royal Palace there. At Dureal a league from Padul Laurence d'Auila was lodged with the bands of seven. Towns of the jurisdiction of Granado, and Gonsaled Alcantara with a company of horse, making as it were the forward. They were charged in the night by a multitude of Moors, whereof Michael de Granado de Xaba was the chief, thinking to disorder them, but the soldiers made it good, and repulsed their enemies, of whom there were two hundred slain, whereat Aben Humeia was in such a rage for this bad success, as he had a desire to cut off Xabas head. These two marquess' were not sole Commanders of the war in that Country, for every Governor or Captain of a place would make enterprises of his own head, imparting nothing unto them, nor attending their commandments, for every man aimed at spoil. D. Garcia de Villaroel governor of Almerie went to field to surprise a troop of Moors, which were assembled at Benahaduz, and threatened to besiege Almerie, whom he dispersed, 
Alphonso Habis de Vanegas a faithful Moor  and slew many of them, among other Brahen Cacis their captain. There was with D. Garcia. D. Alphonso Habis de Vanegas a Moor, of the blood of the ancient kings of Granado, who had been solicited by the rebels to be their King, the which he rejected, and persisted faithfully in the service of king Philip.  
The marquess of Mondejar passing on into Alpuxarra, took the pace of Tablado by force, a place of importance for the passage, being betwixt two mountains, where he built a bridge over a very deep valley, the which being broken, or kept, they cannot go from the one to the other, but must fetch a compass of four great leagues. The guard of this bridge was committed to Pedro d'Arroio with certain companies, and then the army marched towards Orgiba, the which was abandoned by the Moors being amazed. Many women and children were freed, and they that had defended the Tower of that place seventeen days, where the Moors had given diverse assaults, and reduced them to great want of victuals. There was the like delivery of prisoners with the gain of some booty made at Poqueira, where Aben Humeia had lodged with a great number of Moors, but they durst not stay. There they had news that the garrison which they had left at Tablado had been surprised and cut in pieces with their Captain, 
De●ote and death of Pedro d'Arroio of the Moors.  who was found yet panting amongst the dead, two days after, whenas thee marquess recovered this passage again, without the which they cannot come nor go from the camp to Granado. D. Alphonso de Reynoso was left there to keep a more careful guard, and had express commandment to stay the soldiers which retired with their booty without leave: The greatest disorder which hindered this war, was the disobedience of the new levied soldiers to their Commanders, who longed still to be at home when they had gotten any spoil: and it was a hard matter to stay them, for they had no pay. The Moors in like manner were without discipline, being ignorant of war, and nothing apt to arms, yea most of them were unarmed, labourers, shepherds, and Artisans who could cast stones, and handle slings well; their captains were not much more skilful in their charges and duties, but being once acquainted with the Turks they recovered Crossbows, and harquebuses, and did learn to use them. Their greatest fear in Spain was, that they should have intelligence, with the Turks of Alger, and the Moors of Barbary their neighbours, the which they could not prevent. The marquess of Mondejar pursuing Aben Humeia, he brought his army to Pitres de Ferreira, whereas Ferdinand Caguer made offer of an accord, and continued it upon all occasions; for he was the least desperate among all the Captains of the Moors. At this place of Pitres, the Moors fought and slew many of the marquess' men, but they presently left the place, and retired to jubiles, whereas Aben Humcia committed great cruelties, even upon the Moors of that place, who did not so dainely satisfy his desire. There was an old castle which they had rampired, with an intent to make it a fort, and their storehouse for the war, and had carried most of their spoils thither, the which notwithstanding they could not defend: for although the greatest part of their forces were there, yet they had not the hearts to fight, and being to dislodge, they were ready, being pursued, to kill a great number of Christians, prisoners, of all ages, women and children, whose husbands and fathers they had slain before, but some that had more humanity hindered it, their retreat was to Vercheul. This miserable troop of women and children came and presented themselves before the marquess, hideous, lean, bare, and half naked, praising God with tears for his coming and their deliverance. The Moors which kept the castle fled also, where they found there hundred men, and a thousand and five hundred women, who were in like manner set at liberty: but it was unhappien for many, yea for most of those poor women; for the camp being lodged; having placed most of those women in a Church, and such as could not enter being laid before it for that night, it happened that a disordered soldier coming about midnight among them, sought to take away a maiden to abuse her, 
Excess of a disordered soldier.  who being stayed and de●ended by the other women, one of them drew the soldiers sword and hurt him: this villain leaving his hold, began to cry out to arms, saying, that there were moors disguised and armed among those women which had hurt him in that manner; whereupon they came running in disorder, and without any further inquiry, discharged their pieces upon these poor creatures, so as in a manner all they that were before the Church, were either slain or sore hurt, those within it were preserved by the shutting of the doors: in the mean time the captains came, and caused the massacre to cease. The truth of this fact being known, the marquess was very much grieved, and caused many of these murdering soldiers to be hanged; and then he sent the rest of the women and children with a convoy to Granado, where they received them, and gave them great alms. This pitiful spectacle increased their hatred against the Moors dwelling in the Albayzin, 
moors of the Albayzin in great numbers.  whom they disinherited much, for they were held to be ten thousand men able to bear arms; and therefore the Earl of Teudilla, to be better assured, lodged soldiers in their houses: whereof thinking to complain, they were sharply reprehended, so as they repent that they had not revolted when as Farrax did solicit them.  
Whilst that the marquess of Mondejar employed himself virtuously, 
Exploits of the marquess of Velez.  to chase the Moors and their king, who were in the mountains and strong places of Alpuxarra, he of Velez with such men as he had, gathered together in the territories of Valencia, Murcia, Basa, Lorca, and other near places, entered into the realm of Granado, by Tavernas', having five thousand foot and three hundred good horse, and came and charged a troop of Moors, who had fortified themselves at Guecija, under a devilish captain called Gorri: who, in view of the marquess camp, caused many Christian men to be beheaded, whom he had kept prisoners, to expose them as a spectacle to them that should come first to assail him, and then he dislodged without fight.  
The Christian army marching towards Filix to besiege it, they were prevented by D. Garcia de Villaroel governor of Almerie, who would have the honour to free this place, presuming that the Moors which held it, would abandon it as soon as they should see him approach, thinking it to be the marquess his fore ward: but he was deceived, for he found them ready to make head against him, being many; wherefore he retired with all speed to the marquess his camp, to whom he made his excuse, and gave him to understand, that among these Moors, there were Turks come out of Barbary to secure them: and then he gave him a convoy to return unto Almerie, from whence he might not long be absent. The marquess passing on, found the Moors which were come forth in battle, to encounter them which came to discover them being come to fight, they found they were not those whom they sought, and knowing that it was the marquess of Velez, who was a resolute man, and was called among them, Ybilis Arraezel Hadit, that is to say, a devil with an iron head, their courage was somewhat quailed, 
Encounter at 〈◊〉.  yet they did fight, and did rally themselves thrice together, but in the end they were forced to quit the place, and retire to the mountains, having lost about seven hundred men, and among them some women, which had fought desperately, three captains, Fulcy, Tezi, and the son of Porto Carrero de Xergal, where two of his sisters, maidens, died also. On the marquess de Velezside, there were both slain and hurt, but they did not publish the number.  
The fort of Filix by this retreat was won, where they found much good stuff, gold, silver, silks, pearl, victuals, and a great number of women and children Moors, whom they had abandoned, wherewith the soldiers being enriched, they disbanded by troops to carry their booties to their houses; wherefore the marquess was forced to retire to fortify his army. They of Guadix defeated a troop of Moors at the same time at Deyre, most of which had come out of the Marquisate of Zenete: they slew 400 men, and took above 1000 women & children, with great spoils. The chief of this enterprise was Pedro Arias d'Auila, and they said it was one of the best exploits of all this war.  
King Aben Humeia being pursued by the marquess of Mondejar, and was then at Vxixar, a place situated in the midst of Alpuxarra, the which he had fortified as an assured retreat, and had about him 6000 men; yet at the approach of the marquess, this man who was neither valiant nor of any command, retired with his troops to Palerne. Fernard el Caguer continued still his practices of peace, so as he had conference with Jerome d'Apont and john Sanches: And D. Alphonso de Granado, Venega, wrought so upon the marquess word and promise, 
Aben Humeia kills his father in law and other Moors.  as he drew Aben Humeia to a parley with him, but at the noise of some shot inconsiderately discharged, he was so amazed, and fell into such distrust, as he fled away, neither was it possible to bring him back again; and in this perturbation he slew his father in law Michael de Roxas, and caused some other chief Moors to be slain, saying that they would have betrayed him: he put away his wife, and swore that he would not leave one of the family of Roxas alive, the which did purchase him many enemies, and he blemished his reputation more, when he abandoned the fort of Palerne, and all that he had, retiring into the most desert places of the mountains. The marquess being come to Palerne, he took the mother and sisters of the base king with many other womeu of quality moors, and set free a great number of Christians that were captives, & from thence he led his army towards Andarax. That of the marquess of Velez being somewhat repaired, was then at Ohanes, near unto the other, where there were many Moors gathered together, whom he did fight withal, and dispersed: and it was thought that the two armies should have joined, and that the marquess of Velez should have been sole commander, whereunto he did aspire, and the soldiers desired it, but either of them went his course. The marquess of Mondejar returned to Vxixar. One of the goodliest booties of this war, fell into the hands of D. Garcia de Villaroel, and of D. Francisco de Cordo●a, being joined with the forces of Almerie, 
Booty taken from the Moor  and others whom they led against the Moors, who had fortified at Inox, in rocks that were almost inaccessible: for having dislodged them they found to the value of above 500000 crowns: but the division of this prey bred great dissension among them.  
Profit was the matter they chief aimed at that went to this war, except the marquess of Mondejar, who tended to peace, and to save the Moors that were revolted, soliciting them rather to acknowledge their saul's, and to show themselves worthy of pardon, than to ruin them by arms, and therefore he was not pleasing to the soldiers. Having led his army to Guajares of the jurisdiction of Salobregna, whither many Moors had retired themselves, and fortified among the rocks and precipices (which were they that first received the Turks and Moors that came to secure them out of Barbary) he sent to discover them, 
Defeat of Christians.  but to their loss that went, being in a manner all slain; those of na●e and quality were Lewis Ponce de Leon, Augustin Venegas, Gonsalo de Orugna, the visitor Ronquillo and john de Villaroel: being charged, the next day they made great resistance, but at night they retired, leaving their old men in that lodging, with many women and children, whom the marquess (being incensed with the loss he had the day before) caused to be slain in his presence, contrary to his manner. The rocks, woods, & caves (being unfurnished of all provision for victuals) were no fit places to entertain great numbers of Moors, 
Cruelty of the 〈◊〉 of Mandeiar.  who had such great troops of women, children & slaves with them, as if they had been priest by arms, hunger & cold, with other necessities, would have forced them often to have changed their lodgings; & they that came out of Barbary might easily foresee that the end of their revolt must needs be death or captivity: seeing they had no means to provide better retreats to keep their goods, wives, & children, nor any good fort near unto the sea, with victuals and artillery to maintain a siege at all events, and in the mean time to refresh themselves there, & to retire such as were wounded, & to repair themselves after any loss: war is maintained by this means, & when there is question of any accord, it is concluded with better conditions. These defects being known, was the cause that the succours which they had from Africa, being all voluntaries, were weak & came slowly: & they that came once to see it, were soon distasted, & being once returned came no more, & disluaded others. Finally, there appeared no other end in this nation, of their revolt, but to power forth their malice in revenging themselves most cruelly upon the Christians which they met, for the wrongs and injuries which they had received, killing, burning, and murdering without judgement of foresight of that which might happen, 
moors unnatural.  and then they died content, without either love, o● natural affection to their wives and small children, whom they made to troth after them like beasts, and upon the least cross they did abandon them without grief. This war had contained three months, when as king Philip by some good inspiration considering the desolation of the country, and the innocency of many small infants which could not distinguish the right hand from the left, he made a declaration, that his meaning was not that men children under ten years old, 
Pardon for the Moors proclaimed.  and women under eleven should be reputed slaves, commanding them to receive all Moors that would submit themselves to his mercy, and forbidding them to offer any violence to those that had contained themselves in peace. By these means many being forced by hunger and other discommodities, submitted themselves; who being enjoined to deliver up their arms, they brought old crossbows, half pikes, and such like weapons, broken, and of no use: and when they demanded where there other arms were, which they used in encounters, they said that the strangers, and such as would not submit themselves had taken them away. Notwithstanding these good orders set down by the king, 
Insolency of the k●ngs soldiers.  the soldiers being insolent and covetous, did them infinite mischiefs, carrying many away, especially women: not only out of villages, but of those which they found in the city, even in view of the magistrates, the which all men of honour blamed and detested; yea many strangers which frequented in the city of Granado, for the commerce, said, that it would be a hard matter for Spaniards to make the Moors good Christians, seeing they showed in their actions, that they were not so themselves, and that there was more inhumanity in their behaviours, than in the most barbarous Pirates of Africa.  
Aben Humeia having taken some breath, resolved to continue the war, sending to entreat Vluccyaly to give him some succours. In the mean time, he and Fernand Caguer came sometimes in the night to solace themselves with them that were reduced, and who had safegards to remain in their houses; whereof the marquess being advertised, he meant to have them watched and taken: but they had some notice thereof, and stood upon their guards. They did foresee that the Spring being come, the war would be more difficult, both for that the Moor should find themselves less incommodated in their holes and savage retreats, as also for that the sea would be more navigable, and easy to pass the Moors and Turks out of Barbary, which prepared to come to their succours; wherefore the marquess of Mondejar sent D. Alphonso de Granado Venegas to Court, to acquaint the king with the estate of those affairs, and to tell him what provisions he thought necessary to end those wars; and that if it pleased his Majesty to come unto Granado; it may be it would be of more force than any other thing, and that howsoever, he must cause the sea to be kept, and the passage to be stopped. The king thinking that his presence was not so necessary, was counseled to send D. john of Austria his brother thither, the respect of whom would make the Commanders agree better. The which being concluded, commandment was given to D. Lewis de Requesens great Commander of Castille, who was them Ambassador at Rome for king Philip, being also Lieutenant at sea under D. john, that he should come with the galleys into Spain, and bring with him the regiment of old soldiers which were at Naples; that being joined with D. Sancho de Leva, he might stop the passage of the Turks and Moors which came out of Barbary.  
As soon as it was known at Granado, and in the country where the war was, that D. john of Austria was appointed lieutenant for the king there all the captains of towns & castles, & those that were in the armies, with their soldiers, sought to make work for D. john, committing all excess, by spoiling, ransacking, and murdering: for they thought that D. john would have better discipline observed in the armies. 
Disobedience and insolences of Christian soldiers.  D. Aluar Flores, and Anthony d'Auila of Madrid, under colour of going to surprise Aben Hume●a at Valot, whither they said he should come in the night to a certain marriage, they spoiled all the places where they passed, notwithstanding that the Moors which inhabited them had safegards, and made them the best cheer they could. Being come to Valot, they found not Aben Humeta, but they did ransom all the Moors of that place, notwithstanding that they had submitted themselves to the king's obedience, carrying away their wives and children as slaves, 
Defeat of Christians.  in contempt of the King's Proclamation. In their return they were charged and defeated, and the prisoners rescued. There were lost above a thousand soldiers with their captains, whereof the Moors sent to make great excuses to the marquess of Mondejar, offering to yield up the arms which they had taken: the marquess answered them, that they had done well, and that they should do so to all them that should offer them violence, against his majesties protection and safeguard. Diego Gasca a choleric captain, b●ing incensed that they of Turon had slain eleven of his soldiers which had gone forth to steal, led his company thither to disarm them, and to be revenged: searching in a da●ke cave of a house, where there were certain Moors hidden, he was slain; whereupon his soldiers spoiled and set fire of the borough, slew a hundred and twenty Moors, and carried away the women. A Curate of To●ujos b●ing grieved to see the Moors of the mountain of Filabres live in peace, for they had not revolted, he ●ed certain lewd persons with him, who surprising them on a sudden, spoiled them: others did the like at Bayarca, and at Picena, whereas they slew three of the marquess' guards, being sent thither to preserve them: but as they retired, carrying away many women and children, and much ca●tell, the Moors which had escaped, and had given the alarm to their neighbours, crossed them in their ways and slew them all.  
At Granado hatred did so transport some of the justice, as they suffered the prisoners in the jail to be armed, to kill the Moors of the Albayzin, who had put themselves into prison, as hostages in the beginning of the troubles, as we have said, to whom they carried swords and other weapons secretly in the night, and bruited it abroad that Aben Humeia had intelligence, with the Moors of the Albayzin, to surprise the city: and afterwards in the night they cried to arms, for that towards Sieria Nevada, they had seen a fire, to answer a sign which had been given out of some house of the Albayzin: whether it were true or not, the people ran to the prisons, where finding the Christian prisoners armed, 
Massacre of Moors which were in prison.  and in fight with the Moors, who had no arms, joining with them they slew a hundred and ten; which were of the chief and richest Moors of the city: yet they durst not set upon the Albayzin, for that in every house there were soldiers lodged, which were not of that party. It was said, that some of them that were murdered, were found circumcised, which made the Attorney general demand confiscation of their goods, whereby their wives and children were deprived. It was thought for certain that this excess had been committed by the instigation of the superiors. A good part of the Alpuxarres was in a manner pacified, but the captains of the garrisons which were there, and in other neighbour places, as at Almerie, Salobregna, and such like forts, governing themselves, as hath been said, committed such cruelties and thefts indifferently upon the one and the other, attending the coming of D. john of Austria, as they that had laid aside arms, and submitted themselves, revolted again, and joined with Aben Humeia, who became so strong and glorious, as he bragged that he would not only defend the mountains, but also besiege the city of Granado.  
D. john d'Austria made his entry the sixth of April, 
1569  1569, being accompanied by the marquess of Mondejar, 
D. john de Austria comes to Granado.  by D. john de Caruaial, D. Tello Gonsall d'Aguilar, Gonsalo Chacon, the Earl of Miranda, with many other noble men and knights: the marquess of Velez would not be there. Before his lodging there presented themselves about four hundred women, widows, and many poor orphans, Christians, which had been in the Moors hands, crying and lamenting in most miserable manner, and demanding justice and revenge for their fathers and husbands which had been murdered, so as they could hardly make them retire; but it was done of purpose. The Moors dwelling in the Albayzin deputed some unto him, to make their innocency known, and yet they were ill entreated; but especially, they made great complaint of the massacre committed of their kinsmen in the prisons, as it were in the king's bosom, into the which they had willingly put themselves. D. john heard them, and made show that this act displeased him, comforting and assuring them. 
Counsellors about D. john of Austria.  He had a Council appointed him, whereof were the Duke of Sessa, the marquess of Mondejar, D. Lewis de Quixada Precedent of the Council of the Indies, D. Pedro de Desa Precedent of the royal Audience of Granado, and the Archbishop of Granado, in cases of conscience: all these resolved how they should proceed in this war. The marquess of Mondejar persisting in his opinion, said, that they must draw the Moors to the Christian religion by instruction and good examples, 
Advice of the Marquess of Mond●ia●.  and to the King's obedience in doing them justice, and that they should end the war by some good accord: he held it fit they should draw them out of the mountains, and places of strength, and give them dwellings in the champaign country; or if they left them in their ancients habitations, they should place good garrisons there at their charge. The Precedent Desa said, that first of all they should cleanse the city of Granado of the Moorish nation, 
Advice of the Precedent Desa.  and to send them with their families to dwell farther off, to the end they should not aid the rebels, as they had done secretly, with arms, counsel, and other things, and that they should take exemplary punishment of some that had slain Christians, and spoiled Churches, and begin first with the inhabitants of Albunuela, a place from whence the Moors were relieved, with victuals and other commodities. Most were of opinion, that they should continue the wars, and that occasions would give them necessary and fit advice. There were three regiments levied under Antonio Moreno, Hernand de Orunna, and Francis de Mendosa of Alcala de Henares. There was order taken also for the government of the towns and forts, by new Election, or confirmation of those that were in charge, all being commanded to contain their soldiers, and to obey the ordinances upon great pains. The marquess of Velez, who was not come to D. john, sent him a note what he had done in his division, and what he thought remained to be done: he had stayed with his army at Terques, and had a design to march toward Andarax, but D. john sent a Post to stay him. He had begun a fort at Ravaha, 
Defeat of Christians.  the which was overthrown by the Moors, who slew him, a hundred and threescore soldiers, and took an Ensign; whereat D. john was very much discontented. Aben Humeia was advertised of all the consultations and resolutions which were taken at Granado, by them of the Albayzin, and accordingly made provision for the war, and for those places which he had an intent to defend. He also made three regiments under Hannon de Cucuijar, Futey de Lautera, and Zer●a de Cuiar, Captains moors. He made his storehouse for the war at Orgiba, he appointed a market at Vxixar of Albereta, whither they did bring victuals and merchandise, and merchants came from Tetuan in the realm of Fez, to sell arms and other commodities. He made Rio d'Almansora Governor of that Quarter which joined upon the Marquisate of Zenete, and Jerome Malech of the frontier of Guadix and Basa. At Poqueira and Ferreira Diego L●pes Aben Aboo, 
Captains and Counsellors to the Moorish king.  upon the frontier of Orgiba Michael de Granado Xaba, on the jurisdiction of Luxar and Marchena S●erra de Fitabres Gadoi, and of the river of Alme●ie Aben Meguenun was governor, in the valley of Locrine, and the frontier of Almunexar, Salobregna and Motril, he placed Gironcillo and Rendal for governors: to all which he gave Letters Patents signed by himself, and with a royal seal. There were of his privy Council, Don Ferdinand ●l Caguer, Dalay Moxarraf, Calderon of Vxixar, and Hernand Habagui: Farrax Aben Farrax was in disgrace, and came no more in the King's Presence, who had threatened to have him hanged as a thief.  
Besides these provisions, Aben Humeia did hope to be fortified by the Xeriffe Abda●la king of Maroc and Fez, and by Vluccyaly governor of Algiers, whom he did solicit and entreat, making them great promises, and assuring him that he should be succoured by the great Turk's army; which charge Vluccialy had taken upon him. He began the war against Don john by the taking of Peca, whither he led five thousand men, but he could not take the Castle; and there were many light skirmishes made on either side. 
1569  The great Commander who had charge to bring the galleys, and the regiment of Naples into Spain, had drawn together 24 galleys, in the port of Genova, with some other vessels, & went to sea in a doubtful time, contrary to the advice of the Mariners; for that (said he) they had need of him in Spain: 
Shipwreck of the great Commanders fleët.  but he was no sooner at sea, but he was overtaken with so furious a tempest, as some of his vessels perished with their burdens, and the rest were so dispersed, some into Sardynia, some into Sicily, and some elsewhere, as all that preparation proved unprofitable. The great Commander was by chance cast upon the Island of Maiorca, and so he passed from Palamos into Cattelogne, so as the passage was open for some days out of Barbary into Spain.  
The mountain of Bentonis is in the country of Veles Malaga, upon the sea towards the South, a country fertile in wines, which they transport into England, and Flanders; by which traffic the inhabitants were rich: most of which had their beginning from Moors, and they did reckon 22. Burroughs well peopled and inhabited: the which had not risen until that upon certain reports the officers of justice began to vex them; saying, 
Defeat of Moors.  that they were advertised they had commerce and intelligence with Aben Humeia: Ca●illes of Azeitunes is in this country, a strong place and of importance, belonging unto the marquess of Comare, and there is a certain Rock, called Fregiliana the old, whither a good number of Moors were retired, and had there fortified themselves: whom Arevalo de Cuaco de Veles would go and assail, but he was repulsed with the loss of most of his men.  
The marquess of Velez being at Verja in the country of Almerie with a good strong army, 
Army of Aben Humeia defeated.  Aben Humeia who had ten thousand men, and among them some Turks, came and charged him courageously, and forced the first guards and lodging of his camp, putting all into disorder: the which was repaired by the diligence of soldiers well disciplined, who recovered their places of arms, and repulsed this violence of the Moors valiantly, killing above a thousand and five hundred as they retired in disorder. There were among the Turks of Aben Humeias army, many which carried garlands of flowers upon their heads, saying, that they were sent thither to revenge Mahomet's Martyrs.  
The marquess had above twelve thousand fight men, and being lodged at Adra, he had commandment to enter into Alpuxarra, where he came to fight with the Moors at Vxicar, and then he charged Aben Hume●a at Valot, who was not much weaker in number than he, yet he was put to rout; but the marquess was presently forced to retire: for the mischief was, that as soon as the soldiers had taken any spoil, they stole away to carry it to their houses. Through this disorder there remained not three thousand men in his camp. D. Anthony de Luna sacked Albunuela, according to the advice of the Precedent D. Pedro de Desa, where he made a great spoil of goods, and took above a thousand and five hundred prisoners. According to the ancient custom, the kings of Spain should have the fift of all the spoils, but they made him bad reckonings. The commander of Castille came in the end to the road of Velez Malaga, with such Spanish foot as he could bring out of Italy, and did presently invest Pegnon de Fregiliana: there were some good Captains with him, D. Pedro and D. Martin de Padilla, D. john de Cardenas brother to the Earl of Miranda, D. Pedro de Zuniga, with others. The Moors which were lodged there, in a manner without arms, defended themselves notwithstanding courageously, and at the first assault slew Pedro de Sandoval, and four hundred soldiers, and wounded double the number: but the Spaniards continuing their assaults with great obstinacy, in the end they forced it, 
Pegnon of Fregiliana taken by the great Commander.  and of four thousand Moors that were within the place, there were near two thousand slain, the rest escaped, casting themselves desperately down the rocks, and many women with them, leaping down the precipices like goats, having their infants tied at their backs. There were women slain in these combats which made head against the assailants as courageously as if they had been old soldiers. There was also found within the fort three thousand ●oules, old men, women, and children, with much cattle, and great store of booty.  
The river of Almansora is also a good and fertile country, but the Moors which dwek there had not rebelled, until that they were forced by the insolency of the soldiers, who sought nothing else but to make them disobedient, by some opposition or defence against their insolences and vill●ines. 
Insolency of the Spaniards makes the Moors revolt.   
This river takes its beginning from a fountain called Fuen 〈◊〉, and falls into the Sea a league from Vera: Veles Rubio and Veles 〈◊〉 are in this Country, which is great, and hath many habitations bordering upon Basa on the North side, it hath the Sea upon the South, 〈◊〉 of old Castles and strong by situation. There entered into this Country in june four thousand Moors, of the rebels, to countenance them that would revolt, and to root out the rest. First they came to Porcena, where they found not any Christians of the inhabitants, for being advertised by a certain Priest, they were fled away.  
Jerome 〈◊〉 and H●●on of Cueillar assailed the Castle of Seron, which did belong to the marquess of Villena; this place, that of Oria, and las Cuevas had held good, all the rest being revolted. Se●on being besieged, D. Anthony Henriques, brother to the Lord of that place, attempted to relieve it with five hundred foot, and sixty horse, but he was chased away, 
〈◊〉 taken by the Moors.  lost two hundred men upon the place, and 〈◊〉 in rout. In this charge the Moors got great store of arms, whereof they had good need. Diego de 〈◊〉 who was Captain of the place went forth to seek succours, but he was taken, the which being known to the besieged, they yielded to the Moors, who slew one hundred and fifty men that were within it, and made eighty women slaves. D. john de Austri● furnished Veles and Oria, and gave the charge to D. john de H●ro. And for that they were out of doubt, that the Moors which inhabited in the Albayzin, 
Moors put out of Granado.  and other parts of the city, gave intelligence to them that made war in the Alpuxarres and other places, they put them out of the Town the three and twentieth of june. All were gathered together in the royal Hospital, which is a great building, made by Queen Isabella of Castille without the city, and there a Register was taken of their houses & goods, which they left to their great grief, for they were very well lodged, being men of means: and they were dispersed into Andalusia: the which bred a great confusion in their affairs. Aben 〈◊〉 came near unto Almerie, threatening to besiege it, he made many skirmishes about it, & towards Sa●obregna; but he had not one piece of Ordnance. He wrote unto D. john of Austria, entreating him to send him his father & his brother who were prisoners in Granado, and in a manner threatening him, but he did not much regard it.  
To hasten the Turks succours, without the which no enterprise could succeed well, he sent Ferdinand H●baqui to Alger, whereas Vluccialy made a proclamation, that all men that would might go freely to this war, and many presenting themselves, he stayed them to carry them to Tunis. 
Turks comes to secure the Moors in Spain.  Yet he pardoned all malefactors and banished men: and of this sort of people Habaqui led four hundred Harquebuziers with him, under the command of a Turk called Hoscein, and of a brother of his, who embarked in eight foists laden with munition and arms. H●scein who was an adventuring Soldier, cunning and politic, visited the rivers of Almansora, and of 〈◊〉, Sierra Filabres, and all the Alpuxarres; he found means also to enter into the City of Granado, he was at Guadix and at Basa without discovery and then returned into Barbary, laden with presents: for he promised to go to Constantinople, to make report unto his Lord what he had seen of the oppressions and miseries of the Moors in Spain. Aben H●m●ia had a design upon the town of Vera, being commodious for the Turks descent, but it was relieved by them of Basa; He overran the Country, burnt Cuevas, and spoiled the gardens of the marquess de Velez Lord of that place, having above ten thousand men in his train. But whilst he doth these exploits with more presumption and vanity to his own then hurt to the enemy, seeking his pleasures without respect of person, letting them know that his will was a Law, certain Captains were offended therewith, whereof he that was most incensed was Diego Alguazil, whose cousin Aben 〈◊〉 held by force for his Concubine, both he and the rest calling to mind the many cruelties which he had committed, namely the murder of Michael 〈◊〉, his father-in law, of Raphael Arcos, and other Moors of name: whereupon they conspired to kill him and to do it with more colour, they published certain ●etters which he had written to D. Alfonso de Granado, and other negoliators of a peace, the which they had kept and opened, accusing him that he would abandon the Moors, and betray them. They did also counterfeit a letter in his name, directed to Aben Aboo, commanding him to kill the Captain of the Turks, that were come out of Barbary to his succours, upon certain counterfeit reasons: they showed this letter unto the Turks, whereat Aben Abo● was amazed, who thought verily that he had written them, whereat the whole company being incensed, they went to Andarax (where he was with his Concubine, 
Death of king Aben Humeia.  who was acquainted with this plot:) there they took him, and strangled him, publishing in an assembly of the Captains the causes of this execution, the which they disguised in such sort, as it was allowed by them, choosing in his place Diego Lopes Aben Aboo to reign over them, 
Aben Aboo chosen king of the Rebel's.  a cruel man, but he had more judgement and government than the other, so as D. john de Austria had more cause to think seriously of the affairs of the war.  
He gave the charge of the Rivers of Almerie, Bolodui, Almansora, Sierra de Basa, and Filabres, and of the Marquisate of Zenete to Jerome Malech and to Xoabi; and Sierra Nevada, the land of Velez, the Alpuxarres, and the Valley of Montojo of Granado, to Hascien de Gueiar. He sent presents to Vluccialy, and to the Mo●ti of Constantinople, to keep him in grace with the great Turk, and to be a means for some succours: he made a regiment of four thousand men for his guard, whereof a thousand should be always in guard. At his election he found ten thousand men in the army, and among them six hundred Turks.  
The marquess of Mondejar at that time left the affairs of Granado, & went to Valentia, where he was appointed viceroy, in which charge he continued not long, but past to Naples to govern there with like dignity. The duke of Sesse was chief of the army which the marquess was wont to lead; who relieved the Garrison of Orgiba, which Aben Aboo the new king besieged, and kept the pace of Lantjaron, where there was a great skirmish, the which continued long, through the Turks valour, in the which there were many slain of either part. Orgiba was abandoned by the commandment of D. john, who sent the Captain of that place with his men to Motrill.  
In the Duke's army, there were many Noble men of mark, as Pagan Doria, brother to john Andrew, D. Gabriel, and Lewis de Cordo●a, D. Lewis de Cardone, and others, which army was appointed to cleanse the Alpuxarra. In the other part whereas the marquess of Veles made war, D. john would command in person, having Malech and Xoabi to make head against him. In these Christian armies there were certain courageous Monks marching in the head of the troops, who held a Crucifex in one hand and a naked sword in the other.  
The Moors attempted Galere, 
Galere taken by the Moors.  a strong place of situation, belonging to Eurigue, a league from Guescar, and took it. They went to besiege Oria, but they of Lorca their neightbours (who were always good soldiers) came thither, 〈…〉 four hundred Moors, 
moors defeated.  raised the siege, and carried away five Ensigns. 〈◊〉 with the body of his army by the river of Almansora, D. john led his by that of Xenil: this River runs by Pivillos', and enters into an other called Aguasblancas, which together passing by the village of Cene, run towards Granado, and betwixt these two rivers is the Mountain of Guejar, one of the descents of Sierra Nevada, in the which there kept about four thousand Moors under the Captains Xoabi, Choconcillo, Macox, and Moxixar, who ran even to the gates of Granado: D. john made them dislodge and retire farther into the mountains of Sierra Nevada.  
Farrax Aben Farrax was among the Moors that were at Guejar, 
Farrax Aben Farrax, his miserable estate.  in poor and miserable estate, of whose adventutur it is fit to make some little mention. Being in disgrace with king Aben Humeia, and put from all affairs, his misery had brought him to that despair, as he was ready to yield himself to the marquess of Mondejar, who without doubt had put him to an exemplary death: being in suspense, and having changed his mind, he thought it better to yield himself unto the Inquisition, thinking that making his accustomed submissions, he should have his life saved at the least. There was a Moor with him which had been his companion in the art of dying, to whom having imparted this his design, exhorting him to do the like (for he was no less culpable than he) he liked well of it, and was content to go before to treat with them of the Inquisition for them both. Farrax having instructed him, being to departed that night, and therefore they were retired into a valley covered with wood to keep their business more secret, after that he had discoursed long, & reiterated his instructions to this Moor, he fell a sleep in the wood, the other seeing him fast, thought that he should make his peace better if he slew him, and being resolved, he took a great stone wherewith he gave him so many blows upon the head, face, and body, as he left him for dead, and then he went as it is to be conjectured to Granado.  
Farrax being thus pitifully handled, remained two days neither dead nor alive in that valley, whereas two Moors passing by, found him, whilst he yet breathed, and not knowing what he was, but only finding that he was a Moor, they laid him for pity sake upon one of their horses, and carried him to Guejar, where he was looked unto and cured; but he remained so disfigured as his visage had scarce any shape of a man's, and in this estate he followed the troops, living of alms, being known of few men. This was the reward of the chief author of the Moors rebellion.  
Returning to Aben Aboo: he had a intent to gather the Olives upon the river of Boldni, having sent a number of Moorish women thither, with a guard of eight hundred soldiers; 
Defeat of Moors.  but they were no good guardians, for being charged by the marquess of Velez, they fled with the loss of two hundred of their men, slain upon the place, and all their women were taken. Guescar was also relieved by the marquess, who slew about five hundred of the Moors. Winter brought many discommodities both to the one and the other, yet the marquess of Velez held Galeres' always invested; but seeing in the Spring that D. john would come and besiege it himself, he retired: for he was so ambitious as he would have the honour of every thing that was done where he was. The body of D. john's army which was intended against the fort of Galere, was made at Guescar, D. john being at Basa, which is 7 leagues off, where he provided for all things necessary. Galere was but a borough without any wall, but seated among rocks which covered it, being environed with deep precipices, the which the Moors by traverses and barracadoes had made in a manner impenetrable, and in th●se deep bottoms the river ran, whereas they of the Borogh were forced to fetch their water; and to the end they might go thither without danger, the Moors had made a way like a wall, 
Galere besieged and taken.  and by this means they did water safely. There were three thousand Moors and Turks to defend this fort. The church without the borogh had a high Tower, which served them both for a watch and a Citadel. D. john brought his army thither, and having made there batteries, he presently took this church by one of them. But when he came to the Borough, there was great difficulty to batter it, by reason of the rocks which did cover it. It was so well defended, as the Spaniards were many times out of hope to take it: but obstinacy stayed them, and made them to continue their assaults furiously, so as in the end they took it by force, being favoured by three mines, which played happily to the great loss of the besieged, who abandoned the place, & sought to escape by the rocks and precipices; there were 2400 Moors and Turks slain, and a great booty taken of gold, silver, and other movables, with great store of come. There were many women Moors found there, but for that the Soldiers lingered ●fter them, D. john caused them all to be slain in his presence. 
Women moors masacred.  There were 4500 Christian women and Children set at liberty, as well those of the Borough, as others which they had brought from Oria, Castileije & other places thereabours: This victory was dearly bought, for D. john of Austria lost many men, but the number is not specified; but of captains and men of mark, 
Spaniards of account slain at Galere by the Moors.  there were slain at sundry assaults, Martin de Lorite, john de Magueda, balthasar de Aranda●, Alfonso Beltram, Charles and Fredrick of Antillon, D. john d' Castille, D. Anthony d' Gourmas, Abarca and others. Of wounded were Pedro d' Padilla, Pagan Doria, the Marquis of Favara, D. Lewis Henriques, D. Lewis d' Auila, D. Pedro de Sotomaior, D. Diego Vasques de Acugna, Bernardin of Quixada, with many Lieutenants and Ensigns. This place being won, D. john sent to view Seron, but he lost above five hundred men. D. Lope de Figueroa master of the Camp, was charged in another place by six thousand Moors, led by Habaqui and Malech, who got arms to arm above a thousand men. Lewis de Quixada was wounded there, whereof he died soon after: D. john had a shot on his Cask: but it was of good proof.  
The duke of Sesse army entered the Alpuxarres, 
1570  in March one thousand five hundred and seventy, by Pad●l, to go unto Orgiba. The Moors chief strength was at Andarax with their king Aben Aboo, who had set good guards at Lanjaron, and in the West quarter were Rendal and Macox, two Captains, with four thousand Moors. The duke had divers skirmishes about Lanjaron, which the Moors held, but in the end they abandoned it. After which he led his army to Albacete of Orgiba. In these incounteres there was a Turkish arquebus taken, the Canon whereof was ten spans long, carrying a bullet which weighed an ounce and an half.  
The Moors which were in the Castle of Velez of Benandalla seeing themselves invested by the Duke's army, they corrupted some Soldiers of his camp, who suffered them to escape with their women and what else they could carry away. But being in a place of safety, they returned unto the passages betwixt Velez and the camp, where they spoilt and slew many passengers, and so recompensed themselves largely of their losses. The fort of Lontegi was also taken from them, but some troops going from Aben Aboos camp, 
Convoy defeated by the Moors.  charged a convoy which came to the duke's camp, and carried away many beasts with their burdens, and had made spoil of all, if they had not been relieved in time.  
The two armies coasted one another for a time amidst these mountains, skirmishing unto Campuxan, the Moors bending towards jubiles, and the duke to Portillo and Vxixar. The duke had in his Camp about eight thousand men, Aben Aboo had twelve thousand. The duke to discharge his army of many unprofitable mouths, as soldiers that were hurt, whom he sent to Guadix to be cured, with some women and children, whom he had rescued from the Moors, and a good number of Moors prisoners, sent away the marquess of Favara, with a thousand foot, and one hundred horse to guard them, and to bring back certain horses, and mules laden with victuals to the camp: but the marquess fell into an ambush which Piceni and Martel de Zenete Captains among the Moors had laid for him, where he lost all his baggage, 
Christians defeated by the Moors.  and eight hundred of his soldiers, the which fell out unhappily, for the duke's army was in some extremity for want of victuals, and therefore sought to pass to Adra, being always coasted by the Moors, who began to grow soldiers under this new king. D. john of Austria had better success: for he fought with Habaqui, who was come with seven thousand Moors to raise him from Seron, and defeated him. 
moors defeated by D. john.  At that time Jerome Malech one of their best captains died of sickness. Through the favour of this victory D. john took Seron and Tyole; he chased the Moors from Porchena, and then marched towards Andarax, to seek out the Moors king with their army: betwixt these two armies there were many skirmishes with divers events.  
In the mean time king Philip came unto Cordova, being very desirous to have this war ended in one sort or other: for he was advertised that the Turk had great designs upon Italy, and for this cause had broken the peace with the Venetians, the king being solicited by them and other Potentates in Italy, and by continual letters from the Pope to join in league with them. Wherefore being forced to send his galleys, he must of necessity send his Brother D. john, whom he was desirous to advance. The Moors who were also advertised of these things, and therefore out of hope to be relieved by the Turk, who had other enterprises in his brain, desired, no less than the king, to enter into some treaty of peace. The Galleys and Foists of Barbary came no more to secure them: three galeots which had discharged, come arms, & Arabian books, Alcarons and other, in the road of Dalias, had been discovered and taken by the inhabitants of the country: seven other galeots or foists being come to the same coast with soldiers, which Hassein a Turk brought out of Barbary, they returned upon a false brute of peace, which had been spread abroad, both the Moors and the Christians being desirous of rest. Besides, envy, disloyalty, and other vices reigning among the Moors caused a division among them, some of the captains having been sent into A●rike, sfaied there, and would no more return; many of the common people did the like king Aben Aboo, and others which held good, were solicited and tempted by promises, that they should receive all favour and good usage from King Philip, and they were well pleased also to keep their pillage, so as they yielded to enter into treaty, but there was no cessation of arms. Habaqu● and some other knights of the Moors were at Fond of Andarax, where having conferred with king Philip's deputies they made an accord upon these articles.  
That Habaqui in the name of Diego Popes Aben Aboo, 
Treaty of peace with the Moors.  and others of whom he had power, should kneel at D. john's feet, and demand pardon of king Philip: That they should yield up their arms and Engines: That they should be received into grace, and all that was passed forgotten: That they should not be wronged by word nor deed, nor molested by the Inquisition: That they that were reduced should be sent withal security, with their goods, wives and children, to such places as should be assigned them to live in, for they must leave the Alpuxarres. According unto this accord a submission was made by Habaqui to D. john at Pad●les, and the Ensigns being delivered D. Alfonso de Granado Venega went to Aben Aboo, to give him better assurance; passing by Alcolea where he found Xo●ibi they went together to Cadiar, where he was well entertained by Aben Aboo and Habaqui, and having had much conference upon the assurance which D. Alfonso had charge to promise them, such as they should demand, they proceeded so far in their accord, as most of the Turks that were in the army were dismissed, and sent home well 〈◊〉.  
But after D. Alfonso's departure, 
moors after the accord retract.  many of these Moors considering better of the importance of this reduction, began to distrust, passing into Barbary and returned not; and for that they had left Aben Aboo in mind to retract, they did solicit the Turks and Moors of Africa, not to forbear to secure them of Spain, whereunto they found many Lords among the Moors very willing, So as in a short time there came many vessels to that Coast, bringing soldiers, arms and munition from Barbary. The which confirmed Aben Aboo, and others in the resolution they had never to put themselves into the hands of the king of Spain, nor of his Lieutenants, beginning to hate and curse them that had dealt in this treatise, and especially Hernand Habaqui.  
This confusion among the heads did so amaze the common people of the Moors, as they came in great troops to yield themselves to the king's mercy, and to his Governors and Captains, who had commandment to receive them, and not to suffer any outrage to be done unto them. Others that could escape did more willingly pass the Sea, for they did not submit themselves but through hunger, and by an opinion they had conceived that they could not prosper under their heads, nor be freed from their miseries by them, seeing they were continually in discord. The armies were still on foot during these Ambiguities, yet somewhat neglected and weak, for they still expected when they should be dismissed.  
The Duke of Sesse brought his army before the Castle of Fer, which was a storehouse of Turks to secure them, and took it: D. Sancho de Leva did also take certain foists. The Captains of places ran wheresoever they heard there were any Moors in arms, which made many to hasten their reduction. Many soldiers being disbanded did not forbeate the Moors that had submitted, but did spoil them and make their wives and children captives, to keep them, or sell them, for slaves; to prevent the which, they used all diligence to draw them from their ancient habitations to live farther off in places assigned them according to the accord, and certain divisions which had been made. The more to incite the Moors to submit themselves, the Precedent D. Pedro de Desa wrote a letter of exhortation to the nation of the Moors, in the Arabian ●ong, as if it had been some Morabite or Hermit of the law of Mahomet, who persuaded them to barken to a peace, and to free themselves of so many miseries, causing many copies thereof to be made, the which being dispersed among that nation, did hasten the reduction of many. Habaqui seeing that Aben Aboo wet back, & that the party was much diminished, being divided among themselves, went to D. john, & ●old him with great assurance that if he would give him five hundred shot, he would bring Aben Aboo bound unto him: D. john would not give him any men, but he caused eight hundred Crowns to be delivered him, to levy them where he should think good, and to perform what he had promised.  
Habaqui being resolute to employ himself for the performance of the accord, came to Vercheul where his wife and children were, to have them prepare themselves, for he meant to take them from thence, and to carry them to Guadix: passing by jessen, he saw certain Moors walking idly upon the place, of whom he demanded proudly why they stayed to go unto those places which were assigned them, by the treaty of peace. To whom they answered, that they attended the commandment of Aben Aboo. And I tell you (replied he) that if Aben Aboo be so tedious and unwilling, 
●oldnes of a Moor.  I will lead him to D. john of Austria bound at my horse tail. These words were told to Aben Aboo, by some one of these Moors, whereat being much incensed, he sent one hundred and fifty Turks, which he had reserved for his guard, and two companies of Moors, in whom he trusted, to go and take him at Vercheul. Habaqui hearing a noise in the night, got out of his lodging, and began to fly away, who without doubt had escaped, had not his white Turban discovered him a far off, which was the cause that they pursued and took him.  
Being brought before Aben Aboo, he reproached him with his presumption and proud threats against him that was his king; telling him that he knew well he was a Traitor, and that he sought to make his peace apart with the Christians and bring all the rest of Moors to the slaughter, or slavery: whereupon he caused him to be presently led into a secret place, 
Habaqui stra●gled.  and there to be strangled by his household Servants, and then he caused his body to be bound up in a faggot of reeds and to be cast into a precipice, where it remained many days, and no man knew what became of him.  
Being rid of this man, he sent into all places where the Moors were not reduced, to advertise them that they should not submit, putting them in hope by counterfeit news of succours by the Turkish army, and other such means, yet he did not leave to write to D. Alfonso of Granado, and to D. Fernand of Barrades, the Mediators, that he continued still in the same mind; but the effects showed the contrary, for a brother of his called Galipe having been defeated, as he went towards Ronde and Bentomis with two hundred Soldiers to maintain the Moors of that quarter in rebellion, they understood all his practices, how he did solicit the Turks and Moors of Africa: That he made an account to have twelve thousand men; that he made provision of come; that he had put eight hundred men into Pitres, and that he fortified himself and prepared for war. Finally to free them from all doubt, being priest by letters from Hernand de Barredes, and by mouth by Hernand Valles de Palacios, who was sent expressly unto him, to make declaration if he would ratify the Capitulations; he answered plainly, and after a proud and disdainful manner, that they were deceived who thought he would put himself into the power of king Philip, or trust to his promises: for the Moors of those times had sufficient proofs, besides those which their predecessors had left, in what manner the kings of Castille were accustomed to keep their faith. This being reported, the king commanded they should continue the war with all violence, and not pardon any Moor that was armed, but preserve them that were quiet. The duke of Arcos had the charge to press them of Ronde and of Sierra Vermeille. 
War renewed▪ with the Moors.  The great Commander was to enter again into the Alpuxarres, whereas many defended themselves. But in the end the Moors finding that their head was destitute of means and Counsel, most of them submitted themselves, and Aben Aboo found himself so abandoned, as he had no care but how to save himself in Barbary, being resolved never to try king Philip's clemency, flying from cave to cave, & from rock to rock betwixt Vercheul & Trevelles, which are the roughest parts of those mountains, having scarf 400 men which followed him: being notwithstanding like a troublesome thorn, whereof the king desired much to be free. When as it pleaseth god to take away all difficulties, wherewith men are troubled, he suddenly raiseth occasions, and can give unexpected ends to great affairs, many times by mean instruments. 
Practices of a Goldsmith to end the war with the moors  There was a Goldsmith at Granado, called Barrero, a pleasant man, and well known to the Moors and Christians dwelling in the Alpuxarres, where, before the war, he was wont to go and sell rings of gold and silver, and other toys of his trade, and took in exchange from them silk, pearls, and other things. Barrero returning to his wonted traffic, upon the reduction of some burroughes in those mountains, he came to Cadiar and to Vercheul, at such time as the captain of the garrison, called Galas Rotulo de Villa-Real, having taken certain Moors, thieves, of Aben Aboos train, was ready to have them shot: One of them knowing Barrero, came and saluted him, and reported his misfortune unto him, entreating him to be a means for his delivery. The Goldsmith knew this Moor, and demanded news of Aben Aboo, who were about him, and his chief counsellors? The prisoner told him what he knew, and that his most familiar friends were a Secretary of his, called Bernardin Aben Amer, and a captain whom they called Seniz of Vercheul, but he gave most credit to Aben Amer. Barrero, who in former time had been very familiar with Aben Amer, thought it fit to write unto him touching the reduction of his master, ask the Moor if he could find means to carry a letter and not be discovered, and he would cause him to be set at liberty. The Moor did promise and swear it: Wherefore Barrero having acquainted captain Rotulo with his enterprise, he entreated him to keep this prisoner until his return from Granado, whither he would go and ask leave to confer with the Secretary of Aben Aboo, whom he had known long, hoping to draw him to persuade his master to yield. The great Commander gave him leave to write and confer, and being returned to Vercheul, he dispatched this Moor with a persuasive letter to Aben Amer. This messenger could not so pass the rocks and caves of Vercheul, but he fell into the hands of Seniz men, who led him to their master. Beining examined whence he came, and whither he went, he answered, That he had escaped the hands of the captain of the garrison of Vercheul and Cadiar, who held him prisoner. Seniz not believing him, threatened to rack him: wherewith being terrified, he said, That in truth he was a prisoner, and that to save his life he had taken upon him to carry a letter to Bernardin Aben Amer, but he knew not what it contained; and so he gave it him. Seniz having read it, was very well pleased, saying unto the Moor, That it was happy for him he had fallen into his hands; for if he had gone to Aben Amer, he would have hanged him as soon as he had given him this letter: That he meant to send him back to him that had written it, willing him to be faithful, for he should be well rewarded. This poor Moor being glad, promised to do any thing that he should command him.  
Seniz and Francis Barrero met at a certain place appointed, and concluded betwixt them, That Barrero should return to Granado, and bring a general pardon in good form, to all those that had been in arms since the treaty made with Habagui, in the which Aben Aboo should be expressly named. These letters were dispatched with all favour, wherein nothing was omitted. Barrero having brought them, and delivered them to Seniz, it happened that Aben Aboo was advertised of this conference, wherewith he was much discontented, and came in the night with a small train to the cave where Seniz retired himself, leaving his people a little way off, in a passage under the rock, keeping two Moors only with him, whom he made to stay at the entry of that natural cave, which was in the top of the mountain of Huzun, above Vercheul and Mecine of Bombaron. He demanded very disdainfully of Seniz, Who had given him leave to treat with the enemy? You, answered Seniz, and it is in consequence of former conferences, the which, I tell you, we must continue and end; and therefore let us not lose the opportunity to recover king Philip's favour, and let us not through had counsel seek our own ruins: putting instantly into his hand these letters of pardon, the which Aben Aboo rejected, crying out, That it was nothing but villainy and treason, offering to go forth to call his men. One of them which he had left at the entry of the cave would have come in, but he was put back, and thrown down a Precipice, the other fled, and he himself was stayed to reason with him; but he was in such a rage, as he would not hear any thing: so as Seniz seeing his obstinacy, resolved to kill him, and lifting up a long arquebus which he had in his hand, he gave him such a blow on the head, as he overthrew him, and then he and his men stabbed him with their daggers. 
Aben Aboo king of the Moors slain.  They which attended him, being advertised by the Moor which had fled, That they had slain his companion, and that he thought they had done as much unto the king, retired. This done, Seniz sent to advertise Francis Barrero thereof, and that he should send a moil to carry the king's body to Vercheul; the which was done, and Seniz invited to come with all assurance to the garrison, where he was entertained, and much made of by Leonard Rotulo, brother to captain Galas, then absent; and then he and Barrero went unto the city, whither they caused the body to be carried, where they had a joyful entry made them.  
The head of Aben Aboo was put in a cage of iron, and set over the city gate which looks towards the Alpuxarres: The body, being quartered, was hung upon the highways. 
Troubles of the Moors specified  After which there was not any Moor found to make head; all laid aside arms, and submitted themselves to the king's mercy, according to the general pardon which was granted to Francis Barrero. But they were all drawn out of the mountains, and the towns of Granado, and thereabouts, and sent into plain countries, and more accessible, to inhabit; as the Emperor trajan did with the ancient Spaniards, who were accustomed to rebel often, upon the assurance of their towns and castles built upon the edge of the mountains, the which he caused to be razed, and commanded by an Edict, that they should not build any more but in the plains.  
Thus ended the war of the Moors of Granado, in November 1570, having continued near two years, very dangerous and difficult, being rashly caused by the ill usage of them that they call old Christians in Spain, by the importune pursuits of the Clergy and Inquisition, and by the bad administration of justice, and insolency of the ministers there of; and no less inconsiderately entertained by the impatiency of the Moors, and augmented by their obstinacy and ignorance, which suggested wicked and monstrous conceptions. The charge and loss was great, for there was above five millions of crowns of the king's treasure spent in this war. The interest of private men, and the spoil and unpeopling of the country, was inestimable, in the which above thirty thousand Christians lost their lives. As for the Moors that were slain of all ages and sexes, the number cannot be said; for a great realm might have been peopled therewith. If they had been entreated with more mildness and humanity, without doubt they might easily have kept them in obedience, and by little and little might have made them leave that which was unpleasing or scandalous in their manner of living: and as for religion, they should be instructed with more care and charity, causing that injurious contempt which is ordinary in Spain and other places, of them that are newly come to the knowledge of jesus Christ, to cease, being unpleasing unto God.  
King Philip being somewhat freed from cares by the end of this war with the Moors of Granado, he would have his marriage consummated with Anne of Austira, 
Marriage of king Philip with his niece.  his niece, daughter to his sister and to the Emperor Maximilian, for the which he obtained a dispensation from the Pope, according to the use of that holy Church. She passed through the Low Countries, and was received by the duke of Alba at Nymeghen with great honour, who conducted her to Brussels, and so to Flessingue, where she embarked in October, and within eight days arrived happily in biscay, being accompanied by the Archdukes Albert and Wenceslaus, her brethren, being very young. She was received there by the cardinal of Sevill, whom the king had sent thither to do that office. The king entertained her at Segovia, with that state that was befitting the greatness; then passing on to Madrid, whereas the widow Queen of Portugal met them, they were married with great solemnity.  
The king of Spain (as we have said) was solicited to enter-into league with the Pope, and the Venetians, against whom Selym the great Turk, picking a quarrel, had declared war. And for that the danger of this war required aid, the Pope sent a Nuntio into Spain, which was Lewis Torres, clerk of the chamber, with special order from him to draw the king into this league, but above all, to crave the assistance of his galleys for that present year, that being joined with them of Venice, they might go and make head against that mighty fleet which the Turk had sent to sea. The king knowing how much it did import himself and the whole state of Christendom, 
King of 〈◊〉 sends his 〈◊〉 to assist the ●●netions.  being moved with many special considerations, he granted his galleys, which were then ready in Italy. Wherefore he sent a special commission to john Andrew Doria, That according to the Pope's pleasure he should go, as head of those galleys, to Messina; but he gave him no direction, that he should go from thence to Corfu, to join with the Venetian army, and with the Pope's galleys, which were commanded by Mars Anthony Colonna, and that he should leave the command of all unto Colonna, being lent by the king unto his Holiness: the which being not well specified, was a great prejudice to the army that year. But the business of the league being treated of in the king's Council, with great deliberation, was not so easily concluded, notwithstanding that Torres, and Leonardo Donata, a Senator of great worth, sent from the State of Venice into Spain, did solicit it very earnestly: but the importance of the business, the ordinary disagreement which is found in all Counsels consisting of men of divers complexions, and the natural slowness of that nation, made those ambassadors to spend many months in vain, and did somewhat cool the ardent desire the king had to satisfy the Pope and that Commonweal, as he did afterwards show ●y the effects.  
But to come to the cause of this war. The Turk had sent a Chaous to the Venetians, that they should, without delay, deliver unto him the island of Cypress, which did belong unto him, as having succeeded to the rights of the Emperors of Constantinople, the kings of jerusalem, and of the ancient kings of Syria and Egypt, the which (said he) they had gotten away. 
War 〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉 against the venetians.  The which having refused, he denounced war against them, wherein they had great difficulties, being surprised, for that it was before the succours ●ame which they had begged from the king of Spain, the Pope, and other princes, who performed not their promises but very late, after the loss of Nicosia, and all they had in that island; every one selling the succours which he had promised in balancing the interest they had to oppose against the Turk, and seeking to contribute with some advantage for his own particular. But the next year there was a league made, as you shall hear, by the which D. john of Austria, the king's brother, was chosen to be General of the confederates army against the Turk.  
The enterprise which the Turk made upon Cypress, and the battle at sea, which happened upon this occasion, is memorable, and merits a particular relation in this history of Spain, for that the power and means of king Philip did much avail, and D. john of Austira, his brother, had the honour to be General of the army at sea, and won a famous victory.  
The island of Cypress was in truth a remainder of the Empire of Constantinople, 
Cypress an island and a realm.  and of the realm of jerusalem, erected by the French in their holy wars, and came by the gift of Richard king of England, who had conquered it from the Emperors of Constantinople, or rather by purchase or exchange, to the famous house of Lusignan in France, who enjoyed it some generations. Among the kings of this family, there was one Peter the first of that name, who was valiant, and went into divers parts of the world; but for some tyrannies, and by the conspiracy of his unchaste wife, who was of the house of Arragon, he was slain by his subjects: to whom Peter the second succeeded; in whose time there grew great contention, with notable murders, betwixt the Consuls of the Venetian and Genovois, nations traffiking in Cypress; and the Consul of the Genovois was by his commandment cast out of the windows of his palace, in favour of the Venetian: wherefore the Genovois being then strong at sea, sent a great army to Cypress, sacked the island, and seized upon Famagosta: falling to an accord, the Genovois carried james the king's uncle with his wife, away in hostage. Peter being dead, james was delivered, and reigned in Cypress, and upon some rights, caused himself to be crowned, and called king of jerusalem and Armenia, 
1570  although that he possessed not any thing. His son named Ia●us, for that he was born a Genova, which they call in Latin janua, succeeded him, who was taken by Melech Sala, Sultan of Egypt, to whom he paid for his ransom 125000 ducats of gold, and a yearly pension by way of tribute. After him john his son reigned, a man of no value, who, among other wives, had married one of the blood royal of the Paleologui, named Helen, by whom he had a daughter called Charlotte, who was married to a prince of Portugal: he took the government from his mother in law Helen, and therefore she caused him to be poisoned. 
Lewis of Savoy king of Cypress.  Charlotte took to her second husband Lewis of Savoy earl of Genova, and seeking to reign, a bastard brother of hers, called I●●es, opposed himself, saying, the women did not reign in Cypress.  
This quarrel being debated before the Sultan of Egypt, who (as superour of that realm which paid him tribute made himself judge) gave sentence in favour of james, and put him in possession, chase Charlotte and her husband out of the island. This 〈◊〉 married with Katherine Cornari, a Venetian, who was adopted by the Signiory of Venice for the daughter of S. Marc, and had an hundred thousand ducats for her dower. This james, being the second of that name, died in the year 1473, leaving the queen his wife with child, having ordained by his Will, that his after birth, if it were a son, should be heir to the realm. It was a son, and he was named james the third, being acknowledged and crowned by the nobles and people of Cypress, for their king, as soon as he was borne; but he died at the end of the year: and then there grew a division in the realm for the Regency and government thereof, the which was ended by a resolution taken by the Estates, That the widow Queen should reign and govern with the counsel of eight men that should be chosen; the which continued fifteen or sixteen years. Considering afterwards with what difficulty they should maintain themselves against the enterprises of the Sultan's reigning in Egypt, and in all Syria, the Queen and the Council having again assembled the Estates and the feudataries of the country, they concluded make donation of the island to the Signiory of Venice, which was rich and strong, and had means to defend them, 
Right of the Signiory of Venice to Cypress.  sending the Queen to Venice, to signify the decree, and to carry this goodly present, in the year 1489, where she remained: and then they sent only a Lieutenant, and certain officers, for the Signiory.  
Thus this donation is found written in the Annals of the Cypriots: But others say, that when as king james the second was dead, the Venetians being advertised, that he had appointed the infant which should be borne, and the mother together, to be heirs unto the realm, and the one if the other failed, the Venetians sent some of their Senators thither, as tutors to the king, and at the entreaty of the Venetian queen, who had a desire to quit her right unto the Signiory: and that this young king being dead within the year, she retired herself to Venice. Howsoever it were, they enjoyed it above fourscore years. Although that this commonweal be famous for their wisdom in the government of their Estates, 
Tyrannies of the nobility over the people in Cypress.  yet they had in time suffered the nobility of the country to usurp a certain authority over the common people, which exceeded, so as their condition did not differ much from slaves, for they were beaten, sold, and slain, at the pleasure of great and covetous men, without mercy: the which had bred a desire in the people to change their master. Whereunto they add another quarrel, which was often made unto the Senate by the great Master of Malta, That some private men among them had appropriated unto themselves the Commaunderies of the Order of S. john, 
Usurpations upon the religion of Malta.  in that island, and had made them hereditary to their houses, whereof they gave them no satisfaction. Which had made the great Master, la Valett●, to countenance an enterprise, which was made to take that island from them, and to make a Maltois borne king there, who had his beginning from Greece, named Basilic, much favoured by the great Turk, and who for his valour and merits had b●ene made by him Vaivode, or Prince of Transiluania. But the matter being discovered, it was disappointed, and quenched, by the punishment of some, and a better guard set; and yet they did not suppress the tyranuys of the nobility over the poor people. Who for that cause did still animate the Turk to send an army into Cypress, with assurance of good success; for he should find the inhabitants of the country 〈…〉. This was then the cause which had moved S●ltan 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉 this year, the which he coloured with his old rights of 〈◊〉 and Aegyp●▪ and other 〈◊〉 vanities, 〈◊〉 forth his army (after the return of his Chaous 〈◊〉 from Venice) to invade ●his island, where they landed a great number of Turks, 
Army of Turks in Cypress.  horse and foot, in April, 〈…〉 called Psalms, finding no resistance, so as within few days they were above four 〈◊〉 thousand fight men● for the tray●ed bands, the Tymariots of Syria, Egypt, and of Anatolia, which were near unto the sea, and in like 〈◊〉 the higher provinces, even unto the ri●er Euphrates, had been commanded to come unto certain ports, whereas thirty galleys which Aly Bassa had left after his first landing▪ and some boats to carry horses, went to receive them, and to transport them into the island: The which continued many days, and the Venetians could not hinder it, notwithstanding that they had sent about an hundred and fifty sail to sea, under the command of 〈◊〉 Zane, who lay about Corfu and Dalma●ia, which was opposite, there being an infectious disease fallen among their gallie-slaves and soldiers that were newly levied, and not accustomed to the sea, whereof a great number died▪ Afterwards john Andrew Dor●a being come with fifty galli●● of Spain and Sicily, and Marc Anthony Colonna with the ●opes and others; having comm●●ndement to fight with the Turtes army before they l●nded in Cypress, they joined with that intent with those of V●nide, which were in the stand of Candle: but they used such delays, as the Turks had landed in Cypress, and besieged Nicos●●, battered and taken it before they weighed anchor, or had any news of the taking thereof, and being advertised, there was then no question to fight with them at sea but rather to land, and to give battle to the 〈◊〉; but the party was not equally▪ Wherefore Doria, Colon●a, and the other Commanders of the succours, took counsel to return into Italy, the Commanders of the Vene●ian fleet contenting themselves to keep their ports and other islands: yet they suffered much in this retreat by ●empest●, in the which the Venetians lost eleven galleys, and Marc Antho●i● Colonns two, whereof the one, being the Admiral, was burnt with lightning. They had fortified 〈◊〉 ●easonably ●ell, but it was ill furnished with men of defence, although it were full of people; for they made an estimate, that there lived in that city above fourscore thousand persons, 
Nicosia ill provided.  but there were not fifteen hundred soldiers, and very few horse of the nobility of the country: yet they maintained the siege five and forty days as well as they might, but ●hey ne●er made sally nor skirmish, as is usual when a town is invested by an enemy: so as being ba●tered, and an assault given, it was not forced, but in a manner taken without resistance. There was a great slaughter made of all them that were found in arms, but there were more made slaves, and the town was abandoned to the spoil, whereas the Turks fou●d an incredible wealth. Above all, the Turks had a great booty of 〈◊〉 women and maids, 
Resolution of a gentlewoman.  among the which there was a gentlewoman, who for despite to see herself reduced into servitude, had the courage to set fire on the powder in a ship into which she and many others were put, so as they were all burnt, and two other vessels that were joining unto it.  
Mustafa, who was General of the Turks army, having taken Nicosia, he left Musafe Bassa with 4000 men for the ga●d thereof, and then he marched with his army towards Famagosta, the only place that was forrified in the whole island, the which was held to be much richer than Nicosia, and therefore it drew so many Turks thither from all part, as by the common opinion there were at this siege above 200000 men. He made his first lodging three miles from the town, 
Famagosta besieged.  on the 18 of September. There was no hope to win this place by threats or promises, where in they used great art. They found greater difficulties in their approch●● than they had done at Nico●ia, they of the town sallying forth & skirmishing with them continually. But in the mean time they had received advertisement, that the Christian army was joined in Candie, which made the Turks fear, that they would soon offer to secure Cypress, & that they would land an army: so Mustafa going to counsel with Pialy and Al● the other commanders, it was resolved, That Mustafa should fortify his lodging at Famagosta, & then pass to Nicosia, to repair the ruins, and augment the garrison; & that Pialy should go to sea with the fleet, maintaining the reputation of the victory gotten at Nic●sia, and the honour of the great Turk with a new victory at sea; but they were soon after advertised by two frigates, That the Christian army being come to Castelrazo, and hearing of the success of Ni●osia, were returned to Candie. Whereupon their fleet also returned, to give better order for their affairs, both for the wintering of their men at land, and for the return of the fleet to Constantinopte, Pialy desiring to enter triumphantly into that city with the spoils gotten in Cypress, where he arrived the sixteenth day of December.  
In this time Vluccialy king 〈◊〉 Alger had fallen into war with the king of Tunis, 
King of Tunis expelled by Vluccialy.  who (as we have said) was ●●udatarie to the king of Spain, and being come to fight, Vluccialy was victor, and the other flying away, with great difficulty, recovered Goulette, with his wife and sons: and the enemy, being favoured by this occasion, and by the inconstancy of the Moors, made himself lord, without any toil, of the city of Tunis, and of Bise●●a; the which did afterwards draw the king of Spain into a new war, to restore him to his realm, flying to his Majesty for aid, as his father had done to the Emperor Charles the fift.  
The king of Spain desirous to satisfy the Pope's desire, 
1571  and to avoid tediousness in the conclusion of the league, had referred the treaty thereof to Rome, 
League concluded betwixt the Pope, the king of Spain, and the Venetians.  giving the charge in his name to Anthony Perreno●, cardinal 〈◊〉, and to Francis of Toledo, cardinal Paccheco, joining with them john de Z●●iga his ambassador at Rome. In the end, after many difficulties, the league was concluded the twentieth day of May, with these articles: That the king of Spain should furnish and hundred galleys, the Venetitians should arm as many, and the Pope (under whom marched the other princes and potentates of Italy) should enter for their part, That they should entertain fifty thousand foot, and four thousand and five hundred horse; and with this power they should go and assail the Turk in his own country, but especially in the island of Cypress. That towards the charge of this army and the equipage, the king of Spain should contribute a moiety, the Venetians a third part, and the Pope a 〈◊〉: and if the Pope should not be able to furnish it, whatsoever should be wanting the king should bear three fift parts, and the commonweal of Venice two: and that D. john d' Austria should be General of the whole army.  
After the conclusion here of the Pope sent cardinal Alexandrino, his Legate, into Spain, to treat with the king as well touching the execution of the league, 
Cardinal Alexandrino sent Legate into Spain.  and some other private business, as to go into Portugal, to procure aid from that king. The king of Spain received him with great honour, and treated with him touching the execution of the league, seeming to be resolved to bend all his forces against the Turk: and therefore he commanded D. john to stay in Italy, after that years navigation, to be more ready with the army in the Spring, and that his ministers at Rome should resolve in every occasion concerning the league, as they should think best, without expecting any new order from Spain. From thence he passed into Portugal, to treat in like manner with the king D. Sebastian concerning the league. 
Disposition of Sebastian king of Portugal.  This young prince was bred up in generous thoughts to purchase much glory by making war against Infidels, and therein to exceed his predecessors, having in himself a natural disposition to war, an able body, and practised in those painful exercises which belong unto war, having been always laid before him, by the Jesuits which instructed him, That all his enterprises should be for the sole benefit of Christendom, they had made his mind as religious as his own nature and the exhortations of his noblemen had made him warlike, so as he did not think or reason of any thing but of war. And for that the example of his predecessors did represent unto him in his sleep the honourable victories and glorious conquests they had made in Africa and the East Indies, he in like manner directed all his thoughts to that end.  
The Legate Alexandrino finding him in this disposition, did easily draw him to enter into this league against the Turk: who not only promised to send his galleys well appointed, to the Christians army, but he would also annoy Selye with another great navy at Suez, and other places held by the Turks in the red sea, and in the gulf of Persia: and moreover, the Pope desiring to break the marriage betwixt Marguerite of Valois, and the king of Navarre, he gave commission unto the Cardinal to move this marriage unto the King of Portugal, the which would have been somewhat difficult, if the king had not been much devoted to the Pope, who at his entreaty laid aside a strange resolution; which was, that he would not hear speak of a wife, because he would not be held effeminate, to the great grief of his grandmother, his uncle, and the wisest of his Nobility, who desired to see some issue of him, and the succession of the realm assured. In the end he was content to take this French lady, 
King of Portugal content to take Marguerit of Valois to wi●e.  neither desired he any other dowry, but a generous resolution in king Charles to enter in the league. Matters being thus settled in Spain, the Cardinal, according to his commission, passed through France, for the league and marriage, but he found no means to effect either: whereupon he returned into Italy.  
Don john of Austria being much pleased with this honourable charge, came from Spain to Genova, where he stayed not long, but arrived on the ninth of August at Naples, bringing with him from the Court, the great Commander of Castille, with the title of his Lieutenant, 
Noblemen with Don john in the army.  and chief Councillor, Fernando Cariglia, Earl of Pliego, his chief Steward, D. Francisco d' Ibarra, D. Pedro Velasco, D. Michael Moncada, Gil d' Andrada, Carlo Spinelli, who had followed him as an adventurer against the Moors, with many others. With these there joined the Dukes of Parma and Urbin, Don Antonio Carrafa, duke of Mondragon, the Marquis of Carrara, D. Pompee of Lanoy, Vincentio Carrafa, Prior of Hongary, the Earl of Sarno, the Marquis of Auila, Paul Iourd●in Vrsin, the Earl of S. Fleur, Ascanio de la Corn, and Paul Sforza. Being in Naples, Cardinal Granuell, the Viceroy, who in that action had the authority of Legate, delivered unto D. john the Standard, as General of the Church, the which the Pope had blest, who solicited his departure towards Messina by many embassages, where the whole fleet should join, and whether Marc Antonio Colonna was gone long before with twelve galleys of Florence, armed by the Pope, and three of the Order of S. john.  
But to return to the siege of Famagosta, Mustapha sought by all means possible to get the counterscarpe, the which was valiantly defended by Marc Antonio Bragadino, and Astor Baglioni, the one having charge of the government, the other of the garrison, but in the end the Turks won it. 
Batteries of Famagosta.  About the midst of May, they planted five batteries, and had made ten forts. They had in the beginning advertised the signory of Venice in what state they stood, who sent them a supply of seventeen hundred men, with victuals and munition by Marc Antonio Quirini, who passed valiantly through the Turks guards, and returned: these succours were commanded by Lewis Martinengo. The Turks continued their batteries with great obstinacy, and had given four assaults, where the besieged repulsed them valiantly, but with great loss of either side: the besieged having held out till the 20 of july, being now priest with great hunger and want, the number of their soldiers being diminished to eight hundred, and those much tired; most of the Grecians being dead, either with fight, or with the continual toil. Being terrified with so great miseries, and out of hope of any more succours, some of the chief of the city besought Bragadino, 
Speech to Bragadino at Famagosta.  that he would incline to some accord, seeing he had made so good proof of their faith and constancy in that siege: No man would ever hold them unworthy of commendation, if (after they had endured so many assaults, and suffered so much penury, with want of munition, after the loss of so many soldiers and citizens, and finally, being without all hope of succours, they had provided at the least, for the lives of their children which remained, and for the honour of poor miserable women: that he would not in recompense of their devotion, which they had always showed to the commonweal of Venice, be the cause of the total ruin of their city, and suffer their wives and children, who had spent so much blood, and offered their bodies to death for their service, to become a shameful prey to their Turkish lust, there remaining no hope of health, but by the means of some accord: That it was a thing worthy of a wise Noblemen (as he was) to choose the least of evils: And last of all to remember, that it was held a brutish cruelty, and no valour, to run headlong to a certain death, where there is no hope of life.  
Bragadino knew that their request was just, and that their extremities were great: yet forcing his own nature, and desiring to preserve the realm, which depended wholly upon the loss of that place, he did not think it possible that the Senate would neglect so weighty a business, and not send the succours which had been promised. Wherefore he would not yield to their demand, but fed them with good words, putting them in hope of present succours, dispatching a fregat presently into Candie, to advertise the Signiory of their extremities.  
In the end of julie the Turks gave an assault which continued five hours: but the besieged seeing there was no means to endure another, 
Famagosta yielded to the Turks.  having but seven barrels of powder left, they began to treat of an accord, and having made a truce the first of August, the next day they gave hostages of either side. The conditions were:  
That the city should be yielded to the Turks, the persons, arms, and goods of soldiers and citizens being safe, who might remain there, and live in the laws of Christ, and not be wronged in their honours nor substance.  
That such as would departed might have free passage into Candie, and three years respite, and that the soldiers should be guarded by the Turkish galleys, that no outrage should be done them, and that they might carry with them five pieces of ordnance, and three of their best horses.  
That they should not make any Mosques of their churches, nor charge the citizens with any carriages or tenths.  
Mustafa signed these conditions, and the soldiers began to embark in the galleys and other vessels which the Turks had sent into the port, and on the fift day at night Bragadino having sent the keys to Mustafa by cont Nestor Martinengo, he went himself in person with Astor Baglioni, john Antonio Quirini, Andrew Brigadino, count Lewis Martinengo, with other Commanders of great worth. Mustafa received them, in show, with great honour, and causing them to sit down, he discoursed with them of divers things, at last he said, That the Christians which had embarked to go from Famagosta, the night before they meant to pass into Candie, and to other places belonging to the Venetians, had cruelly and treacherously slain all the Turkish slaves which they had, and that three had escaped with great difficulty out of the city, to advertise the Bassa thereof: And therefore he had given order, that the Turks should not go out of the haven with their vessels, before they had good caution for their security, that they should not be slain, or made slaves in Candie, or any other place. Whereunto Bragadino answered, That it was not in the accord to give any hostages, and therefore he meant not to do it, denying absolutely that there were any Turks slain, as he had said. Mustafa was much altered with this answer, and made a sign with his hand, that he should come near him; then he caused his interpreter to speak certain words unto him in his ear, which were not heard, nor yet Brigadinos answer: but he seemed more furious than a Tiger, and striking Marc Antonio upon the head, he and all the rest were presently taken, being all unarmed: for it is a custom among the Turks, that no stranger comes unto them with his arms. 
Men of worth treacherously put to death by Mustafa.  Then causing them to be led out of the tent, he caused Astor Baglioni, Andrew Bragadino, john Antonio Quirini, Lewis Martinengo, and the knight del Haste, to be cut in pieces in his presence, one after another, Marc Antonio being reserved for a more horrible death. Count Hercoles' Martinengo being there in hostage, was saved by one of the Bassas eunuchs, who took him for his slave. The soldiers which were in the camp, to the number of three hundred, were all slain, and those that were embarked were made slaves.  
Two days after Mustafa entered into Famagosta, 
Death of Marc Antonio Bragadino.  and having caused Bragadinos ears to be cut off, when he was taken prisoner, he made him to be set upon the main yard of the Admiral's galley of Rhodes, to be a spectacle to the Christians that were there in captivity. In the end he caused him to be set upon the pillory in the market place, and there to be flayed alive by a jew; this lord showing still a noble resolution, and full of Christian piety, neither did he, during all his torments and disgraces which they did unto him, show any sign of fear or baseness, still reproaching that treacher with the breach of his faith even unto his death. Then he caused him to be quartered, and one of them to be set upon either battery: his skin was stuffed with straw, and hung at the yard of one of his galliots, being first a miserable spectacle to all the coast of Soria, and then to Selim in Constantinople. Thus after threescore and fifteen days battery, and many assaults, the Turks having spent an hundred and fifty thousand shot of great ordnance, Famagosta was taken.  
D. john of Austria came the four and twentieth of August to Messina, 
D. john d' Austria comes to Messina.  being received by the two other Generals, Colonna and Veniero, with great honour; where, all the forces of the league not being yet arrived, he called the two Generals, with some others of greatest judgement in martial affairs, to counsel, to resolve what they had to do: but for that their opinions were divers, it was ordered, that they should set them down in writing, with their reasons; but the resolution was deferred until the arrival of the rest of the galleys. On the first of September john Andrew Doria arrived with twelve galleys, having embarked Germans and Lombard's at Spetie, after whom came the marquess of S. Crux with thirty galleys from Naples, and the next day Quirini and Canale with threescore from Candie: soon after there came some ships from Naples laden with men and munition, and some galleys from Palermo, conducted by Cardona; but some other vessels could not come so soon, being left to embark three thousand Italian foot, and 1000 Spaniards that were at Otranto. 
Number of Christians fleet at Messina.  There were at Messina the eight of September twelve galleys of the Popes, 81 of the king of Spain's, with twenty ships of burden (some say twenty five) one hundred and eight galleys of the Signiory of Venice, six galleasses, and two ships; three galleys of Malta, and three of the Order of S. Lazaro: so as there were in the whole fleet two hundred and seven galleys, six gallnasses, and two and twenty ships, besides foists and other smaller vessels, and in them at the least twenty thousand fight men, with victuals and munition sufficient. Those that had chief charge in this army, besides the Generals, were these, Ascanio de la Corna was Campe-master general for the king of Spain, the earl of S. Fiora was General of the Italians, the Colonels were count Paulo Sforza, the earl of Sarno, and Gasper Toraldi; the Colonels of the Dutch were the earl of London, and Vinciguerra of Arco: And of the fleet, john Andrew Doria was General of his own galleys, which the king paid, D. Alvaro de Bassan, marquess of S. Crux, governed them of Naples with the like title, D. john of Cardona them of Sicily, and D. Cesare d' Aualos the ships: Gabrio Serbelloni was General of the ordnance. The names of the rest of the Commanders I omit to avoid tediousness.  
The Pope sent john Paulo Odescalco to Messina, to hasten their departure, and to enrich them with many indulgences, being to fight against the enemies of the holy Church. Then after a solemn procession they went again to counsel. 
Resolution of the Christian army  There were many things propounded, whereon they discoursed long with great judgement; but in the end the exhortations of Colonna, and of the Venetian commanders, made D. john resolve, who had a desire to do something worthy of himself, and the expectation which was of that great fleet, to go and fight with the enemy. Wherefore they parted from Messina the 16 of September: at night they came to S. john's ditch, where he gave order how they should fail, staying there the next day for certain vessels which had stayed behind for some necessaries, & also for D. Giles d' Andrada, whom D. john had sent some days before to learn some news of the enemy; by whom he understood, that they were gone towards Valona: but to be duly informed of his course, the same knight was presently sent back again. The Venetians were very desirous to advance, fearing that the dangerous time for failing drawing near, there would some storm arise, and make all their attempts fruitless for that year. After some foul weather and contrary winds, they came to Cape S. Maria, having first met with a fregat, who brought them news of the great need they of Famagosta had of present succours, and withal he did certify them of the state of Candie, and that the Turks army was gone towards the gulf of Lepanto. Being come to Corfu on the 25 of the month, they were troubled to see many of their galleys behind, besides those that the marquess of S. Crux had carried to Otranto for 3000 Italian foot, & the regiment of Spaniards in Naples. They wanted also their ships, who were sent before with soldiers, and other necessaries, parting from Messina a day before the rest of the army, but being hindered by foul weather, they could not come in time to the battle: within two days the galleasses and some galleys arrived, the which had been separated from the army by storm, or by some other accident. And for that some were not of opinion to fight with the enemy, Veniero feared some accident, which might disturb all, and make Don john to alter his resolution, and therefore pressing their departure, he had caused great store of come to be put into the galleasses, to be sent to the succour of Famagosta, having not heard any thing of the loss thereof. It was bruited, that Caracossa was gone with 18 galleys to Valona, to fetch Biscuit: whereupon Colonna and Veniero persuaded Don john, not to lose so goodly an opportunity; for going to encounter his enemies divided, wheresoever he happened, he should obtain a certain victory. Don john was not averse to that resolution, but he desired to be better certified than with rumours, and uncertain reports; and therefore it was resolved, that Canale should go before with two good galleys, to learn some certainty of the enemies Fleet. But he was stayed upon the arrival of four galleys, which by contrary winds had been separated from the rest; they assured the Generals, that there was not any vessel of the Turks at Valona: for that having passed thereby, they had not seen any. Whereupon some thought, it was but an artificial invention of such, as desired they should fight with the enemy. D. john being at Gomenizzes, a great port of Epirus, they were advertised by Giles d' Andrada, that he had heard for certain at Zante, that the Turkish Fleet was entered into the gulf of Lepanto, as a place of safety, that they might supply their wants, and to resolve what they had to do, sending their sick and unprofitable people to Corone, for that Caracossa hearing of the coming of the Christians into those seas, was gone to advertise the General Aly. There Doria having commandment from the Confederates, took muster of all the vessels, observing every thing carefully, for that their opinions were divers touching their fight with the enemy.  
The great Commander of Castille, 
Commander of Castille dissuades them from fight with the Turks.  who was of great authority with the General, gave advise, that they should not hazard a battle without some great advantage, whereof the hazard and danger was very great, not only for the loss of so great an army, but for the great ruins which would ensue:  
for that Sicily, the coasts of Calabria and Apulia, yea of all Italy and Spain, would, in this case, be made destitute of all guard and defence: so as they did not see what assured hope of gain might balance the reasonable fear of so great a loss; protesting, that what he said, was no more for the private interest of his King, than of the other Confederates, and especially of the Venetians, who as nearest to the enemy, might think to taste the first fruits of this dangerous counsel. It is sometimes to be held a great victory, to hinder a mighty enemy, from doing any thing of importance, as they should do, in curbing the pride, that year of the Turkish army, grown bold by so many victories, having many galleys, and so well furnished, as it was to be presumed, both of soldiers and slaves, being in its own country, where they had great Garrisons continually in pay, and had of late reduced so many Christians into servitude in the Venetians countries.  
He added, that by the example of all famous Captains, both ancient and modern, from whom they are accustomed to draw secure instructions in military actions, there was no course held wiser for them, that had the weaker power, and are in danger of the greater loss, than in delaying an enemy, to attend some advantage to oppress him, and tiring him, to make his attempts vain.  
The condition of things were not equal, neither should they hazard so much upon a most doubtful fortune, only with a defigne to fight with the Turks forces at sea, seeing the gain would be small which they could promise themselves, by that hoped-for victory; being as easy for the enemy to return the next Spring very strong to sea, although he were vanquished, as it would be hard for the Confederates to repair so great losses, if God, for the sins of Christendom, should suffer them to be overcome. Wherefore, I beseech you, my most noble Lord, set before your eyes the inestimable loss which may happen to Christendom, by the ruin of this army, if in nothing else, but of so many noble Captains, and valiant soldiers, which we may boldly say without blushing, is the flower of all the martial men of Christendom, of whose counsel and valour, I may truly say, depends the health of the best part of Europe; and so by consequence by the loss of them, the means to resist the Turks power now would fail us, and all hope to vanquish him hereafter. I will not forget to offer to your consideration, how dangerous it is for the winds and sea, the time of the year being so far spent, and that to go and spend any time in seeking of the enemy in this dangerous season of Autumn, were to tempt fortune doubly. There may be infinite examples produced, but the remembrance of the last year is so fresh, as we need not to seek farther: and you must understand, that he which in time recovers a safe port with his shipping, makes it known what counsel is most profitable, if an unfortunate chance happen. But who can judge, if going so far into the enemy's country, to fight with him, being much weakened either by our losses in fight, or by foul weather, whether we can with safety recover our own ports: without doubt, in this case few would be saved, being known by experience (a dangerous doctrine of rash men) what bad counsel it is, to follow a mighty enemy, and to fight with him in the midst of his own strength.  
Both the Venetian Generals opposed themselves against the opinion of the great Commander, so did Ascanio della Cornia, S. Fiora, and Serbelloni, but especially the General Colonna, who sought to infringe with apparent reasons, and with the Pope's authority, whose express commandment was, 
Marc Anthony Colonna persuades them to fight.  to find out the Turks army, and to fight with it.  
He said, That he could in no sort yield to the opinion of Requesens, being a new proposition, and contrary to the articles of the league, where it was chief propounded to make an offensive war, and he taught them how they should still stand upon their defence; which was nothing else, but to confirm the enemy in the opinion which he had conceived of the small valour of the Christians, whereby he was grown more insolent. The confederate princes, said he, have had a special care in their conventions, to do any thing that might daunt the pride of this enemy of Christendom, and that he should sensibly feel the valour of Christians. He will never fear any such power, if we, measuring all forces by the compass of human discourses, dare not promise unto ourselves any thing from the help of heaven: and yet let us remember that we are the soldiers of Christ, that we fight for Christ, and that being united under his banner, we need not fear that he will ever abandon us, if we show not ourselves distrustful. But I will not lay the foundation of all our hopes upon the miraculous helps of heaven, whereby I should seem to confess, that human force were not able to encounter, yea to vanquish this enemy. I should seem to want judgement, to counsel a battle without constraint, and with apparent disadvantage, and to tempt the pleasure of God with the dangerous event of a battle. Our army then, in my opinion, is not so weak, nor the enemy so vigorous, that matters should be brought to that despair, seeing that we have here above 200 good galleys, better appointed (according to the opinion of men of judgement) than the Turks, the which would equal their advantage of number, if the fame be true, that the Turks have three hundred vessels. For gathering these vessels from divers parts, they have, to make a number, assembled every small bark of pirates, fit to steal, & run away, than to fight. We must think that our soldiers do exceed the Turks in valour, who often with many thousands could not resist hundreds of our, and now, it may be, are not inferior unto them in number, if we shall well examine the quality of their vessels and ours: and therein also we will use your authority, who maintain, that we have the flower of all the soldiers of Christendom. And to what end then serves this multitude of galleys, these numbers of noblemen and soldiers, and so much treasure wasted, only to go near the enemy? nay, not to approach near him, but to terrify him with the fame of our forces, and seeing that he doth not fly, we to retire ourselves into safety. But if that be not to be thought on, yet to keep him from proceeding any farther in Cypress, nor to annoy any more those miserable coasts, those unfortunate islands which be subject to the fire & sword of their barbarous cruelty. But we are to attempt more, to revenge so many injuries received from them, so as the religious arms of Christians being as it were awaked from a long sleep, may be employed in those actions which shallbe held worthy of their ancient glory. And contrariwise, what greater imputation can there be unto the name of Christians, than after two such preparations within few months, not to dare to look the enemy in the face? What hope will there then remain to deliver the realm of Cypress? What will the world say of us? Oh let there never any thought of such fear come into our hearts: let us not show ourselves so weak: let us not so little esteem the forts which are held by the Catholic king, and the Commonweal of Venice: that in case any unfortunate success should befall our fleet, they should be a prey unto the enemy. Princes were wont to repose all their safety in armies by land, or in fleets by sea; but since that they have found means to secure their countries with ports and frontier places well fortified, they have not much esteemed the loss of a battle at land or at sea, touching the conquest of another's dominions, for that the defence within walls is so long, as that prince which was a loser may repair his forces, and come again to fight with his adversaries. We have now in hand the example of the realm of Cypress, the which although it be far from their lords forces, yet two forts, and those not very well furnished, have made resistance above a year, and there is yet hope to preserve it, sending some small succours. And shall we fear, that so many strong places upon this gulf, and upon the coast of Naples and Sicily, shall be in an instant devoured by the Turkish army, if any sinister fortune should befall our fleet, which God forbidden. But if we (my Lord Commander) shall run into such apparent danger, being at sea in these tempestuous times of August, why will we secure our enemies from the like danger, when as they after that imagined victory, will sail over (being far from their ports) the Mediterranean and Tirrene seas, in that dangerous season? And if you shall say unto me, That in the Spring they will attempt some conquest of importance, I will answer, That our forts, and the country which lies most subject to danger, shall be the better fortified. And for proof hereof, this mighty Turkish fleet, although it hath not been any way hindered this year by our galleys, what matter of importance hath it attempted? yea in Candie, and in these seas, they have received great losses, coming near unto fortified places. But let it suffice to have hitherto discoursed, to show that the danger is not so great, nor so apparent, in case we should lose a battle. Let us now come to the consideration of the importance, and necessity we have to give battle, and then of the certain hope of the conquest, if we be victors. It is impossible to bridle and tame the insolency of the Turk whilst that he is lord at sea, the which he will always hold himself to be, when as our navy shall not dare to affront him with sufficient forces, and that it is all one to fly the enemy's sight, and to fear to receive some harm: but that fear doth not only leave him the possession of the sea free, and doth increase his boldness with his force, but doth quite discourage the subjects, and gives them occasion to attempt things very prejudicial to the commonweal. Let us then go and seek this army, to daunt the pride of the Turks, and to give courage to the Christians: having found it, let us fight with it, having a firm confidence both in the help of heaven, and in our own forces, that we shall vanquish them. Let us persuade ourselves, that the reputation of the Christian name, and the honour of our princes, cannot be otherwise maintained; for that being known that they have two years together prepared so great a fleet, with their incredible charge, and given it out, That they would fight with the Turks, if we should retire with such apparent signs of fear, I do not see how we can avoid a general imputation, either of want of government, or of extraordinary cowardice. It is requisite then by all the reasons of war, that for the importance of this action, and to avoid shame and dishonour, we should try a battle, for that the loss thereof cannot be so prejudicial as the Commander saith, and by a victory we are to expect a great conquest, if we will presently embrace the occasion, & reap the honourable fruits of so great an adventure. For it is apparent, that all the Turks dominion is governed by most cruel tyranny, & that his subjects (whether you will make an attempt upon Albania, Morea, or Soria, yea and in Thrace itself) as soon as they shall hear that his forces (who oppresseth them under the heavy yoke of barbarous servitude) are overthrown at sea, will attempt some innovation, if they shall but see the Christians ensigns: so as the Turks seeing the enemy not only round about them, but even in their houses, they will find themselves in a very hard condition, & what remedy shall they find to escape, but they must endure themselves to be triumphed over by many Noble victories? It is not any vain hope grounded upon desire, that makes me to speak thus, seeing it is certain that the Christians in those Countries which I have mentioned are more in number than the Turks, and although they be unarmed, yet are they not without courage, so as being armed by us, they will do great service in any thing that shall be attempted.  
Besides, those coasts having not of many years seen a Christian Navy, and not sufficiently fortified for such dangers, what resistance can they make against our victorious army? If these great hopes should make us resolve otherwise than the Commander hath propounded, should we not do it the rather, for that it is the chief intent of your king and my Lord to free Christendom from the oppression of the Barbarians, & then to assure the Spanish Seas from the continual spoils, of Pirates, Turks, and Africans? But his Majesty shall never attain to either of them, if their forces at Sea be not first subdued: neither can they be subdued, if we do not hazard a battle: we have no hope to be stronger at Sea the next year than this, but rather to decrease both in number and courage, having twice performed so little, if we shall resolve as you advise us: what then remains to be done, but that being forced we proceed with an assured hope, not of one, but of many worthy victories, and finding out the enemy, fight with him, like the soldiers of Christ? So may it please his divine bounty, to abate their arrogancy, and to confound this their mighty fleet, the which I assure myself cannot be soon repaired, if there be the flower of the Turks forces, as well of Captains, as of private men, as we suppose. But if our Princes, as he pretends, losing the battle, should with all lose the best of their forces: why shall not we with the same argument augment our hopes, our enemies being so much afflicted, for that our Princes exceed them much in men of command; and for Sea-causes, I dare affirm that the State of Venice hath more valiant Captains than the Turk. Let us not for God's sake so much distrust our own forces, as our hearts should be surprised with amazement, and that deprived of all generosity, yea, of piety and Religion, we should hold the enemy in that degree, and so basely esteem of ourselves, and of the dignity of the confederate princes, having in a manner no faith, that the supreme power which hath given them these forces, will also preserve and increase them; with their ruin that are his cruel enemies, for the propagation of which faith we have put on these arms, the which being guided by his victorious hand, must needs yield glorious trophies, both in life and death, if we will not defaud ourselves of this certain hope.  
D. john was in the flower of his age, and retaining that generous and warlike mind of his father, he inclined to his Council, who with so many reasons propounded, so honourable a party, and worthy of such a prince, notwithstanding that the command had been given him by his brother as a Schoolmaster or guide: and with this resolution he caused the Navy to be diligently viewed and furnished, and gave order how they should go forth in battle. 
Veniero incensed against the Spanish Soldiers.  But, there fell out an accident which had almost overthrown the whole action, and deprived them of immortal glory. Some of the king's Soldiers being placed in a Venetian Galley, they fell to quarrel with others that were in the same galley, so as there were some hurt & slain. Veniero the general sent some officers with his admiral to bring the offenders unto him, but they being distempered received the admiral with injuries, wherewith Veniero being much incensed, he caused the offenders to be appehended, & would have two of them with their captain Anticatro hanged at the main yard. 
D. john disconted with the General Veniero.  After which Paulo Sforza their Colonel, going to speak with Veniero, he would not hear him, threatening him that if he did not departed, he would turn his ordinance upon him & sink his boat. D. john was wonderfully discontented with the general Venieros action, holding himself much wronged; for that he had not referred the judgement to him, as it was fit, but had chased away Colonel Sforza, whom he had sent, with threats and disgrace The whole army was suddenly in a mutiny, the Spaniards seemed to prepare themselves to revenge, and the Venetians stood upon their guard. But Colonna with great dexterity (although he held himself wronged therein by Veniero) sought to prevent this growing mischief. Barbarigo laboured in like manner, who with great eloquence and judgement, 
1569  so pacified Colonna first, and then D. john as they were content to prefer the general good of Christendom, before their own private respects; yet they would not that Veniero should treat any more with them concerning any business, neither as a public person, nor as a private, but that Barbarigo should supply his place until they had further order from Venice. The third of October they went forth in the same order that they should fight, and bend their course towards Cephalonia, where they had news that did much trouble them, for that by a frigate dispatched from Candie, they had letters brought them from Marino Cavalli, wherein was related the loss of the Realm of Cypress, by letters intercepted in a Galeot the which were sent after the taking of Famagosta from the general Mustafa to Aly. whereof they presently sent advice to Venice. Coming to Val d' Alexandria, which was the ancient Samos, they returned again to Council, where hearing for certain that the Turks were in the gulf of Lepanto, they resolved after much disputation, to go to the mouth of it, and not meeting first with the Turks, to set upon two forts called Dardanelli, to force the enemy to fight, or with the loss of their galleys to run to land: with this resolution they parted the sixth of October, and came to the islands called Curzolares, where early in the morning they had view of the Turkish army, which came out of the mouth of the gulf in good order. The general Aly had been informed by Caracossa, who had gone to discover the Christians, with what intent they sailed that way, in what order, and how many vessels they were: so as opening at that instant the great Turk's letter, which by his order should be red as soon as the enemies fleet approached, they saw it was his mind they should fight, and ruin the Christians forces. The Commanders of the Turkish Navy being very resolute to encounter the Christians, and to shut them up in the channel of Cephalonia, being small, whereas Caracossa had viewed them, had newly fortified their army with ten thousand janissaries Spahies, & voluntaries, which Mehemet Bet had brought, with great store of victuals & munition, and 100 Sangiacs & Alobei, which are men of title, a degree under a Sangiac. But the Christians parted from Cephalonia, and Val d' Alexandria, towards the Curzolares, where the sea is very straight, & full of shelves, & rocks, which the Turks took for an advantage. Thus both armies were resolved to fight, & were put in battle inform of a Crescent. In the right wing of the Christians army where fifty and three galleys, 
Order of the Christian army.  whereof john Andrew Doria had charge, having before him two Venetian galleasses, and at his back the admiral galley of Savoy, in the which was the duke of Urbin. On the left wing were the like number of galleys & galleasses, commanded by Augustin Barbarigo Proveditor general for the Venetians, being assisted by the admiral galley of Genova, in the which was the prince of Parma. Betwixt these two wings was the body of the battle, consisting of 70 galleys and two galleasses, and in the midst or centre thereof, the three generals with their royal galleys, D. john in the midst, Sebastian Veniero general for the Venetians on the left hand, and Marc Antonio Colonna general of the Pope's galleys on the right: behind them, as it were in the rearward, where D. Alvaro Bassan marquess of Saint Cruz with thirty galleys: and in the front of them was D. john of Cardona with eight galleys as a forlorn hope. On the other side Aly opposed against john Andrew Doria 96 galleys commanded by Vluccialy, 
Order of the Turks army.  against the Proveditor Barbarigo, he set 55 galleys under the charge of Mehemet Bei and Sirocco, and Aly himself with Portau Bassan (who was general of the land forces) were in the midst against D. john with 96 galleys, and the rest of the galleys were appointed in the rear to secure them, with many foists and brigandins, to pass from place to place with the General's commandments. D. john went in person to view the army, being accompanied by Lewis de Cardona and john Soto: he was in white armour, having in his hand a Crucifix, 
D. john's speech to the army.  going from place to place in a most swift fregat animating the soldiers, and telling them, that they had not him for their Captain and leader, but that great God alone, whose human shape, being dead upon the cross, to save the whole world, they saw in his hands. He put them in mind that they did fight for the the great God of victories, to whom all human powers yield obedience: that he was their General and their guide, and the governor of every man's actions; promising to every man that day an honourable and glorious victory, whereof nothing could deprive them, unless they disinherited to obtain it. 
1571  His words were short, but delivered with such efficacy, as it made all them that heard him weep for joy, who with a presage of their future success, began to cry victory, wherewith he was much contented; and so having saluted the General Veniero very courteously, rejoicing to see that reverent old man of seventy and five years old, in an action where he must fight as well as command, 
The battle of Lepanto.  he retired to his galley: and then he set up the standard of the league, which was a Crucifix in a red field, in sign of battle. Whereupon Aly did presently discharge a canon, and D. john answered him in like manner. john Andrew Doria did an act of judgement, stretching forth his right wing into the sea, & giving means to the rest to do the like, to the end they should not be compassed in by the Turks galleys, who were in all places more in number, the which did avail them much. Barbarigo, Anthony Canale, Marc Anthony Quirin, and others which did assist him, kept as near the land as they could, so as they could not be charged in flank but only in front, the which Sirocco and Aly a renegado of Genova sought to do; and when they were put to rout (which began among the enemies which Barbarigo had in front) he kept them that they could not escape, and made a wonderful spoil of them.  
The fight grew hot, and the Canon of either side played furiously, wherein the Christians were somewhat favoured by the wind, the which in the beginning being in their faces, 
Aly Bassa slain  changed instantly as the battle begun, and carried the smoke into their enemy's eyes. In the beginning the two General's Galleys, of D. john and Aly Bassa affronted one another, about the which the combat was very hot. In D. john's galleys there were four hundred Harquebuziers and Musketeers, under D. Lope de Figueroa their Commander; 
Victory of the Christians.  in the prow were D. Michael de Moncado, D. Bernardin de Cardines, and Salazar, Captain of the Citadel of Palermo; in the midst were D. Francis Zapate and Lewis Carrillo; and in the poop D. john, with the great Commander of Castille, the Earl of Plego, D. Lewis de Cordova, Roderigo de Benavides, D. john de Guzman, D. Philip de Heredia, Ruy Dias de Mendosa, and others. In Aly Bassas galley were four hundred janissaries, shot, and some Archers tried men, who fought very valiantly against D. john's Spaniards, who entered twice into the Turks Admiral, and were valiantly repulsed by them, Aly being succoured by divers others galleys which were about him; but such was the resolution of the Christians, as they became masters thereof, Marc Antonio Colonna arriving, in whose galley was the Commander Romeias, who wanted neither judgement nor courage. Aly Bassa was slain, and in a manner all that were in his galley; his head was cut from his body, and presented unto D. john, who caused it to be set upon the end of a pike for a spectacle to encourage the Christians to pursue the victory, and to daunt the Turks, who began then to faint. john Andrew Doria was also Victor on his part, but some said that he might have done better if he had list, for he suffered Vluccialy to escape. In these actions there is no man troubled but such as are in them, the rest speak at pleasure. The most furious combat was in the left wing of the army, whereas the Proveditor Barbarigo commanded, who left scarce any one of the enemy's galleys, but was broken, sunk, or taken. This wise and valiant Captain was shot into the eye with an arrow, whereof he died. Portau Bassa fled away in a boat seeing Aly slain and the battle lost. Caracossa Governor of Valona a famous Pirate, was slain by Honorat Gaietan, Captain of one of the Pope's Galleys. The valour of Martin de Padille was great, who with his only galley took three of the enemies. It was an horrible spectacle to see the Sea died with blood, full of dead Carcases and pieces of galleys. Many sought to run themselves on gronnd, but they were prevented by the Venetian galleys: many Turks cast themselves into the Sea, thinking to save their lives by swimming, but they fainted and perished before they got to land. It was the greatest victory that had been at Sea in many ages. 
Number of the dead.  The battle continued eighteen hours, wherein they spent some part of the night: there died about five and twenty thousand Turks, and almost all the Commanders: others writ that there were fifteen thousand Turks slain, and seven thousand Christian; and some writ thirteen thousand. There were taken and carried away one hundred and seventeen galleys, and thirteen Galliots, and many were sunk, the number whereof was unknown; there were some thirty and nine galleys, galliots, and foists which escaped and came to Lepanto, which relics Vluccialy had charge to conduct to Constantinople, yet they were so ill handled, as he was feign to leave six of them behind. They took one hundred and seventeen Canons, and two hundred fifty and eight small pieces of Ordnance: some number three thousand eight hundred forty and six prisoners, and some 5000, among which were the two Sons of Aly Bassa. Sirocco governor of Negropont was taken, but he was so wounded, as he died soon after: his wife, who was exceeding fair, was also taken prisoner. There were 15000 Christian slaves set at liberty. The Christians, besides private men, lost 14 Captains of galleys, and sixty knights of Malta, and above eight thousand that were hurt: of men of name, there were slain Augustin Barbarigo the Providitor, with fifteen other gentlemen of Venice: D. Bernardin de Cardine a Spaniard, Horatio and Virginio Ursini, with divers others: and of wounded D. john himself, the General Veniero, Paul jourdain Ursini, the earl of Sancta Fiora, Troilo Sa●elli, and Thomas de Medicis. They found in Alys galley two and twenty thousand pieces of gold, called Soldamini, and in that of Caracossa forty thousand. The whole prey was divided at Port Caligiero, some writ at Corfu, to every one of the confederates according to the rate: the king of Spain had of six parts three, the state of Venice two, and the Pope one; and all the captains and soldiers were commended and rewarded for their good service. After which D. john, Marc Antonio Colonna, and D. john Andrew Doria, retired to Messina, whereas they found that the marquess of Pescara the Viceroy was newly dead, having frequented women too much. Marc Antonio Colonna went to Rome, & the great Commander of Castille with him, to treat with the Pope touching the next years service for the league, and to go to his government of the duchy of Milan, which the king had given him after the death of the duke of Albuquerque. This victory was won the seventh of October 1571 without any further poursuit, for the opinions of the commanders depending of sundry masters were divers, and also for that the season of the year was too far spent.  
The duke of Alba being incensed against the Queen of England, 
Duke of Alba sends to treat with the queen of England.  for that she had stayed his money, and as he thought favoured the Rebels of the Netherlands under hand, he studied how to cross her, and to cause some troubles in her Country, and to give the better form to that which had been begun by his practices, he sent Chiapin Vitelli under colour to treat with her of the composition of reprisals, and restitution of that which had been taken from king Philip's subjects, but he gave him secret instructions against that state, if he might conveniently effect them. There was no means to come to any account for the spoils which were taken by the English from any of the king of Spain's subjects or adherents, for that they were either wasted by private men, or else the truth could not be verified. Wherefore Vitelli was sent back with good words, and could do nothing in that respect. And as for the enterprises whereof he had charge to confer with certain Noble men discontented with the present government, he could not work any thing; for during his abode in England, he was carefully observed, yet the Pope had his Spies and Negotiators in the country, and did solicit king Philip to help to deprive the queen both of her crown and life, and that the Roman Catholics, and such as under that pretext desired innovations, might be the Masters. To effect this, they had need both of men and money, but especially of a stranger to be their leader, such a one as the duke of Alba, whom they held to be fit than any other. The king whither through importunity or willingly, being full of other affairs yielded, and it happened that Chiapin Vitelli after his return from England, coming into Spain to crave leave of the king, for that he was called into Italy, by some princes, unto whom he was bound, was stayed, and sent back into Flanders with instructions to the duke of Alba, to entertain the practices of the malcontents of England: but this froward and disdainful man, 
Duke of Medina Cel● sent to succeed the Duke of Alba in the low countries.  being incensed for that they had refused him the government of the Netherlands for D. Frederic his son, and that the duke of Medina Celi was sent to succeed him, he contemned and overthrew all that practice, where without doubt he might have done much harm.  
News being come to Flesingue that the duke of Medina Cell, 
1572  was arrived near unto Ostend with forty vessels, they sent forth twelve Ships of war, who took divers of them, 
Duke of Medina refuseth the government of Flanders.  and the duke was forced with twelve more to fly to land in a cock boat. He thought at his coming thither that all troubles had been pacified: but seeing that there was more confusion than ever, and greater ruins than he could repair, he excused himself for not accepting the government, and demanded leave to return; the which was some dishonour to the duke of Alba.  
This year the king of Spain being jealous of the French king, lest he should aid his subjects of the Netherlands was very irresolute in giving aid unto the league, 
Difficulties in pursuing the victory against the Turk.  his Ministers in Italy propounding new enterprises in Africa, as well for the hope which the king of Tunis gave them, as to free the coast of Spain from that nest of Pirates. The which did much distaste the Pope, he being very desirous to see some better fruits of their victory, and that the league might continue inviolably, with the like conditions that it was made. Whereupon the king's Ministers were forced to discover unto his Holiness the fear they had of the French, lest they should countenance his subjects in the Low Countries: but the Pope being assured of the contrary by the French king, he grew discontented against the Spaniards, as if they had invented it, to reap all the benefit they could of that war, transporting it into Africa, notwithstanding the jealousy increased; and although they made provision of all sides, to send forth a mighty army, yet they proceeded coldly and found many delays.  
Pope Pius being newly dead, although the Pope did show himself very desirous to maintain the league, and did solicit it earnestly, yet it required much time; and the Spaniards being discontented that they could not draw the army against some places in Africa, from whence they received great annoyance, were slow in execution this year. Yet after many delays, D. john general of the league could not avoid it, but granted two & twenty galleys to the confederates, and six thousand foot to be distributed among their galleys, himself remaining at Messina, with the rest of the army, to secure where his Majesty's occasions should require, if the French should show themselves enemies. There parted then from Messina Marc Antonio Colonna, with the galleys of the Church, and the knight Gil d' Andrada, 
F●scarin General for the Venetiens.  whom D. john had made Commander of the king of Spain's two and twenty galleys, and being joined at Corfu with james Foscarin, who was newly made general for the State of Venice, Veniero being dismissed, in favour of D. john they thought to have some certain intelligence of the enemy's fleet, being come forth under the command of Vluccialy, who was much made of & esteemed by Selim for those poor spoils which he got of the knights of Malta, being a sign that he had fought and vanquished, although his companions in the battle had been defeated, and forced to fly: who like a politic & courageous Captain, did so solicit new provisions of an army, showing that the loss was not so great as the amazed multitude did esteem it, as he put his Lord in better hope. 
Number of the Turks Army.  Having drawn all his forces together, he had a fleet of two hundred galleys, galliots and foists, with five galleasses, with the which they sailed towards Maluagia. The general Colonna, who in the absence of D. john held the first place, & Foscarin, hearing where the enemy was, after consultation, they went to fight with him, having 140 galleys 23 ships, six galleasses, and thirty smaller barks descovering them as they parted from Dragoniere; but for that the wind was contrary, they could make no use of their galleasses, which kept them from fight. But Vluccialys fleet being more in number than in force, he thought it sufficient to keep the enemy that year from attempting any matter of importance, and not to hazard a battle: and therefore still in his retreat he made a show as if he would fight, with which art he fled from them with reputation. At that time D. john had a resolute answer from the Catholic king, that he might join with the army of the league with all his forces, and attempt some thing against the Turk, what they should think most fit: whereof he had advertised the Generals at Corfu, at such time as they had resolved to go and affront the enemy, so as they thought it not fit to stay and attend him, as he desired. But Vluccialy being retired, and the generals being come to Capsali under Cerigo, there they had letters from D. john, who called them back to Zante, and then to Corfu, whether after many difficulties they brought the army: but D. john would not willingly free the generals, especially Colonna, for that they had not attended him, whereupon their resolutions against the enemy fell out crossly; but Foscarin and others laboured by all means to pacify that disdain: and they made a new resolution to go against the enemy's fleet, which they understood lay in the port of Navarino, and some under Modone.  
The Christians had sailed as far as Strivali, when as D. john de Cardone, being sent to discover the enemy, gave them that advice, which made them resolve to hasten their voyage that night, so as they might be upon the enemy before day; the which was better devised than executed, for they arrived so late, as being first discovered by the Turks, they might retire with all their fleet, under the fort of Modone, and defend themselves long from the Christians army, who sought by divers means, but always in vain to draw them out of the fort to fight. They resolved, for that they would not remain there in vain, to besiege the Castle of Navarino, a place of fame, having given the charge thereof to the prince of Parma, but with weak provisions, where he prevailed nothing, they being soon relieved by land with many horse and foot, by the garrisons thereabouts.  
Having stayed in those seas some days, being in October, and fearing an Autumn storm, and the king's Galleys beginning to want biscuit, they were constrained to departed: the which did much discontent the Ministers of the State of Venice, for that they had spent that time, 
Christian army retires so Corfu.  wherein they had designed great enterprises, without any fruit, but with incredible charge. The Navy then returned towards Corfu, leaving the passage free for Vluccialy to retire to Constantinople, at such time as he began to fear the event. D. john having retired to Sicily, and from thence to Naples, Marc Antonio Colonna, and Doria went into Spain to relate unto the king what had been done that year; and Colonna to free himself of some imputations laid upon him by such as did malice his greatness, wherein he did preserve his honour, and returned into Italy with great reputation.  
After the arrest of the English Merchants, 
Sir Francis Drakes first voyage to the Indies.  and their goods both in Spain and the Low-Countries as you have heard, the English sought all means to be revenged of the Spaniards. Some upon their own coast, and others went unto the Indies: Among which Master Francis Drake, who was then a man of no great note, with the help of other adventurers manned forth two ships and a Pinnace, and went to Nombre de Dios in Nova Hispania, where hearing that the Town was not very well peopled, he landed in the night with one hundred and fifty men, whereof he put seventy into a fort, and the rest seized upon the market place, the inhabitants in this amazement flying to the Mountains, but soon after they within the fort apprehending that their companions in the Town had been all slain, for that they had heard some shot, and their trumpet did not answer them. They retired inconsiderately to their Pinnace, which they of the Town finding, made all the hast they could to get to their ships. Thus Master Drake without any loss but a Trumpeter, and having slain but one man within the town, retired much discontented from Nombre de Dios. After which he came to the sound of Darien, where having conference with certain Negroes which had fled from their Master of Panama and Nombre de Dios, they did advertise them of certain Mules which were to pass from Panama to Nombre de Dios laden with gold and silver, whereupon he landed a hundred shot, and went to attend them with these Negroes, where he took two troops of them, having none but their drivers, being without any fear: he unladed the Mules and took the gold only, being unable (as some of them write) to carry the silver through the Mountains. Within two days after he came to a place called the house of Crosses, where he slew five or six Merchants: he found not any gold nor silver there, but much merchandise, & fired the house with the goods being valued at above two hundred thousand ducats, & thence his went to his ships: presently after there came down three hundred shot, Spaniards, but it was too late.  
The Venetians seeing that there was no likeliehood to make their profit by the support of this league, 
1573  and that in this war they had lost the realm of Cypress, spent four millions of ducats, and recovered not any one place of importance; finding also, that the Spaniards after all their delays, would still be masters, command in all their counsels, and have the honour of all executions; they resolved to make a peace with the Turk, by the mediation of the French King, and the diligence of Marc Anthony Barbaro their Consul, who had been stayed at Constantinople, the which was concluded upon restitution of certain small places in Dalmatia, 
Peace betwixt the Turk 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉.  and 300000 crowns which the Venetians should pay unto the Turk at three payments. The Senate being certified of the conclusion, they sent their ambassadors to the Pope and catholic King to justify their actions: Pope Gregory the thirteenth was discontented, but there was no remedy, for he must allow of their reasons, which seemed pertinent.  
The King of Spain seemed no ways distasted with this peace of the Venetians, 
〈…〉  but would show by the effects, that he was able of himself, without the help of any other, to maintain continual war against the Turk, for the defence of Christendom, and not only defend himself from him, but make war against him at his door. He therefore commanded that the fleet which was prepared at Naples and Sicily, should go and attempt some thing in the Levant Seas, or be employed to annoy Vluccialy upon the coast of Africa, where he had expelled Amida out of the realm of Tunes, for that he had performed all duties to the King of Spain, and paid the tribute which his father had promised to the Emperor Charles: the which did much displease the Turks holding Alger and other places in Africa, who procured S●lims approbation to have him dispossessed, and an other set in his place, who should be more at his devotion, the which was executed by Vluccialy: wherefore King Philippe thinking that he had an interest therein, and that it was necessary to weaken the Turk forces in those parts, being greatly suspected to Sicily, and other parts of Italy, which Countries the Turks desired much to join unto his empire, he sent commandment to D. john by Soto his Secretary, whom he had sent into Spain to that end, that he should employ the galleys he had ready in this expedition which would be very profitable for Christendom, whilst that the Turks forces were but weak at sea, to attempt a succour so far off.  
In the mean season there was great means made for the delivery of Aly Bassas sons, which had been taken at the battle, whom D. john had obtained from the Confederates with great instance, but one of them was dead before, to his great grief, that he could not wholly gratify the mother: wherefore he sent him home that was living, called Moamed, 
Son of Aly Bassa 〈◊〉 at liberty by D. john.  accompanying him with a dwarf of his own, and four Turks that had been taken with him, and many presents which the mother had sent unto his Highness, in sign of honour, but he refused to accept them, and wrote the reason thereof unto her, wherein he showed the greatness of his mind. I have forborn, said he, to accept the present which you sent me, and Moamed hath it, not for that I do not esteem it, as come from your hands, but for that the greatness of my ancestors is not accustomed to receive gifts from such as are forced to fly unto them for favour.  
The army being ready for the enterprise of Tunis D. john parted with the Duke of Sessa, 
Enterprise of Tunis.  Anthonio Doria, john Andrew, and other noblemen, on the eight day of September 1573 from the port which in old time was called Lilybee, and had been long neglected, (notwithstanding that it be one of the best ports in the Island, and had been much used by the Romans in the Carthaginian wars) others write that they went from Palermo. There was in the fleet one hundred and sixteen galleys, four and thirty ships, and other vessels of burden. The Duke of Florence did send six galleys to this enterprise, under the command of Simon de Rossermini. They landed at Goulette, whereas they found not any difficulty, to keep them from entering into Tunis, for it had been abandoned upon the bruit of their coming, and all the Moors and Turks were fled to the mountains and deserts, carrying away all their goods, yea their victuals: yet the King that was advanced by Vluccialy was taken prisoner: Biserta a city some forty miles from Tunis was recovered with the like facility, yielding by the persuasion of Amida, who thought by this conquest to recover his estate.  
The matter being called in question, there were many of the King's council in Spain, and of D. john's, of opinion that Tunis should be demandeled, & Goulette razed, for that those places brought nothing but charge unto the King, but they were not believed: yea it was concluded to fortify the City better, and to make a new fort betwixt it and Goulette, 
Fort built at Tunis.  and to join the fort unto the town by two long curtines; to beat down the old wall of the town, and to lay it open towards the fort. For the effecting whereof Gabriel Serbelloni had the charge, and was made Colonel general of the garrison that should be left there, which should consist of six thousand men, three thousand Spaniards under the command of Salezar, and three thousand Italians under Pagan Doria: afterwards they said that D. john left eight thousand men there, with labourers sufficient for the fortification, and a troop of horse. D. john having thus ordered all things, he returned happily to Messina, and then to Naples, where he was received with much joy in November, being assured that the Turk could not send a fleet from Constantinople to Barbary, until the next year, and that in the mean time Serbelloni should have leisure to fortify. D. Pedro Porto ●arrer● was governor in Goulette, a man more respected for his birth, than for his judgement and knowledge in martial affairs: he was preferred unto it (no man knows the reason) in the place of D. Alphonso Pimentell, an industrious and a valiant captain. In Tunis there was left more like a governor than King) Mahomet brother to Amida, who was always opposite unto him: some writ he was but his cousin,) and as for Amida, he was carried back into Sicily, whereas in former time they had seen his father Muley Hascen, dispossessed and made blind by him, and with him was the King whom Vluccialy had advanced in his place: for that Amida had given D. john some cause to suspect him; yet some writ it was for that the Moors did hate him deadly for his cruelty. 
D. john affects to be king of Tunis.  This happy exploit of D. john's, made him to discover his intentions more plainly unto the Pope, which was, to remain King of Tunis, with the good liking of King Philip his brother: continuing in this opinion, he entreated the Pope to be Intercessor for him; taking council both in this and all other affairs of his Secretary john de Soto, whom he favoured so much, as he caused him to marry (about that time) with the baroness of Saint Philadelphus at Palermo: the which did nothing please the King, 
D. Diego prince of Spain born  as we will show hereafter. But the Sultan Selim did soon make him lose that desire. D. john being come to Naples from the taking of Tunis, their joy and feasts were doubled: having received news, that King Philip had another son, the which being christened was called D. Diego. He stayed there some months much honoured: then he passed into Lombardie, being called into Spain by his brother; but he went not by reason of the Turks success at the enterprise of Goulette.  
The great Turk being much incensed for the taking of Tunis, 
1574  by a young man, who had so much prevailed over his forces, as after that he had in a manner disarmed him at sea, he had dispossessed a King which had been placed by him at Tunis, and set an other in his place, which was contrary unto him: he sent in the year one thousand five hundred seventy and four Sinan Bassa into Barbary, 
〈◊〉 and Goulette recou●red by the Turks.  with a navy of one hundred and threescore galleys, thirty ships, with many galco●s, foists and other small vessels, carrying twenty thousand harquebuziers, and almost as many archers, with great store of ordnance, and at land they had fifteen thousand Moors and Arabians on horse back. At the news of this great fleet, the viceroys of Naples and Sicily made preparation to defend their government, if the Turk should make any attempt upon them. D. john had commandment to furnish Goulette, (where as we have said Porto Carrero was governor) who required certain money of cardinal Granuelle then viceroy of Naples, for the levying of certain men to send thither, the which he refused, saying that he had no other charge, but to preserve the country which he had in government. So as Tunis and Goulette were left to their defenee that were in them: where the Commanders did not agree amongst themselves; 
Porto Ca●●er● an indiscreet governor of Goulette.  for Porto Carrero could not endure that any man should think he wanted council, or that he was not very sufficient to defend Goulette, taking it in ill part, that Gabriel Serbelloni should presume to send him five ensigns of Italians, to fortify his garrison, saying that he would not impart the honour of the guard, and defence thereof to any but to his own nation: but it was not long before he changed his opinion; for whenas he saw the fields covered with Moors and Alarabes, which they of Alger and Caruan had sent about Tunis, as fore runners to Sinan Bassas army, which arrived soon after, he then demanded men of Serbelloni importunately, protesting that if he sent him not some, he should be the cause of the loss of Goulette. King Mahomet thought to have sallied forth with nine hundred horse, 
Skirmish among the Moors.  and four thousand foot of his own nation, against these troops of ●oores; but he was suddenly abandoned by his treacherous and disloyal subjects, so as with three score horse only, being supported by the regiment of 〈◊〉, and some Spanish horse, he escaped. Serbelloni being troubled with these accidents, thought that it was no time now to regard the vanities of Porto Carrero, but went himself to view the estate of the garrison of Goulette, when having caused some faults in the ●ortification to be amended, he returned to his fort, where he made them to labour with all diligence to put it in defence, vnd the city also, but they gave him no great respite: for the Turks army being landed, and meaning at the first to assail Goulette, Sinan sent Aydar king of Caruan to besiege Tunis, the which he did, and battered it furiously with a great quantity of ordnance, so as Serbelloni resolved to leave it, and to defend his fort betwixt the city & Goulette, the which was presently invested by the Moors towards the town, but he scattered them often by his continual sallies, and ●lew great numbers. Goulette being besieged, Porto Carrero did importune Serbelloni to send him men, the which he did by the lake: but the Turks did soon take that passage from them, making a long bridge of barks bound together, and thereon as it were a causey of earth, whereon they placed many musketeers. The battery planted against the bastion which looked towards the sea, made a great breach, where the Turks gave a terrible assault, with bridges made of main yards, according to their custom, the which notwithstanding was defended by the valour of the Christians: 
Ignorance of Porto Carrer●.  but Porto Carrero did either forget the duties whereunto men besieged are bound, or he did not know them: He never would suffer his men to make a sally, it seems he feared to waste powder and shot, so as the Turks had good means to view the fort, to lodge, and to plant their ordnance at their pleasures: And to show the great arrogancy of this governor, whereas Anthony Carrafe a gentleman of Naples sought to give him good advice, he caused him to be strangled & to be cast in a sack into the sea. Serbelloni, although he had need of all his strength within the fort, yet knowing the importance of Goulette, he weakened himself to fortify it, being continually called on by D. Pedro, and sent him men as he could; yet could he not prevent it, but that Goulette was taken by force, Sinan having caused a general assault to be given, the which was continued with such fresh supplies one after an other without intermission, as they within it were no longer able to make any more resistance, but were forced, and all (or the greatest part) put to the sword: 
Goulette taken by 〈◊〉.  some writ that Porto Carrero with three hundred soldiers were made slaves, and that the son of King Amida was taken in that place. Goulette being taken, the Turks went and besieged the fort both by sea and land, having filled certain great barks with packs of wool wet, to choke their cannon shot, and planted many harquebuziers in them, with long fowling pieces, which carried very great bullets, to keep the besieged from their defences. Sinan made batteries, and cast up trenches to approach unto the fort, as he was accustomed, to batter, sap, and mine at one instant in divers places; where having made great breaches, he caused three several assaults to be given, but they were all resolutely defended; and he caused fire to be set to a mine, the which did more harm unto the Turks than unto the besieged. The assaults were continued unto the fourth time, & still they were repulsed with great slaughter: but this valour decreasing by little and little through their ordinary assaults, they were so weak at the fift, which was general and more obstinate than any of the rest, as the place was forced, and all within cut in pieces, excepted Serbelloni, who was taken being wounded, and drawn by the beard before the Bassa, who caused him to be kept. Pagan Doria flying the Turks, and thinking to find more mercy with the Moors, was slain by them, 
Fort at Tunis taken by assault.  and his head set upon a pike. Porto Carrero being a prisoner, died within few days after, (as some say) of poison. D. john de Sinoghera after these two losses, was left alone with three hundred and fifty men to defend the tower upon the lake, standing betwixt Tunis and Goulette, the which (although it were very strong, yet considering his own strength, and the enemies, he could not hope to make any long defence) he yielded upon certain conditions, and passed afterwards into Sicily, to carry news of this great loss. This Goulette (the honour of the emperors conquests, the which kept Africa in awe) was lost through carelessness: Sinan caused it to be razed to the ground, and then returned triumphantly to Constantinople.  
17 This year the Christians reaped both loss and dishonour in Africa, 
D. Seb●stian King of Portugal goes into Africa.  for D. Sebastian the young King of Portugal, of too war like a disposition, as we have showed, and desirous of glory, seeking to advance himself by some enterprises against the Moors, having not imparted any thing unto the Queen his grandmother, nor unto the Cardinal his uncle, by whose care his actions should have been governed, by reason of his age, which was void of experience: He sent D. Antonio Prior of Crato his cousin, but base, to Tanger in Africa, which did belong unto the Crown of Portugal, and made him his lieutenant general there, delivering him the Standard with great solemnity. He would have him accompanied with some numbers of soldiers, but specially with many knights: and within few days after the King himself, taking many of the chief noble men with him, embarked at Cascais, whenas no man suspected it, and went in like manner into Africa, leaving order in Portugal, that some knights should follow him, and therefore he did write many private letters unto them. Being come to Tanger, and having tried the Moors forces in the neighbour garrisons, and seeing his men in all their skirmishes to be overlayed with multitudes, and the nimbleness of the enemy's horse, he began to consider better of the danger whereinto he had run, of whom depended the peace and quiet of his whole Realm; and so being better advised by some noble men of authority that were with him, but especially being moved by a letter written by father Lewis Gonzales a jesuite, who had been his Schoolmaster, and was then in great credit with him, he resolved to return presently.   

❧ THE 30 BOOK OF THE History of Spain.  

The Contents.  
1 D. Lewis de Requesens▪ great Commander of Castille, sent governor into the Low Countries for King Philip.  
2 D. john of Austria sent Governor into the Low Countries.  
3 Death of D. john of Austria.  
4 Xerifes Kings of Maroc and Fez, their beginning and proceeding.  
5 D. Sebastian first of that name King of Portugal.  
6 He led an army into Africa.  
7 Battle in Africa, and death of D. Sebastian.  
8 D. Henry 17 King of Portugal, a Cardinal.  
9 Pretendants to the Crown of Portugal.  
10 D. Anthony Prior of Crato a bastard, made legitimate, disannulled by King Henry.  
11 Five governors in Portugal during the interreigne.  
12 Death of the King D. Henry.  
13 Confusions in Portugal all during the interreigne.  
14 The king D. Philip means to debate his right by arms.  
15 Advice and Council of the Doctors in Spain touching the King's title.  
16 D. Antonio is declared Defender of the Realm against King Philip's forces, and then is saluted King.  
17 Duke of Alba general of the King of Spain's army in Portugal, and his exploits.  
18 Defeat and flight of D. Antonio, and the taking of Lisbon.  
19 Death of D. Anna Queen of Spain.  
20 D. Antonio lays aside arms and retires himself.  
21 Articles granted by the King D. Philip to the Estates and realm of Portugal.  
22 D. Philip received and acknowledged for King at Lisbon.  
23 Terceres islands, their conquest, and the rout of the French army.  
24 D. Philip's son Prince of Spain acknowledged and sworn at Lisbon.  
25 Absolute conquest of the Terceres, by the defeat of Emanuel de silva, and of Monsieur de Chattels.   

¶ All the Realms of Spain united to the Crown of Castille under D. Philip the second. 
1575.   
Done Lewis de Requesens great Commander of Castille was sent to succeed the D. of Alba in the government of the Low Countries after that the duke of Medina Celi had refused it. He was a man approaching somewhat in disposition to his predecessor. 
Great Commander of Castille sent governor into the Law Countries.  He had accompanied D. john of Austria in his sea-army, whenas he fought with the Turk at Lepanto, as his chief Councillor, and after his return into Sicily, the King D. Philip had made him governor of Milan, where he remained not long, the King thinking him fit to calm that which the Duke of Alba had left in trouble in Holland and Zealand, into which provinces it seemed that the whole war was reduced. Among other disorders, he found the Spanish soldiers discontented, and cursing the Duke, who owed them four and thirty months pay: whom he was forced (for the first trial of his wisdom) to seek means to pacify, the which he did in some sort: but when he began to enter into the managing of affairs, he fell grossly into an inconvenience which did prejudice the rest of his government. What his actions were during his charge there, you may read at large in that Country history. He lived not long there, but died of a pestilent fever in the year one thousand five hundred seventy and six, leaving those Countries in greater confusion than the Duke of Alba his predecessor had done.  
In the year 1574 it was found that king Philip was indebted to the merchants of Genova and Spain in 37 millions of ducats; 
King of Spain revokes his ●ssignations and breaks with the Gen●uois.  for the which he gave them assignments out of his royal revenues: whereupon for the relieving of his necessities, and to free the king from the Genovois, the Deputies of the chief Cities and Towns were called to Madrid, to consult how to relieve the king in these great wants. Among other, there was one in Court, whose name was Francisco Bravo, who told the king, that the contractions which he had made with the merchants, were in respect of them, against all law and equity; the which, if he did not remedy within a year, he would not have any means to free himself: telling him moreover, that he had been fraudulently circumvented by them, in very great sums, contrary to all divine and human law. Whereupon in the year 1575. the king of Spain made a decree touching the loss and prejudice which his royal revenues had received by the contrectations which he had made with the Genovois and others, making a stay of all the said contrectations and assignments, the which did much trouble the Genovois and others, to whom the king was indebted, for by reason of this suspension they could not give satisfaction unto their creditors, which made them to present an answer to this decree unto the King, showing that it would be a blemish to his honour, and very prejudicial to his service; yet could they not get it revoked, but were forced to make a new composition.  
The city of Genova was divided into two factions, 
Genova divided into factions  the old (which were the noble men and gentlemen) and the new (who were some gentlemen, supported by the common people.) D. john Idiaques as ambassador for the Catholic King, had laboured much to quench this fire which began to kindle, and had persuaded them to lay aside arms: but this year the furious multitude little respecting the promise of the wiser citizens to disarm, and to treat an accord with the liking and authority of the Catholic King, for whom Idiaques was employed in that action, matters were brought to despair, the faction of the new offering by force to reform the public government after their own manner, and to abate the power of the nobles, who were called the old; who not suffering so great an indignity, went most of them out of Genova, john Andrew Doria being as it were their head. The Pope sent Cardinal Morone thither, but the Genovois would not treat with him alone, unless the Catholic king's Ambassador were called, he being the chief protector of that common weal. The matter was found so difficult, as the faction of the old despairing, were come with good forces, some to Final, and some to Aqui, resolving to recover their country and dignity by arms, choosing john Andrew Doria for their General in that war, who refused that charge, until he had leave from the king of Spain, whom he served. In the mean time, they had news that the king was ready to send another Ambassador, to add authority and counsel to the other two, which was the Duke of Gandie: but D. john d' Austria came first with a navy upon that coast, to see that no Prince, by means of this tumult, should enter into Genova; and make himself master thereof: and therefore they made provision of soldiers, drawing into the duchy of Milan two regiments of Germans, and levying some Italians. The people of Genova grew jealous that D. john meant to seize upon their city; but he, according to the order he had from his brother, having conferred with Prince Doria and the governor of Milan at Spetie, they concluded only, that there should be all means attempted to quiet that city, and if the people should continue in their obstinacy, the faction of the Old should have leave to recover their country, with their ancient rights and dignities: and the rather, for that they offered to make war at their own charge, requiring nothing of his Majesty, but Dorias person, and the galleys wherewith he served the king. The Emperor and the French king sent their Ambassadors to pacify this tumult, but they could not effect any thing, especially he of France, whom for that they would not breed a jealousy in the king of Spain, they dismissed with good words. They without the city finding by the treaty that there was no hope of any pacification, were ready to go to arms, when as Charles Borgia Duke of Gandie arrived; but hoping that his authority, and the private instructions of the catholic king, would prevail much, they stayed: but yet the mischief could not be thus cured. Soon after, the Secretary Escovedo having been sent by D. john, returned from Spain, who brought order from the king, that all the resolution of that business, for that which concerned his Majesty, was referred to D. john, who was then at Naples, whither john Andrew Doria was gone to that end, the nobility having provided money to make war: when D. john hearing that they to whom it was compromitted in the name of those great princes, could not pacify them, he sent order to the Governor of Milan to dismiss his Germane and Italians, that the faction of the Nobles might employ them, to reduce them to their duties that had no will of an accord. With which troops, the faction of the Old went to field, and took divers places. In the end, after many letters written from the Pope, Emperor, and King of Spain, it was wholly compromitted to their agents, who caused a suspension of arms, and there were hostages given by both factions to stand to their arbitrement, but the accord was not fully concluded until the year following.  
This year there grew seeds of war in Africa, which passed into Europe, to the great prejudice of Christendom; for that Muley Mahomet king of Morocco, being loath to leave the government of that realm to Muley Moluc his uncle, according to the will of his grandfather dying, Moluc fled the unto the Turks for aid, and obtained it; with the which, 
Muley Mahomet expelled out of his realm.  and with the Moors which favoured him, he made war against his nephew, and defeated him thrice in battle, so as he remained absolute Lord of the realms of Fez and Morocco, his nephew being fled unto the mountains, where, with some that followed him, he ran up and down, not as a king, but like a thief; being by nature both covetous and cruel, until that in the end he persuaded the ill advised king of Portugal, not only to give him succours to recover his realm, but to pass thither in person, with the ruin of that royal house, as you shall hereafter hear.  
2 After the death of Lewis de Requesens, 
1576  great Commander of Castille, D. john d' Austria was appointed to succeed him in the government of the Netherlands; 
D. john of Austria governor of the Netherlands.  to which end he came into Luxembourg, but he would not advance, until that the Estates had accepted him for governor, and Lieutenant general to the king his brother. This prince was once in an humour (as we have said) to obtain the crown of Tunis, by the bounty of the king D. Philip, whom he had caused to be often importuned by the Pope, wherein the king took no delight, but the taking of that city by the Turks, and the razing of those forts which the Spaniards had built to keep it in awe, made him to forget that humour: but it did not quench his desire to reign in some other country, in the which a Secretary of his called john de Soto entertained him. Which the king understanding, he took him from him, and commanded him to use the service of john d' Escovedo; 
john de Escovedo Secretary to Don john.  by which change he got little, he animating him more to greatness: wherefore he thought it expedient (to divert him somewhat from these ambitious desires) to draw him out of Italy, and from those honourable employments which presented themselves, and to send him into Flanders, to contend against his rebellious subjects: the which D. john hearing, he bore it with great impatiency, to see himself so much dejected, as to become (as a man would say) an Algouzil, or Provost Martial, to punish common people, whereas he had been General of armies to the greatest Potentates in Christendom, against the incomparable forces of the great Turk.  
Having failed of Tunis, he converted his thoughts upon England, and caused the king to be solicited to make war upon that realm; 
D. john aspires to the crown of England.  for that (said he) Queen Elizabeth had always favoured the Estates and towns of the Low countries, in their contumacy and rebellion, and to make him General, hoping to make himself king, thinking that the affairs of the Low countries were too little to keep him occupied. The king D. Philip, for that he would not flatly refuse him, seemed to yield to it, but he said, they must first subdue the Flemings, commanding him to go directly out of Italy thither, and not to pass by Spain: but he obaied him not, for he went out of Italy into Spain, and all by the counsel of Escovedo; which made the king to be ill conceited of him: but in the end he was forced to go, and arrived as you have heard. Being accepted for their governor, he ratified the treaty of Gand, made by the Deputies of the Provinces, for the expelling of all strange soldiers, and other things; the which was confirmed by the king of Spain, 
1577  in April, 1577, and his Letters of approbation sent to D. john.  
Then the poor Netherlanders began to hope for better usage, thinking that they were at an end of all their miseries, but the effects which followed did soon show that this hope had been conceived upon appearances. For in all D. john's government there was nothing but dissimulations, 
D. john's carriage in his government.  secret enterprises, accusations, false imputations, surprises, and apparent designs to heap upon this people all the miseries of the precedent governments; although the effects did not follow according to the Spaniards desires. The which they imputed to D. john, who was not come into the Low Countries to live there in a quiet estate, or to walk in his night gown, but with an intent that the enterprise of England should proceed, and that the King would make him General: but seeing that (notwithstanding all troubles in his government were in a manner pacified) they made no preparation tending to invade that Island, and that there came no advice out of Spain conformable to his desire, yet would he command an army, and breed occasions to employ it where he was. What his particular actions were you may read in that country history.  
Sir Francis Drake being encouraged by the good success of his first voyage to the Indies, 
Voyage of Sir Francis Drake into the South sea, and about the world.  resolved to make a new attempt, and to pass into the South, thinking thereby to do his Prince and Country great service, to win himself immortal fame, and to annoy the King of Spain and his subjects: wherefore in November in the year one thousand five hundred seventy and seven, he went forth of Plymouth with five English ships and barks, bending his course towards the Indies (my meaning is not to report the particularities of this voyage, but only to touch the action summarily, for that it concerns Spain) in August after his departure he passed the Straight of Magellan, and came into the South sea, whereas the Spaniards lived secure from all fear, having never seen any Englishman there before. Being in this sea, he took many ships and barks, with great store of treasure: but there was one ship which exceeded all the rest in wealth; he took it at a place called Cape S. Francisco, 150 leagues from Panama: the ship was called by the Spaniards Cacafuego, which name (after the taking thereof by Sir Francis) was wittily changed by a Spanish ship-boy, and termed Cacaplata, for that it yielded him so much silver. They found in her (besides great store of jewels, and precious stones) thirteen chests full of rials of silver, four score pound weight of gold, and 26 tun of silver. Having done divers exploits, and sacked some towns upon the coast of Peru, and Nova Hispania, being now full fraught with treasure, and sufficiently revenged (as he thought) of the Spaniard, he resolved to go to the Islands of the Molucos, 
1588.  and so return to England by Cape Bona Esperance; the which he performed happily in November, being the third year of his voyage. By the report of Nugno de silva a pilot (whom he had taken in the beginning of his voyage at the Islands of Cape-Verd) & others, 
Treasure Sir Fr. Drake brought out of the South sea.  Sir F. Drake carried from the coast of Peru, 866 kintals of silver, ever kintal being worth 1200 ducats of Spain: all which amounteth to a million thirty nine thousand and two hundred ducats. He had besides, ten kintals of gold, every kintal being valued at ten thousand and five hundred Spanish ducats: which last some amounteth to a hundred and fifty thousand ducats; besides other treasure in that ship which had not been customed (the value whereof was unknown) as pearls, precious stones, rials of plsate, and other rich commodities.  
These exploits of his in the South sea, (where they had never seen any enemy) did much trouble the Viceroy of Peru, who sent forth Pedro Sarmiento, a good navigator, with two ships, to meet with Captain Drake if he could, or to fortify in the Straight of Magellan, against such as should hereafter seek to pass it. D. Pedro passed through the strait with one of his ships, and so went into Spain, where he informed the king of the nature of the Straight, and of the means to buid a fort there, the country being rich, and abounding with all necessaries. Whereupon the king (being advertised that there were more ships making ready in England) sent Diego Flores de Baldes with twenty three ships, and three thousand and five hundred men, and a new governor to Chili, with five hundred old soldiers come out of Flaunders; but before they were free from the coast of Spain, 
Ships of Spain cast away.  they were surprised with a storm, and eight of the Fleet cast away, with above eight hundred men, the rest put into Cadiz.  
D. john d' Austria having drawn a world of miseries upon those Provinces which which were under his government, 
1578  died in the Camp, 
Death of D. john of Austria.  near unto Nemours this year 1578, of a pestilent fever; a prince who conceived high and great enterprises in his mind, but above all, he was much incensed against the Low Countries, and their general Estates: his death was happy for them, having thereby some ease of their miseries and calamities. Men made divers censures of his death, and of Escovedo his Secretaries, who in a manner at the same time was slain in Spain (as some said by the king's commandment) for the which Antonio de Peres was afterwards called in question, as you shall hear.  
Alexander Farneze prince of Parma, who was D. john's lieutenant, had commandment of the army, and was afterwards governor in his place: he was more temperate and modest in his government than the Spaniards that went before him. This prince was allied to the king of Spain, he having married in the year 1565 D. Maria of Bragance, daughter to D. Edward of Portugal, who was brother to the Empress D. Isabel, so as they were cousin germane: which marriage might purchase to the house of Farnezes' some right to the crown of Portugal: where, soon after there happened a lamentable change; for that this realm which had maintained itself with honour and reputation, in all the parts of the habitable earth, for so many ages, was reduced unto a Province, under him Castille, as you shall hear.  
4 We must now enter into the mournful Tragedy of the death of D. Sebastian king of Portugal, 
1577  who thrust on by his ambitious desire of glory, 
Moors.  governed by ill counsel, and among other affections, by zeal of religion, wherein the jesuits had instructed him, would (contrary to the grave advice of the Catholic king) and without any reason, 
Xeriffes' kings of Morocco their beginning  be an actor in the quarrels of the Xeriffes, princes of Africa, contending for the empire of Morocco and Fez, from whence the race of the kings, Merins, (of whom we have often made mention in this work) had been expelled by their fathers. It will be fit, to give more light unto our history, and more taste of the fruit which may be reaped, to relate briefly the beginning of these Xeriffes, and the policy of their sudden and admirable advancement to the large dominions, so near unto Spain, there being but a small cut of sea betwixt them, or (as a man would say) a puff of wind.  
Mahomet Ben Hamet called Xeriffe, 
Mahomet Ben Hamet Xeriffes the 〈◊〉  which signifies famous and sacred, the which among the Mahometans they give unto them that are of the line of their Prophet Mahomet (from whom he said he was descended) lived in the times of our fathers, in the town of Tigumede●, in the country of Dara in Numidia. He was a politic man, and a great hypocrite, who had by a feigned sanctity purchased the reputation of very religious and wise. He was learned in their law, in Astrology, and in art Magic. He had three sons, whom he instructed in the same manners, arts, and disciplines, and were esteemed as the father; especially after that they had been at Mecque, and at Medina Tal Nabi in Arabia, which is a voyage held among them of great merit: for at Medina is the supulchre of their prophet Mahomet. 
Three brethren Xeriffes.  Their names were Abdelquibir, Hamet, and Mahomet the youngest, who past the rest in policy and valour.  
Hamet and Mahomet being come to Fez, a great and well peopled city in Africa, and the chief of the real of Mauritania Tingitana, to make themselves known there, they were much made of by men that were curious of Sciences, and in a short time one of them obtained a public Lecture in the College of Modarasa, and the other had the charge to instruct and bring up the children of Muley Mahomet, and Oataz, who was the last king of Fez save one, of the race of Benimerins. The Xeriffe their father hearing that his sons prospered, 
●arning and Arms united makes a man complete.  he advised them to join the art of war with knowledge and learning; for those two faculties united, make a ready way to greatness: the which they could practise in such sort, that as they had been esteemed for their learning, so they got a reputation to be valiant, among the Xeques and Alcaids of the realm; and upon this opinion they had charge given them of some troop or cornet of horse, at their instance, under colour of religion, saying that it was to make war against certain Moors and Africans which went to serve the king of Portugal, and did annoy the other mahometans of their sect: Muley Nacer brother to the king of Fez, was very unwilling they should have this Commission given them; saying, that by the like practices, and under a cloak of holiness, the families of Isdris, Magaracs, Almoranides, and Almohades had reigned in Africa, and ruined the ancient royal houses. Yet they had commission to levy men, and proved famous captains in a short time; for having for a time overrun the provinces of Duquele and others, where the Portugals had some forts, and done many gallant exploits, they passed into that of Sus, which depends upon Marroc, whither their fame was spread; and being there visited by many Moors and Africans of those marches, living then in liberty, without any king, and who believed that their design was to make war against the Christians which did hold the coasts of Africa under the kings D. john the second, and D. Emanuel of Portugal, and the towns of Ceuta, Tangir, Arzille, Alcazar, Ceguer, Azamor, Mazagon, Saphi, and Cap d' Aguer, & farther off, the castle of Arquin, they had presently a great troop; especially for that king Emanuel entertained many Moors and natural Africans: 
Emanuel king of Portugal fortified by Moors.  so as that Christian king might at sometimes have drawn into arms of those nations above fifty thousand horse, and twice as many foot. Under the name of this religious war, the Xeriffes became strong and fearful in the field: and in favour thereof, they did obtain of the inhabitants of the province of Dara in Numidia, where they were borne, the tenths of their revenues: for unto God, said they, the tenths of the fruits of the earth are due by ancient constitutions. The city of Turedant, which is a seat royal, and in old time was the third member of the Miralmumins estate, did not only receive this impost willingly; but they also persuaded the other Western Provinces to do the like, and to choose for their governor the old Mahomet, Ben Hamet, the father of these two Xeriffes, Hamet and Mahomet: 
Xeriffe makes himself master of Turedant.  by reason whereof, he made himself master of Turedant, & made sharp wars against the Moors which held the party of the Portugals, in the province of Dara and others. A certain Xec of the town of Tiguint, in the mountains of Atlas the greater, towards the province of Sus, drew unto the Xeriffes the people of Hea, lying near unto him, who did contribute the tenths of their fruits, and of the feeding of their cattle, and in the end he put them in possession of the town of Tenest, which is the chief of that province of Hea, one of the best of Africa: and then they called themselves princes, by the practices of this Xec, who was a Genovois renegado. But they were expelled by Nugno Fernandes of Atayde a Portugal, who forced them to retire to Tazarot, a town of the jurisdiction of Marroc, and in the mean time old Mahomet Ben Hamet the Xeriffe died. His three sons continuing their enterprises, besieged the town of Alquel, and took it from a Xec, called Cidi Bugima Africain, vassal to the king of Portugal: and then they seized upon the castle of the mountain of Xanxava, the which they fortified, and were continually assisted by the Lords, towns, and commonalties of that Western quarter of Africa, in regard of this holy war. After which, they got more reputation, having encountered and taken D. Lope de Barriga, governor of Asafi, who was the most redoubted captain king Emanuel had in Africa. Notwithstanding Abdelquibir the eldest of the Xeriffes was slain in this conflict. The two others continuing their designs made themselves masters of Marroc, a goodly great city, and chief of the realm, by a notable treason practised against Nacer Buxentuf of the race of the Hententats, who was king, but he held nothing, in a manner, but the very town, for all the dependencies were at that time held by petty tyrants, and the champaign country by the Alarabes, who in that country do commonly hold Lords, towns, yea and kings in subjection. This Nacer having often received the Xeriffes very kindly into Marroc, 
Xeriffes seize upon Marroc by treason.  and used them with all honour and courtesy, he was one a time poisoned by their fraud, going forth to fly at the Heron with him. They had suborned a certain Moor, who crossed these noble men in their way as they returned from hawking, having a cake in his basket made of flower and sugar that was poisoned, who seeming to go on his way like a traveler, he was stayed by the Xeriffes, who demanded of him what he carried in his basket, and if he had not something good to eat, or to mingle with water to disalter the king, who was there present; whereupon this Moor drew out his cake, and presented it unto the king, who did eat thereof, and drank the water, into the which he had steeped it; whereof he did not presently complain: but being come to Marroc, he fell sick and died within 6 days. In the mean time Mahomet knowing what would happen, went to Xanxava to fetch his forces, to second his brother Hamet, as they had agreed, who by the means of some confederates, which under other pretexts were then at Marroc, seized upon the castle, even as his brother arrived with his troops, and made himself to be acknowledged for king of the Marroquins, and seeming with a counterfeit modesty to be very much grieved for the accident which had befallen king Nacet, as a thing (said he) practised by some of his enemies unknown to him, he said that his election was a blessing of heaven, the which must follow: seeking to pacify the children of the deceased, promising them honours and estates at their desires. Then he sent to advertise the King of Fez, that he had been created King of Marroc, and that he would hold the city of him; and sending him certain presents, accompanied with submissions and promises, he rested satisfied. Thus he got the possession of Marroc, and of the rights of that realm, the jurisdictions whereof extend far towards the South; which (as we have said) were distracted by the usurpations of petty Lords: and many towns also had enfranchised themselves, governing themselves like common weals, but they reduced them to their old obedience. The wars against the Christians and Moors which did adhere unto them, being the chief support of their authority and credit with the people, they continued it, and had divers encounters with the Portugals; but that wherein they did labour more curiously, and wherein they were most fortunate, for the settling of their greatness, was to practise the Moors which followed the king of Portugals party, to draw them unto themselves, wherein finding some difficulties, they sought to set a division among them, and they feigning to be partakers in their quarrels, did so bandy them one against another, as the Moors and Alarabes of the country of Duquele and they of Xarquie of the one part, and they of Garbia of the other, by mutual encounters and bloody battles made themselves so weak, as the Xeriffes did easily subject them one after another, and enrich themselves with their spoils: which was so great, as afterwards they had not any need of arms, horses, not followers: 
Hamet and Mahomet divide their estates.  and then the two brethren divided their estates, so as Hamet was king of Marroc, and Mahomet king of Sus, or of Tarudant, which town he did beautify with buildings, and fortify very much: but, as the prosperities of this world are never absolute, going to besiege the town of Cap d' Aguer in Sus, he was roughly repulsed, with the loss of a great number of men; the which did but quicken his spirits and courage to find means to recover this loss, and to maintain his reputation: wherein both he and his brother Hamet were much assisted by the approbation they had of the king of Fez, who was content when they had any loss, that they should repair their forces by new levies made in his countries, and by his subjects which did voluntarily follow them: and therefore for some years they entertained friendship with this king, who was the cause of their advancement, by all duties and good offices, paying him the like tribute that Nacer king of Marroc was accustomed to pay, and moreover, the fift penny of their spoils taken in war. But finding themselves once strong, they began to neglect it, wherewith the king was discontented, commanding one of his captains of let them understand, that if they sent him not this tribute, he would make war against them as enemies. The death of king Mahomet Oataz ensuing, pacified this quarrel, for that the children of the deceased who had been scholars to one of the Xeriffes, would not molest them, but confirmed them easily in their conquests▪ making a new promise of a light tribute; of the which they never paid any thing, being glad to have such an occasion to break with them of Fez, whom they knew to be men of little valour, living in delights and pleasures: Ambition which hath no bounds, provoking them to pass all the bonds, respects, and considerations of the favours which they had received from the house of these Oataz Merines, whom in the end they did ruin: and the better to attain to that which they pretended, they made an alliance with Aben Hadu, and Muley Ferez, brethren, and Muley dries, with other Lords of the mountains, enemies to the family of the Oataz; so as when Muley Hamet, who had succeeded Mahomet his father in the realm of Fez, thought (after that the tribute had been discontinued some years) to force the Xeriffes: they gave him plainly to understand that they owed him not any thing, and that they had more right to reign, and to demand tribute of the kings and people of Africa, than any other; for that they were descended from the Prophet Mahomet, and his lawful successors: wherefore, if he thought it good to be their friend, they would be his: and if he attempted to cross them in the wars which they made against Christians, that both God and Mahomet would punish him, neither should they want power to defend themselves. And soon after, the Xeriffe of Marroc, who confined upon the country of Fez, made trial if this king had the courage to enter into war; for he began to force the inhabitants of some places of his jurisdiction which lay nearest unto him, to pay him the tenths of their fruits, 
Tenths of fruits the revenues of Kings.  which was the chief article at that time of the receipt of their treasure: yea, they did not eact any other thing, but certain customs or tolles. Whereupon the king of Fez resolved to proclaim war against them, & came in person to besiege Marroc, being unprovided of Ordnance: for he had but two pieces, with the which he made a battery near unto the port of Ciet Belabez Cebti. The other hearing of this siege at Sus, came speedily and put himself into Marroc, with three thousand horse, the which the king of Fez with his army could not prevent: then instantly, with his and his brother's forces, they made a furious fallie, and put the assailants to rout, pursuing them unto the Province of Escura, doing infinite harm even in the tail of their army. King Hamet Oataz making haste, with the first to come to Fez, where he had news the same night, that Muley Musand her brother, had raised a tumult in the city, & that he would make himself King: which rebellion he suppressed by his coming. By this bad trial which the King of Fez had made, he was so incensed, as he would return again to the siege of Marroc, whereas the two brethren, did not attend him, but came forth to meet him, and charging him at the passage of the river of los negroes, 
King of Fez defeated by the Xeriffes.  at a place called Buacuba, they defeated his forward: in which conflict Muley Mahomet his son was slain, and with him King Aben Abdalla, he who had lost Granado in Spain, and the King of Fez was forced to return in disorder, with great loss of his men, baggage, and women, and to leave the field to the Xeriffes, who by favour of this victory, made all them of the jurisdiction of Fez, which confined upon Marroc, to contribute the tenths, without any resistance: and when as afterwards the King of Fez sought to be revenged, they made head against him and his Captains, and put them to many routs, so as that wrong remained unrevenged.  
The Xeriffes having handled the King of Fez thus roughly, he of Sus led an army beyond the mountain Atlas, he took Tafilet, a town of Numidia, and carried away the Lord thereof called Amar. He also took some other places, some by force, some by composition: so as these two brethren extended their dominions towards Numidia and Lybia, and subdued the Arabians and Africans which lived in those dry countries. But that which gave more fame to Mahomet, was the taking of Cape d' Aguer, which he had already attempted, and was then ill defended by D. Guttiere of Montroy a Portugois, who was forced and taken there with a good spoil, especially of arms and ordinance, whereof the Xeriffes could make great use. This conquest settled them in their Estates, and made all the people of the mountains and valleys, friends, yea obedient unto them, and some thought that they had made Emanuel King of Portugal give over the wars of Africa, and demantle the towns of Azamor, Safi, Arzille and Alcaçar Ceguer, the which happened soon after.  
But as all equality is odious in great men, 
Xeriffes in quaerell betwixt themselves.  and their society nothing firm: these two brethren fell in the end to quarrel, and to open war. The cause was the hatred which Hamet bore to his younger brother Mahomet, for that he was more esteemed and respected than he, he was indeed more valiant, more just, and more loyal in that which he promised: he was discontented also, that of all the booty which Mahomet his brother had taken at Cap d' Aguer, of the which he should give him the fift part, he had not sent him any thing but D. Guttiere prisoner, and some few slaves: Wherefore he sent him an imperious message, that he would have all the Ordinance, the harguebuzies, and the munition, which he had won and 400. slaves more, and then the fifth penny of all the rest of the booty: whereupon there were divers answers and replies. Hamet seeing that he did not perform what he desired, sent certain troops to levy tribute of the land, which his brother enjoyed; the which he did for that time endure. After which Hamet desired that they might have an interview in Marroc, but Mahomet knowing his brother well, excused himself, and seeing they were upon complaints, Mahomet said, that he had deprived him of the lawful succession of their father, who had left him great treasure in Tazarot, demanding a moiety both of the movables and conquests, where he had always been in the greatest dangers. He said moreover, that Mahomet Harran his son having been borne before that Hamet had any children, he ought to be sworn King and successor to all the Realms, according to a certain ordnance of their father. From these words they fell to arms, and without the meditation of Cidi Arrahal (who was an Alfagui of great authority among the Moors and Alarabes) the war had then grown furious and bloody, but he pacified them, and procured an interview upon the banks of the river Hued Issen, whether either of them came with 500 horse, and lighted in the field, where there were two tents pitched, betwixt the which they parleyed, without any other company, but the abovenamed Alfagui, their troops being far from them. At their coming together, Mahomet humbling himself something, Hamet presently laid hold of him, shaking him after a rough manner, and seeking to overthrow him: but Mahomet, who was strong and active, kept himself up, and in the end in wrestling, got his brother under him, doing him no harm, but reproached him with his disloyalty, the other pouring forth many injuries, until the Alfagui parted them, and then they both retired, so as this unkind meeting did breed nothing else but an increase of hatred, which continued unto their deaths.  
Hamet was no sooner at Marroc, but he sent Mueley Cidan his eldest son to overrun the land of Dara, which did belong to the King of Sus his brother, who sent against him Mumen Belelche, a Genevois renegado with some horsemen, who was defeated and forced to retire into a Castle, where he was besieged, taken, and carried to Marroc, and there remained a Captive in chains for a time. On the other side, Muley Said another of Hamets' sons, defeated and slew Hascen Gelbi whom Mahomet had sent into the Province of Hea to levy contributions: by which two routs Hamet thinking that his brother's forces were much weakened, he gathered the greatest power he could together, with an intent to chase him out of his Realm of Sus, but Mahomet was not fainthearted: for acquainting all his friends with the motives of this war, he could so persuade them, as they were more affected than ever to support and defend him, so as he was prepared to stop the passage of the mountains called Mascarotan, which are betwixt Marroc and Tarudant, where having seized upon the straits, when as the King of Marocs' army was engaged in the mountains, and his forward led by Muley Nacer his third son, ready to enter into the open fields, it was charged by Muley Harran, eldest son to the King of Sus, with such fury, as Nacer having lost his best men, was forced to retire into the mountains, 
Mohomet defeats his elder brother  which caused a great disorder: for Nacer having encountered the battle, and the squadron which his father led, there was so strange a confusion betwixt them, that did descend, and the others which would have ascended flying the enemy, who poursued them, as one hindering another, and entangled in their baggage, we may say, that they gave themselves a second rout, greater than the first, casting one another down the precepices upon sharp rocks, both men and horses: after a miserable manner: whereupon the enemy coming, and the barbarous people of the mountains desirous of spoil, falling upon this amazed multitude, they made a terrible slaughter, yet many quitting their horses, escaped on foot, by those difficult ways into the rearward, which was free from this defeat. But Hamet King of Marroc, and Muley Buaçon another of his sons were taken, and led to Tarudant: Muley Cidan his eldest son retired with the remainder of this defeated army to Marroc, in such despair, as he would have sent Ambassadors into Spain to the Emperor Charles the fifth, to crave an army of him, and to offer him homage, but he was dissuaded by the Alfaguis, and Captains that were with him, who thought it fit to send Mariana the wife of Muley Cidan, and daughter to the Xeriffe Mahomet, whom he loved much, to Tarudant to procure the delivery of her father-in-law, and to mediate a peace: the which she handled so discreetly, as the two kings were reconciled upon these conditions.  
That there should be a new division made, 
Xeriffes' brethren reconciled.  and that to Mahomet should be left all the Province of Sus, from Mount Atlas towards the South, unto the bounds of Lybia and Numidia, where it confines to Sus, the which they call Remoto, and to Hamet that which is towards the North, and to the fronters of the Realm of Fez: That the treasures left by their father should be equally divided. That young Mahomet Harran should be sworn Prince successor to both their Estates, and after him Muley Cidan: That the prisoners of either side should be set free without ransom: That Hamet King of Marroc, his children and the Captains that were taken, should swear never to carry arms against Mahomet nor his children: That Hamet should have the fift part of all that should be gotten by their common arms, by way of acknowledgement, as being his elder, and his part of the overplus, and being in person in the army, he should have the honour to be the Sovereign head, and Mahomet should be as Vrsi, or Lieutenant general under him. This peace was concluded in the year 1543. but it held not; 
Hamet breaks the peace made with his brother.  for Hamet being come to Marroc, said, that whatsoever he had promised, was by force, being a prisoner, and that it was not fit he should so wrong his son: wherefore having taken arms again, the two brethren came to battle, at a place called Quehera, 7. leagues from Marroc, the 29. of August 1544. whereas Hamet was vanquished, and his army so dispersed, as Mahomet being at the city gates, chase them that fled, he was received, partly by love, and partly by fear, the Governor and citizens thinking that all had been lost: where having delivered him the castle, he was saluted and held for King of Marroc. He did not touch his brother's wives nor children, nor their jewels, not treasure, but preserved them, assuring them that they should have good usage. A day or two after Hamet came to the gates of Marroc, but he found the place taken: wherefore being oppressed with sorrow, he retired to the Hermitage of Cidi Abdalla ben Cesi, a man greatly honoured among that nation, not far from the city, and from thence he sent his sons Muley Cidan, and Muley Nacer unto the King of Fez, to recommend them and their affairs unto him. It was Muley Hamet Oataz, abovementioned, a generous Prince, who notwithstanding the wrongs he had received from their father and uncle, entertained these two Xeriffes very courteously, and promised them all assistance. The Xeriffe Mahomet, new King of Marroc, knowing that his Nephews were retired to Fez, sent them word, that they should not estrange themselves, and that he had no will but to do them good, whereupon they obeyed him, and he also drew unto him by rewards and good entertainments, all the Captains and soldiers which had served his brother. The Alfaguis grieving at Hamets' disgrace, did mediate an interview of the two brethren near unto the river of Luyden, two leagues from Marroc in the year 1545, but it was to Mahomet's advantage: for this victorious King caused a great and rich pavilion to be set up all open, in the midst of his troops, where he was set low upon a royal seat, having bars round about, so as no man could come near him but before, he being armed. About him were his guards set, and other troops of soldiers, who left an entry to go unto the King. There first presented themselves unto him Hamets' smaller children, than they that were bigger, and so according to their ages, who came and kissed his knee one after another, and then retired to one side of the pavilion, whereas the King's children and his chief Officers were: last of all came Hamet the Xeriffe, before whom the King arose, and received him at the entry of his pavilion, where as they embraced one another with tears in their eyes, and then sitting down upon one seat, after they had viewed one another a long space, sighing but not speaking. 
Mahomet's speech to his brother Hamet.  Mahomet began to tell him mildly of the breach of his faith, and of the peace of Tarudant, that God had punished him by the victory which he had given him miraculously, being very apparent that his forces were not sufficient to seize upon the Realm of Marroc, and that he must confess, that for his disloyalty he was fallen into the hatred of his subjects and vassals. That he should remember how much he had loved him, served and obeyed him, as being his elder, and that he might assure himself he would bear him the like love hereafter, notwithstanding all that was past, so as he would acknowledge him to be his king, and be content to be his Vizir, and Captain general: but he must forbear to enter into Marroc: for he had promised the Inhabitants, who feared to be ill entreated by him, not to suffer him to enter: Wherefore he should retire himself with his wife and children to the town of Tafilet, where he should receive all brotherly love from him, and that he hoped the conquests they had hitherto made, were of small esteem, in regard of those that were to come, by the which he should have means to give unto his children Realms and Seigneuries to his and their content. Hamet made some excuses for that which he had done, and thanked him humbly in words for the promises and offers he made him, although the sentence seemed hard, yet he must undergo it: wherefore he retired to Tafila in Numidia with his wives, children, & such friends as would follow him.  
If the Xeriffe Mahomet had dispossessed his brother, whereof the chief motive had been ambition and then distrust, the King of Fez might well attend as much, for they had been already in arms, and the Xeriffe knew well that he had wronged him of Fez, which in reason required reparation: but the Xeriffes' greatness would not permit it: one distrusting another, they fell easily to quarrel. The Xeriffe complained, that after the battle of Quehera, the king of Fez had given refuge to Muley Cidan, and Muley Nacer his nephews, and then he pretended that the Province of Tedle, did belong to the Realm of Marroc, and at the same time that he demanded it, he sent Muley Abdel Cader, one of his sons, to field, with an army, 
Kings of Fez and Marroc at war.  to exact the contributions, giving him for an assistant Mumen Belelche abovenamed, by race a Genevois, to whom he gave charge to besiege the strong castle of Fixtelle, and to take it: which they could not do, for the place was well defended by Ben-Ouzar, captain to the king of Fez, who also went to field to succour him. The Xeriffe desiring to encounter him, went also to field. In the army of Fez were 30000. horse, as well of Fez, Velez, Dubuda, as Arabians Hololes, and of Beni Melic Sofian, and eight hundred harquebuziers, Turks, or Christian renegadoes, led by Marian a Persian born. The wars of Barbary and Mauritania are for the most part on horseback, and they do little esteem footmen: besides all this, he had a thousand harquebusiers on horseback, and four and twenty pieces of Ordinance. The Xeriffe had eighteen pieces of Ordinance, eighteen thousand horse, three hundred Turks harguebuiers, and a thousand Christians renegadoes carrying Crossbows. These armies being near together, spent many days to spy out some advantage: when as the Xeriffe perceived that the horsemen of Fez, and the Alarabes which were with them, began to disband according to their custom, which is to grow weary to be in field, and to return to see their families, he offered battle so fitly, 
King of Fez de seated & taken  (for he was a great soldier) as they were forced to fight, where the Xeriffe got the victory, and the King of Fez was taken, being hurt in two places, and his son Muley Bucar, with many other Commanders and Captains, and a great spoil.  
Muley Buaçon Lord of Velez de la Gomera of the race of Merins, alone, showed himself a valiant Captain, and saved his Squadron, all the rest being scattered and put to rout. Fixtelle was then yielded, and all other places of the Province of Tedle. The Xeriffe causing the King of Fez to come before him, used no rough speech, but did rather comfort him in his misfortune, and as he seemed always very religious, he told him only that he should acknowledge, 
Speech of the Xeriffe to the King of Fez.  that this misery had fallen upon him, for that he did not reign according unto God, neither had any care of his people: For (said he) thou which art a King, and shouldst instruct thy subjects in virtue and good manners, why ghast thou suffered such abominable vices to be ordinarily practised in that great City of Fez, where as every man is given to fraud, violence, dissoluteness, and drunkenness, where as wine is openly sold in Taverns, contrary to the law of Mahomet the Prophet? Why hast thou not caused justice to be administered, and these excesses punished? whereunto Hamet answered nothing, but that Princes which dislike of vices, and would correct them, could not do it, when as they meet with subjects bred up in vice, and accustomed to live ill; but he laid before him the good which the Xeriffs had received in Fez, and that if they were grown great, it was by the assistance and means of Oataz Benemerines, entreating him to remember it. The Xeriffe put him in good hope, but he made him promise to persuade the Inhabitants of Fez to open him the gates, and receive him into the town: and with this intent he marched towards the great City, which be rather three cities one joining unto another, containing (as some report) eighty thousand families, full of rich men, living voluptuously, and beautified with rich and stately buildings, both public and private, more than any other city among the Mahumetists: but whatsoever Hamets' will was in this point, they would not suffer the Xeriffe to enter, for that Buaçon Lord of Velez, the King's kinsman, being entered into it with the remainder of the defeated army, had caused Cazen, son to the king of Fez to be proclaimed king, upon condition, that if his father, being set at liberty, should return, he should yield up the Realm unto him. The Xeriffe Mahomet seeing there was no means to force that great city, and wanting victuals, he returned in a rage, and caused the heads of above two hundred of the citizens, that were his prisoners, to be cut off, leading away king Hamet, Muley Bacar, with other prisoners of name, in chains. This was an admirable exploit, for (they say) that the Xeriffe lost but one man in his whole army, but many were hurt, and the number of the dead were small of the king of Fez his part: this was in the year 1547. The dissension among the Princes which remained in Fez, gave the xeriffe occasion to raise a new army, in the year following, under the conduct of Mahomet Haran, and Abdel el Cader, his sons, but this war was soon ended: for the Alfaguis, who are esteemed wise men among the Moors, did mediate a peace, by the which king Hamet Oataz, 
King of Fez set at liberty.  and his followers were set at liberty, and there was given to the xeriffe Mahomet for the charge of the war, the town of Mequineuz, which was great and well peopled, containing about 8000. families, being 12. leagues distant from Fez. And it was agreed, that whensoever the xeriffe would enter into Fez, he should have the keys delivered to him. About 2. months after the king's delivery, the xeriffe meaning to make trial of the effect of his promise, came near unto the City with some small forces, and sent to demand the keys. The king of Fez knowing that he had no great troop with him, entertained him some days in hope, pretending that there was some dissension in the town, which hindered his entry. In the mean time he gathered his forces together, and fell out upon him, forcing him to retire with the loss of some of his Knights: whereat the Xeriffe being wonderfully moved, he sent for his forces, and came and lodged at Arras Elma, two leagues from Fez, where there is a great spring which makes the river that runs into the town, the which he blocked up with forts well manned, to cut off their victuals, and to cause a mutiny. Yet they endured this discommodity almost two years. In the end not able any longer to bear the want of many things which they needed, they let the Xeriffe by night into the old town, by a breach which they suffered him to make, the which Hamet Oataz, (who was in the new town, where the King's palace is) did not perceive, until the next day morning, and then he came with a great troop, and charged them of Marroc furiously to expel them, but he could not: for the people did no way assist him, but kept themselves close in their houses during the fight, which was very cruel in all parts of the towns, the one crying for the Xeriffe, and the other for the Merins, and the Citizens with their wives and children cried out, God save him that shall give us peace and bread, casting stones, logs, tiles, and whatsoever they could get, out at the windows, wherewith many were slain, or sore wounded, and more of the King's men, then of others. So as Muley Hamet and his men were forced to retire into new Fez, and to abandon the old town to the Xeriffe. The next night Buaçon persuaded Muley Hamet to fly with him to Velez, and to pass from thence into Spain, to crave aid from the Emperor Charles, but he would not believe him: Wherefore Buaçon retired himself, and the same night Muley Hamet sent forth his mother, (whose name was Lela Mahabilo) to the Xeriffe, to crave a peace of him upon what terms soever: who casting herself prostrate before him, 
Fez won by the Xeriffe Mahomet.  besought him to receive the Realm, and to give him some corner of ground to entertain him and his family: wherewith the Xeriffe was very well satisfied, commanding that Hamet should departed the same day, and retire to Marroc, carrying with him his wives, children, jewels, treasure, movables, and whatsoever he would, and that Cazer● and Aben Nacer his sons should go to Tarudant with their families and goods, promising to give them good entertainment. The Xeriffe having seen among the King's daughters, one that pleased him, he married her: thus the Xeriffe thought that he had conquered the City and Realm of Fez; but he could not yet enjoy it quietly. He was much incensed to hear, that during the war, Muley Zidan his Nephew, and his son-in-law had come to Fez, and borne arms for his enemy. This made him dislodge the Xeriffe Hamet from Tafilet, and to confine him to Xiguret in Zahara in Lybia, with Zidan and Nacer his sons, retaining Buaçon and Mançor who were younger, with him, whom he afterwards married with two of his daughters. The Lord of Dabuda, called Muley Amar, a Prince of the blood of the Merins, being summoned by the Xeriffe to come and do him homage, he durst not, but leaving his house he retired with his family to Melille in Gared upon the sea.  
Buaçon Lord of Velez being fled from Fez, as we have said, had an intent to fly unto the Christians, and treated with Don Aluar de Baçan to yield himself vassal to the Emperor Charles, and to put Pignon de Velez into his hands. But staying long for an answer from D. Aluar, the xeriffe, (it may be advertised of that which he pretended to do) sent for him to come to Fez with assurance. The which he promised to do, and put himself upon the way, but he turned on the left hand, and retired to Melille, where he continued his practices with the Prince Maxmilian, who governed Spain for the Emperor. He was to deliver Pignon de Velez to D. Bernardin of Mendoza, who was sent expressly to receive it: but the Captain that was in it, would not deliver it, wherefore he passed with D. Bernardin to Malaga, and from thence to Maximilian, who having referred him unto the Emperor, he went to him into Germany, but to no purpose: for they did not trust him. In the end he addressed himself to D. john king of Portugal, who gave him money and five Caravels, in which he embarked 1500. soldiers Portugals, meaning to land in Africa, at a place called 'las Aluzemas: but he was surprised by Salharais, Governor of Alger, who had some intelligence of these Caravels, who assailed them with fourscore Galliots, took them, and carried them to Alger, with all the Christian soldiers, notwithstanding any thing that Buaçon could plead, who said, that he had brought them for his service, that by their aid he might enter into the Estate of Fez, from whence the Xeriffe, their common enemy, had chased all their house and family by force: but he could get nothing from Salharrais at that time but reproaches, that he should be ashamed, being a Mahometan, to have recourse unto Christians in his affairs, rather than unto Turks: yet notwithstanding afterwards, he not only delivered these Portugal soldiers, but came himself with the forces of his Government to aid Buaçon to recover the Realm of Fez: for it happened, that the Xeriffe having greater designs, and aspiring to the Empire of all Africa, made an enterprise upon the Town of Tremessen, which was storehouse for the Turks, where they had a Governor and a Garrison, sending his three eldest sons Harran, Cader, and Abdalla, to whom it was yielded without resistance. Abdalla remained there with a good Garrison, but he stayed not long till he was invested by Salharrais with a mighty army, by whom he was vanquished going forth to fight with them, notwithstanding that the father had sent him a supply of eight thousand horse, under the command of Cader and Abderramen his Brethren, who were the cause of his loss, by their accustomed jars and dissensions: for being brethren by divers mothers, they had always some quarrel a foot, and could not agree in this important action. Cader was slain in this conflict, being not succoured by Abderramen, and Abdalla (sore wounded) was forced to retire in disorder.  
Bahami an old Captain, and Cousin to these young Xeriffes, thinking to reprehend Abderramen for the fault which he had committed, using some sharp and manly words unto him, he wounded him in the arm with his sword; whereof having afterwards complained unto the Xeriffe Mahomet, he was so incensed against his son, as some thought he was poisoned within a month after, with the father's consent: so in a short time three of the Xeriffes' sons died: for Mahomet Harran the eldest, who was appointed Successor to the Realms of Marroc and Fez, and had assisted him in the Conquest of Tremessen, returning afterwards to Fez, he died of sickness. In the mean time the Xeriffe had news that the Inhabitants of the Mountain Nefuça, called otherwise Derenderen, a people subject to rebellion, were revolted. They had mutined before, by the persuasion of a Preacher of the sect of Mohaydin, called Cidi Abdalla: but now the Xeriffe imputed this tumult to the practices of Muley Hamet the dispossessed king of Fez and his children: but more upon a conceit, than any well-grounded reason: so as incensed with a violent passion, 
Cruelty of the Xeriffe Mahomet.  he sent his son Abdalla to Marro●, where this poor King was, with charge to cut off his head, and there was commandment sent to Habis, Governor of Sus, to do the like to his two sons Cazeri and Nacer, who lived at Tarudant, the which was executed.  
The Rebels of Derenderen had annoyed the Xeriffe, being animated by their Preacher Cidi Abdalla, and now they showed themselves no less obstinate. It is a mighty people, but barbarous, superstitious, and disloyal, inhabiting● this long mountain, which was strong and of hard access, having with in it spacious valleys well tilled, carrying grain, oil, and other fruits, which is a branch of the great Atlas, in the territory of Marroc: who made such resistance against the Xeriffe, who came against them in person, as after that he had lost a great number of his men, he resolved to leave them until another time.  
The town of Tremessen being recovered by the Turks, Buaçon Lord of Velez, who was at Melille, came again to entreat Salharrais, that he would not ruin his good fortune, but deliver the Christian soldiers which he detained, paying him some reasonable ransom. Salharrais being incensed against the Xeriffe, and thinking that if he should assail him after the rout of his sons, he would be so amazed, as he might dispossess him of Fez, requiring him with the like as he had attempted to do against him at Tremessen, he granted Buaçon his request, and moreover offered to furnish him with a good number of Turks, having agreed upon some pay, and he himself went with him in person. Buaçon promised to pay him a thousand doublons of gold daily, for forty days together, and gave him caution in the town of Alger: He agreed also that Salharrais should carry away all the movables, jewels and treasure which should be found in Fez, belonging to the Xeriffe.  
This accord being made, 
Turks go to besiege Fez.  the Turk went to field with four thousand men of his nation, and twelve pieces of ordinance, giving order to other troops to come and join with him at Tremessen; the Lord of Dubude of the blood of the Merins, came also with some soldiers. It may be the news hereof made the Xeriffe retire from pursuing the Montaynards of Derenderen, sooner than he would have done, and to put himself into Fez, whether all his forces being come, he went to encounter the Turks upon the Marches of Tezar, whereas the Realm of Fez confines with that of Tremessen, and there attended his coming many days: but seeing his long stay, and his victuals being cut off by Buaçons' children, who held the passages, and had their retreats into the mountains of Matagara, he was forced to retire. Xeriffe was no sooner parted from Tezar, but Salharrais arrived, to whom the Inhabitants opened their gate, and received a garrison of Turks: then causing his army to march against Fez, he went along the foot of the mountains, being coasted by the Xeriffs' army which held the plains, and was much stronger than he in horse. Salharrais was a captain, and could embrace all occasions, so as one day he surprised the Xeriffs' rearward, 
Xeriffe Mahomet forced to fly.  led by Abdalla, his son, and put it to rout, and made him to abandon his munition and baggage, so as the Xeriffe was forced to go hastily to Fez, marching all that day and the night following without any stay, and then Salharrais lodged presently upon the banks of the river Sebu.  
The Inhabitants of Fez have a previledge, 
Previledge of the Inhabitants of Fez.  that if their King suffers the enemy to approach within half a league of the city, as being to weak and wanting means to resist him, they may open him the gates, and not be taxed with treachery, and so they cause their Kings to swear at their coming to the crown: For it is a great folly, say they, by a vain, weak & unseasonable loyalty, to expose such a city to the spoil, in supporting a Prince obstinately, who is unprovided of force and means to defend them. This privilege forced the Xeriffe to go forth again to fight with the Turks army, and with his enemy Buaçon, and fearing that the captain of the, Turks which he had for his guard, would abandon him, and retire to Salharra, he caused his head to be cut off.  
All the captains and governors of Sus, Da●a, Marroc, and the Provinces of Fez, were in his army with their people, which showed to be four score thousand horse, of the which he sent eight thousand good horse of Sus against the enemy, to fight with him at the passage of a river, and he with the rest of the army followed after, stretching it out upon the river side, so as there was nothing but the river betwixt the two armies. Salharrais finding great difficulty in his passage, planted his ordinance, upon the rivers side where there was a ford, and caused every horseman to take a Harguebuzier behind him, and the ordinance to play continually upon the Xeriffs' squadrons, so as he passed a great number of his shot in despite of them, who with admirable celerity cast up a kind of rampar to defend them from the horse, and shooting incessantly gave means to the rest of the Turks horse and foot to pass, neither could they be forced to quit the place, which they had taken, notwithstanding the many charges of the Xeriffs' horsemen.  
The Turks army being past, they lodged that night as strongly as they could. The next day they marched towards the city, whereas the Xeriffs' army made great resistance, the which was divided into three battaillons, and having made a trench upon the great high way, planted with ordinance, they could not pass; but Salharrais making a show as if he would go and besiege the bourrough of Zefere with part of his army, whereas the Xeriffs' victuals and munition lay, he caused his son Abdalla to leave a little hill called Dardubag, which he had in guard, of the which he himself, with the other part of the Turkish army, seized instantly, and then he feared not the enemy's horse; the which could not then annoy him, the way being rough and full of stones. Notwithstanding the Xeriffe charged the Turks, but they of that nation and the renegadoes which were in his army, and of his guard betrayed him; so as Salharrai: Turks got the advantage, and with their shot disperse their first squadrons: 
Turks make the Xeriffe retire.  and put them to flight, wherefore the Xeriffe seeing that they of Fez that were with him began to waver, and that most of them retired towards the old city, he resolved also to retire himself into new Fez, with his soldiers of Marroc and Sus, in whom he did most rely, and the Turks marching on in good order, came and camped near unto the port called Bebelfetoh, whereas many of the Inhabitants came unto them, and Arabians that were friends to Buaçon, with an intent to have it opened unto him. Muley Abdalla the Xeriffs' son, who had entered the city by an other port, caused two pieces of ordinance to be planted upon the portal of Bebelfetoh, which made many shot into the Turks camp, and did them much harm, but Buaçon and his friends broke open the gate, and made way for the army to enter.  
Then there began a furious and bloody conflict in the streets, where there died many good men of either side, in the end Abdalla, who had no confidence in them of Fez, abandoned it, and retired himself into the castle of new Fez, passing by the suburbs of Merz, where he reported unto his father how all things had passed in the great town, who holding himself not safe in new Fez, 
Fez abandoned by the Xeriffe to the Turks.  went to field, in a manner flying towards Marroc, having advised his wives, his daughters and household train, to save themselves as they could: abandoning his treasures, jewels, and movables (whereof he went always well furnished) to them that could lay hold of it. Some escaped, others were stayed and taken, and amongst them two of the Xeriffs' daughters, who had that day a notable loss. Aliben Bubcar, who was captain of the fort of new Fez, held it, until he thought that the Xeriffe was in safety, and then he yielded it to Salharrais by composition, his men going forth with their arms and horses, and what goods they could carry with them.  
The city of Fez being thus won, 
Fez taken by the Turks.  some captains of the Turks army, who hated Buaçon, gave Salharrais to understand that the Inhabitants of Fez did detest him, for that he was affected to the Christians, and was proud, and of an ill disposition. That they murmured already against him, and gave it out that they would never receive him willingly for their King; and therefore he should bind them much unto him, if he gave them Muley Bubcar, one of the sons of Muley Hamet Oataz, to whom by right the Realm did belong, and that it was their desire. Upon these reports and persuasions Salharrais caused Muley Bubcar to be proclaimed King of Fez, retaining Muley Buaçon in the fort of new Fez well guarded, which made the people to mutiny: for whereas the Turks had said that Buaçon was hated and rejected by the Inhabitants of Fez, it was a mere slander, and the contrary did soon appear, for they took arms for his sake against the Turks, so as Salharrais was forced (to pacify this tumult) to send him unto them with an Alcaide, he promising to return again to accomplish their conventions. Buaçon being brought into the city, cast himself into the Mesquite of Caruin, and would not come forth, saying, that he had been ill entreated by the Turks, and in danger to be slain by them, and therefore he would not fall again into their hands. But the Alcaide, which did accompany him, gave him so many reasons, as he returned with him to Salharrais, who pacified him with good words and made him King of Fez: but he condemned the Citizens to pay an ounce of gold for every house, because they had seditiously taken arms against the Turks: whatsoever passed betwixt them afterwards, it is certain, that Salharrais departed very ill satisfied of King Buaçon, and returned from this enterprise (where he had gotten much honour and profit) in such a rage against him, as he advertised the Xeriffe, that he might boldly make war against Fez when he pleased, assuring him that he would never give aid to Buaçon: It may be he was the more incensed, for that having sent Ya Hay● a Turk to Veles, to receive the fort of Pipnon, which it may be was an Article of their conventions, the captain that was in it, would not yield it, but delivered it unto Muley Mahomet son of Buaçon, and when the Pirate demanded it of Mahomet, he refused him, but it happened on a time that the Pirate took Mahomet out of his fort, and entreated him so roughly, as he yielded up the place.  
The Xeriffe Mahomet being chased from Fez, thinking that the town of Meguineus, would be of great expense he commanded his son Abdalla who was in it, to abandon it, for the which he repent himself, hearing how much Salharrais was discontented with Buaçon: for this place was very commodious to make an enterprise upon Fez, which he presently resolved. But he had reason to think how to keep it from the Xeriffe Hamet his brother, who upon the news of this loss was returned to Tafilet, and had made himself Master thereof, with an intent to attempt some great matter. He therefore resolved to punish him in such sort, as he should never have more cause to fear him, going himself in person to besiege him in Tafilet; and in the mean time he sent an army against Buaçon the new King of Fez; giving the charge thereof to his son Abdalla; Buaçon for his part sent his army to field, being led by Muley Nacer and Muley Mahomet his sons: but these two brethren (the one being base) disagreeing, they divided their forces, and gave Abdalla means to defeat Mahomet, and to make the other retire: 
Abdalla defeated by Buason.  which made Buaçon go out of Fez with a great army, who charged Abdalla so furiously, as he put his army to rout with great slaughter. In this battle there was a race of Arabians cut in pieces, called Arrahamenes, whom the Xeriffe drew out of the country of Sus, and had placed them in the Province of Temecene, of the which there escaped not one.  
The defeat of Abdalla was held secret by the Xeriffe, 
Mahomet the Xeriffe beseegeth his brother Mahomet.  who did besiege Hamet his brother in Tafilet, so as the besieged knew not any thing: but contrariwise they found means to have it bruited in the town, that Abdalla was a conqueror in Fez. Wherefore Hamet who had put himself into that place, in hope to be relieved by Buaçon, believing that he had been wholly defeated, and without hope of that which he expected, he sent Zidan and Nacer his sons unto their uncle, and yielded himself unto his mercy: Who confined him at that time into an hermitage, but he caused the heads of his Nephews, to be cut off, to free himself of all fear; and having left a good garrison in Tafilet, he took the way to Garciluin, and by that way entered into the Realm of Fez. Buaçon seeing himself thus obstinately pursued, 
Buason King of Fez defeated and slain.  went forth against the Xeriffe, where there was a bloody battle, in the which Buaçon was slain upon the place, and his army put to flight. Nacer his son fled to Mesquineuz, to recover the mountains, his other son Mahomet, entered into Fez, with fifty horse only, but the Citizens, who always held with the stronger, let him know that he was not welcome: wherefore he went also to Mesquineuz, where he found his brother Nacer, and so they passed to Sala or Rabat upon the Ocean sea, where they embarked to pass into Spain, but they were taken at sea by certain Pirates Britons. Muley Buscar, son to the deceased King Hamet Oataz, being in this battle with Buaçon, fled to Tremessen, and from thence to Algiers, where he died of the plague.  
Thus by this victory the Xeriffe was peaceable King of Fez, 
Fez wholly subdued the Xeriffe.  and all the Xecques of the people, and Governors of the Realm, came and yielded themselves unto him. Being unable to force them of the mountains, or being loath to blemish the glory of so great a conquest by some sinister accident, in seeking to subdue those base desperate people, he made an accord with them, that they should yield him a certain homage. Being then come to Marroc, he caused his brother Hamet to be brought thither, with the children that he had remaining, giving them in guard, to Ali Ben Bucar, and then he went towards Tarudant to make a marriage (for he was accustomed every year to marry some fair gentlewoman) and therefore he carried two of his daughters with him, with a great train of women, some troops of horse, and twelve hundred Turks of his guard; but he came not thither, being slain by the way, by treason, upon this occasion. He had a private hatred with Hassen Bassa, son to Haradin Barbarousse (but the cause is not well known) so as Hassen sought all means to be revenged. Being at Algiet there came a Turk unto him, who had heard speak of their quarrel, his name was also Hassen, a wicked and a murderous man, who made offer to kill the Xeriffe, and having received money, and great promises from the Bassa, he came to Fez, whereas Abdalla was viceroy for his father; whom he gave to understand that he had fled from Algiers, for that Hassen Bassa would have put him to death upon certain false reports, beseeching him to receive him into his service. Abdalla who did not much love the Turkish nation, would not entertain him, but willed him to go to Marroc to his father the which he did, where he was received, and soon after made captain of the Turks of his guard, who were all discontented, and ready to mutiny, for that they had been above a year without their pay, the which they had often demanded of the treasorers, and were disdainfully rejected, with injuries, as it it is the custom of that kind of people: so as when the Xeriffe began his voyage to Tarudant, they were much incensed. The Turk Hassen taking this fit occasion to execute his design, increased their discontents all he could, so as he grew confident to treat with some of the most mutinous of his guard, to kill the Xeriffe, and to spoil his treasure, showing them how easily the might escape by Numidia, and get to Tremessen, before they should have means to pursue them.  
This practice succeeded for the execution of the murder, but they could not escape as they expected. The Xeriffe being at the passage of Mont Atlas, which is called Bibone, at a place named Algiers, he would take a view of his guards, who for this cause were armed on horseback, and in battle, Hascen who was their captain, lighting from his horse, drew near unto the Xeriffe, who was at the entry of his tent, as if he had some thing to say unto him, being followed by four other his confederates; being near, and seeing him attentive to some other thing, the Treasurer who was not far off, seeing Hascen lay his hand upon his Cymitere, he cried out to Xeriffe that he should beware of himself: the Xeriffe thinking to fly into his tent, was entangled among the cords and fell, 
Xeriffe Mahomet murdered.  than the traitor cut one of his hamstrings, & the rest made an end of murdering him, killing his chief Treasoter (whom they hated) with him. This murder being done, it was published by the Turks themselves, with curses against the dead. Many of the troops which followed in this voyage, joined with them, so as Hascen was presently strong and so feared, as marching towards the Province of Sus, wheresoever he passed, they did him honour and service, and being come to Tarudant they easily made themselves Master of the town, finding it abandoned by Muley Odman, one of the Xeriffes' children, and there they gathered together the treasure that was found in his, and his two daughters trains, with that which they found in the castle of Tarudant. Thus perished the Xeriffe Mahomet, 
Disposition of the Xeriffe Mahomet.  who from little was advanced to one of the greatest principalities in the world, built upon the rapine of three mighty and ancient realms, whereunto he had annexed many other Provinces, by notable murders, and incredible effusion of blood, with an intent to make himself Monarch of all Africa, highminded, proud, a dissembler, a parricide to reign alone, covetous, without love, injurious and contemning all other men: against whom God raised a petty enemy, when as he thought to enjoy all his conquests, and that he glorified himself, who slew him in the midist of his guards, yea and by them; so variable and inconstant is worldly greatness. The murderers lived not long unpunished. They found amongst the prisoners whom they delivered at Tarudant, a Moor issued from the race of the jews, who was called Gasi Musa, and had been superintendent of the Engines of sugar which the Xeriffe held in that Province, and was then restrained upon his accounts.  
He was known by the Turks to be a man of great judgement and understanding, and that might give them good advice, wherefore they honoured him with the Office of justice Major of the town and country of Sus. Being doubtful what to do, he advised them to fortify themselves in that great and rich city, where they might well defend themselves for a time, until that succours came unto them from Algiers by Numidia, but Hascen who was rich, could not see the happiness to return unto the Bassa, whom he had served so wishfully, and therefore he resolved to departed with his booty, and seek to get through the deserts to Tremessen, the which they might have easily done, if they had taken this resolution sooner: for having spent about 3. weeks in Tarudant, they might well think they should find encounters, having so long a journey to go, which they should not be able to resist: Gazi Musa seeing that the Turk should be no longer his Lord, he secretly gave intelligence to Muley Odman (who was in the Province of Dara, and levied men, both Africains and Arrabians his friends) of the departure and voyage which Hascen and his coufederats made, who carried away his sisters and the treasure of the Realm, thinking by this advice to be freed from the remainder of his accounts. These thieves were not two journey from Tarudant, but they found themselves charged, and so priest as they were forced to lose both prey and life, for they were all slain. So the virgins and the treasure was recovered, and Tarudant also. This happened in the year 1557.  
At Marroc the Alcaide Ali Aben Bubear remained Governor, who had been a good servant to the Xeriffe that was dead, and was much affected to Abdalla his son. He using worldly wisdom, 
Service rashly performed.  hearing how his Master had been slain, not attending any order or commandment from the new King Abdalla, slew the old Xeriffe Hamet, who had been given in guard, lest the people should force him to deliver this Hamet, to seat him in the royal Throne, where they had seen him some years before, the which might hinder Abdalla who was then at Fez, 
Abdalla King of Marroc, Fez and Tarudant.  desiring to settle him quietly in the realm as he did. Among the Princes which this Governor slew, there were two sons of Muley Zidan and of Mariana daughter to the deceased Xeriffe Mahomet, who found an easy means to be revenged, for after the death of Muley Zidan her husband, she had retired to Abdalla her brother, whom she governed whilst he lived with great favour, so as Ali Ben Bubcar had a most dangerous enemy of her about the King. Abdalla succeeded in the realms of Marroc, Fez and Tarudant, with their appurtenances, without any contradiction: The father had ordained by a solemn will, made in a Parliament or Convocation held expressly, that the eldest of his sons should succeed in all his Estates, Lands, and Siegneuries, as King, 
Testament of the Xeriffe Mahomet.  and after him his other brethren unto the last that should be living, according unto the prerogative of their ages, and that not any one of their children should come unto the crown, during the life of any one of the uncles, which Order Abdalla in the course of his reign thought to break, in favour of his son Mahomet, and thereupon Mariana took occasion to be revenged of Ali who had slain her children, and procured his ruin by this means. This woman who was of a great spirit, governed the King absolutely, yea she presumed to meddle in his greatest and most secret affairs, and to give him counsel, which he took not ill, but did confer willingly with her. Having then a design to break this testamentary Ordnance made by his father, 
Vizir a dignity at Marroc.  and to leave the realm to his eldest son called Mahomet. She told him that she found he should have some contradiction, if he should die during the life of Ali Ben Bubcar, who was vizir of the realm, a chief dignity next unto the King, yea of so great authority, as in the election of Kings, 
Kings of the Moors elective.  the voice and approbation of the vizir was very necessary; for according to the custom of the Moors, all their Kings were chosen after this manner, notwithstanding any Ordonances and dispositions which Kings in their life time may make to the contrary; and she told him that this vizir would seek to maintain his father's will, for she saw him much affected to one of his brethren, she speak it not by surmise: for dissembling the hatred she bore unto Ali (as she was very cunning) and divising often with him of divers affairs, and even of this, as if it had been a desire of her own only, and no intent of the Kings, she discovered his heart sufficiently, by his discourse and answers, being to open and free for a Moor. Moreover he was rich and mighty of himself, for he was Xecq or Lord of a great people called Zaragana, and for his wisdom and valour, which were great, he was held so necessary for the realm, as the King ought to respect him, and govern his affections according to his counsels. The King in truth did much esteem him, and knowing that the election of his successor depended of the viziers voice and nomination, he did entertain and gratify Ali, thinking in time to bind him by his bounty to second his intentions. Conferring after with his sister of this desire which he had to leave his realms to Mahomet his son, she still objected unto him the sincerity or rather severity of his vizir Ali 〈◊〉 Bubcar, seeking to incense the King against him: So as on a time seeing the King discontented at some thing that Ali had done, according to the duty of his charge, but against the Kings will, this cunning woman fell in speech of the succession saying, that he assured himself more of Ali than he ought, and namely in this business concerning his son Mahomet, persuading him to certify himself by some trial▪ and therefore she advised him to counterfeit himself sick for some days, and not to suffer any one to enter into his Chamber, if he were not called the which is not strange among those nations, whereas their Kings being out of war remain whole months shut with their women, and no man sees them, but such as are called. During this fiction, the Vizir Ali, who loved the King and the Estate, came daily to the palace, morning and evening, enquiring of his health, yet could not be admitted into his Chamber. Mariane talked often with him, and made him believe that the King's sickness was very dangerous: who observing her words and countenance, persuaded himself that he was dead, and that she sought to conceal it, so as one morning he entreated her to tell him the truth, which should not be hidden from him; for if he were dead it were needful to provide an other King speedily for the Estate, and that such affairs could not admit delays. Then Mariane seeing how this business wrought, brought him into the Chamber, where he saw the King's bed covered, and he stretched out and covered with a cloth, as if he had been dead, and so he held him: Then she said unto him, consider Ali I pray you, seeing the King my Lord is dead, to work so as his son may be chosen King, as you know he much desired. It is very fit answered Ali, that you women should meddle with such matters, what reason were it to choose a young man for King? It must not be, the Xeriffe Mahomet hath wisely ordained, that the brethren should succeed one an other, knowing that Kingdoms must be governed by men that are ripe of years and judgement, and being ready to go out of the Chamber to assemble the counsel, he was amazed when he saw the King up, who called him, and said unto him, that he thanked him much, for the good office he intented to his son. Ali was so daunted, as not able to answer, nor to excuse himself with any reason, he fled home to his lodging, where having taken the habit of a woman, he commanded a servant of his to bring him two horses to a certain place where he would attend them, and suddenly departed, with an intent to go out of the realm. Being in that place, set at the foot of an olive tree, attending his servant, there past by two young Knights, which came from hunting, who seeing that Ali hide his face, thinking it had been some lewd woman, they came near to see, and made him to uncover himself; knowing him, they doubted some mischief, so as they carried him back unto the King, who caused his head to be presently cut off. And thus was Mariane revenged for the death of her children.  
This matter being known, the King's brethren and all they of the blood disperse themselves, yea after that he had caused Muley Mahomet Aben Abdelcader his Nephew, son to his elder brother deceased, to be slain at Mesquinez, whom he had married with Lela Sophia his sister's daughter, only for jealousy, for that he was a wise and a valiant Knight, and much beloved of his subjects. His brethren and other kinsmen being gone out of the country, he did not care much to persecute them. This Abdalla Xeriffe was the mightiest King of Africa, 
Dominions of Abdalla King of Fez and Marroc.  the most peaceable, and the most happy, if he had abstained for the blood of his own house. His dominions extended from Benais in the Negroes country, whether the Province of Sus doth bound, which they call Remoto towards the South, unto the North sea, and from the Western sea, unto the limits of Tremessen towards the East, in the which are comprehended fourteen great Provinces. He did commonly entertain three score thousand horse, well paid, the which were thus divided 15000. in the realm of Sus 25000. at Marroc, and 20000. at Fez: and out of these he drew five thousand horse, which were his battaillon or Cornet: And moreover he had two thousand Harquebusiers on foot, Christians renegadoes, and five hundred on horseback; with a thousand Harquebusiers of Sus for the guard of the town of new Fez, which is the King's palace, and as big as a good town. He gave pay to all these soldiers as well in peace as war, being paid every four months: when he had any enterprise, if need were, he assembled all his trained bands, and moreover did entertain what Arabians and Africans he pleased, living in his countries, under a certain vessellage, and paid them for the time they served. He reigned seventeen years, and ordained Mahomet his son to be heir to those their realms, and to all his treasure, who began to persecute his uncles, having three yet living: that is, Abdelmumen, Abdelmelech, whom the Spaniards call Muley Moluc, and a bastard called Hamet.  
Abdelmumen was slain at Tremessen, by a murderer who shot at him being at his prayers in a Mosque; Hamet lived among the Alarabes, but Muley Moluc had first retired to Alger, from whence he did for a time solicit the King of Spain, by the means of D. Rodrigo Alonso Pimentel, viceroy of Valencia, to assist him to annoy Abdalla his brother, who sought to deprive him of his right, but seeing it was in vain, he passed to Constantinople, where having complained of the injustice was done him by his brother, he continued in Selim's service, seeking all occasions to give a testimony of his valour, and to make him willing to aid him to recover the realms of Fez, Marroc, and Tarudant, which did belong unto him, and were usurped by Mahomet the son of Abdalla, his Nephew. He had been in the wars which the Turks had against the Venetians and the confederates, and at the recovery of Tunes, and the fort Goulette, where he had carried himself so valiantly, as by the report of Sinan Bassa, the Sultan Selim held him worthy to be assisted and favoured, sending him back into Africa, with letters of favour and commandment to his Lieutenants, to give him what aid they could; so as having by this means gathered together a good army of Turks and Moors his friends, and some Arabians which his brother Hamet brought unto him, he came upon his Nephew Mahomet, and gave him three defeats, the last whereof was admirable; for Mahomet had three score thousand horse, and ten thousand foot, and 36. pieces of ordinance, yet he dispossessed him quite, 
Mahomet expelled by Molue.  and chased him out of the realms of Fez and Marroc, and their dependences. It is this Mahomet, which did incite D. Sebastian King of Portugal to pass into Africa, whose misfortunes we must now relate.   

D. Sebastian the sixteenth King of Portugal, alone of that name.  
Done Sebastian King of Portugal had been bred up since the death of King john the third (being but three years old) under the government of Queen Catherine his grandmother, 
Portugal.  and of his uncle D. Henry the Cardinal, who were his tutors, 
D. Sebastian first of that name King of Portugal.  and Governors of the realm, who bred him up in delights and superfluous pomp, in steed of that commendable simplicity of his predecessors: wherefore being twenty years old, puffed up with those vanities, being strong of body, of a courageous mind, full of overweening, (a natural vice in Portugals) and not content with his own Dominions, he resolved (as it were by force) to alter the quiet of his realm, and to make trial of his valour, to his own ruin, and of the crown of Portugal: for not measuring his own forces, he would needs (without any constraint, and contrary to the advice of Princes, which were allied unto him, and his most faithful friends) meddle in the wars and quarrels of the Xeriffes of Africa: 
D. Sebastian bred up by the lesuits.  the chief blame whereof was imputed to the jesuits, to whom Queen Catherine had given him in charge to frame his affections and judgement. These fathers who were in great credit, and well provided for in Portugal, being tired with their long peregrinations to the East Indies, where they are bound to procure the soul's health of the Barbarians, with whom the Portugals do trade; desired much that there might be some occasion offered to set footing into Africa, which was near, by some enterprise of war: entertaining this young King in this humour, who to be ready when time should require, made certain legions or trained bands on foot, in Lisbon and other towns, causing them to be inrowled, and armed with pikes, and harguebuzes, and some of them to be drawn once a week out of Lisbon to be trained.  
In the year 1574. he had an ytching desire (as I have said) to see the skirmishes which were daily made betwixt the garrisons of Ceuta and Tanger, & the bordering Moors, he passed the strait with some companies of soldiers, saying that he went only to visit those places: 
Youth of D. Sebastian.  Being arrived in those countries he discovered his loon weakness, having a desire to do more than he spoke, and being young & without experience thought to effect more than he did. Being returned to Lisbon, he did still meditate upon some war, especially in those parts, and in this desire he did things nothing befitting a King; practising amongst the common people, to the end, said he, to be better accustomed to the toils of war. He thought that a happy occasion was offered, hearing that Muley Moluc, or Abdelmelech was come with Turks to assail Muley Mahomet his Nephew, to whom he presently sent to make offer of his forces if he had need, but the Moor (who was no discreeter than he) thanked him, saying that he was strong enough to repulse Muley Moluc, and to ruin him, whereof he repent himself afterwards; for having been vanquished and dispossessed, he was forced to come to entreaties. This Moor after his defeats, fled with such as would follow him, having some jewels and other wealth, unto certain places called Montes Claros, which is, a savage country, but finding himself neither safe there, 
Mahomet flies to King Philip for refuge.  nor in a place fit to negotiate, he went to Pegnon de Veles, casting himself into King Philip's arms, for he was ashamed to have recourse to him of Portugal, whose offers he had refused. Yet he was forced to come unto him, for he found not King Philip disposed to deal in that business. King Sebastian who desired nothing more than to go to the war in Africa, granted him whatsoever he could demand, and did easily credit the promises and brags of this Moor, who said, that as soon as ever they should show themselves in field on the other side of the straight, the whole country would turn unto him; for Abdelmelech, said he, had no friends, and was in a manner unknown: the which was found false, for after the victory he had been received and aknowledged with great joy and contentment, by them of Fez and Marroc, as their lawful King, as well in favour of the testamentary decree of the old Xeriffe Mahomet his father, as for that he was held amongst the Xeriffes to be most valiant, and much regarded for his mildness and humanity, being alover of justice, and temperate, and modest in his behaviour, virtues which grace a Prince, and which wanted in Mahomet, the effects whereof Moluc had made his subjects to taste: for he presently ordered the affairs of the Realm to their content; and for that the Turks which he had brought with him, committed many insolences (as men accustomed to all excess, lying in the garrisons of Barbary, far from their Sultan) he freed himself, and sent them away well satisfied. So as being respected and beloved of every man, they came and offered their services voluntarily unto him; and sent him rich presents from all parts of his dominions; yet some Christian Princes were glad to have his friendship, and among others King Philip, 
Muley Moluc a friend to Christians.  whom he did also honour, so as many Christians began to frequent his Court and countries, to whom he showed both favour and bounty. One of his chiefest cares was to provide for the succession of the realm, wherefore he caused the Noblemen, towns and states, to swear fealty and homage unto Muley Hamet his base brother, according to their father's testament, notwithstanding that he had a son: the which was held by them to be a generous act, for the which there were great feasts of joy made at Fez, Marroc, Tarudant and other towns. Whilst that Mahomet begged succours of the King of Portugal by his Deputies; 
Mahomet Xeriffe craves aid from Portugal.  he lived at Ceuta, a fort belonging unto Portugal, being in Africa; the Governor whereof being advertised of his Master's disposition, did him honour, attending an answer, the which he had soon, and according to his desire.  
But the King D. Sebastian being advertised by some that were about him, that he might find himself too weak for so great an enterprise, he took counsel to solicit King Philip his uncle to be of the party, and to the end they might negotiate such an action with more efficacy, he sent Peter d' Alcassova a favourite of his, to crave an interview at Guadalupe upon the confines of the realms of Castille and Portugal, who returned with a good answer: whereas these two Kings met to their great contents, 
King Philip diswads D. Sebastian from the voyage of Africa.  namely of Don Philip; there was some treaty of a future marriage betwixt Don Sebastian, and one of the daughters of Castille; but coming to confer of the war of Africa, which was the chief subject of their meeting, King Philip dissuaded him from it, as well for that he had a peceable treaty with Muley Moluc, as also for that he saw such a war had need of a more experienced commander then D. Sebastian was, & better soldiers then the Portugals of those times: for since the time of King Emanuel, that nation had not done any thing memorable in war, at the least in Europe, or the country's confining upon Europe, yet having well defended their forts at the East Indies. The conclusion was that King Philip advised him not to meddle in the quarrels of those Princes Moors, but whatsoever he did not to go in person to those wars. Being importuned by D. Sebastian to contribute men and shipping to this enterprise, he excused himself upon the great affairs he had in the Low countries, and the jealousy he had continually of the French, but especially of the Turk, who threatened Sicily and Italy, and had already taken Goulette and Tunes, being ignorant, what this new Sultan might practise against him; yet being entreated and conjured by D. Sebastian not to abandon him in his first enterprise, he would not leave him discontented, but promised in case the Turk did not arm against him, to furnish him with fifty Galleys and five thousand soldiers, so as he for his part should entertain ten thousand, and advising him, what war soever he made in Africa, 
Advice of king Philip to D. Sebastian.  not to abandon the sea shore, and that he should attempt the recovery of Alarache, and so proceed by degrees along the Ocean, and then they parted. King Philip's advise was very good, and the Portugals have not yet any cause to complain.  
After that he had heard his Nephew speak, and discovered his heat and obstinacy, he fell to discourse of the inconveniences that might fall upon him, and began to think of his affairs, as if the royal line of Portugal failed, and to seek out what pretensions he might have, were they clear or doubtful, and from that time he resolved, that if Don Sebastian should chance to die in this war, not to suffer any other to seize upon the Realm. The young King of Portugal being returned to Lisbon, full of hope and joy, he still pressed King Philip to grant him a free promise of his succours, without that reservation, if the Turk should send an army against him, the which he granted, and thereupon he thought it was but a leap to pass into Africa with great troops, which he imagined to have ready; 
D. Sebastian unfurnished of all things for the war.  but when they came to examine every thing in particular, they neither found men, money, shipping, nor horses of service, nor any thing that might serve to good use, so as to provide all these things, which give motion unto armies, they were forced to spend all the year 1577. And without doubt if D. Sebastian had had his men and provisions ready, as it was concluded, King Philip would have furnished the galleys and men which he had promised. D. Sebastian began then to taste the difficulties which are found in making war, especially for Estates which have enjoyed a long peace, and whereas both Nobility and people, have neglected arms (the which is an inexcusable fault in them that govern commonweals, who should know that it is one of the main pillars of an Estate, especially in this age full of injustice.) Seeing then that Portugal at that time had neither captains, soldiers, treasure, victuals, arms, nor horses, which are the essential parts to make a war, into the which D. Sebastian would enter, he was forced to provide all these things extraordinarily and in haste, seeing that in time of peace they had not thought of it. He was therefore forced to write into Italy and Flanders, for some Regiments of old soldiers, the Prince of Orange (who was then in arms against the Prince of Parma Lieutenant to King Philip) sent three thousand Lansquenets into Portugal, under the command of Martin of Burgongne, Lord of Tamberg. And it happened that the King of Spain being persuaded by Pope Gregory the thirteenth, to succour the rebels of Ireland against the Queen of England, there was a levy of Italians made in the territories of the Church, the action went in the Pope's name, but the King bore the charge, six hundred of these under the command of a Licentious English man called Thomas Stukley (who not long before had gotten from the Pope the title of Marquis of Ireland) being shipped at Civita-uecha, came into the river of Lisbon when they were preparing for this war of Africa. The King being desirous to see them, stayed them, and entreated them to go with him to this war. He was forced to seek money by means that were unpleasing to the whole realm. The king took the portions of Widows & Orfans, he made forced borrow of the Clergy, Nobility, towns and commonalties, he laid an imposition upon salt: he made the new Christians (as they call them) to buy the exemption of the confiscation of their goods in case they should fall into the Inquisition, and he used other exactions, which made all men complain.  
He stayed merchants ships. He enjoined some of the Nobility, to mount themselves like men at arms, and many gentlemen to march with the foot, being so advised, to better his new levied Portugal footmen; of the which he made four regiments; In these preparations he spent the time until Summer, being in the year 1578. And when as he thought to take shipping, hoping that King Philip would have sent him the galleys and men which he had promised, he found himself deceived, for that the Castillan (having changed his mind) excused himself upon new accidents which had happened that year, which would not suffer him to do then, as he might have done the year before: wherefore he had no aid from thence, but some voluntary adventurers, and one very expert captain in matters of Africa, called Francis of Aldana. There was no man of any judgement and experience in worldly affairs, but saw that this preparation was weak, and unfitting for such an enterprise, but there was no counsel, no persuasion, no difficulties, nor any other consideration, could stay or divert him. Having entreated the Cardinal his uncle to govern the realm in his absence; he excused himself upon his age; whereupon he made four Governors, that is, George of Almeida Archbishop of Lisbon, 
Governors made by D. Sebastian going into Africa.  Peter de Alcassova superintendent of the treasure, Peter de Sada and john Mascaregnas. They that did accompany him into Africa were Diego de Sosa, General of the fleet at sea, Christopher Tavora Master of his horse and captain of the volontaries of Portugal, Don George d' Alencastro Duke of Avero, Don Alphonso of Portugal Earl of Vimioso, Don Lewis Cotigno Earl of Rodondo, Don Alphonso de Norogna Earl of Myra, Don james brother to the Duke of Bragança, and his Nephew the Duke of Barcellos, Vasco de Gama, and many others of the Nobility, but most of them in steed of good arms, 
Superfluity of the Portogalls going to the war.  were apparelled in satin, enriched with embroideries, as if they had gone to some feast or marriage; yea there were some which had lined their tents and pavilions with satin.  
In this equipage D. Sebastian parted from Lisbon, being about four and twenty years old, 
D. Sebastian's Army going into Africa.  the day after Saint john Baptist, being the five and twentieth of june, having above two thousand sails in his fleet, but there were scarce 60. ships of war, nor of defence, the best were five galleys and four galleasses; he came to Cadiz, where he stayed fifteen days, attending the Castillan soldiers of Andalusia, which should follow him by the sufferance of King Philip, which some said were two thousand; others, fifteen hundred or less. He had a Legate from the Pope in his army, with ample power to give pardons to all such as went this voyage; then sailing towards the coast of Africa, they cast anchor right against a place called the Almadraves, betwixt Tanger and Arzille. This place of Arzille was held by a Moor called Albacarin, who by the persuasion of Muley Mahomet, had consigned it some few days before unto the Governor of Tanger. The King landed at Tanger, and there Muley Xecq, the son of Mahomet, came unto him, and soon after the father presented himself, and made a goodly oration of his rights and pretensions, and of his friends and confederates which he had in the country, promising to give the King three ports of the sea, and other places in Barbary; and for a pawn he gave him his son in hostage. King Sebastian being fed with these fictions, passed with his army towards Arzille, having drawn all the old soldiers out of Tanger and Ceuta, and put new in their places, having first caused Muley Xecq to run towards Mazagon, to see if any Moors would join with him, but there was not any one that offered himself, but to skirmish.  
King Abdelmelech or Muley Moluc had been advertised of this preparation from Cadiz and Castille, and also from Portugal, and was much grieved at the enterprise of this young Prince, not that he feared him, or his forces, but for that he saw him abused, and also in regard he bore some affection unto Christians. 
Muley Molucs speech of D Sebastian.  What moved him (said he) to be mine enemy, and to trouble himself to take from me a realm which doth belong unto me, yea by hereditary right, confirmed and allowed, to give it to an other, and thereby not to benefit himself nor any Estate in Christendom? Doth he think we are so unprovided of soldiers, so faint hearted, so poor and needy, as we cannot resist him. I foresee to my great grief that the country of Barbary shallbe a tomb for the King of Portugal and his army, for God who is just will never suffer that so unjust an enterprise shall succeed. This Moorish King did often use these or such like speeches, as it hath been since reported. But because he would not be found unprovided, he gathered together a mighty army, and went timely to field, upon the Marches of the realm of Marroc, and hearing that the Portugal army had landed at Arzille with an intent to go to Alarache, he advanced into the country of Temisan tending to the Portugals fronter, and then being advertised that the enemy having left the sea shore, approached near unto Alcaçaquibir, and had already waded through a little river called Macazen, which falls into that of Luco, whereat he wondered, knowing well that there was ignorance and confusion in the conduct of the King of Portugal's army, 
Error of D. Sebastian.  and that it was not strong enough to leave the sea shore, and to march into the country.  
In truth this was one of Don Sebastian's chief errors, who (meaning to go to Alarache which stands upon the sea, and having his vessels already at Arzille to carry him in an instant) would rather try to lead his army by land, and enter far into a country, which was unknown both to him and his, to find a bridge which is upon the river of Luco, the which is not to be waded through in those parts, and being betwixt his army and Alarache, stopped his passage. He marched up the river of Luco, and made five lodgings, before he had any news of Muley Molucs army, but such as uncertain: yet he was so near it, as he was ready to fall into it before he saw it, doing all things after his own fantasy, not suffering any one to contradict him: He had commanded Diego de Sosa, General of the fleet, to go and attend him near to Alarache, marshalling his army to lead it by land, as we have said; against the opinion of all men, yea of Muley Mahomet, who began now to despair of his restitution. Some said that he had a great desire to see his army in battle, and to play the Sergeant, and to try if he could order his squadrons, who like a young man and without experience, did not consider that the conduct of armies is no children's play, growing into choler when any one told him, that a good captain must have a good foot, a good eye, and good ears, and that he should always take the surest way, how strong soever his army were, so as no man durst speak unto him. Muley Moluc came to Alcasaquibir, and having there joined with his brother Hamet, he made haste to get the bridge, which the portugals sought after, and there past his army, so as the two armies were so near in a plain champain field called Tamita, as if night had not approached, they might have seen one an other that day. Then were they to resolve what to do; for they must of necessity fight or retire in disorder to recover the sea, the one or the other was very dangerous, but a battle most; for there was no comparison betwixt their forces. King Mahomet made the greatest instance to have Don Sebastian retire with his army, although it were with some loss. Most of the captains were of that advice, especially of strangers, but howsoever, either in a pitched field, or in a retreat, 
Resolution of D. Sebastian.  having so many horses to pursue them, this army must of force be defeated, wherefore let us leave this testimony to posterity of Don Sebastian, that he made choice of the most honourable manner of dying. Having therefore put his army in battle by the break of day, he began to march courageously against his enemies. He had about 14000. foot, two thousand horse and three thousand pioneers; and there was double the number of boys, whores, victuallers, carters and other unprofitable people. But to describe the King of Portugal's army more particularly, it did consist of three thousand Lansquenets under the Siegneur of Tamberg their Colonel, six hundred Italians, under Stukley an English man, two thousand Spaniards under D. Alphonso d' Aguilar, six hundred soldiers drawn out of Tanger, 2050. adventurers on foot, the rest were peasants of Portugal. Amongst which footmen there were eight thousand pikes. Moreover five hundred horse of Tanger, and 1500. as well of the gentlemen of Portugal, as of the King's attendants. The soldiers were ill paid, the camp ill furnished, and all things managed with small order. In Muley Molucs army there were 42000 horse, Moors and Alarabes, carrying lances and targets after their manner, and above 15000. harquebusiers, whereof two thousand were on horseback, six and twenty pieces of ordinance well mounted, and expert gunner's.  
Moreover there was great store of victuals, his men well paid, and all orderly governed: All the discommodity thereof (the which in deed was very great) was the indisposition of King Moluc, who having drunk milk to greedily, it quailed in his stomach, whereupon he fell extremely sick and died in the heat of the battle, 
Moluc falls very sick.  the which did not hinder their victory. The armies approaching near together, Moluc made haste to join, for he feared that some of his troops would disband, and go unto the enemy, and in truth there were some which left him, but not many, nor they whom he most distrusted. Hamet his base brother was General of the horse, Doali and Mahomet Faba captains of the Andaluses and Christians renigadoes: 
Captains in Molucs army.  Ozarin of Ragousa led the harquebusiers on horseback, and Musa was captain of his guard, with other good captains Turks. These two armies joined on a Monday the fourth of August, it being past noon, 
Battle in Africa and death of D. Sebastian.  the canon having played a little, the Portugal army was presently environed by great numbers of the enemy's horse, but Molucs left point was furiously charged by five hundred men at arms, led by the Duke of Avero, the which was put to rout; there were above ten thousand Alarabes which fled above twenty leagues, to carry news that the Christians were victors, which disorder made Muley Moluc to get to horseback, so full of grief, as he would have gone thither to fight notwithstanding his sickness: But the soldiers of his guard stayed him, and put him into his Litter, where within half an hour after he died, but they concealed his death. The Duke of Avero fearing to engage himself to much, 
Death of Muley Moluc.  being not followed, meant to retire, after that he had broken that part of Molucs army: but the Moors being ashamed that so few horse had thus shaken them, they sent a great number of harquebusiers, both of foot and horseback thither, who charged the Duke's troop in flank and behind, and an other troop of Arabian horse, came upon them in front, so as they chased these men at arms upon their battalion of foot, and disordered them very much: But they were presently repulsed by the King, Don Sebastian, who was mounted upon a strong horse, and in green armour, being followed by the Duke of Avero, and a squadron of fresh horse, who being charged by a great battailon of the Moors Cavalary and shot, were soon put to rout, in which retreat their happened the like confusion. And then the whole body of Molucs army, with Hamet, fell upon the disordered troops of King Don Sebastien, with such fury, as they were no more able to resist them.  
In this charge the Duke of Avero was slain, with many gallant gentlemen, the whole army put to rout and the ordinance abandoned. Yet King Sebastian charging Hamets' troops made a breach in them, and forced them to turn their backs, but returning, he saw all his battalions overthrown, even to that of Mahomet, which was the last and nearest to the river, with an incredible▪ slaughter of his men; so as Mahomet being forced to fly, thinking to pass the river of Mucazen, missing the ford, he was mired and drowned with his horse; 
Death of King Mahomet.  but to increase all these miseries, D. Sebastian was charged by so great a number of Moors, as both he and all they that did accompany him, were slain; it is certain that many left him, flying towards Arzille; but they fell into the like misery, for being pursued by the victorious Moors, they were in a manner all cut in pieces. There died above 12000. Christians, amongst the which the chief, with the King Don Sebastien, 
Defeat of the Portugal army, and death of D. Sebastian.  were the Duke of Avero, the Marquis of Aranda, the Bishops of Coimbra and Porto, the Pope's Legate Christopher de Tavora, and his brother Alvaro Peres, Alphonso of Portugal Earl of Vimioso, Lewis Cotigno Earl of Rodondo, Vasco de Gama Earl of Vidiguera, Alphonso de Norogna Earl of Mira, john Lobo Baron of Aluito, Alvaro de Melo son to the Marquis of Ferrera, Roderigo de Melo eldest son to the Earl of Tentugal, james brother to the Duke of Bragança, john de Silueira eldest son to the Earl of Sorteilla, the captains of the Regiments of strangers, with others, so as by this defeat many Noble families of Portugal were extinct. There were many more taken prisoners of all sorts: The Duke of Barcellos, and the King of Spain's Ambassador were delivered without ransom. Don Anthony (who was base son to the Infant Don Lewis) Prior of Crato, of the order of Saint john, being taken prisoner, escaped miraculously● some of the rest redeemed themselves, but the greatest part remained slaves in divers places.  
Hamet, a Conqueror, having gathered his people together, and caused a retreat to be sounded, did that night publish the death of his brother Ahdelmelech or Moluc, whereupon he was received and acknowledged for King, but to the great grief of most of them who knew him to be a man of little valour, and not like unto the deceased.  
The day following, the new King sent some troops to view the dead, where they found about 1500. of their men slain, whom they buried in the same place: they also found the body of Mahomet, who had been the cause of all these miseries. The body of King Sebastian was found naked among a troop of his men that were slain, and known by two of his servants, as they say, to whom they had promised liberty, if they could find him. D. Sebastian's body was left (as it were in deposito) at Alcaçar: but a while after the Xeriffe Hamet (renewing the alliance and peace which his brother had made with the king of Spain) offered him this body, and to set his Ambassador, and the young Duke of Barcellos freely at liberty.  
The King would not accept of D. Sebastian's body, 
D. Sebastian's body sent to the Portugals.  but entreated him to deliver it unto the Portugals, the which he did, and sent it to the Governor of Ceuta, to whom Andrew Gaspar of Corsica did consign it in Hamets' name, and took an act thereof: Hamet caused the body of Muley Mahomet to be flayed, and the skin to be stuffed with straw, the which was carried in great ignominy throughout the Realm: and the body of Abdelmelech, was carried twenty leagues from Alcaçar, and buried with his ancestors. Thus there died three Kings in that battle. The King of Spain accepted of the delivery of the duke of Barcelos, and of john de Sylva his Ambassador, in requital whereof he sent a present to the Xeriffe in jewelst o the value of an hundred thousand crowns. Don Sebastian had reigned one and twenty years, one month, and six and twenty days, and died being four and twenty years old, six months, and fifteen days.  
The loss of this battle being known in Portugal, caused a general sorrow and mourning, but they were doubtful for a time, who were slain or prisoners, whereof they were certified by degrees, and this desolation crept into private families, so as there were scarce any among the Nobility but felt of it. The King's death was held doubtful many years, some denying, that there was any certain testimony that his body had been found among them that were slain in the battle: saying, that the liberal offer which Hamet Xeriffe made to king Philip, 
Death of Don Sebastian unbelieved of many.  who demanded it not, was a great presumption, that he himself doubted, that the body which he left at Alcaçar Quibir, was not Don Sebastian's, yea, that he did not believe it: others have presumed to say, that they had seen him after the battle in Portugal in a disguise habit, shrouding himself for shame in religious houses, and that being oppressed with grief for the death of so many of the Nobility, he had been so sorrowful, as holding himself unworthy to reign, he had returned into Africa in a religious habit, and wandered among the Barbarians, who give free passage to them that do penance for their sins, of what religion soever they be: yet two and twenty years after this battle, there hath been a man found so resembling D. Sebastian, showing marks upon his body, natural or accidental, so like unto those wherewith this Prince had been marked, and speaking so confidently of things said or done by this king from his infancy, to the time of this lamentable day, and of secret conferences and speeches which he had had, as well with Ambassadors of foreign Princes, which had been sent unto him, as other persons yet living, which have certified it; and discoursing so particularly and truly of the estate of Portugal at that time, as it hath made many doubtful whether he were Sebastian or not, whom they held to have been slain at the battle, in the plain of Tamita in Africa. You shall hereafter here it at large, and the man himself speak. But howsoever, Don Sebastian's funeral was made at Lisbon with great ceremony, at the end whereof they cried Real, Real, for the King Don Henry. King Philip did also make a funeral pomp at Madrid, where it was observed, that the Duke of Alba said, that the King should go and do those obsequies in our Lady's Church at Belem in Portugal, and not at Madrid, which made some think, that the king had disovered his conceptions, and had resolved touching the succession of the Realm.   

Don Henry the seventeenth King of Portugal.  
BY the decease of Don Sebastian, the Crown of Portugal seemed to belong to Don Henry his great Uncle, 
Don Henry 17. king of Portugal.  Cardinal of the title of four Saints crowned: but King Philip's Council, (I know not by what law) found that the right which he pretended, was stronger than the Cardinals, yet he modestly gave way to his preferment, and the rather for that seeing him old and broken, he thought he might with more content of the Portugals take his rank afterwards without any difficulty or dispute. Yet there were many other pretendants to this succession, which might cause some troubles in the State, and therefore the first request which the city of Lisbon made unto Don Henry in the name of the whole country, was, that for the quiet and tranquility of the State, he would be pleased in his life time to name him, or her, who (in his opinion) ought to reign after him: wherein they laid a burden upon him, which did exceed the force and capacity of his judgement. For this Prince in the whole course of his life had showed a simplicity of manners, and a weakness in his discourse, which had made him to be always held fit for the Church, then to govern a temporal State. Yet seeing himself King, he sought to be feared, and gave way to his ambition and choler, which procured him no more love than before, but made him to be both hated and cursed. He disappointed and dismissed all those, that had had any favour or office in Court during his nephews reign, for that they had not respected and honoured him, as he thought, according to his rank and nearness of blood, causing some to be arraigned by course of justice, for their charges, for words proudly spoken, and such like things which had passed in the life of the deceased King, who were degraded of honours, deprived of the rewards which they had deserved, and sent from Court: He entreated Pedro d' Alcassava more roughly than any other, who had been of the secret Council and high Treasurer. He appointed other Officers in their places that were dismissed, who were no honester than the former, but much more ignorant in affairs, who framing themselves to their master's humours, thought to show themselves sufficient to bring in examinations and revisions of accounts, against such as had made parties, and contracted with the King, causing most of those contracts to be broken, and it may be such as were least unjust.  
To know the disposition of this new King, and to make his ministers conformable to King Philip's desire, which was to unite the Crown of Portuguese to that of Castille, in what sort soever, he sent Christopher de Mora, a Portugal, bred up in Castille, to reside there, with the title of an agent only, who spared no pains, cost, nor presents to purchase friends to his Master. But the better to assure his poursute, he was advised in Castille to send some man of quality unto the king Don Henry, with the title of Ambassador: the which the King of Spain had till then forborn to do, for that he thought he should thereby prejudice the right which he pretended from the death of Don Sebastian, if he did by this act acknowledge him for King of Portugal, in sending an Ambassador unto him. There was chosen to this charge, Don Pedro Giron, Duke of Osuna, after the resolution taken by the King Don Henry in an assembly of the Estates of the Realm, touching the nomination of his successor, which was, That the King would not name any one at that present, but might do it in time, by the advice of the judges, assigned by the Estates, and in the mean time to prevent all inconveniences that might happen, if the King should die suddenly, being very old, there should be a roll made of fifteen of the chief and worthiest men among the Nobility, of the which the King should choose five, who should be after him Governors of the State, 
Proceeding for the succession of Portugal.  until the judges had determined who should be the true successor to the Crown, in case the king had not named one: and that the five thus chosen by him, should be kept secret during his life: and to examine the rights of every one of the Pretendants, and to judge with the King (being alive, and sitting in his Estates) or after his decease, in case there were no sentence given, there should be another roll made of four and twenty Doctors, and men of State, of the which the king should choose eleven judges, which should make a royal Chamber to that end; and it was decreed, that all the said Pretendants should be cited and adjourned to appear, or their Ambassadors, or Agents, before the said Chamber, there to produce their rights and pretensions, and to be heard in all that they would say and allege, to the end they might make report, 
Pretendants to the Crown of Portugal.  and proceed to the nomination. The Pretendants were Don Philip King of Spain, Don Anthony Prior of Crato, Donna Catherina of Portugal, mother to D. Theodosia of Bragança, Rainucio Farnese, son to her sister D. Maria of Portugal, both being daughters to the Infant Don Edward, and Emanuel Philebert, Duke of Savoy, borne of Donna Beatrix of Portugal: all these deriving their rights from Don Emanuel, King of Portugal: moreover, there was Catherine de Medicis the French Queen, the Pope but especially the realm and states of Portugal.  
Don Philip was borne of D. Izabella, eldest daughter to Don Emanuel; the Duke of Savoy was son to D. Beatrix second daughter to the said King, Don Anthony was issued from the Infant Don Lewis, who was also son to king Emanuel, but Don Anthony was base, yet he maintained that he had a sentence for his legitimation. The Duchess of Bragança was daughter to the Infant D. Edward, who was also son to King Emanuel, but Rainucio Farnese was issued from Mary, the eldest daughter of the said Don Edward. As for the Queen mother of France, 
Queen mother's title to Portugal.  she fetched her pretensions farther off, saying, that the Kings which had reigned in Portugal since Don Alphonso the third, brother to Don Sancho Capello, had been usurpers of that Realm, the race being base and proceeding from an unlawful conjunction: for that they say, Don Alphonso being married in France with the Countess of Bullen, by whom he had one son named Robert, from whom the Pretendant was descended, he had left the said Countess to marry another wife in her life time, which was Donna Beatrix of Castille, and that from this unlawful marriage, all the Kings were issued which had held the Realm unto that day. 
Pope's title to Portugal.  The Pope pretended it to be a fee, saying, that the Realm of Portugal was a fee of the Church, and was so acknowledged by Don Alphonso Henriques the first, who obtained the title of a king, who in acknowledgement had bound it to pay a certain quantity of marks of gold for a yearly rent, and for not paying those rights the Realm was devolved unto the Church, to dispose thereof. This right was corroborated after the death of the Cardinal then reigning, for that (said they) it was the spoils of a Cardinal. But the realm and the general Estates, pretended to have an advantage above all, for that (said they) woman could pretend no right in Portugal to the succession of the Crown, neither for themselves, nor their descendants: for they had never seen any women reign, although it had been often in question, even with the Castillans, who had been rejected, and if they should have any access, or their descendants, it must be after the males, before whom, women have no precedence, in regard of their age, the which is not considerable in fees, much less in Sovereign Estates.  
Most of these Pretendants being cited, they sent their rights, titles, and Pretensions, the which were received by the said chamber without any difficulty, but in regard of Queen Catherine de Medicis, whose cause was odious, and her allegations injurious to the king then reigning, and to his Predecessors; the Abbot of Saint Gelais her Agent found great difficulty to have it admitted. Only king Philip appeared not in this Chamber, disclaiming the judges that were chosen, yet all the Portugals in his cause, the which (he said) was so just and clear, as it needed not any examination nor doubt, having had consultations upon that point in the best Universities of the world, as well for that which concerns right, and the laws of Realms, as for conscience, and to satisfy the king Don Henry, (whom he did importune by his Ambassadors to name him, without any other form observed by the Estates) he sent him a copy of the counsels which many Lawyers and Divines in Spain had made him, that other reasons being examined and weighed, he might not make any difficulty to name him. Above all they had won father Lion Henrique a jesuite, his Confessor, who having first made him incline to the Duchess of Bragança, laboured afterwards to persuade him to name king Philip for his successor. The Duke of Ossuna and Christopher de Mora his Ambassador doubting that this judicial proceeding would not prevail, & that the familiarity of the Castillans had been always odious unto the Portugals, who detested their government, they had letters from the King their master, to the chief of the Nobility, to the City of Lisbon, and to the principal towns of the Realm, full of persuasive reasons and promises, concluding in the end, that if they did not receive him willingly (his title being so well grounded) he would use force, and therefore they should advise not to draw themselves, their families, and the whole Realm into a war, and the miseries which follow it. These letters were delivered to many with good words and presents: 
Lisbon refuseth the King of Spain's letters.  but the city of Lisbon would not receive them: and as Christopher de Mora had left them with the Officers of the City: they sent them sealed up unto their King, who was much troubled with this weighty business, and could not resolve any thing that was pleasing to king Philip, who threatened him, and began to let the Portugals know, that he prepared to arms: for not meaning to be taken unprovided at Henry's death, which could not be long, and that this delay should not any way prejudice him in that he pretended to be King of Portugal, in despite of all those that would contradict, he had drawn into Spain of Germans, Italians and Spaniards of his old regiments of Italy, to the number of 18000. foot, whom he entertained many months with great charge and hindrance to his subjects, in Andalusia, and other places near to Portugal, which they could not conjecture to be to any other end, but to invade that realm, where they said openly, that arms and force were his best title: for he had no right unto it. He among all the pretendants which did most trouble him, and the King Don Henry also, was Don Antonio, Prior of Crato, who was very well beloved of the people, and of many of the Nobility. The King was so incensed against him, as he gave commandment he should not be heard, and taking upon him to re-examine his cause of Legitimation, he sought to dissolve the sentence which was given by Emanuel d' Almada, Bishop of Angra, appointed judge by the Pope: whereof Pope Gregory the 13. being advertised, he retained the knowledge of the cause to himself: yet Don Henry either moved by his own passion, or priest by the Castillans, declared this sentence to be void by his own authority, without form of law, or solemnity of justice: but Conestagio in the History of Portugal, writes, that King Henry had obtained a Brief secretly from the Pope, 
Sentence of D. Antonio's legitimation disannulled.  by the which he gave him authority to judge the cause of legitimation absolutely, without any form of Process, and that of four witnesses, two confessed that they had been suborned by Don Antonio, and that the other two were suspected, as his near allies, and disagreeing betwixt themselves, and that Lewis his father termed him Bastard in his last will, whereupon he declared Don Antonio illegitimate, imposing him perpetual silence touching the pretended marriage and legitimation, sending a Sergeant to Crato, to seize upon the Prior, but he found him not. This he writes. But were it true or false, the King leaving the quality of a judge, commanded Don Antonio of his royal authority, not to come within thirty leagues of the Court. Then his indignation increasing, he banished him the Realm, deprived him of all pensions, privileges and favours which he had received of precedent kings, seeking by all means to have him apprehended, and to put him into some straight prison: yet Don Antonio went not out of the Realm, but retired to some of his friends, or to some Monasteries upon the fronter, neither did he forbear to come and solicit the judges, with the which the king was daily incensed. Being priest by the importunities of king Philip's Ambassadors, terrified by his preparation to arms, and persuaded by his Confessor father Lion Henrique, he did adhere wholly unto him: and there was then no difficulty, but to find means to name him, and to get the consent of the Estates, and therefore he propounded a kind of accord betwixt the Realm and king Philip, the which should be treated by his means in an assembly of the Estates, the which he called to that end.  
But the king of Castille would not put his right to Compromise, and detested this Assembly of the Estates, 
K Henry falls sick.  advertising king Henry, that he should not treat of this business with them, united in one body, but particularly with the chief of the Clergy, the Nobility and the towns. In the mean time the king D. Henry found himself ill, so as being taken with great faintings, which held him long, the Council, which was about him, and the Deputies assembled in the town of Almerin, (whither they were retired by reason of the plague, which was very violent in Lisbon, and in a manner in all the other towns of the Realm) thinking that he would never recover it, they presumed to open the box, wherein was the list of such as he had chosen to be Governors of the Realm, and to proceed to the nomination of a Successor, in case he had not done it, where they found, 
Governors of Portugal.  that of the fifteen that were contained in the roll, he had chosen George d' Almada Archbishop of Lisbon, Francis de Sada, Lord Chamberlain, john Tello, john Mascaregnas, and Diego Lope de Sosa, Precedent in the Council of justice at Lisbon. The king was somewhat recovered, but knowing that he drew near his end, employing the remainder of his days in the care of his soul, and leaving this business with others imperfect, 
An. 1580.  he died the last of january, 1580. having held the royal seat, (as the Castillans said) seventeen months and some days, 
Death of King Henry.  being 68 years old, for he died in the same month, and on the same day that he was borne.  
This was the last king of Portugal, in whom ended the direct masculine line. And as the first Lord of Portugal, (though with the title of an Earl) was called Henry, even so was the last. 
Life of King Henry.  He was of a thin body, low of stature, and lean of his visage, he had an indifferent good wit, and was endowed (besides the Latin tongue) with some knowledge. He was always held to be chaste, and did never blemish that angelical virtue, but with the desire of marriage in his latter days. He was accounted sparing, giving rather then denying, for he refused seldom, but he gave sparingly: he was ambitious of all jurisdiction, as well ecclesiastical as civil, zealous in religion, but more severe than was fit in the reformation of Clergimen. He was Bishop, Governor of the Realm, Inquisitor Maior, Cardinal, Apostolic Legate and King. But the greater he grew in dignity, the more he discovered his incapacity and weakness, suffering himself in greatest affairs, to be overruled by his ministers, not able to determine the cause of the succession. He was very obstinate in his opinions, never forgetting any wrongs, so as justice was in him but an unjust execution of his passions, and therefore a religious man (whom he had priest to take upon him a most strict course of life) said unto him, that he would obey, seeing there was no human help against his Commandments, for he had the will of a man, the authority of a Pope, and the execution of a King: To conclude, he had many virtues, and fewer vices, yet they were equal: for he had the virtue of a Churchman, and the defects of a Prince: during his life he was feared of many, and beloved of few, so as no man lamented his death, only such as were well affected, (desiring the cause of succession had been first decided) had some feeling.  
The five Governors being at Almerin, at the time of his death, they began to exercise their charge as Kings, and their first resolution was to send Ambassadors to King Philip, (whom they saw in arms, and who had in a manner threatened the deceased king, and the Realm) to entreat him to proceed in this business, by the way of justice, and to assure him, that it should be done him, witnessing moreover the great good will and respect which the Governors, the chief of the Nobility, and the good towns of Portugal, bare unto his highness. The king before their audience, made some difficulty, whether he should receive them with the accustomed ceremonies to Princes Ambassadors, or as simple Deputies of his subjects: but he was counseled to hear them as Ambassadors, to the end he might win the love of the Portugueses, so as they were heard with their hats on, the king being uncovered at their coming in. The Ambassadors were the Bishop of Coimbra, and Emanuel de Mela, and they came unto the King being at Guadalupe, who made a long relation unto them of his rights, and of the consultations which he had made, as well to make them apparent to the world, as to satisfy his own conscience: that he knew well there were many among the Nobility and towns, ill affected unto him, whom he had good means to draw unto their duties: wherefore the Governors and the Estates should be well advised, and not be the cause of a war in their country, giving them a short time to send him their last resolution. The Deputies of the Estates of the Realm, who had been called by the deceased king, were all at Saint Iren, a town right against Almerin, the river of Tagus running betwixt them who seeing the governors manner of proceeding, they gave them to understand, that their Council and Assembly was superior unto them: as representing the Realm, and the general Estates thereof, and therefore they sent word unto the Governors, that leaving Almerin, which was small, and not able to lodge so great a multitude, they should come to S. Iren, to the end they might all together determine of that was fitting for the preservation of the Realm, and put it in execution, and not make them, upon every occasion, to pass the river, for their affairs required expedition, and no delays, saying, that their most necessary provisions, was to man the entries of the Realm with soldiers, the which they should have done before they sent Ambassadors to King Philip. This did amaze the Governors, and caused bad intelligence betwixt them and the Estates, so as in disdain one of another, they did not any good for the public. Among these Governors, there were there noted to favour King Philip, 
Disc●rd betwixt the Governors and the Estates.  the other two were for the Realm. Among the Deputies of the Estates, most of them were for Don Antonio, Prior of Crato, who having notice of the death of Don Henry, came presently to Lisbon, spoke unto the Magistrates of the City, showed himself unto the people, saluted every man, seeking to maintain himself in the love of the multitude, 
D. Anth●●ies proceed.  with all the humility that might be: he wrote unto the Deputies of the Estates at S. Iren, and came himself to present the Pope's Bull unto them, by the which the sentence of the deceased King, given against him, was suspended; he remembered his rights unto the Crown, and protested that he would submit himself to justice, according to the resolution which was taken whilst he lived in the open Estates, and conformable also to the said King's last will, made eight months before his death, by the which he declared him his successor, that should be found to have most right by the judges: This course was desired by all in general, namely, by the other Pretendants, except King Philip, who pressing the Ambassadors much to have their last resolution, whether they would receive him for their King or not, and they desiring him to give them a longer time than he had prefixed, he told them plainly, that he would use his rights according to his means and dignity. The which the Governors, the Duke of Bragança and other Noblemen, that were at Almerin, seeing, they began to provide for the frontiers, but so late, and so slowly, as all men wondered: the Deputies of the Estates insisting still, that they should all assemble in one place, to consult jointly together how to repulse the injurious force, which the Castillans, their ancient enemies, would do unto the Realm. And although it seemed reasonable, that the Governors, who were but few in number, and had but a transitory and limited authority for a time, should pass unto S. Iren, and make show to allow of it, yet they did it not, they still remaining in their several lodgings, making very prejudicial decrees apart, which in the end blemished the honour of the Crown of Portugal, one weakening another's authority, whereas if they had been well united, every man would have obeyed them, and they might have opposed such forces against King Philip, as happily he might have yielded to a judicial course.  
The Governors sent Commissions into the Provinces, to raise the Commons, and commanded the Lords which had lands and vassals to be mounted and armed ready to march, when they should be called, but they did little regard it. The King of Spain being advertised of all their disorders, was exceeding glad, for that they prepared a way for him to attain unto that which he pretended: and without any further delay he caused those troops which he had so long entertained, to march towards Badajos, where he had appointed the rendezvous for the army: he commanded Don Fernando de silva, Earl of Cifuentes, Guidon Major of Castille, to draw forth the Standard-royal, which is never displayed, but when as the King goes to the war in person. He made choice of the Duke of Alba to be his Lieutenant to lead this army, 
Philip's troops marches towards Portugal.  whom he freed from prison for a certain precipitated marriage made by Don Frederick his son, and by his counsel causing him to come to Merida, to confer of the means to enter with an army into Portugal, yet some say, that he saw not the King, but marched directly to the army. In the mean time he did write again, and persuaded the Governors, the Estates, the Nobility and Commons, to receive him without resistance, sending them new consultations, which he had drawn from the Divines of the University of Alcala of Henares of Castille, to the which he said, there was no reply, and that they were conformable in every point to those which he had before from other Universities. King Philip with his Council and Lawyers did set down (as a thing which they ought not to call in question) that being the most ancient male living of the race of Don Emanuel of Portugal, he should precede all others in the succession to the Crown: 
Allegations made by King Philip touching his title to Portugal.  yea presently after the death of King Sebastian: for the Cardinal (whom he had suffered to reign) was not capable thereof, considering his quality, being a Clergiman. This being presupposed, he demanded of the Divines: first, whether he were bound to submit himself to any judge or Arbitrator, to have the Realm of Portugal adjudged unto him. Secondly, if there were any other pretending that Crown, who might decide their controversies: and that there being no competent judge to do it, and the Portugals refusing to receive him before the cause were decided, which might be a means to lustrate him, whether he might not take possession of his own authority by arms, without any scruple. And last of all, if the Governors or Estates of Portugal allege, that they are bound by oath, not to acknowledge any one for king, but he to whom the Realm shall be adjudged by justice, if that may excuse them.  
To the first point the Divines of Castille answered, That Don Philip being a Sovereign King, 
Advice of the Divines of Alcala of Henares  he was not bound to submit himself to any judge, but only take council, and that he might thereupon adjudge the Realm unto himself, and not charge his conscience, grounding upon the nearness of blood, which was apparent. And if there were no judge in this cause, they said, that the Pope, who had the greatest power, might not take knowledge of it, for that it was merely temporal, having not any circumstance to bind it to the Spirituality. The Emperor in like manner was no competent judge: for the Kings of Castille are Sovereigns, Emperors in their countries and Estates.  
The Estates of Portugal were inferiors and subjects, and therefore in no sort judges: the deceased King Don Henry could not prejudice the right nor dignity of king Philip, in appointing eleven judges to determine of the Succession of that Crown: besides, he being dead, the Commission of those judges was expired, and their authority extinct. As for the referring it to the compromise of Arbitrators, it was not used but in matters which were doubtful: and whereas their titles and interests were obscure. If they would say, that in this cause King Philip should not be regarded as a King, but as a private person, bound to plead against the rest, pretending the same succession by reason of blood: it was a frivolous distinction, for that the dignity of a King cannot be separated from the person that carrieth it, in any case whatsoever. If they did pretend, that the controversy must be ended, whereas the matter in question lieth: that this rule hath no place in matters of Kingdoms.  
To the second point they did apply some of the former answers, and to make it more plain, they said, that it was sufficient for the King to exhibit his titles and right to the Governors, or to the Estates, to justify his proceeding by arms,, the which he might lawfully use in case of refusal, the which was a king of contumacy and rebellion. And last of all they said, that an oath made by whomsoever, to prejudice another, doth not bind him that hath taken it, especially where there is no judge, and he cannot pretend it for an excuse against a Sovereign, especially when his title is apparent.  
King Philip having resolved to enter Portugal with an army, more (said he) to fear the Portuguezes, then to do them harm, besides, the army which he prepared at Badajos, he caused his vassals (after their example) in every Province bordering upon Portugal to be in a readiness, commanding the Lords which had their lands there, to show themselves in arms, but not to advance, and that if any near Towns, Noblemen or commons would acknowledge him for their King, they should assure them of all good usage: The Governors were much amazed, yet they made show, as if they would defend themselves, sending into France, to the Emperor, and to other Christian Princes for succours.  
But they did above all employ the Pope's authority and prerogative, that he would be a means to make King Philip lay aside arms, and submit himself to a quiet course of justice: whereupon they obtained, that there should be a Legate sent into Spain to decide this controversy; which was Cardinal Alexander Ri●rio, who was not pleasing unto the King, being held suspect, neither would he that the Pope should meddle in this business, much less determine of it: Besides, this Legate came late, the Castillan army being already entered far into Portugal: and the Governors were in such a confusion, and did so disagree among themselves, as they suffered to have a Croisado preached against the Castillans, as if it had been to go against Infidels: the Magistrates did the like in many towns, 
Hatred of the Portuguizes to the Castillans.  and they said, that there were slain Noblemen of Portugal, who by the means of prisoners which were yet in Africa, since the overthrow of D. Sebastian, did solicit the Xeriffe Hamet to take upon him the protection of the Realm of Portugal against the King of Ca●●le: such was the hatred of these two nations, and the proceed of Don Philip so much detested, seeking to be judge in his own cause, and to decide it by arms, to the prejudice of the other pretendants, and namely, of the general Estates of the Realm.  
The contrarieties which were observed in all that the Governors did, being fearful, irresolute, and yet very ambitious, seeking to retain the royal authority longer than they might, and to sell their favours to their own private benefits, did witness the confusion that was in their minds, and in their affairs, being solicited by the Ambassadors of Castille, 
governors bring King Philip into Portugal.  they yielded to declare D. Philip King, upon certain conditions, whereof they drew Articles, which were all signed by the Duke of Ossuna, but the difficulty was to publish this decree with any colour.  
On the other side they fortified themselves daily both within and without the Realm. In the mean time they had not any money, and suffered the revenues of the Crown to be lost by their bad intelligence, and withal the people's love, who might have supplied their present necessities out of their store, if they had seen any order or gravity in them.  
They resolved to sell the jewels of the Crown, but the Ambassadors of Castille opposed themselves, saying, That they did belong unto the King their master, who was the true and lawful king of Portugal. They sent john Tello, one of the body of the city of Lisbon, under colour to assist Emanuel of Portugal his brother-in-law, who did fortify Belen, and other places, at the mouth of the river of Tagus, beneath the city, but it was to be rid of him: for he did not favour the Castillan party no more than Emanuel his brother-in-law: 
governors seek to dissolve the Estates.  and for that the Deputies of the Provinces and towns which were at S. Iren, did cross them, they sought to send them home as unprofitable, saying, that after the King's death, who had called them, their procurations were void, and that there was not any assembly of Estates: yet they were content the ten of the said Deputies should remain with them, to be witnesses of their actions, who should come to Setwall, a town and port of the sea, twenty miles from Lisbon, whether they meant to retire themselves, by reason of the plague which was crept into Almerin. The Deputies on the other side maintained, that their proclamations were still in force, that the Estates were not ended, and that in the business, which was now in question, their assembly was more requisite then in any other occasion, inviting them again to come unto Saint Iren, where there was not any danger of the plague: the which they would not do, but went to keep their Council at Setwal, far from those that did observe them, being accompanied by the Duke of Bragança, and the Ambassadors of Castille.  
Setwal was one of those places whereof the King of Spain desired to seize, for that in holding this port, he might shut up the river of Lisbon: and therefore he had commanded Do● Alvaro de Bassa● Marquis of Santa Cruz his Admiral, to go thither with his Fleet, consisting of above sixty galleys, and to make some enterprise, whilst that the Duke of Alba should enter by land, from Badajos to Eluas, and other places of that country, as he did soon after, the king having first sent Pedro Velasco, judge of Badajos, to see, if with persuasive words, promises, and presents, he might draw the neighbour towns and places to yield themselves voluntarily, and without force: where he behaved himself so discreetly, as he caused D. Philip to be acknowledged for King of Portugal at Eluas, Olivença, Serpa, Mora, Campo Maio●la nova, Aroughez, Portalegre, and others. The Duke of Alba coming to the army, found it much wasted with sickness, being in all but 4500. Italians, 3500. Germans, and 3000. Spaniards of the old regiments of Italy, the which the King supplied with 7000. Besognes', or new soldiers, which he had levied in Spain, after which he took a view of his army, where he found about 18000. foot, and 6000. horse, with 25. pieces of ordinance, and store of victuals, and other warlike necessaries: for the carriage whereof he had above 6000. carts and wagons. The Duke of Alba was General both at sea and land: in this expedition. Peter de Medicis was General of the Italians, being divided into 3. regiments: of the one Prosper Colonna was Colonel, of the other Vincent Carrafa, and of the third Charles Spinelli. Jerome Earl of Lodron was Colonel of the Germans, Sancho d' Auila was Martial general at land, and Francis d' Alava was Master of the ordinance. There was no Generals of the horse, for all the companies were commanded by Noblemen that were of the King's council, but in executions Don Francis de Toledo the Duke's son should lead them. With these forces the Duke of Alba past the river of Caya, and entered into Portugal the 27. of june, 1580. threatening such as would not acknowledge K. Philip his Master for their king. 
Duke of Alba enters into Portagal.  The Deputies of the Estates, which remained at S. Iren, seeing the king of Castille to enter the realm with an army, they accused the Governors to have abandoned the public cause, and declared D. Antonio defender of the Realm alone, but soon after the people proclaimed him king, & although he excused himself, 
D. Antonio declared defender of the realm of Portugal.  being content (said he) for that time with the title of defender, yet was he forced to accept it, seeing himself environed with many swords in the midst of a furious multitude, cursing the Governors, & crying, that he must lead them against the Castillans. If D. Antonio did then somewhat want a spur to prick him forward to the royal dignity, he had afterwards more need of a bridle to curb him, not to abandon himself as he did, in a time of so great confusion, having an armed enemy in the hart of the country, who won the Nobility daily, & wanted neither money nor credit, which are the sinews of war. He might have apprehended the want both of friends and money, into the which he soon fell, having no support, but the multitude, and some Monks, who showed themselves in his cause, not only passionate, but desperate, or rather mad. A royalty is held to be so sweet a morsel, and the desire to be a king, is so vehement, as they do willingly break the bounds of law to devour it, when occasion is offered, without any respect: yea there have been many who to reign one day, have not cared to be slain the next: whereof there are some examples in the course of this History: so as it is no wonder, if D. Antonio, who had suffered so many crosses to come to it, having got it, sought to keep it. The first error he committed, was to have caused Fernand de Pina, one of the Magistrates of Lisbon to be slain, for that he spoke against him, and then he suffered Suares, who had committed the murder, to be hanged, whom he might have saved by his authority. The opinion of the Portugals is and hath been for many years, that the city of Lisbon is the force of a world, and that whosoever holds it, may make head against the mightiest monarchs of the earth. In truth it is one of the greatest peopled cities in Europe, of great traffic and wonderfully rich: but a multitude of people is but a weak support, and riches in the hands of private men in tumults, when as every man sees himself in danger, and seeks to preserve that which he hath, are not assured, nor to be accounted of,, unless they will use violence and tyranny, which make the most lawful kings to be hated. These considerations were not regarded by Don Antonio, he must needs run to Lisbon, thinking that if all the Realm were lost, Lisbon alone would restore him.  
The body of the city, and the Magistrates, apprehending this hasty coming, and the people's proclamation at Saint Iren, who had cried Real, Real for Don Antonio, entreated john Tello, one of the Governors, with Don Emanuel of Portugal, as we have said, to come and hinder Don Antonio's entry, if he could, and to persuade him not to take the name of King upon him, but only to term himself defender of the State and Crown of Portugal, against the unjust and tyrannous invasion of the King of Castille, that this title would be more favourable for him, and make him to be followed and supported by the Nobility, and the great men of the realm: whereas that of King, seemed to be usurped out of season, whilst that he with the rest of the Pretendants demanded it by justice.  
Don john Tello sent Diego de Sosa, and Francis de Meneses, who could not stay him, but they returned together into the City, where they durst not stop his entry, yet coming near unto Lisbon, there was a harquebus shot of, which passed near his hair, 
Don Antonio received into Lisbon.  but they could not learn whence it came. Being entered into the city, he was received with acclamations, and all signs of joy, as the time would permit: for the greatest part of men of quality were retired to their houses in the Country, by reason of the plague, which was very great, so as the common people only made him this reception, crying, God save the king. But having once seized upon the palace, the river, and the Arsenal, and the arms, he went to the townhouse, whither he called all the Magistrates that were within the City, and was there saluted for king, and the oath taken and received with the accustomed formalities: which done, he wrote unto the governors being at Setwall, that they should come unto him. Don john Tello (who had been sent by his companions to Lisbon, with procuration to see what was necessary for the preservation of the City, according to their design, and had till than authority as a Governor) departed presently, and carried some others away with him, whom Don Antonio would have employed: and by that means he carried away forty thousand Crowns, which he had gathered together, under colour of reparations that were to be done at Belen, S. julian, Cascais, Cabeça Secca, and other places lying upon the river.  
Being come to Setwal, the other Governors would no more admit him into their company, saying, that he was confederate with Don Antonio, and that he might have hindered his entry into the City if he had would. The new King being discontented with them all, he wrote again unto them, to draw them to Lisbon, yet using very mild words, but they would not do any thing. He wrote also very kindly to the Duke of Bragança, who was with them, and in the end he sent Don Francis of Portugal, Earl of Vimioso, to persuade them if he might. In the mean time the Duke of Bragança taking leave of the Governors, retired himself to one of his houses, seeing, that neither the one, nor the other, did any thing to purpose, and that they could not prevent it, but king Philip would reign in Portugal, with whom soon after he made an accord. The Earl of Vimioso seeing that he could not prevail with the Governors, he incensed the people against them, who chased them out of Setwall so hastily, as some were forced to creep out of windows, and to slip down the walls in danger of their lives, yet the Archbishop of Lisbon, and Don john Tello stayed still, being assured to be spared, the one for his Ecclesiastical dignity, the other, for that he had not been opposite to Don Antonio, but had done him good offices.  
By this means the king seized upon Setwall, and went thither to have the place fortified and furnished, and then he returned to Lisbon, to whom there yielded the abovenamed places upon the river, and other about the city. The Governors being thus eclipsed, 
Decree of the Governors against Don Antonio.  got, with the Ambassadors of Castil, to Castro Marin, where they made a strange Decree against Don Antonio, Prior of Crato, condemning him as a Rebel, and declaring, that the will of the deceased King Don Henry was, that King Philip should succeed him in the royal dignity.  
Whilst these things past, the Duke of Alba advanced, 
Duke of Alba's exploits in Portugal.  and had taken Villavitiosa, the Duke of Bragança's chief house, a place of strength, which might have stayed him some days, and then without any care to march in order with his army (for there was no enemy to fear) he came with small iournyes to Setwall, whither he had appointed the fleet should come. This place was soon yielded to the Duke's discretion, by men without judgement and experience: 
Setwall taken by the Castillans.  yet he suffered all the soldiers to departed, retaining only Diego Botello the younger, Captain of the garrison, who sought to escape in a bark. There remained only one tower which guarded the port, the which he battered, and then the captain and soldiers yielded it, to have their lives and goods saved: after that they had beaten one of the royal galleons in pieces, thinking it would have yielded to the Castillans. This place being taken, the Marquis of Santa Cruz came with his fleet (consisting of 60. galleys and many ships) and lodged most of them within the port, from whence they did so stop the mouth of the river of Lisbon, which is near unto it, as nothing could go in, nor come forth, but by the mercy of the galleys.  
The Duke of Alba continuing his course, meant to go to the City of Lisbon, which is the head of the Realm, and therefore he devised how he might pass the river with his army, wherein there was some difficulty, by reason of the old forts which were at the mouth of the river, and those which Don Emanuel of Portugal had newly built and erected.  
Don Antonio being returned from Settwal, 
Estate of Lisbon under Antonio  (whether he had gone before the loss of it) was received by the Inhabitants with greater estate than before, causing him to enter under a Canopy, but hearing of the loss of this important place, their joy was turned into fear and amazement, for they must now study how to make head against the enemy, who they might assure themselves, would be soon at their gates, if they did not speedily provide for it. The remedy consisted in a multitude of soldiers and money to entertain them, which they had not. There was a great multitude of common-people in Lisbon, but not trained up in arms, yet full of courage, when the enemy was far off. He commanded them to be ready, and to furnish themselves with arms, giving them Captains of their own sort, for there were few men of quality that followed him, and the best families of the City were absent: but he made public Proclamations to call them home in this necessity, and some he invited particularly: to such as he found willing, he distributed in paper, honours, offices, commanderies, crosses of the Orders of Knights which are in that country, without regard whether they, to whom he gave them, were men of merit, and capable according to the Orders: for many base men were seen to carry the crosses of Saint james, of Christ, of Alcantara, and others upon their Cloaks: but he was indifferent, so as they gave money. Such as did not obey his commandments, and were slow in coming to the town, he used with all rigour, causing their houses to be opened, and their goods to be sold for the charges of the war.  
If any rich man within the town, fearing to be taxed, or forced to pay money, did seek to escape, he was stayed at the Port, stripped, and put in prison, so as the great favour which Don Antonio had found at his first coming, grew now cold. His most constant friends were the begging Friars, many of which leaving their hoods, took arms, and guarded the ports, or followed him, and made a company in his army, which he sought to raise of this multitude, having no other: but they showed themselves mutinous and rebellious, when they came to lie in field, a practice which Shoemakers, Tailors, Mercers, Vintners, and the other scum of the people, had not been enured unto, by whom the estate and reputation of Don Antonio were supported, who could not be ignorant of this absurdity, but that glorious name of King covered all defects, and made all danger's light. He had sent Diego de Meneses to Cascais, with some troops to guard the passage, yet he did not think the enemy would have passed there, but rather would have gone above the town towards Saint Iren, where the river grows narrow, for towards the sea, it is very broad: but notwithstanding any thing that Meneses could do, the Duke of Alba passed under Cascais, at a place called Marines Vechos, neither did he ever seek to hinder his landing, nor offer him skirmish, so having forced Meneses to retire, the Duke was master of the field, Don Antonio who expected some good service from Diego de Meneses, had made him General of his forces by land, and his brother George de Meneses of his army at sea: where he had good Galleons, and some other Vessels, but growing jealous of George, he had taken his charge from him, and put him in prison.  
It may be, he would have done as much to Diego, if he presented himself before him after the Duke's passage, but he put himself into the Castle of Cascais, which cost him his life. Don Antonio, King of Portugal, must of necessity issue forth of Lisbon against the Duke, and fight with him for his honour, but he found himself very unfit for it: for neither by fair means nor rigour could he gather together at that time above a thousand foot, and some five hundred horse, ill appointed, and never trained up in the wars, neither could he possibly stay them above that day, for night being come, most of them returned to the town to supper, for that there was not any bread in his camp.  
The Duke of Alba meaning to attempt Cascais, found it abandoned by the inhabitants, the castle which was somewhat strong, refused to yield, whereupon it was battered and forced. The captain who commanded there, called Antonio Pereira was hanged, and his soldiers stripped. Diego de Meneses was found in this place, whose head the Duke caused to be cut off, although there were some that did sue for his life. The city of Lisbon being amazed at the taking of Cascais, expecting to hear the like of the Castle of S. julian, which is, as it were, their key, they protested to D. Antonio, that they would make their peace, if he did not put himself in defence, who offered himself to go, if they would follow him. Then every man was forced to take arms, and go to field, even the Negro slaves, of the which there is a great multitude in that City, so as of one and other he found himself to have an army of 8000. men, ill armed, ill appareled, and ill led, (for there was scarce one that could execute the office of a Sergeant, or place a Sentinel) with which troop he went and camped at Alcantara, within five miles of S. julian, which the Duke did besiege and batter, which place was yielded unto him by Tristanvaz, by the persuasion of a woman, who had obtained a safeconduct from the Duke to draw forth a daughter of hers with her husband, which were within it. Cabeça Secca which was a fort built upon the sand in the midst of the river right against S. julian, was also abandoned to the Duke. 
Army of Don An●onio put to r●nt.  So as there was not any thing that could hinder him from camping to the city gates, but Belem, and Don Antonio's army, which lay in their ill-made trenches at Alcantara, and kept that bridge, the which was forced in its lodging, and put to rout by the Duke, and chased even into the town with some slaughter. Don Antonio escaped by flight, being hurt, but he stayed not there: for passing through the town, and as it were, bidding them farewell, whom he could not defend, he took the way to S. Iren, having caused his wound to be dressed at Sacaben, where he might have been taken, if they had poursued him: but he had the good hap to find means to retire to Coimbra, which of all the towns in the Realm had most resisted King Philip, and most disputed their pretended rights.  
It is the only University of Portugal, for all faculties, which had given advice and counsel contrary to the Doctors of Castille. The Duke of Alba took Belem, and soon after the Magistrates of Lisbon came to offer him the keys of the City, demanding their lives and goods: the which was promised them, for King Philip's meaning was to have it preserved, yet they could not prevent it, but the goodly suburb which was upon the way, 
Lisbon yields to K. Philip.  was spoiled, and all the houses and gardens which were about the city, whither the Inhabitants had retired themselves by reason of the plague, and had carried most of their best movables thither.  
King Philip's galleys which were entered into the river, took them of Portugal, and the eleventh of September, that year 1580. the Duke of Alba took possession in the king his master's name, of the city of Lisbon, and made him to be sworn and acknowledged, the people crying Real, Real for King Philip. Whilst that the Duke of Alba did these exploits in Portugal, King Philip was at Badajos, whereas he fell so dangerously sick, as the Physicians despaired of his life, and it was bruited in Portugal, that he was dead, so as many Noblemen did put on mourning weeds, and among others the King Don Antonio: He recovered, but his Queen Donna Anna, who fell sick at the same time of a continual fever, 
Death of Q. Anne of Castille  died.  
The news of the taking of Libone being known at Court, and what had followed, many Courtiers sought to disgrace the Duke of Alba's actions, accusing him of great negligence, to have suffered Don Antonio to escape: they said, that he was more fit to destroy then to edify, not knowing how to do his master service, not to get him the possession of any thing, but defiled, spoiled, and made unprofitable, and with such excessive charge, as it did exceed the value of the thing gotten: this was spoken, for that the suburbs and places about the city were spoiled. It is certain, that this man for his sower, disdainful, and haughty gravity, was hated of most of the Noblemen in Court. Then the King entered into Portugal, having first caused a general Pardon to be proclaimed for all those that had opposed themselves against his reception, except Don Antonio, those that had favoured him at Saint Iren, at Lisbon, at Setwal, and some others that were named: the number of which he did afterwards abate, causing his pardon to be reiterated, yet still reserving some, so as it was commonly said, he knew not so well how to pardon, as to offend.  
He did set a price of 80000. crowns for him that could either take or kill D. Antonio: 
A price set upon D. Antonio's head.  yet notwithstanding this temptation, there was not any one did attempt against his life, to reveal him, in eight months that he went wandering up and down the realm after all these miseries, being pursued and sought for in all places, with the greatest care and diligence that might be. Having escaped at the rout of Alcantara, he retired to Coimbra, 
D Antonio raiseth a new army.  as we have said, where he found so great love and obedience, as he gathered together about five thousand foot, with the which he approached near unto the city of Porto, a strong place near unto the sea, where although the Inhabitants had made show to be Neuters, or rather inclining to King Philip's party, yet he entered, and was well received. Being resolved to try again the hazard of a battle, he made a kind of camp upon the river of Duero, near unto that city. There he made some spoil of them that were of the contrary faction, and sought to draw money from the Inhabitants. In case of any sinister accident, he was resolved to fly into France, and therefore he caused a bark to lie ready in the road near to Viana, a little place upon the sea, at the mouth of the river of Limas. Whilst that he busied himself about these things, 
Sancho de Auila sent against D. Antonio.  the Duke of Alba sent Sancho d' Auila against him, with about five thousand foot, some horse and four canons. Unto whom the city of Coimbra (which till then had been faithful to Don Antonio) carried their keys; they of Avero did the like, who had been spoiled by Don Antonio after that they had yielded unto him. D. Sancho being come to the river of Duero which was not to be waded through, he passed his men over in certain boats, which he had brought with him in carts, and others that he surprised running along that river, notwithstanding that D. Antonio had commanded that all the boats should be drawn to the other side. Don Sancho found not any resistance, for as soon as the Portugals, which were camped on the other side of the river, saw him come towards them, they fled, every man saving himself as he could, without any great slaughter: this was in effect a multitude without experience or courage. D. Antonio having no more means to subsist, left the town of Porto, where after that he had let the Magistrate understand how he had employed himself to the defence of the realm, and having excused himself by the baseness of the Governors, and the small assistance he had had from the Estates, he bade them farewell with tears, promising to see them before it were long, better accompanied, to free them from the tyranny of D. Philip: for see did hope to find means and succours in France and England to restore him.  
From thence he went directly to Viana, with an intent to take shipping, where one attended him, 
D Antonio lays aside arms.  but the sea went so high as it was impossible to put forth, staying there until the storm were passed, behold there came a troop of horse which sought for him, whereupon he put himself into a small boat, desiring rather to commit himself to the mercy of the wind and waves, then unto men. Being come unto the ship with great pain and danger, there was no means to force the wind, nor to put to sea, so as he was forced to come again to Land in his boat, the sea driving him to shore, whereas he was not seen by them that pursued him. They of the house of Portugal were with him, who had always followed him, namely the Bishop of Guarda, the Earl of Vimioso, and some others; all which having disguised themselves like servants and mariners, yet well furnished with rich jewels which were sowed up in their doublets (for D. Antonio had made good provision during his short reign, as well at Lisbon, in the palace royal, 
Portugal wholly reduced under King Philip.  as in other places) they saved themselves as well as they could. By this retreat the name of D. Antonio was suppressed in Portugal; neither was there any place or man which made opposition against King Philip in all the main land of Portugal.  
The towns and forts which are in Africa beyond the Strait, 
Places belonging to the Portugals in Africa yield to King Philip.  yielded obedience to King Philip, as Ceuta, Tanger and the rest, where he was content to leave the same Governor and garrisons that were before: And it was not long before he had news that D. Lewis d' Alcaide Earl of Zoghia, viceroy at the East Indies, had acknowledged him for his King, notwithstanding that he had been much solicited by D. Antonio. Wherefore there remained nothing for the King of Spain, of all the dependences of the realm of Portugal, to subject unto him, but the Islands of the Terceras, which are of great importance both for the Eastern and Western navigations, for the which he provided after that he had made his entry into Lisbon.  
Before that the King parted from Badajos, 
Imputations laid upon the Duke of Alua.  the imputations and slanders laid upon the Duke of Alba were such, as every one was persuaded that he caused this goodly conquest to be trodden under foot by his soldiers, and that he gave them such liberty, as without fear of punishment, they did spoil, sack, kill and violate all divine and human laws: wherefore the King sent two counsellors to inform, the one was called Francis of Villafaguana, taken out of the royal audience of Castille, the other in that of Gallicia, whose name was Francis Tedaldi, who found much less disorder there then was spoken of: yet there were some insolences suppressed. There was something justly imputed to the Duke of Alba, that by his sour and proud manner of proceeding, he had hindered D. Antonio's reception into favour with the King, yea after that he had been saluted for King at Lisbon, and when as the Duke went about to take the forts that were near unto the city, being certain that King Philip showed himself willing, when as he was moved by Diego de Carcamo. This Carcamo was a gentleman of Castille, who had served D. Antonio when he was but Prior of Crato, in the life of King Henry: who seeing that King Philip had resolved after his decease to seize upon the Realm of Portugal by arms, and that the Governors made a show that they would defend it, he had demanded his leave, and was retired into Castille, whereas the King suffered him to follow the Duke of Albas' camp as a voluntary. Being in the army after the taking of Setwal, 
Discourse betwixt D. Antonio a●d Carca●o.  at the passage of the river of Tayo, he had leave given him to go to Lisbon, to see the new King D. Antonio, letting the Duke understand that it was the King their Master's pleasure. Being well entertained by D. Antonio, they began to discourse of the present Estate of the affairs, and of what might happen, seriously and without vanity; they both concluding that D. Antonio had committed an error, in taking upon him the title of a King, 
Carcamos speech to D. Antonio.  and that he should have been satisfied with that of defender of the country, and that having in effect no support, neither from the Governors, who were opposite unto him, nor from the Estates, who were dispersed, nor of the Nobility, nor of any other, but of the Inhabitants of Lisbon, and some other towns, whereas the multitude being ignorant, inconstant, base and wild, are always mutinous and disobedient in such occasions, he must needs think that he could not subsist, and that he must yield unto the forces of Castille, being in danger to be ill entreated, and without any respect if he were taken: and escaping, he must not hope that any Prince in Christendom would undertake a war for his sake. He might well procure some weak succours from France or England, under the name of voluntaries, without advow, for once, with the hazard of some encounter; but this were no great foundation, obtaining a victory either at sea or land, to think yourself thereby settled against a mighty Prince, as King Philip is, who hath means, in an instant, to repair all the losses that may happen unto him. It is true (said Carcamo) that this name and title of a King or Sovereign Prince is a sweet enchantment to bewitch men, and it seems that honour doth bind your highness, having once gotten it, to maintain it with the hazard of your life, and rather to die fight then to leave it: This were good if we knew our adventures, which are most incertain; Man dies not when, nor how he doth imagine, it depends of the will of God. A King is as soon taken as slain in a battle. If your highness should be taken, consider, what would be your condition, and seek no farther into God's secret judgements, who shows plainly by the success of King Philip's enterprises, that he hath ordained the realm of Portugal should be united to that of Castille. That he should have recourse whilst he had time, to those remedies which might warrant him from dishonour and infamy, rather than to contend in vain against heaven and nature: and cast himself into the King's arms, whom he holds for his enemy; assuring him that he should find him mild, and forgetting all that was past, giving him means to live with honour, if not with the title of a King, yet in quality of a Prince, whom he will love and acknowledge as his kinsman. Diego de Carcamo did without any dispute, make D. Antonio allow of these reasons, who knowing them to be most true, resolved to write an humble letter unto King Philip, yet still retaining some right unto himself.  
He excused himself for that he had taken the name of King, 
D. Antonio wries to king Philip.  and received royal honours at Saint Iren, Setwal, and at Lisbon, the question of succession being not decided, saying, that he had been forced by the multitude, who would have yielded him no obedience, if he had only carried the title of defender of the country, and that if he had prepared to make defence, it was by authority from the states, which is the greatest power within the realm, the royal seat being void: and that his Highness should impute that to the love and charity which every good Portuguese should carry unto the crown of Portugal: being then free, and full of honours purchased by the proper and peculiar virtues which God had infused into the Nation, both in Kings and subjects, the which he grieved to see confounded, and in danger to be darkened, being mingled with the trophies of Castille: And howsoever he held himself bound to persever in this defence, thinking the quarrel just in his conscience, and by the consultations which he had had both in the universities of the country, as strangers, as well of Divines as Lawyers, yet considering the condition of humane things, and the uncertainty of their events, and also to spare blood, and to prevent the insolences and spoils which follow war, he was content to lay aside arms, and the title of King, knowing how his highnesse●ment to entreat both the realms and him. This was the substance of the letter which Diego de Carcamo, carried unto King Philip, being yet at Badajos, the which he received in good part, seeming desirous the quarrel might be ended by such submissions, without any more force. But for that this negotiation fell out, either during the King's sickness, or upon his recovery, being it may be advised to have this matter treated of far from him, to the end he might not have his spirits continually importuned, nor have occasion to alter his humours by any difficulty, that should put him in choler, he gave the whole charge thereof to the Duke of Alba, to whom Diego of Carcamo was sent, who made some voyages more to Lisbon, and had so well advanced the business, as there remained nothing, but to draw near, and to confer together by their Deputies, or in person if it might be; when as Don Antonio receiving letters from the Duke, conceived by the terms thereof, an opinion that he contemned him, and that he would treat with him as a Master: for although that the Duke did witness by the tenor of his letters, that he would employ his best endeavours to attain unto a peace, saying that he honoured the memory of the Infant D. Lewis his father, the which did bind him to seek D. Antonio's advancement in this treaty, yet he gave him no other title but your Lordship, where they had been accustomed to say unto him, your Highness, since he was King, and before your Excelleny, when he was but Prior of Crato. This ceremonious kind of speaking being omitted by the Duke of Alba willingly, to humble Don Antonio, was the cause that the treaty went not forward, which was a great cross both for the country and himself.  
D. Philip being now King of all Spain, 
King Philip enters into Portugal.  entered into Portugal soon after his recovery, and came to Eluas, where he was acknowledged for King, and in all places where he passed, and then he did free them of a foreign imposition which was levied upon all merchandise which passed from one realm unto an other, which was valued yearly at a hundred and fifty thousand crowns, for a token of the union, and to show that the Castillans and Portugals were now but one people. He appointed an assembly of the Estates at Tomar in April the year following 1582. he visited Catherine Duchess of Bragança at Villa Boim, who yielded her right to the Realm unto him, if she had any. The Pope who had till then been somewhat opposite to the King's pursuits, 
Pope Gregory allows of the conquest of Portugal.  did allow of all that had been done in Portugal, being advertised how matters had past; he exhorted him that to show himself thankful unto God for the prosperities which he had given him, he should undertake to make war against the Queen of England, either directly, or under hand, in favouring the Irish: he not only offered him his spiritual treasures, but also quit him the fruits of the archbishopric of Toledo, which had been long in the hands of his Stewards, whilst that the Archbishop remained suspended of his dignity, and that his process was in question at Rome, the which amounted to some millions of crowns, and did belong to the Church and Sea of Rome. The King knew well that he should not restore those fruits, and therefore he was not eager to enter into open war against the English, yet he promised to succour the Irish from Spain, without any further declaration, but saying, that he would deal with the affairs of Ireland, as the Queen of England did with them of Flanders. He was also to provide for the reduction of the Islands of the Terceras, without the which his fleets could hardly continue their navigations to the Indies.  
These Islands are in the Atlantike Ocean, 
Description of the Terceras.  and are otherwise called the Açores; they be seven in number, most of them small, and not greatly inhabited. The best are the Tercera (which carries the name of them all) Saint Michael (which is the greatest) and Fayal: the other, which be, Santa Maria, P●c, Flowers and Corues, are barren and unpeopled. The city of Angra the Bishop's Sea, is in the Tercera, but the Bishop's abode is in that of Saint Michael, at a place called Puncto del Gada, which Island is some hundred miles nearer unto Spain then the rest. 
People of the Terceras brutish.  All the Inhabitants of these Islands are brutish, superstitious and vain, yet instructed by jesuits and many sorts of Monks which have their dwellings there. Until that the Marquis of Santa Cruz had conquered them, they were of opinion that the King D. Sebastian was not dead at the battle of Africa, they did hate the Castillans mortally, & were enterrained in this hatred by D. Antonio, who held them two years after the conquest of Portugal, by the means of some succours which he drew from France, for this King being expelled, after that he had wandered throughout the realm, poor and in a disguised habit, for the space of eight months, and yet was never wronged nor discovered, notwithstanding that he spoke to divers men, in the end he had means to freight a ship of the Low countries at Setwal, who for 600. crowns brought him to Calais, from whence going to the court of France, he was kindly entertained by the Queen Mother, one of the Pretendants to the crown of Portugal, by whose favour and authority, he found in many private men that offered to do him service, & went to sea, & to the Islands, under his warrant, hoping to take some Spanish or Portugal ships coming from the Indies, and to enrich themselves with their spoils, so as it was an ordinary trade from the ports of France to the Terceras: where for a time D. Antonio Cyprian de Figueredo commanded, but not well pleased with him, he displaced him, and gave his Government to Emanuel de Sylva, who called himself Earl of Torres Vedras. They of the Island of Saint Michael, being some distance from the rest, did presently acknowledge the king of Spain, dividing themselves from the rest, whether French ships came many times to spoil it, and some Spaniards to defend it, who meeting made furious war, but the Spaniards had always the worst. They of the Terceras, were firm for Antonio, and took all that came upon their coast, and upon that of Fayal, or that they could see at sea, to make a stock for D. Antonio, who reaped great commodity. There was one called john de Betancour, descended from some French house, dwelling in the town of Angra, who thought to draw the people into a mutiny for the King of Spain, who being almost slain, was cast into an obscure prison, where he remained long, and it is doubtful whether he died there. The jesuits thought to speak, but they walled up the gates of their convents, and kept them long shut up after that manner, giving them meat twice a week, and yet they feared to be worse entreated: but the other Orders of Monks spoke of none but D. Antonio, whose virtues and praises were most commonly the subject of their Sermons, meddling much with affairs of state and war. King Philip to assure himself of the Island of Saint Michael which held for him, and receive the ships which came from the Indies, being not advertised of that which had passed in Portugal, lest they should unwillingly fall into the hands of the contrary party, he commanded that D. Pedro de Baldes should be sent with four ships and six hundred Spaniards, who adverturing to land in the Island of Terceras, with an opinion that there were many in the Island affected to the King his Master, 
Pedro de Baldes defeated by them of the Terceras.  and by their means to do some good exploit upon the city of Angra, which was unwalled towards the land, he was charged by them, who slew 400. of his men, so as he made all the hast he could to get to sea, and return to Lisbon, where for his welcome he was put in prison, charging him that he had fought contrary to his Commission, yet he was soon released, finding that he was not expressly forbidden to fight. Lope de Figueroa being sent after to second him, thought to find him about the Island of S. Michael, but hearing of this defeat, he returned also to Lisbon, so as it was then resolved to send greater forces the next spring.  
We have formerly made mention of certain companies sent by Pope Gregory the 13. to succour the Rebels of Ireland, under the command to Thomas Stukely, who coming to Portugal with six hundred foot, when as D. Sebastian did arm against the Moors, they were entreated by him to serve him in that war, where most of them were slain with their chief Commander. The rest returning into Portugal, with Sebastian Saniosep one of their Commanders, they had order to pass into Ireland, and the Pope's Nuntio there had order to levy Spaniards to fill up the number, and to increase it, who should sail into Ireland under the Standard of the Church, 
Forces sent into Ireland by the Pope and King of Spain defeated.  yet at the King of Spain's charge, having money to raise four thousand men of the country, they being but nine hundred men in all under divers captains Italians and Spaniards. These men landed in Ireland, and built a good fort, called Smerwike, the which was furnished with ordinance, victuals and munition to maintain a long siege, into the which there entered but six hundred men, the other three hundred returning in three ships, leaving three behind; but before they were fully fortified, the Lord Gray, Lord Deputy for the Queen's Majesty in Ireland, came and besieged them, and priest them in such sort, as some of the captains, compounding for their own lives, the rest were put to sword: And so that enterprise was soon made frustrate, having more desire than means to annoy the English in those parts.  
The time appointed being come for the holding of the Estates at Tomar, 
An. 1581.  the Deputies of the Clergy, 
Estates of Portugal held at Tomar.  Nobility, Provinces and good towns of Portugal came thither, where King Philip was acknowledged by them all for King of Portugal, without any contradiction, and received the oath of fidelity, the which he caused to be taken to the Prince his son. There they also treated how the Realm should be governed, where the King showed himself very bountiful, for he granted unto the realm, in a manner, all the Articles which the Duke of Ossuna his Ambassador had promised and signed to the five Governors, before the taking of Lisbon, the chief whereof were: That the King should take an oath, as he did, to maintain the realm in her laws, customs, previledges and liberties. 
Articles granted by King Philip to the realm of Portugal.  That the Estates of the realm should be held within the realm, and that they should resolve there, and no where else, of matters concerning the realm of Portugal. That the viceroy, or by what name soever they called the Governor, should be a Portugese, unless he were a Prince of the blood, son, uncle, brother, cousin or nephew to the King. That the offices of justice, charges of the treasure and revenues of the crown should be given unto Portugueses alone. That such as had offices and dignities within the realm, as well at land as at sea, preferred by former Kings, should enjoy them still, and in like manner the offices of the house and crown of Portugal. That the Governors and Captains of places and the soldiers in garrisons should be all Portugueses. That the commerce of the East Indies should remain for the Portugueses, distinct from them of Castille, as they had been before this union, and under the same laws. That the money which should be coined in Portugal should have the arms of Portugal alone, without any other mixture or addition. That all Clergy dignities, both great and small, should be given to Portugueses, and in like manner all commanderies of the Orders of Knights. That no Croisadoes, nor thirds of Ecclesiastical livings, should be obtained from the Pope, to be levied in Portugal. That no fees nor jurisdictions should be granted in Portugal, to others them to Portugueses. That rights excheting to the crown, should not be given to any but to Portugueses. That the King should take into his service two hundred Portugueses, giving them the pension which is called Moradic. That the King coming into Portugal, the lodgings of his Court and train should be made after the manner of Portugal. That the King going through the realm he should carry with him a private Counsel consisting of a Prelate, Chancellor, Treasurer, superintendent, and a certain number of Secretaries, which should be called the counsel of Portugal, all Portugnese. That the provisions of offices, as well of justice as others should be made within the realm, & that their supreme judgements should have execution. That the King's Chapel and singing men should be entertained, as had been used in the time of other Kings, in the city of Lisbon commonly, or where the King's person should be within the realm. That all foreign impositions upon the confines of either realm, should cease. That all Portugueses should indifferently be admitted to serve the Kings and Queens, and that the Queen's taking Portugal maidens to serve them, should marry then according to their qualities, as had been accustomed.  
At these Estates there was a general pardon granted to them that had carried arms, or otherwise opposed themselves against king Philip. Out of the which were excepted D. Antonio, the Bishop of Garda, the Earl of Vimioso, and others named to the number of 52. All the religious men which had adhered to D. Antonio, and those that had received office from him, were also excluded out of this pardon, and were made incapable ever to receive any grace or charge from the King. The university of Coimbra, which had held D. Antonio's part, and published his title, was (contrary to the opinion of many) confirmed in their previledges, and taking into the King's special protection. As for gratuities and rewards to private Portugueses, the King gave much, yet he pleased not all suitors. 
King Philip's bounty in Portugal.  He confirmed the Duke of Bragança in the dignity of Constable of the realm. The Duke of Ossuna, who had left Portugal after the governors flight from Setwal, was made viceroy of Naples, which is the goodliest charge of Spain, whereunto the Noblemen aspire and seek to come unto by degrees, as the chief of dignities which is given in that court. Christopher de Mora was made gentleman of the Chamber, which is much in Spain. All that had employed themselves to serve the King in his pretension and pursuit of that realm of Portugal, as well of the nation, as others, yea and many which had opposed themselves, and were afterwards by some means reconciled, were gratified and rewarded, some superfluosly, others more sparingly, so as some thought his recompenses and rewards amounted to six millions of crowns.  
The Estates being ended, the King drew near unto Lisbon staying some days at Almada, 
Entry of King Philip into Lisbon, and acknowledged King.  not far off, attending the preparations which they made for his reception, and on Saint Peter's day he made his royal entry, where after the triumphs, he wanted not importunate suitors for gifts and recompenses, and there was so great a number of petitions presented, as the counsel was overcharged, and there could not be any expedition, so as to abridge all delays, the King discharged the body of the counsel, and committed the examination and provision unto two only, which were, D. Antonio Pignero Bishop of Leira, and Christopher de Mora.  
The Great Turk being at truce both with the Persian and the Catholic King, had some cause given him to doubt a war in Africa, for that in Tunis the people had taken arms, and expelled the Turks that were there in guard, calling home their old King Amida, who had been expelled and lived at Malta, whereupon Amurath did presently send Vluccialy with some galleys, who attempted to land some men, but the King of Fez opposed himself, having no will that the Turks should grow potent in Africa. And the Catholic King, who had made a league with the Moor, would not have the Turk advance on that side, protesting to Vluccialy, that by reason of the truce, formerly made betwixt him and the great Turk, he could not attempt war against him of Fez, unless he would break the truce; and therefore if he attempted any thing, he would send his galleys against him; which threats made Vluccialy resolve (having passed thither well provided) not to alter any thing this year. The disorders at the Terceras increased daily, many coming thither for refuge, after they had been spoiling at sea, whereof some were French: And King Philip being advertised that in France they prepared many ships of war, and levied soldiers publicly under the favour of the Queen mother, to come unto those Islands, there to fortify themselves against the Spaniards, to cut off their navigation to the Indies, and to assure them against the enterprises of the King of Spain, and deprive him of the use of them, he had already commanded D. Aluar de Baçan, Marquis of Santa Cruz, to carry 5000. men thither, when as hearing that D. Antonio had set sail with above 70. ships and 7000. soldiers (as reports are always greater than the effects) he priest the Marquis to be gone, and seemed to be somewhat discontented with him, for his slackness in making ready the ships of Andaluzia, whereof there were a good number appointed for this voyage: so as he was forced to go from Lisbon on the tenth of july with eight and twenty ships only, some biscain's, the rest Flemings and Esterlings, appointing the rest which were at Saint Lucar, Santa Maria, and other ports to follow him. This Castillan army being come to the Island of Saint Michael, 
Armies of French and Spaniards in the Island of Saint Michael.  they found that the French were already landed, and did spoil it. So as they came happily to preserve the Island, and the chief fort of it called Puncto Delgada. He was glad that whilst the French were busy about the spoil of that poor Island, they had suffered a great ship and very rich coming from the Indies to escape, the which had come unwittingly unto those Islands, being ignorant how the affairs of Portugal had past.  
These two enemy's fleets were at anchor some thirty miles one from an other, beiug covered with points of Land which run into the sea: The French being about Laguna towards the West, and the Spaniards at Morro, which is to the East, with this disadvantage, that the Marquis sailing along the Island to find a fit place to land, the army had been fully discovered by the French, which he could not do of theirs, lying covered and hidden: besides the French had taken a Carvel of advice, the Marquis having sent two unto the Governor of the Island to advertise him of his coming, and of the number of ships and soldiers which he brought with him, and of those which should follow him. Being therefore hard to discover the French army by sea, the Marquis was desirous to land some men to learn some certainty, but they were forced to return without any certain knowledge. Wherefore to be better assured, he weighed anchor, and put to sea with all his fleet, in order to fight, meaning to pass in that manner along the South part of the Island, where the enemy lay (for the other side of the Island was desert and had no landing) and by that means see what their strength might be, where at the break of day there came a small bark unto him, in the which was the Master of a Biscain ship, with letters from john de Castillo, who commanded in the fort of the city, by the which he did advertise him of all that had past since the coming of D. Antonio and his army unto the Island: That the French had in all 58. sails, whereof 28. were great ships, and 6000. soldiers; that they had sacked the village of Laguna, and put to rout Pedro Pexot, and Laurence Noghera, who went to encounter them with 3000. men, part Islanders and part Spaniards, and then had entered into the city which they had found empty, and that they sought to win the fort, into the which they were fled that had escaped at the defeat. That Laurence Noghera was dead of a wound which he had received in the fight, and that Pexot went away soon after in a Caravel towards Lisbon, leaving many of his vessels in the Port, which had been taken or brothen by the French, and that he was straightly besieged in the fort; and therefore he should take counsel, whether he should fight, or retire with all his ships under the fort to favour it.  
The Marquis being glad of this advice sent the Master back to john de Castillo with this answer. That he should not trouble himself but hold good, for he was resolved to fight, with hope to vanquish the enemy. This report came near the truth for the number of their ships, for the French fleet at their coming from Belille in Britan consisted of five and fifty sails, whereof there were five and thirty ships of war, and twenty pinnaces, 
Number of the French army at the Terceres.  tarrying seven and thirty companies of foot, which might make some four thousand soldiers, whereof Saint Solene was Colonel of fifteen Ensigns, nine were under the command of the Siegneur of Buz, eight under Beaumond, and five under Fumee, over which Philip Strossy was General, and the Earl of Brissac was his Lieutenant. The Marquis having spent that day in consultations, and in ordering all things necessary for the army, the next day, which was the three and twentieth day of july, the two fleets were at sea, their prows turned as if they meant to fight, which it is very likely they had done instantly if so be that a calm had not kept them from joining. After dinner the wind growing somewhat fresh, the Marquis thinking that the French (who had the wind) would have charged him, and he preparing to receive them; he saw them bend their course towards the Island of Santa Maria; fifty miles distant from that of Saint Michael, the which the Spanish fleet did in like manner, coasting one an other, and turning their sails sometimes on the one side, sometimes on the other, until that night came, which was very calm, so as the French could not execute their design, which was to have sent ten ships of war along the Island to get behind the Spanish fleet, with an intent to charge them the next day in front, and 〈◊〉 ●ithier side.  
In the morning every man expected a battle, but they did not any thing, but play with their great ordinance a far off, yet annoying one an other, for the French had one of their ships sunk. Night being come the Marquis, being tired with this loss of time, sought to get the wind, wherefore he gave commandment to all his ships, that hearing a piece of ordinance shot off, they should bear up close with the Admiral, and follow it, bearing no lantern, to the end the enemy should not see them: This Order was observed by all the ships, except two Easterlings in the which were four hundred Germans; who being not advertised, through his fault that had the charge, were so far off as they could not join again with the rest of the s●eet. But this prevailed not, for at the break of day, which was the five and twentieth of july, on Saint james day, the Patron of Spain, to whom the Spaniards said that D. Antonio and the French captains bare respect, they saw them busy to repair their ships, which were shot through the day before, making no show that they had any intent to fight. The Marquis men were priest with the like necessity, for that the main ●ast of a great ship, in the which Christopher d' Erasso was, had been bruised and shaken, so as they were forced to attend her, fearing the enemy should environ and take her, whilst they mended her mast, which was so shaken, as she could not sail: So this day was spent, in the which the French, whose vessels were lighter, had means to recover the wind.  
The next day being the six and twentieth, they must needs fight, their former delays proceeding from the sundry opinions that were amongst the captains of D. Antonio's armies, whereof some would fight, and others were unwilling, and if their General and Admiral had not advanced to show them the way, most of them would not have come to it: making their excuse that they had always seen Philip Strossy, and the Earl of Vimioso (who were in one ship) keep behind, which they imputed to want of will to fight, where as in truth the reason was for that the ship was heavy, and not so good a sailor as the rest: for these two Noblemen wanted no courage, but were most desirous to fight with the enemy: Strossy and the Earl finding this bad impression of their companions, changed their ships, and took one of the best sailors in the fleet, in the which the Lord of Beaumond was, who was Colonel of those companies which had followed the Earl of Brissac. The two armies being in order of battle at sea, within three miles one of an other, and five and twenty from Saint Michael, the sea being calm, they attended some small gale to give them means to approach.  
The which fell out about noon, favourable for the French, 
Battle at sea betwixt the French and Spaniards.  whereupon they joined within ten miles of the Island, fight with great resolution. In the front of all the French army was Strossy and the Earl of Vimioso, their ship holding the place of Admiral, the Earl of Brissac was with them for vice-admiral, with three English ships, than followed the other ships, some near, some farther off. The Spanish fleet had for their forward a great hulk, and Francis de Bou●dilla in it; the galleon Saint Martin, in the which the Marquis of Santa Cruz went, who towed after him with a cable the ship of Christopher d' Erasso, whose mast was much shaken, and with them the galleon called Saint Matthew, which carried Lope de Figueroa: all the other ships of the Spanish fleet, were in a manner covered by these four. Every one had chosen where to fight, but the wind changing and varying, made them to change their deseignes.  
The Saint Matthew, wherein Lope de Figueroa was, being cast somewhat from the ●est by the agitation of the wind and waves, it was first charged by the Admiral and vice-admiral of the French, and the other three ships, which did environ it with a storm of great shot and fire, whom he answered with the like, and made them to keep aloof, yet Figueroa was so priest by the Admiral, vice-admiral, and an other ship as he was often in danger to be lost, for he maintained the fight valiantly above two hours, and was not succoured. In the end a Biscay ship of Peter of Garagarza, in which were two companies of Spaniards, came and relieved him. The Marquis, who saw him in danger, was much troubled for that he could not succour him in time as he thought; both for that he was forced to answer two French ships which had set upon him (whom notwithstanding he had made retire with his great Ordinance, and that of the Hulk, wherein Francis de Bavadillo was) as also for that he must go against the wind, casting about, so as the time would be long before he should recover him. Yet in the end he came unto him, but the order of the army and all their private deseignes were perverted, as it happens commonly in sea fights, being subject to the wind and waves; but he was prevented by the ships of Michael d' Oquendo, of captain Villa Viciosa, and an other Biscain, who came first to succour the Galeon Saint Matthew, being followed by many others. These three last-named did invest the Vice-admiral, in the which the Earl of Brissac was, who being already ill entreated by the cruel resistance the Spaniards had made, sought to be ungrapled, and to retire herself. Among others the ship of Michael de Benesa came boldly and grappled with the General Strossy; So as the Marquis of Santa Cruz could not approach near either of the enemy's ships, seeing them environed by his galleons; wherefore he observed what the issue would be, to succour where need required. The French Vice-admiral defended itself valiantly against three ships that did press it. Captain Villa Vicieosa who fought in the prow was slain. In poop they were forced by Michael d' Oquendo, who caused some of his Spaniards to enter, but finding his own ship to be pierced, and that it took in water, he left her, seeing also other French ships come to succour her. So as this vice-admiral being much torn and broken, seeing herself free, would have retired, but she could not go far, before she sunk (as the Spaniards say:) the Earl of Brissac with some others saving themselves in a little boat, got to the next French ship. As for the Admiral where Strossy was, which had not yet abandoned the fight, she was so fastened to one of the anchors of the galleon Saint Matthew, as it was not possible to free her, but they must either vanquish or die. Before that succours came she was in a manner Master of this galleon, about the which almost the whole fight was, for there were but 70. men of defence and service remaining in her; but besides the ship of Michael de Venesa, the Marquis, who was watchful, 
French defeated at sea by the Spaniards.  coming with other ships, compassed her in round, and id so batter her with musket shot, as she was forced to yield, having endured this last charge above an hour, and being shot through in divers places, she began to sink visibly. There were above three hundred men slain in her, the rest were taken. Philip Strossy was found sore wounded with a musket shot above the knee, which made him fall, who being drawn out of the press, 
Death of Philip Strossy.  to carry him into the galleon Saint Martin, as they passed with him from one vessel to an other, an insolent soldier thrust his sword into his belly, and in this Estate he was laid before the Marquis of Santa Cruz, who made no account of him, and seeming not to understand them that said it was philip Strossy, he turned his head on the other side, and made a sign that they should cast him into the sea yet breathing. D. Francis of Portugal, Earl of Vimioso, who also fought valiantly with him, died two days after of his wounds. The Marquis seemed to lament his death, for he was his kinsman.  
This battle continued, above five hours, betwixt two very unequal parties, for there were scarce ten French ships that fought, by reason of the bad intelligence and disobedience that was among them, as it happens often amongst a multitude of men, which are either voluntaries, or not experienced; of the which this army did for the most part consist, who were favoured in their faults by their captains, whereas they should have used severity, especially at sea. Before their coming out of France, they had fallen into quarrels and mutinies, which were with some difficulty pacified: most of the other French ships were idle spectators of the battle; Some at the first charge went to sea, bending their course towards the Island of the Teceras, where they refused them the port, as treacherous runne-awaies; and if any one came near unto the enemy, it was but to discharge their canon far off, which is held by good sea men to be idle and unprofitable.  
Thus the French army retired, having lost their Commanders with about 2000 men, and eight of their best ships in the conflict, 
〈◊〉 of the dead in the battle.  in the which the Spaniards said they had not above 200. slain, and about 500 hurt, wherein they flattered themselves strangely, for in the Galleon Saint Matthew, alone, there were above 600. soldiers and mariners, who by their own confession were reduced to 70. when as Strossy was oppressed by the Marquis and the rest that came. The Spanish fleet remained master at sea, neither cared to pursue them that fled, both for that night approached, as also thinking that he had done enough. He was kept four days at sea, by reason of the wind which did rise, and could not get to the Island of Saint Michael, where he afterwards landed his men to refresh them, and to cure them that were hurt. There D. Alvaro de Baçan Marquis of Santa Cruz did an act which was held barbarous, discovering the pride and insolency of certain Natures which cannot be pacified, and which never take delight in their victories, unless they be seasoned with some new cruelties, 
Cruelty of the Marquis of Santa Cruz to the French.  committed after the fact in cold blood: for the first day of August the army being landed, Francis of Bovadilla having caused a great scaffold to be set up in the market place of Villa Franca, in the Island of Saint Michael, he caused all the French prisoners, to the number of 300. to be brought thither by four companies of soldiers, where he caused a sentence to be pronounced. That whereas (there being a peace betwixt the Catholic King and the most Christian) they had presumed to come out of France, in favour of D. Antonio, sometimes Prior of Crato, in form of an army, with an intent to spoil the King of Spain's ships, coming from the Indies, and seize upon his Islands, where they had already taken great booties; he therefore declared them common enemies to the commerce and public quiet, and favourers of his majesties rebels; and that as pirates and thieves he condemned them to die, commanding the judge of the army to cause that sentence to be put in execution, upon all those that exceeded the age of 17. years, for so the service of God, and of the two King required. The age of these prisoners, which were exempted from death, to use them in the galleys, was judged after that they were carried back to prison by their beards, so as many which had little or no beards saved their lives, having secretly pulled the hair off their chins. There were found among those that were condemned four score gentlemen, who lost their heads, or rather had their throats cut, for want of a good hangman, and the rest, both soldiers and mariners, were hanged, within two foot of the ground. This inhuman and bloody slaughter, was detested by the Spanish soldiers, and by many of their captains, saying, that it did blemish the honour of arms, and that they did wrong to those prisoners to term them thieves, being apparent that they were not come to that voyage for D. Antonio, 
Spanish soldiers detest the cruelty of the Marquis of Santa Cruz.  but to do service to the French Queen, by reason of the pretensions she had to the realm of Portugal, and that they should make them fair war, having behaved themselves like valiant soldiers, whereupon they made many requests unto the General, seeking to divert him from that cruel resolution, but he was immovable. After this unworthy fact (howsoever they may colour it) the Marquis stayed some days about those Islands, to receive the Indian ships, if any came, so as he saved two, which might have somewhat repaired D. Antonio's loss, if they had fallen into his hands, whom he put in some fear, and all them that were with him at Angra in the Island of Tercere, that he would land there, for he passed and repast twice or thrice in view of the city, but he had an other design; for seeing the season approach, when as the seas grow high, he gave order for the guard of the Island of Saint Michael, where he left Augustin I●ygues with 2000 Spaniards, and then sailed towards Lisbon.  
The defeat of D. Antonio's army, and the death of Philip Strossy did much trouble the French King, and the Queen-mother, after which he could not procure any great means to annoy the King of Spain: Some of the ships of that fleet making haste to recover the Ports of France, their captains were reproached with base cowardice, and some of them were put in prison, being charged to have been corrupted by the King of Spain, or his Agents, before they parted from France, and to have failed of their duties in the day of battle. They had prepared for D. Antonio (having news of the coming of this army) a stately entry in the city of Angra, whether he came two days before the battle, to attend the issue thereof out of danger, by the advice of the French captains, 
D. Antonio's estate after the defeat of the French at sea.  the unfortunate success whereof made the triumphs to cease: and when as after the defeat he saw the Marquis lie hovering up and down, he grew afraid, causing a light bark to lie ready for his flight, if he should be assailed, but hearing afterwards of his departure, he grew assured. This poor Prince fallen from all his hopes stayed their a while, and was persuaded by Emanuel de Sylva, whom he had made Governor of those Islands, to commit many insolences to get money, whereunto he willingly gave ●are, for he foresaw his future necessity. He caused money of a base standard to be coined, and set it at a high rate. Yet would he not imitate the Marquis of Santa Cruz in cruelty, being solicited to put to death fifty Castillans which were in prison at Angra, to revenge the death of those that had been executed in the Island of Saint Michael, which showed his generous mind. About the midst of October he resolved to return again to France: for danger and want would not suffer him to live any longer in the Island of Tercere. Having therefore recommended unto Emanuel de silva, that which concerned the government of those Islands, for the guard whereof he left him five hundred French soldiers, 
His 〈◊〉 into France.  besides those he had before: he parted with about thirty sail. And for that he would not arrive in France, whilst that the memory of the loss of so many gallant men was fresh, whereof they imputed the cause to him, he directed his course towards the Canaries, and the Island of Madera, to spend the time, and to get some spoil to content his soldiers: some ships both French and English abandoned him in a storm which dispersed them about the Island of Saint Michael.  
The Marquis of Santa Cruz being arrived at Lisbon, he was welcome to the King, who told him, that seeing he had been so fortunate in that voyage, he would send him the next summer to the Terceras with a stronger army, and that he should carry some galleys with him, to make an absolute conquest of those Islands, and to chase away the French and D. Antonio's partisans, and even there he gave order for that voyage.  
We have formerly made mention that the King of Spain after the return of captain Drake from the South sea, 
An. 1582.  had sent D. Diego florence de Baldes with 25. ships, 
King of Spain's fortifies the straits of Magellan.  to fortify and plant in the straits of Magellan, & to stop the passage of any other Englishmen that should attempt the like, and that five of his ships had been cast away in a storm, upon the coast of Spain, notwithstanding the King sent commandment that he should proceed in his voyage, the which he did with sixteen sail, but he could not get into the straits that year, so as leaving Diego de Ribera his Lieutenant, & Pedro Sarmiento (who should be the Governor of those forts) to attempt it the next year, he returned for Spain. And they happily got into the straits, where they landed 400. men, with their victuals and munition, which done, Diego de Ribera left Pedro Sarmiento with 400. men, thirty women, and a ship with victuals for eight months, and returned with three ships, having stayed but eight days in the straits. Pedro Sarmiento built a town in the mouth of the Strait to the Northward, in the which he put a hundred and fifty men, calling it Number de jesus, 
Sarmiento fortifies in the straits of Magellan.  from whence he went by land, and sent the ship some five leagues within the straits, where in the narroest part he found a very good port, and built an other town, which he called Ciudad del Rey Philippo, or King Phillip's town, but the snow and extreme cold of the Winter would not suffer him to finish his fort. Whereupon pretending to go to his other town, he sailed to the straits mouth, to his first built town, where having stayed a day or two, he broke his cable in a storm (as he said) and went to the river of jenero, and then to Fernambuck to seek for some supply of victuals, where he obtained what he desired: But Sarmiento sailing towards his Colony, his ship with all his provision was cast away, three of his men were drowned and himself hardly escaped. At Baya the Governor of Bresil fitted him with a bark, & furnished him with clothes and victuals for his people, but upon the way he was surprised with so furious a storm, as he was forced to cast all his freight over board, & to return again to the river of jenero; where attending a whole year, he neither received succours nor letter from the King, who was offended with Pedro Sarmiento, for that he had given him wrong informations touching the straits, and put him to a needless charge, and loss of men, so as Sarmiento having no means to relieve his people, was forced to sail towards Spain, where at sea he was taken by certain Englishmen, so as in four years those poor Spaniards which he had left in the Srtaights had no succours.  
This year D. Diego the King's son, 
Death of D. Diego Prince of Spain.  Prince of Spain, died, for the which he was very sorrowful; but he did not much regard the death of the Duke of Alba, which followed soon after, at the least he made no show of it, whereat the Portugueses (who had seen their Kings retire themselves for private men) wondered. 
Death of the Duke of Alba.  They remembered that King Emanuel had shut himself up three days for the death of a Pilot. The Duke of Alba was 74. years old when he died in the King's lodging at Lisbon: of whose deeds and disposition we have spoken sufficiently. D. Sancho de Autla, accounted by the Spaniards for one of the best captains of his time, died soon after the Duke, being hurt with a horse he sought to be cured by a soldier, 
Death of D. Sancho de Auila.  with charms, and neglected the Art of Surgery. Among other Acts of his the sack of Antwerp is memorable, in the year 1576.  
King Philip being priest to return into Castille, to consider of a marriage which was treated of betwixt the Emperor and one of his daughters, being also to go to the Estates of Arragon, he made haste, before his departure out of Portugal, for that which was necessary for the government of the realm, and for the firm union thereof with Castille. He therefore summoned the Estates for the 26. day of january the year following 1583. 
An. 1583.  and there he caused his son D. Philip to be sworn lawful successor to the crown of Portugal; 
D. Philip the King's son sworn at the Estates of Portugal.  he caused the funeral of the deceased King D. Henry to be made at Belem, where he was buried with his Predecessors, and he caused the bones of King Sebastian, and of divers other Princes his kinsmen, which had been left, or buried in divers Monasteries, to be brought thither. As for the Government of the realm, in his absence, he gave it to the Archduke Albert Cardinal, contrary to the opinion of most Courtiers, who thought he would have left it to his sister D. Maria, 
Archduke Albert made Governor of Portugal.  widow to the Emperor Maximilian, who had retired herself into Spain, and was come to him into Portugal at the time of this conquest. He left for Counsellors to the Archduke, D. George d' Almaida Archbishop of Lisbon, Pedro d' Alcassova, who had been so ill entreated by King Henry, whom King Philip restored to all his goods and honour, and Michael de Mora, Secretary of the realm, who was honoured by him with the office of Scribe of the purity, which is one of the greatest dignities of that Court: but the King contrary to the Articles concluded at the Estates of the realm, and against their privileges, put into the Counsel of the Hazienda, which is for the revenues of the crown, two Castillans, one a Lawyer & the other a Merchant. The Empress did also somewhat discontent the Portugals when as visiting the convent of Santos, which is a retreat for Ladies of great houses living like religious women, but yet may marry, she drew out D. juliana d' Alencastro, daughter and heir to the Duke of Avero, being thirteen years old, and took her with her into Castille, whereas they thought she would marry her. The Portugueses were also disconted at the Archdukes proceed, who after the King's departure, in the beginning of his government, made difficulty to sign the provisions and ordinary letters, which ought to be dispatched within the realm, as the King had agreed, sending suitors ordinarily to Court. In the end the King, to pacify all discontents, and to leave a good conceit of him in his new conquest, gave many gifts and rewards to them that presented themselves, and made their services known, or their desire to do him any: the Duke of Bragança and the Marquis of Villareal were they that tasted least of his bounty, the which was noted, 
King Philip goes out of Portugal.  being the principal persons of the realm, from whence he parted the eleventh of February that year, presently after the ending the Estates.  
The Marquis of Santa Cruz, after his return to Lisbon, used all diligence to make ready the army which he should lead the Summer following to the Terceras: the which being known in France by D. Antonio, 
Succours sent to the Te●ceres.  and those that favoured him, they wrought so as he had means to send about 1200. men, under the command of monsieur de Chattels a Knight of Malta, and Governor of deep, a man well practised in martial affairs both at land and sea: there were already in the Islands of Tercere and Fyal, seven hundred French and three hundred English, and about three or four thousand Portugueses and Islanders. The Island of Tercere was the place which must be chiefly kept, to defend the approaches whereof, and the landing places, 
Forts built at the Tercere.  Emanuel de Sylva had caused some thirty forts to be built within compass of it, which was a weak fortification, for being all small, capable of few men, and far one from another, they might be easily forced with few men, and one could not relieve another. This Emanuel de silva (as the Spaniards describe him) was a man full of will, and opinion of his own sufficiency, but in effect he was ignorant of the art of war, (as in a manner all Portuguezes at that time were) and of a very tyrannous disposition: so as he omitted no kind of cruelty to get money: and did willingly give ear to them that found out any invention to call the inhabitants of the Island in question, for the breach of his capitulations, Edicts, and Ordonances, to the end he might forfeit their goods. To effect the which, one Amador de Vieira gave him good means, who being secretly entertained in that Island by King Philip, to discover who was affected to him, and to entertain them in that good will to serve him, when as he thought he had discovered all, he carried the roll to Emanuel de silva, who made his profit thereof. 
Monsieur de Chattels comes to ●ercere.  Monsieur de Chattels being arrived at the Terceras, he would see all the fortifications of the Island, and understand the reasons: for he did not comprehend much, considering the number of men, the defence of so many forts would require: wishing that Emanuel de silva had rather made one strong retreat, capable of all that was good in the Island, both men, victuals, munition, and other things in the best place thereof, which might have been able to endure a siege until winter, with the soldiers and inhabitants that were there, the which making in all five or six hundred men, good and bad, being well led and commanded, might make a gallant defence, and not trust to those small forts, which were neither made with judgement, nor able to hinder the enemies landing: for they did not defend the third part of the approaches of that Island, the which he found not so inaccessible as they had described it unto him in France: This Knight did also find, that there was small provision of victuals and munition, although there were good store of Ordinance. So as he made account, that if the Marquis came with such forces, as were given out, these islands were lost without recovery. Yet like a man of courage, he repaired, as well as he could, the defects of these hen-rousts, exhorting them all to be of good cheer, and to hope well, and that howsoever, he would die honourably with them. The presence of this Captain did much comfort the inhabitants of the Island, and did somewhat assure Emanuel de Sylva: who notwithstanding had prepared for his escape, if he saw himself priest; for he kept two vessels ready in the port, to fly into, whereof Monsieur de Chattels was in doubt, and therefore he observed him.  
The Marquis of Santa Cruz having put to sea with 30. ships of war, 
Army of Spain going to the Tercere.  12. galleys, two galleasses, 5. galleons, and other smaller vessels armed, to the number of 60. besides caravels, pinnaces, and other ships of burden, carrying 10000 men, Spaniards, Italians, Germans, and Portuguezes, under Lope de Figueroa, Francis de Bovadilla, and john de Sandoval, Colonels of the Spaniards, Lucio Pignatello of the Italians, Jerome Ledron of the Germanies, and Felix d' Arragon of the Portuguezes. He came to the Island of S. Michael the 3. of july, where having also embarked the Regiment of Augustine Inigues, which he had left there the year before, he then sailed towards the Tercere, where the city of Angra is, in the port whereof he saw the ships which had brought Monsieur de Chattels and his men, and some other vessels, which the Governors did use to send to sea: there he left certain galleys to keep them in, and instantly caused the city to be summoned, offering a pardon to the Inhabitants, 
Conquest of the islands of the Terceres for King Philip.  and a good composition to the Captains and soldiers: but they answered him with the Canon: the Marquis seeing that all landing places near unto the city were fortified, he began to coast along the shore to find some fit descent, but it seemed to him, that all were rampared and fortified: being in this ca●e, he was advertised by a Portugueze, that there was a good landing place at port des Moles, far from Angra, where presenting himself, he found some access, but difficult, both for that the place was stony, and there was a fort built: yet he did hazard some soldiers, who did assure the way for the rest. Being at land, they that guarded this fort made some resistance, which gave Monsieur de Chattels time, being advertised by the fires and smoke, and by the bells which hung at either of these forts, to draw his men together French and Portuguezes, to go and succour them: but upon the way he found the soldiers which had abandoned this fort flying, whom he caused to return with him, being resolved to fight with the enemy, the which he endeavoured to do, and might have amazed him, if Emanuel de silva the Governor, and his men had held good: but they did not continue as they had begun: for having skirmished well all the day against the Spaniards, and others of the Marquises army, and against hunger, through the bad order of Emanuel de silva, night being come, they abandoned the French, and retired to the mountain, whether the Commander de Chattels was forced also to make his retreat with his French troop: for there was no reason, that so few men should wilfully make head against an army of 12000. Emanuel de silva thought then to go and embark himself, and to fly away, but he could not, for every man watched him, and therefore he retired also to the mountain, to a place apart. It was strange to hear those Islanders (who before had seemed so brave) to call then upon Castille, 
Augra at the Terceres taken by the Marquis of Santa Cruz.  and to confess, that those islands did belong unto King Philip. The Marquis seeing himself master of the field, marched towards the city of Angra, which he found abandoned and empty, so as the soldiers made small profit of the sack thereof. When as the Marquis entered the city by land, the galleys seized upon the ships which were within the port without resistance, for there were neither soldiers nor mariners in them. From thence Don Pedro de Toledo was sent to the Island of Fayal to subdue them that would not acknowledge the King of Spain. In the mean time the Marquis apprehending the difficulty to draw the French out of those rocks by force, he sought to have them by some honest composition. The Commander de Chattels at the beginning made great demands, considering the estate whereunto he was reduced, which made the Spaniards resolve to vanquish them, or to lose their lives, and so they did promise the Marquis, but he did avoid that danger, having found more moderation in those poor forlorn men: for so they might well be termed: for had he not fought with them, hunger would soon have forced them to have yielded to his mercy. Their accord was treated by a Colonel called Pedro de Padilla, whom the Commander de Chattels had sometimes known at Malta, where it was concluded, that they should deliver up their arms and ensigns, keeping only their swords, and that they should lodge in a quarter of the city, and ships provided for their retreat. D. Pedro de Toledo being come to Fayal, sought to persuade the soldiers and inhabitants to yield without force: wherefore he sent unto the Governor, whose name was Pero Antonio Guedes de Sosa, a man of quality that was in his company, who had his wife and children in that Island, to let him understand what had happened to the Island of Tercere, and to persuade him to apply himself unto the time, and to yield to the Conqueror. This Governor being proud and disdainful, making no other answer to this messenger, slew him: wherefore Don Pedro staying awhile, doubting that which had happened, began to advance with 2500. soldiers which he had brought, being to skirmish with 400. French which came to encounter them, whom he made to retire soon into their fort, & to yield upon the same conditions, that the rest had done. Sosa was taken, who (for the vild part he had played with him, that was sent by D. Pedro) was hung up by one arm, 
Fayall and the other islands yielded to king Philip.  both his hands having been first cut off. The Portugals of the Island were sacked, and then left free, having submitted themselves to the King's obedience. Anthony of Portugal was left Governor there with 200. soldiers, and the rest returned with the galleys to the Tercere, where as the Islanders came and made the submissions that were required. So as there was not any one but did acknowledge King Philip for king of Portugal. Before the Marquis of Santa Cruz returned, he caused Emanuel de Silua's process to be made, having had no means to escape, who, with some others were executed, Emanuel lost his head, and so did Amador Vieira, he who had discovered the Portugals in the Island, that were affected to the k. Emanuel Surradas, who had spoiled the islands of Cap Verd, was also beheaded, others of meaner quality were hanged. The money which had been coined with D. Antonio's stamp, was condemned as counterfeit, and a great quantity was burnt in the market place of Angra. This done, the Marquis having disposed of the estate of these islands, and left john d' Urbine for Governor of the Tercere, with 2000 foot, he bent his course towards Spain, and arrived safely with his fleet in the ports of Andalusia, where there was great joy, as also in Portugal, and thanks given to God for so happy a victory, which put King Philip in a peaceable possession of the Realm of Portugal, and all the dependences, so as he might then justly entitle himself King of all Spain.  
The end of the 30. Book.     

A CONTINUATION OF THE GENERAL HISTORY OF Spain, from the year, 1583. to this time.  
THE war of Portugal being ended, Philip, King of Spain, subdued the islands which had made resistance: he returned into Castille, whether the Estates of Arragon, and other weighty affairs did call him. Among other things, there was a marriage treated of betwixt Catherine his youngest daughter, and the Duke of Savoy, which alliance, he held, would be both profitable and honourable to himself, 
Marriage concluded betwixt Catherine Infanta of Spain, and the Duke of Sa●oy.  and the whole house of Austria, and therefore he cocluded the marriage, but it was consummated the year following.  
This year the king would have his son sworn Prince of Spain, the which was done with great solemnity, in S. Hieromes church in Madrid, the twelfth day of November, there being present the King, his sister Mary, wife to the Emperor Maximilian, the Prince, and the two Infanta's: where the Cardinal of Toledo began to sing a solemn Mass, there assisting the Cardinal Granuella, with the Bishops of Placencia, Salamanca, Zamorra, Auila, Sego●ia, Coria, Siguença, and Osma Granuello presented the evangel and the Pax unto the king, the like did the Bishop of Placencia to the Infants. Mass being ended, the Prince was conducted by Cardinal Granuello near unto the altar, and there he received from Toledo the oath of confirmation, and then was returned back unto his place. Then did a King at arms rise from his seat, and going to the left side of the altar, where as Prince's Ambassadors, and the Noblemen of the Realm did sit, crying out with a loud voice, That the Prince Don Philip was to be sworn: but after him there followed one of the King's Council, delivering in particular the form of that oath: and how the Empress Mary should swear with the two Infanta's the Prince's sisters: but presently the emperors Ambassador made it known, that that Empress was to take the oath as Infanta of Spain, and not as Queen of Romans.  
The first were the King and his sister, who performed that ceremony upon the Mass book, and the Cross, which were presented unto them: but when as the Empress would have kissed her nephews hand, according to the custom, he would not, for modesty sake suffer, her, and so she was constrained to kiss his forehead. After, the Empress followed the Infanta's, and then the Bishops, the Admiral of Castille, the Marquis of Villena, the Duke of Pastrana, the Marquis of Denia, the Prince of Ascoly, and so all the Grande's and chief Noblemen of the Court, the Marquis of Aguilar, and the Cardinal of Toledo swearing last of all.  
The joy of this ceremony was augmented by the arrival of three Ambassadors, 
Ambassadors come from Iap●n into Spain.  which had been sent two years before from three Kings of japon, of Bugno, Fiunga, and Arima, to the Pope, by the persuasion of the jesuits, who desired that those Princes, seeing the noble and politic government of these countries, and the greatness of the greatness of the Pope of Rome, might be edified and freed of a certain opinion which they had conceived, that Christians came into their countries to get means to live. They came into Spain being accompanied by father Alexander Valignari, Visitor in those parts, at such time as the Court was full of feasts and joy, for the prosperous success of Portugal, for the conclusion of the Infanta's marriage, and for the swearing of the prince: so as they were not only received by the Catholic king, and the whole Court, with great pomp and state, but with extraordinary content. The King at their reception, would not suffer them to kiss his hand, but embraced them as his equals, and to do them the more favour, would have both the Infanta's to do the like: he made them see all his delights, and rarest things: and at the Prince's ceremony he commanded they should be set at his right hand, in the first place, whereas two men appointed for that service, instructed them in the order of the ceremony, naming every Nobleman, and what place he held, as they went to swear obedience to the Prince. The king having royally entreated them, and honoured them all that might be, being to go for Italy, gave them a Caroche and a Coach, commanding, that throughout all his realms, they should be received with all magnificence, causing a ship to be prepared for them in Alicante, where they embarked, but they were driven by foul weather into Maiorca, yet in the end they arrived in Tuscany.  
Antwerp, one of the chief towns in the Low-countries, was this Summer so straightly besieged by the Duke of Parma, with the forces of Spain, as having no relief, neither by sea nor land, they were driven to extreme want, and almost to despair, whereupon they priest their Confederates to secure them: but the Estates not able to raise so great an army, sent a solemn embassage of twelve of their Deputies to the French king to entreat him to take the Netherlands into his protection, as his own subjects and vassals: the which did much trouble the Council of Spain, seeing that the French king might with small difficulty get the possession of those countries, having the subjects hearts inclined unto him: whereupon they sought by letters, and all other means to draw them of Antwerp to a reconciliation with the King of Spain. Don Bernardin de Mendoça, Ambassador at that time in France for the Catholic King (having been sent with some disgrace out of England, for that contrary to the duty of his charge, he had been a busy practiser against that State) upon the arrival of these Deputies to Paris, came with a great clamour unto the King, 
Bernardin de Mendoza his speech to the French King.  telling him that the Estates of the Low-countries, as Rebels to the King of Spain, had been condemned of high treason by the Council of the Inquisition of Spain, and therefore were to be rooted out. That remembering the strict league and alliance betwixt him and his master, he should not give them audience, but rather drive such rebels out of his country: the which would turn to the good of France, (lying so near unto Spain) and of all Christendom, which was disquieted with these wicked people.  
That he should do wrong unto all other Princes, to whom such precedents are very prejudicial, 
Answer of the French King to Mendoza.  if they should countenance and support their Rebels. But the King answered, that he would not give audience to the Deputies of the general Estates, as to Rebels, revolted, but as to afflicted people, who complained of oppressions. That Princes had never, neither aught they refuse to aid the afflicted, especially when as their greatest desire is to be reconciled to their Prince (to obtain the which they informed the King, that they had made many petitions unto the King of Spain, and could get no answer:) and therefore he thought, that any man might seek support where he could, if right and justice were denied him, so as he was not to be blamed, if he gave them audience.  
In the beginning of this year, there was preparation made in Spain for the marriage of the Infanta Donna Catherina, with that pomp that was befitting such Princes: for the effecting whereof▪ the King with his children, and the chief of the Nobility of Spain, came to Sarragossa, about the end of February, the Duke of S●uoy being arrived in Doria's galleys at Barcelona on the 18. of the said month▪ from whence he went by land to Sarragossa, 
Marriage of the Duke of Savoy, and the Infanta D. Catherina in Spain.  where his Majesty attended him without the city, 〈◊〉 received him with wonderful signs of joy, doing him exceeding great honour. The same day that he arrived, he put the ring upon his spouses' finger, the King h●r father h●lding her hand, there assisting at the ceremony, the Cardinal of Sevill, (to whom some few days before a hat had been sent) with the Cardinal Granuell●, who made them sure: Monsieur Taverna the Pope's Nuntio, the Archbishop of Sarragossa▪ Vincentio G●ad●nigo Ambassador of Venice, with other principal Noblemen. The next day, according to the custom of the Realm, the married couple came to the Archbishops church, (who performed the ceremony) covered with a white rail. Mass being said, and returning to the palace, they dined in public at one table, his Majesty, the Duke, his wife, and the Infanta Donna Izabella, being all set of one side: for many days after there were great triumphs, tiltings, tourneys, and other knightly sports made by the Nobility of Spain, who showed themselves very gallant in all their sports, especially the Duke of Medina deal Riosecco, Admiral of Castille, the Duke of Albuquerque, the Duke of Medina Celi, the Duke of Maqueda, the Marquis of Denia, the Duke of Pastrana, the Marquis of Aguilar, and the Prince of Ascoli, besides the great Commander of Castille, who was favourite and Lord Steward to the Prince D. Philip.  
To these there joined a great number of Knights, of no less Nobility, but not of so great dignity, as well Spaniards as strangers, who were come thither to honour this feast of the Catholic King their Lord. The Duke of Savoy had also brought with him a great troop of gallant Nobility, of the which, on the four and twentieth day of May, he made Knights of the Order of Saint Stephen, john Baptista of Savoia, and the Marquis of Chambery, and besides these the Marquis of Nemours his cousin, and Ascanio Roba who were absent; and withal, Ca●lo Pallavicino, newly made Master of the Duchess horse, Count Sanuitali, and Michael Bonelli. But eight days after the King did honour three Princes with the Order of the golden Fleece: the Duke his son-in-law, the Admiral of Castille, and the Duke of Medina Celi. There were many rich presents mutually given by the King and Duke, and by the Noblemen both Spaniards and Italians. Then in the beginning of june the married couple being accompanied by the King, Prince, and the Infanta Donna Izabella, went to Barcelona, where they took ship in Dori●s Admiral galley, and being accompanied with forty other galleys, he brought them safely to Genova, and entertained them with great state in his own house, from whence they passed to Nizza, then going with an honourable train towards Turin, they were received with great signs of joy, and the feasts were renewed. But the King of Spain being returned to Sarragossa, whither he had already sent the Court, he caused the Prince to be sworn with the ordinary solemnities, and then he passed into Castille.  
About the same time there came to Court Pomponio Torello, Earl of Mont Chiarulo, with an embassage from his Princes, the Duke and Prince of Parma, the first requiring of his Majesty the restitution of the castle of Placentia, 
embassage sent into Spain from the Duke of Parma.  so necessary for the preservation, not of his Estate, but also of his life, the mutinous people of Placentia being animated by the Spanish garrison, to practise against the Duke, as some conspirators had lately done, who being not suppressed and punished, although they were discovered, gave him continual cause of fear.  
The Prince did solicit concerning the enterprise of Antwerp, and also about his father's affairs: yet he refused to receive it as a favour done to him, for that he would not confirm an opinion, that he was as distrustful as his father, of the Crown of Spain, to whom, and not to him, he would have the castle yielded. This business was referred to Cardinal Granuella, the great Commander of Castille, and to john d' Idiagues, at that time Secretary of State, with commission not to treat with any other of the Council, it seeming the king should yield that which he ought. Gr●●uella showed himself very willing, not only for the equity of the cause, but also for a private bond he had unto the Prince, from whom he did acknowledge, that his brother Monsieur de Champaigny held his life, and for his majesties service, whose affairs in Flanders depended chief upon the Prince: In the end the King resolved to make this restitution unto the Duke: and so he dispatched Count Pomponio with a commission to the Duke of Terranova, Governor of the State of Milan, 
Castle of Placentia yielded.  to cause the said castle to be restored, the Castellan an being absent, the which was accordingly performed, and free possession delivered to Prince Raynucio in his Grandfather's name.  
This year there grew a popular tumult in Naples, partly through the covetousness of the King of Spain's Ministers in that Realm, during the time that the Duke of Ossuna was Viceroy, the King having given order to the Viceroy to supply their wants in Spain, with such corn as they might well spare within the Realm, having had a plentiful harvest: 
Mutiny ●t Naples.  but they not only transported the overplus, but that which was needful for their own use, by a greedy desire of gain: so as when the Spring came, they found that they had not corn sufficient, which seeking to help by bringing in from fortaine parts, they were forced to raise the price of corn, and to make their bread less: wherewith the people being vexed, (for it seemed strange to them to see scarcity, whereas they expected abundance) who endured more by this want, than the rest. Whilst that on the ninth of May, their elect john Vincentio Starace was with the Deputies in the church of Santa Maria del novo, to consult touching the provision of corn, they began to mutiny, saying, that it had been accustomed to be done in Saint Augustine's church, and to add deeds unto their words, they took Starace, being weak and sick, and carried him with injuries and ill usage. Being come thither, he retired himself into a chapel which had a grate before it, and there sought to pacify the fury of this multitude with good words, the which notwithstanding increased as the number did, growing almost mad.  
There Staraee growing fearful, caused himself to be let down into a tomb, which these mad men understanding, he was suddenly drawn forth, and murdered with an hundred wounds, after which they drew him through the streets, and tearing him in pieces, they carried them up and down the city, in sign of a cruel revenge. The Viceroy carried himself indiscreetly in this mutiny, and full of fear, where as in the beginning he should have suppressed it by force, and not to have purchased afterwards the name of cruel in his severe punishments, seeking to recover the reputation which he had lost: but the King of Spain stayed this rigour, sending a general pardon concerning this murder.  
The Deputies of the general Estates being returned from France with many good words, 
Deputies sent from the Estates of the ●●wcountries into England.  but no effects, by reason of the league, which hindered the Kings desire to embrace their cause, they had recourse unto the Queen of England, unto whom they also sent their Deputies, seeking to persuade her to undertake their protection against the king of Spain, in regard of her own private interest, and the good of both the Estates. This matter was weighty, and required a grave and deliberate consultation. She called her Council, and demanded their opinions, whether she should voluntarily engage herself in a war without constraint, which she must needs do, in taking upon her the protection of the Low-countries. Whereupon they concluded, that she might not with her own safety abandon the united Provinces of the Netherlands, unless she would neglect the preservation of her own Estate. 
Reasons why the Queen of England should take protection of the Low-countries.  They laid before her the King of Spain's hatred against her, having changed the religion, which he had planted in England, which appeared by his denying passage to her Merchants throughout the Low-countries, with arms, powder, and munition which he had bought in Germany. That he had refused to renew the ancient contracts made betwixt the Emperor Charles his father, and her predecessors. And to show his hatred to her Majesty, he had suffered the Inquisitors of Spain to persecute her poor subjects with all cruelty, and had dismissed her Ambassador out of Spain, upon colour of Religion. That the Duke of Alba his Governor in the Low-conntries, had in hostile manner arrested the bodies and goods of her subjects, contrary to the ancient contracts. That he had sent forces to invade her realm of Ireland, and to aid her rebels.  
Besides these and many other injuries, the Lords of her Council laid before her, how dangerous it would be for her Estate, if the Spaniard should become absolute Lord of those countries: that he would alter their religion, disanu●ll their ancient Privileges and liberties, and make them subject to his will and pleasure: which done, he might easily invade England, having so much shipping, and so many mariners at his command, and his Indian treasure, to supply all other wants. He would overthrow all trade betwixt her subjects and the Netherlanders, and would breed factions within the heart of her country. These reasons (said they) should move her Majesty to embrace the present occasion, and not suffer the Low-countries to be planted with Spaniards and Italians, considering that the war was not undertaken against those Provinces, but with an intent to make a greater conquest.  
Whilst that the Queen of England resolves to undertake the protection of the general Estates of the united Provinces, it was concluded to arm out a Fleet to annoy the King of Spain upon his own coast, 
Sir Francis Drake with ● fleet upon the coast of Spain.  or at the Indies: whence his treasure came. Wherefore this year 1585. in September, Sir Francis Drake was sent out of England with a fleet of 25. ships and pinnaces, and about 2300. soldiers and mariners. Master Christopher Carlisle was his Lieutenant general, with many other gallant Captains and Gentlemen, whose names for brevity sake I omit, being written at large by others. After some days, this Fleet came to the islands of Bayonne, upon the coast of Spain, where the General putting his men into boats, and pinnaces, went into his Galley, with an intent to surprise the town: but upon the way there came an English Merchant unto them from the Governor, to see what Fleet it was, who after some speech with the General, was returned back, and one Captain Samson with him, to demand of the Governor, if there were any wars betwixt Spain and England: and why they did arrest the English Merchants, and their goods. To whom the Governor made this answer, that he knew not of any war, and that it was not in his own power to make any: and as for the stay of the Merchants, it was the king's pleasure, but not with any intent to prejudice them, and that he had received a countermand to discharge them, the which he did presently.  
The lying of this Fleet at those islands, did much trouble them in Spain, being ignorant of their intent. Whereupon Don Alvaro de Baçan, Marquis of Santa Cruz, Admiral of Spain, being then at Lisbon, did set down in writing what harm this Fleet might do, if it should go to the West Indies, and enter into the South sea, as Drake had formerly done: and what course was to be taken to prevent those inconveniences and dangers.  
The English Fleet stayed not long upon the coast of Spain, but directed their course towards the West Indies, 
S. jago taken.  passing by the Canaries, and the islands of cape Verde, where they took the town of S. jago, which they spoilt and burnt, they came to the Island of S. Dominica, from whence they passed to the Island of Hispaniola, where they took that gallant City of S. Domingo by force, which after they spoiled, and burned a third part, 
S, Domi●g● taken.  the Spaniards made a composition for the rest, paying five and twenty thousand Ducats, at five shillings six pence the piece. In this Island they found great store of good provision, but little silver or plate, yet in their furniture they were very rich and costly.  
From Saint Domingo they put over to the main land, and came within sight of Carthagena, which stands upon the sea side, where they made a gallant attempt upon the town, and took it: they landed their troops five miles from the town, whither they marched in battle: coming within half a mile of the town, they were to pass upon a narrow causey not five paces over, lying betwixt the sea and the harbour: This straight was crossed over with a wall well flanked, and a good ditch, having only a passage for horsemen and carriages, if need required: which breach had a good barricado: and here there were six pieces of Ordinance planted, which scoured along the causey, and in the harbour, or inner water, they had laid two galleys, with their prows to the shore, having eleven pieces of Ordinance in them, which did beat cross this straight, and three of four hundred small shot: notwithstanding all this preparation to receive them, the Lieutenant general (it being very dark, and not yet day) marched by the sea shore, so as they received little harm by their shot, and coming close up to the wall, after some resistance they overthrew the Barricado, and forced the Spaniards to retire, they entered pel mel with them into the town, and won the market place, where the Spaniards made head awhile, after which they abandoned the town, and retired to other places, whither they had carried their wives at the coming of the English. They had drawn many Indians unto them, all bowmen with poisoned arrows; them they had placed in corners of advantage, so as if they did but break the skin of any one, he died. The army stayed here six weeks, and burned the outparts of it, but in the end there was a composition made, by the which they should pay an hundred and ten thousand ducats for the ransom of the rest. They had been advertised of this Fleet 20. days before their arrival, which had made them fortify in that manner for their defence, and to convey away their wealth. Having made this composition, they left the town, and lodged in an Abbey, within a quarter of a mile of it, demanding a new composition for it, and a fort which stood at the mouth of the harbour: but not able (as they said) to ransom the fort, it was blown up. From thence the Fleet went to Cape Saint Anthony, and then to the Cape of Florida, where they found a fort held by the Spaniards, the which, upon their approach they abandoned: They found in it thirteen pieces of brass Ordinance, and a chest of some 2000 pounds sterling, to pay the King's Garrison, which consisted of a hundred and fifty men. This fort was called Saint john's, from whence they went up the main river to a town called S. Augustine's. And then the Fleet returned into England. They took in this action 200. pieces of brass Ordinance, and 40. of Iron. In Saint jago two or three and fifty pieces: In S. Domingo four score, whereof most was Cannon, Demi-cannon, Culverin, and such like. In Carthagena sixty three pieces: and in Saint Augustine's fort fourteen, the rest was Iron Ordinance.  
There was such excess in their styles, and in their speaking and writing one unto another, as upon petition made unto the King, he made an Edict and set down a form, what terms they should use both in their speaking and writing, as followeth:  

Pragmatica, or an Edict: In the which is set down a form which is to be kept and observed in their entertainments and courtesies of word and writing, and in carrying of Coronets upon their Arms.  
Done Philip by the Grace of God, King of Castille, Leon, Arragon, the two Sicily's, jerusalem, Portugal, Navarre, Granado, Toledo, Valencia, Gallicia, Maiorca, Sevile, Sardinia, Cordova, Corsica, Murcia, jaen, the Algarues, Algezire, and Gibraltar: of the islands of the Canaries, of the East and West Indies, and the islands and firm land of the Ocean sea; Archduke of Austria, Duke of Bourgondie, Brabant and Milan, Earl of Ausbourg, Flanders, Tirol, and Barcelona, Lord of Biscay, Molina, etc. To the Prince Don Philip our most dear and well-beloved Son, and to the Infanta's, Prelates, Dukes, Marquises, Earls, Barons, Priors of Orders, Commanders, and sub-Commaunders, Captains of Castles and places of strength, and to those of our Council, Presidents, and justices of our Courts, Commissioners, and Provosts of our House, Court, and Chancery, and to all Corrigidors, Assistants, Governors, chief Justices, etc. and to all other our Officers, and natural subjects, of what estate, pre-eminence or dignity soever they be, or may be, in all the cities, towns, places, and Provinces of our Realms and signiories, both present and to come, and to every one of you whom the contents of this our Edict may concern, health and peace.  
You shall understand, that at the suit of the Attorneys of Courts of the Cities and Towns of these our Realms, we have been forced to provide a necessary and convenient remedy, concerning the disorder and abuse, which is in the entertainments by word and writing, the excess whereof was grown so great, and come to pass, as it had caused some inconveniences, and daily more might be expected, if it were not reform, and reduced to some good ancient order, seeing that true honour doth not consist in vanities, or titles given by word or writing, but in greater matters: whereunto these do neither add nor diminish. And having often treated thereof with our Council, We have ordained as followeth in this our present Edict.  
First, although it be not necessary to treat herein of ourself, nor of the persons of Kings, yet to the end that it may be the better observed and kept, which doth concern them, We will and command, that from henceforth, on the top of the letter or paper that shall be written unto us, there shall be no other title put, but Signior, or My Lord, nor in the end of the letter, any thing, but God preserve the person of your Catholic Majesty, nor the subscription below, any thing but his name that writes it: and upon the superscription, there shall be only set, To the King our Lord.  
That to the Prince's heirs and successors of these our Realms, they shall write in the same form, changing only Majesty into Highness, and that of King into Prince, and in the end of the letter, God preserve your Highness.  
The same form and style shall be observed, with the Queens of these our realms, as with their Kings, and likewise with the Princesses of the said Queens, as with their Princes.  
That the Infants and Infanta's of these our Realms, shall only have the title of Highness: In the top of the letter they shall write, My Lord, and in the end, God keep your Highness, without any other ceremony: and upon the Superscription, To my Lord the Infant D. N. or, To my Lady the Infanta Donna N. Wherefore when they do speak or write Highness, without any other addition, it is only to be understood of the Prince, the heir and successor of these our Realms. Declaring, that it is not our will nor intent, that the contents of this Edict shall extend to Donna Maria the Empress, my most dear and well-beloved sister, although she be an Infanta of Castille, being certain, that she is to be called and written Majesty; and upon the superscription, To my Lady the Empress: and her sons, (brothers to the Emperor, our most dear and well-beloved Nephew) shall have the same titles that are given to the Infants of these Realms, and in like manner to the Archdukes his Uncles.  
That to the sonnes-in-law, and brothers-in-law of the kings of these Realms, shall be given the same titles that their wives have, and daughters in law to the said Kings, shall be used like unto their husbands.  
And as for the entertainment which the said royal persons are moreover to have, our meaning is not to innovate any thing of that which hath been accustomed.  
That the style used in the petitions which are presented to our Council, and in the other Counsels, Chanceries and Tribunals, and the words which they use when they are in Council, shall be observed as hath been hitherto, unless it be contrary to this our provision, and on the top they may set, Most mighty Lord, and no more.  
That in the signing of all our letters, schedules, and provisions, our Secretaries shall set, By the King our Lord, in the stead of Majesty, and in the signing of our Secretaries of the chamber, they shall do the like.  
That in all judicial seats, as well belonging unto us, as to any other, and of what quality soever, whether they speak in private or in public, the petitions, demands, and quarrels shall be begun in a line, with that which they are to treat of, without setting any title, word, or sign of courtesy on the top: And in the conclusion, they may say: For the which I implore the office of your S. or your W. (according to the persons and judges to whom they are to speak.) And the Notaries shall only say: By the commandment and decree of N. the judge setting to his name and surname only: they may also add the name of such a man's Office, and the dignity and degree which he hath taken, without any other title.  
That no man of what estate, condition, dignity, degree or office whatsoever, shall assume unto himself, either by word or writing, the title of Excellency, nor of excellent Lord, neither may any be called reverent Lord, but only Cardinals, and the Archbishop of Toledo, as Primate of Spain, although he be no Cardinal.  
That to Archbishops, Bishops, Grande's, and such as we command to be covered, all men within our Realms, shall be bound to give the title of Your Lordship, and also to the Precedent of our royal Council.  
That to Marquises, Earls, great Commanders of the Orders of S. james, Alcantara, and Calatrava, and to the Precedents of our other Counsels and Chanceries, the title of Lordship may be given both by writing and word, and not to any other, unless it be to the chief cities of the Realm, and to Senates, and to Metropolitan Churches, to whom they may give that addition, as they have been accustomed.  
That to Ambassadors in like manner, which have place in our Chapel, may be written or spoken Seigneurie or Lordship.  
That in what concerns writing from one man unto another generally without exception, this form shall be observed. They shall begin the letter with the business they are to treat of, without setting beneath the Cross, or on the top of it, or at the beginning of the line, any title, cipher, or letter: and they must end the letter, saying, God keep your Seigneurie, or Lordship, or Worship, and then the date of the time and place, and then his signature, without any courtesy before it: and he that hath taken a title, shall mention it when he signs, and whence that title is.  
That in Superscriptions, to a Prelate shall be set down the ecclesiastical dignity which he hath, and to a Duke, a Marquis, or an Earl, that of his estate, and to Knights, and other men their names and surnames, saying, To the Cardinal, Archbishop or Bishop of such a place. And in like manner, To the Duke, the Marquis or Earl of such a place: and to meaner men: To Don N. or to N. adding his surname, and to every one named in this Article, may be set the dignity, office, charge, or degree which he holds.  
The vassal shall not be excepted out of this order, writing to his Lord, not the servant to his master: but the father to the son, and the son father, may add their natural name to their proper, and betwixt the husband and the wife, they may note the estate of their marriage, and betwixt brethren the like alliance.  
That the compliments to women, and among themselves, by word or writing, shall be the same that is used to their husbands.  
That to men of religious Orders, there shall be no other title given but fatherhood, or reverence, according to the charge which he holds. And in the superscription with his name, they may set the charge and degree which he hath in those Orders.  
That whatsoever is contained in these our letters and provision, shall be observed by all the subjects of our dominions, yea writing to them that are absent.  
Moreover, to prevent the great disorder and excess which hath been, and is daily committed, in setting Coronets to their Scutcheons of arms, and to their seals and somter clothes, We do ordain and command, that no manner of person shall set any Coronet to his seal or sompter cloth, nor in any other place where he hath arms, except Dukes, Marquises, and Earls, who we hold may carry them, being in their right form, and not otherwise: And that the Coronets which have been carried, shallbe presently left, and no more used.  
And to the end it may be the better kept, observed, and executed, we ordain and command, that whosoever shall go against the contents of this our Edict, or any part thereof, shall for every breach incur a penalty of 10000 maravidis to be divided after this manner: a third part for the Informer, another third part for the judge that shall give sentence, and the rest to godly uses, the which shallbe executed without any remission. Wherefore we command all and every of you, that shall see these our letters and provision, and the contents thereof, (the which we desire should hold the force of a Law or an Edict, made and registered in our courts) that you observe and keep it, and cause it to be observed & kept in every point, according to the contents, against the form and tenor whereof you shall not do, nor suffer to be done at any time, nor in any sort, upon the penalties which they do incur, which break the commandments of their Kings and natural Lords, and upon pain of our displeasure, and the said thousand maravidis, for every one that do to the contrary. And to the end that no man shall pretend ignorance thereof, we command that these our said Letters and provision shall be proclaimed publicly in our Court, and that the contents be precisely and inviolably observed, from the first day of the year following 1587. and that no man do otherwise in any sort, upon the said pains. Dated at S. Laurence the 8. day of October, in the year 1586.  
Signed. IO EL REY.   
THis year Don Pedro de Toledo, 
Pedro de Toledo unfortunate in Africa.  son to D. Garcia, sought to make an attempt upon Africa, but the little experience of some Neapolitans which landed in a small Island called Cherchine, was the cause of their overthrow and death, being defeated by a small number of Moors which put them to flight. Toledo being landed with the rest of his troops, and gone up the other side of the Island, he understood by the mariners of his men's success, which holding for an ill presage, without care of any revenge, he began to faint, retiring with all his men into his galleys, and bend his course towards Sicily, where seeking to find some Pirates, in the end he came to Naples, whether soon after came D. john de Zuniga, 
Earl of Miranda Viceroy of Naples.  or Estuniga, Earl of Miranda, and Viceroy of Naples, the D. of Ossuna being called home into Spain, to the great content of the Neapolitans, who taxed him for his cruel and covetous government.  
This year there was another enterprise by an English Gentleman, whose name was Thomas Cavendish, who passed into the South seas, as Sir Francis Drake had done: where after many accidents in November 1587. the General having two ships, met with a great ship of the King of Spain's called Saint Anna, the which was Admiral of the South-sea, 
Cavendish takes the S. Anna in the South seas.  being about 700. tons burden, the which, after six or seven hours fight, and three several charges, yielded, to have their lives saved. In which ship, by the confession of the Captain and Pilot, they had an hundred and two and twenty thousand Pezo's of gold, and the rest of the lading was in silks, satin, damask, musk, with many other good commodities: in the end they set fire of the King's ship and burnt her, having to the quantity of 500 tons of goods in her: then sailing by the Philippina's, the Moluccoes, and the Cape of Bona Speranza, they arrived safely in England, in September 1588.  
King Philip (after much war, the loss of his wives and children, and the little hope he had of long life in the Prince his son, being of a weak complexion, and ill disposed) began this year to have more cause of content, for now the young Prince began to be vigorous, and of a spirit befitting an heir of so great dominions: and on the other side, the second Infanta Donna Catherina having had a son the last year, did this year double his joy with another, giving him the more content, for that the first was christened with so great solemnity the twelfth day of May, four days after that the second was borne.  
Yet touching his public affairs, the low-country wars troubled him much, the which he referred to the valour and wisdom of the Duke of Parma, and lived himself quietly in Spain. But finding, that the Queen of England did favour and protect his Rebels of the Low-countries, (as he termed them,) and that she did feed the fire, of that long war, to be revenged of that injury, and to employ his forces to advance the Romish religion, he made preparation to transport the miseries of war into England, giving countenance and entertainment to all the fugitive Papists of that country.  
The Queen of England being advertised of this great preparation in Spain for the invasion of England, she was advised to prevent it: whereupon she armed forth a Fleet of some 30 sail, in the which there were 4. ships, and a pinnaces of her Majesties, the rest were Merchants of good service. Sir Francis Drake was appointed General of this Fleet, which went towards the coast of Spain this year, in April. And being advertised, that there was great store of warlike provision at Cadiz, the which was ready to go for Lisbon, he made all possible speed thither, to intercept these provisions: so as on the 19 of April, he entered with his Fleet into the harbour of Cadiz; where at the first they were affronted by six galleys, but they soon retired under their fort.  
There lay in the road sixty ships, with divers smaller vessels under the fort; and such as could pass the sholds, fled up to port Real: there came four galleys more down against them from Saint Mary port, and port Real: but they were well beaten: they burned in this harbour a ship of Ragouça, of a thousand tun, having forty pieces of brass Ordinance in her, 
Ships burnt at Cadiz by the English.  and richly laden, and another great new ship of twelve hundred tun, belonging to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, high Admiral of Spain, with many others laden with victuals, wine, iron works, biscuit, oil, fruit, and other commodities, which were to be transported to the Indies, or to serve for the provision of the Fleet which was preparing for England: so as they burned, sunk, and carried away to the number of thirty ships and barks, being as they esteemed them ten thousand tuns of shipping. Whilst they lay in the road, the galleys and forts shot continually at them: and such ships as they could defend no longer, they fired, to drive among the English ships, who were somewhat troubled to avoid them. This resolute attempt was performed in one day and two nights, to the great amazement of the King of Spain, and the Marquis of Santa Cruz his Admiral.  
After their coming out of the road of Cadiz, this English Fleet was followed by ten galleys, who notwithstanding suffered them to ride quietly at an anchor by them. Then they bent their course towards cape Sacre, being well victualled at the enemy's charge: upon the way they took at several times, almost an hundred ships, barks, and caravels, laden with hoops, galley oars, pipe-staves, with other provisions for the King of Spain's army intended for England; all which they burned, and landed the men. They also spoiled the fisher-boats, and nets, for the fishing of Tunies. And coming to Cape Sacre, they landed, and took three forts, some by force, the rest by composition. From thence they came near unto Lisbon, anchoring near unto Cascais, where the Marquis of Santa Cruz was with his galleys, and yet he came not forth against them. Having a message sent him by the General, that he was ready there to exchange certain bullets with him: the Marquis returned him an answer, that he was not ready for him, neither had he any such commission from the king his master.  
The General seeing no more good to be done upon the coast of Spain, he bent his course towards the islands of the Açores, where (by good fortune) being within thirty leagues of Saint Michel's, he met with a Carrack of Portugal, called S. Philip, the which they took, 
Carack of Portugal taken by Sir Francis Drake.  having made little resistance, sending the people home into their country, in other vessels well furnished with victuals. And this was the first Carake that ever was taken coming from the East Indies. The riches of this prize was held exceeding great, whereupon they resolved to return into England, the which they did with their whole Fleet, and their admirable rich prize.  
The religious desire which the Catholic King had long had, to have Friar Diego Seniliano of the castle of Saint Nicholas, 
S. Diego canonised.  to be canonised a Saint, being dead in Spain some hundred and five and twenty years before, with an opinion of holiness throughout all Spain, did this year take effect: for that since the year 1563. instance being made by him, and the Spaniards, to Pope Pius the fourth, to Pius the fifth, and then to Gregory the 13. all which died before this business could be ended. But continuing in this zealous disposition, he commanded the Earl of Olivares, his Ambassador resident at Rome, to move it again to Pope Sixtus the fifth, so as on the third of july this year, he was canonised a Saint, at the charges of the King of Spain, and his feast day appointed the twelfth day of November, to the great content of all Spain. This year the Catholic King sent the Duke of Sabioneta out of Italy into Poland, to pacify the tumults and confusions of that Realm, which were grown by the election of two kings, the Pope having also sent Cardinal Aldobrandini thither to that end.  
The King of Spain after the conquest of Portugal, having gathered together a great Navy of ships, and levied a mighty army, every man thought, he would make some great enterprise according to the opportunity that was offered; but men's opinions were divided touching the action, for that their humours and dispositions being divers, they propounded things according to the quality of their own passions. And so it fell out in the ordinary discourses which were made touching the Catholic King's enterprise, which they all restrained to three, against Africa, England, or the united Estates of the Netherlands: but to resolve which was most expedient for his Majesty, they all disagreed, some seeking to persuade him to attempt the Netherlands, others Africa, but most England.  
In the end a truce being concluded betwixt the King of Spain and the Turk, and thereby the enterprise of Africa cut off; the question was now whether he should invade England or the Netherlands. Whereupon there was one which delivered his reasons, by way of discourse to the Catholic King, showing that it was more convenient for him to make war against England, then against the united Estates. It seems he was vassal to the King of Spain, 
〈…〉 prepara 〈◊〉 of Spain 1588.  as you may judge by the vanity of his discourse. Many (said he) considering at the first sight, the Catholic King's interest to the Netherlands and to England, affirm, that although he have great pretensions to this Island, yet he is more bound to recover the Netherlands, then to conquer England; for that in all policy of state, we should rather seek to preserve that which we hold, then to conquer new. Although this maxim of state be of great force, yet (said he) I do not hold it to be of such import, as it shall sway down the balance, without all contradiction.  
For in these grave consultations, we must not only consider what is to be done, but how it may be most profitable, most easily, and most conveniently done: For that many times Princes are incited to enterprises by honour and duty; and yet the consideration of many circumstances and discommodities restrain them: wherefore the consideration (which binds us more to preserve that which we hold, then to get new) is not sufficient to conclude, that his Catholic Majesty should rather undertake the enterprise of the Netherlands, then that of England, neither should we in effects of so great importance, give credit to such light reasons. But to the end it may appear plainly that the King of Spain is bound in all respects to the enterprise of England. I will first of all (said he) lay not only a true, but a necessary foundation, which shall support the whole building of my opinion; which is, that conquering England, he shall at the same instant conquer the Netherlands: but winning the Netherlands, England is not gotten, nay their hopes are no whit increased.  
Moreover, he said, that the conquest of England was not so difficult as that of the Netherlands. If then (said he) the conquest of England draws with it the Netherlands, and if be more easy and more certain; who doubts, that to pervert this order, were to lose a goodly occasion, and to be the workman of his own disgrace? but I will prove (said he) with pertinent reasons either member of my ground. That the conquest of England is more profitable than that of the Netherlands; and that it is more easy. For my proof of the first ground, I will produce three heads. The first that the Low countries have not so long maintained war, but with the help of England, without the which they could not stand, no more than man's body can live without nourishment: That fire is more easily quenched by taking away that which feeds it then by casting on water, for that not having wherewith to feed it, it consumes itself: but seeking to vanquish it by the contrary; it may be it will grow more violent. So the Florentines could not quench the rebellion of the Pisans, before they had taken away the matter which nourished that fire which came from strangers, and therefore it was all one action to take away their succours which came from confederates Princes, and to win the city, which otherwise all their forces and of their confederates would not have been able to effect.  
For my second head (said he) I set down, that England doth not only maintain the rebellion of the Nertherlands by sending succours, but also by her countenance: for where as the Netherlanders see the forces of Spain converted against them, they fly unto England as to a Sanctuary, knowing that the English would always take arms against any that should invade them. Wherein they imitate the Athenians, who thought themselves safe as long as the Olynthians stood, who being subdued, they knew not how they should keep Philip out of their country. Even so if England should fall into the Spaniards hands, the Netherlanders should lose the ground of their rashness, being destitute of that support which hath maintained them in their insolences.  
My third reason (said he) is, that the burden of so long a war, hath so wasted the spirits and faculties of the Netherlanders, as they scarce have any pulse remaining; they having not only been cruel butchers of their own lives, but Tyrants over their goods, taxing themselves at above forty in the hundred; besides having lost so many years profit, their land being untilled, and their trade of Merchandise failing which do much import them; having also endured so many spoils, invasions, burnings, routs of armies, and ruins of towns, with other great losses: So as they cannot possibly maintain this rebellion wanting life and spirit, which England gave it. Whereby it appears that the conquest of the Low countries follows that of England, as the shadow doth the body. But on the other side we must not think the Netherlands being won England would be so easily vanquished: the which being a rich and a mighty Kingdom, seeks no support from any other, but relies upon her own forces; the which they would oppose against their fortaine enemies, if the Netherlands should fall absolutely into the Spaniards hands, standing as they do now, wherefore England in her defence depends only of her own power, and if it should expect any foreign succours, they would not fly unto those rebellious States, which are needy, and depend upon others.  
hitherto (said he) we have showed the difference of these enterprises, and how much more profitable that of England would be. Now I must prove the second head of my ground; that the conquest of that Island is more easy than that of the Netherlands, and therefore aught to be preferred, whether we do consider the profit, the opportunity, the possibility, the honour, and safety, or any other important consideration whatsoever. But discoursing now of the easiness of this conquest, in regard of that of the Netherlands, I will prove (said he) that the difficulties be the same to invade England and the Netherlands. First of all I presuppose that a sufficient army being levied, a royal enterprise is sooner brought to perfection, when as they are attempted both by sea and land, the which King Philip may do with greater advantage in the enterprise of England then in that of the Nertherlands: for as the voyage by sea is shorter and more easy, so he may more commodiously invade England by land, having means to land part of his army safely in Scotland, as we will hereafter show: whereas if he should send an army by land into the Low countries, the way would be long to pass from Spain through Italy and Germany, and it would be exceeding chargeable and dangerous. The second reason is, that it is more commodious, nearer and more safe to pass into England; for that from the strait of Gibraltar thither, is all open sea, without any let; but to go into the Low countries, he must of necessity pass by England, the which by all reason of state should let the King of Spain understand in his passage, that neither friends nor foes are welcome, when they come with a great power, wherefore there is no doubt that whosoever will muade the Netherlands he must break this bar, or make plain this mountain of England, which crosseth him in his passage.  
My third reason (said he) is grounded upon a firm maximy of the Art of war; that thou must never seek to invade any place, and leave any thing behind to disturb thee, wherefore it were a rash enterprise to attempt the Low countries, and leave England behind, who being full of jealousy, may suddenly set upon the Catholic King's army in the hottest of their war against the Netherlanders.  
The forth, that going to conquer the Low countries, they must fight with brave old soldiers bred up in the war; 
See here his error and ignorance.  but on the other side the English are without Art or practice of war, they cannot use the harguebuse, nor any other offensive arms, but only bows and arrows, the which are of no force against corselets and head-pieces, as we use: so as (said he) there is the like comparison to be made betwixt the English and the Dutch soldiers as is betwixt idleness and exercise; or an armed and disarmed man. And what an advantage it is to fight with unskilful soldiers, it it apparent by the example of Miltiades in the fields of Marathon, who with less than 10000 brave men, put to flight that mighty, but unwarlike, army of Xerxes, being above 600000. men.  
The fifth, that there is more difficulty in that of the Netherlands, for that they will keep themselves more close, so as they must be won by inches, and a whole army must be employed in the siege of a town and so of the rest, the which happily willbe of no great importance, but that they will stay in course of his victory that seeks the win them. But contrariwise England hath not any town to stay the violence a victorious enemy, having once set footing into the Island, the which willbe no difficult thing for the King of Spain to effect. So as England being without any forts but upon the frontiers, and the Low countries full of forts both within and without, there is no doubt but the enterprise of that is more easy than this, as it is more easy to vanquish them that make no resistance. Whereof the Low countries are a familiar example, where notwithstanding that the King had great garrisons, yet they many times found so great crosses, as they were often vanquished by the opposition of those forts, whereas there being no place in Portugal able to resist the enemy's forces, the Spaniards entered into the heart of the realm, they being not able to make resistance.  
The sixth reason is that forts and towns of strength are to an invading army but encumbers after they be won, for that the greatest part of the army, is drawn away into garrisons, whereby it is much weakened.  
The seventh reason (said he) seemeth sufficient in this case to prove the truth of my opinion. If the King of Spain sends an army to purge the rebellious humours of the Netherlanders, it is to be feared that this Physic will rather stir up the good humours then evacuat the bad, breeding a disease full of corrupt matter: whereas now the good matter having the predominant power, we may hope that in time it will vanquish the violence of the disease: whereas by this course the humours of Malcontents may be corrupted, and they drawn to desire innovations: we know that by the composition made betwixt the King and his subjects, the Malcontents, they have taken upon them the burden of this war, so as the Spaniards and other strange soldiers might be drawn out of the Low countries: If then an army should be sent out of Spain to subdue the Netherlanders, or they should but hear it were so resolved: they would easily understand that the victors would prescribe a Law to the vanquished: and the Malcontents would not only lose that great desire they had to bear that great burden of the war, and the reward which they expected from his Majesty, but they would fear to lose their previledges and liberties, in regard whereof they have made cruel war against themselves. By this then and many other reasons it apeeres, how dangerous it is to exasperates the minds of friend with so sharp a medicine. If the Malcontents should join themselves with the adverse party, and oppose against the Spaniards, that war would prove more difficult than ever for the Catholic King, not only for that the King's forces should be diminished, but also for that the enemy should be fortified: So as we have hitherto proved that it is more easy and more commodious to invade England then the Netherlands.  
Now we will show (said he) not by way of comparison, but in respect of itself, how much it doth import the Catholic King, and how easy it is for him to invade England. It is not to be doubted but the Physic is best, which not only cures the member that is grieved, but also takes away the cause of the disease. If then the Catholic King seek to conquer the Low countries, he may well close up the wound of their rebellion, but he shall never evacuat the corrupt humours, which have fed the disease, seeing that England hath always nourished the rebellions of the Low countries: And admit it were cured of this present indisposition, what health can it be called, when as the body is still subject to these peccant humours: wherefore England is first to be attempted, that afterwards we may with safety digest or evacuat all concurrent humours. But to entreat more plainly of the facility of this enterprise: I deny not but that England is a mighty Kingdom, and the greatest Island that the ancients have made mention of, containing in circuit with Scotland two thousand miles, yet late writers have made it two hundred less: That it is well fortified with a wall which the sea makes about it, whereby it is so defended, as if Scotland were under that jurisdiction, it were not to be invaded by land; Notwithstanding the glory which that nation hath gotten by arms, is rather to be attributed to the ancient, and not to them that are now, for as it often happens that the mind being great with the imagination of great matters, doth still retain the same imaginations although that matters change; even so it happens here, that we do measure the forces of England, not by the present Estate, but as they have been when as they had in their possession Normandy, Briton, Gascony, and other flourishing Provinces of France, yea they commanded in a manner absolutely over all France, and Henry the sixth, was crowned King in Paris. But he that will look into the present Estate of England, may easily judge that it is great, rather by the reputation of her ancient fame, then by the quality of her present forces, and that it is no more that England, which was fearful to the greatest Princes of Europe.  
And without doubt it hath been observed that not long since there have so many disgraces fallen upon that Island, 
Ignorance and malice of the writer.  as at one instant it not only purchased the hatred of men, but of God, ever since it fell into Schism. So as since the change of their religion, England hath suffered great shipwrecks, whereof we may see the effects, having lost that support whereon depended their reputation and safety, that is the Authority and command, which they had at sea, for that in former times this Island did maintain many ships, and did continually entertain a good fleet at sea; yea sometimes their preparations were admirable, as amongst others when as Henry the sixth, went almost with eight hundred great ships against Charles the sixth, the French King, making a bridge over the Ocean: but the state and condition of that Island is changed, for since Henry the seventh and Henry the eight, they could not maintain those hundred Ordinary ships, which they were wont to keep in a readiness for the safety of that state, but the Island is grown to that extremity, as they have been constrained not only to diminish, but also to sell the greatest part of those ships which did secure them from foreign invasions, so much doth want press those Princes, more their own safeties.  
But the better to explain that which I have spoken of the easiness of the enterprise, 
Weakness of England compared with the power of Spain.  I will (said he) propound two things, the one of him that is invaded, the other of him that doth invade; whereby it shall appear that the one is as unable to defend, as the other is powerful to offend. If we consider England which is to be invaded, without doubt it is not able to resist the King of Spain's forces, if he will invade it with such provisions as he may, and the importance of the action doth require, the which will appear by divers reasons.  
The first, for that, as I have said, the Island of England is at this day in great want; and if in this weakness, she should seek to make head against the power of a mighty Potentate, it were as much as if she should seek to support Heaven, being nei- Alcides nor Atlas.  
Secondly, 
Want of ships in England.  in respect of this necessity (he said) that the crown of England could not entertain that number of shipping which was wont to be appointed for the guard of the realm; and if they should seek to make any provision, it were to draw force from weakness, or to prescribe a Law to time and nature; seeking in great want and in a short time, to make those provisions which require a great treasure and many years: Moreover to begin to make preparation of those things which King Philip hath in a readiness, were to put themselves in defence, when as the enemy held his sword over their heads. It were vain for any one to say that the English in danger may use private men's ships for the public service: this remedy would come to late when the danger is at hand, neither could those ships be easily called together from remoate places, neither do private men willingly employ their commodities to public use. Wherefore it it necessary that the deseignes of Princes in great enterprises, flow from the fountain of their own power.  
Thirdly, for that the English do altogether want, or are very defective of horsemen which is a chief ground of war, for speaking of men at arms they have scarce any knowledge of them, and as for light-horses, they do not much import, unless the number supply the defect of the quality. Besides all the horses of that Island being continually put to pasture, are full of diseases and weak, which proceeds partly from the temper of that air.  
Fourthly, that the Kings of England have either through negligence or disability omitted to make provisions for the war, like unto all other Princes, that they may be ready against any sudden tumult that may rise either within or without their states; for that in former times their whole care was for provision by sea, so as the land-service was neglected, as if in an Island there were not any need to go to field against strangers, or that war could not be managed at land with sea provisions.  
Fiftly, 
Behold the lying vanity of the Spaniards.  it is most certain that the English are by nature desirous of innovations and change, for who so shall read over their History, he shall find that seditions, conspiracies, treasons and such like, have made their dwelling in their Island.  
Sixthly, for that the English, in respect of their ancient greatness, are more desirous to annoy others then to be annoyed themselves when they shall see themselves charged by brave enemies, they will be daunted. To see Fortune turn her face is a fearful spectacle for them that are not accustomed thereunto.  
seventhly, for that England beginning to decline by the just judgement of God, every man knows how easy it is to cast it down, a declining being nothing else but a way to ruin. So that mighty Empire of the Romans', when it began once to decline, it fell suddenly, and drew with it a great ruin.  
Eightly, for that the English nation have not in a manner any Commanders to manage their war, which defect being joined with the insufficiency of the soldiers of that realm, it will prove that the army of Lions, commanded by a Hart, will be little esteemed: one of the Hearts led by a Coney will be ridiculous, the which will happily fall out in England.  
Lastly, admit that England were furnished with arms, captains, soldiers, victuals, ships and all other things necessary for the war; yet (said he) all was of no moment, wanting money, which gives form and essence to all enterprises, for that the crown of England, not only by the small revenues, but also by the superfluity of their ordinary expenses, is grown into that want, as they are not able to undergo any royal enterprise, having scarce means to entertain themselves, for he that doth arrogate to much to his own force, and overchargeth himself with war, is the instrument of his own ruin. Having hitherto showed that it is easy for the Catholic King to invade England, in regard of it; I will prove the facility thereof with greater reasons in regard of the Catholic Kings forces.  
The first is the great power of the King of Spain, whose dominions do embrace the whole diameter of the globe, and is Lord of more land than any Monarch or state in the world did ever hold. A Prince, rich in arms, soldiers, captain shipping, victuals, and all other necessaty provisions for war. A Prince who as judge and moderator, seems to govern the reins of the Empire of the sea and land.  
The second is, for the great navy which he hath ready, which is not only that which of late years made the enterprise of Portugal, but 150. more which he hath gotten in that Kingdom, which, joined with the rest, will breed admiration in all men, and seem to fill the sea with their multitudes.  
The third, that besides these ships, and those which he may have in Biscay, as faithful to the crown, as expert in navigation, besides the ships of private men, which his Majesty hath in a readiness; he shall receive no small service from his galleys, who in the action of Portugal discovered our error in thinking that they were not of any use in the Ocean sea at any time, as if that sea were not calm in Summer, and that it were never to be failed in; so as there is no doubt but our galleys may safely adventure in those seas the three months in Summer. They that object Caesar's wrack in the British seas, do not remember that he himself doth not impute it to the sea, but to the Moon, which not only in the Ocean, but in all other seas doth show her power, as the Meteoroligikes and experience do teeth. The fourth, that the Catholic King being Lord at sea by reason of his great fleet, he will at the same instant be Lord at land: For having sufficient forces to vanquish the defences of the Island, he shall with ease land his men, and overrun the Island with his victorious arms, for such is the condition of that Island, that as soon as an enemy is entered, and his army orderly lodged, he may cut off their victuals, and famish the Islanders.  
Fifthly, for that by sea King Philip shall have the favour of them of Ireland, who have securely showed themselves to adhere unto him, and by land there is no man doubts (said he) but that Scotland will assist him in his deseignes with all her means.  
The sixth in order, but the first to be considered, is the justice and honesty of the cause, the which carries so honourable a title, as the defence of religion and the Catholic faith, as nothing shallbe able to hinder it; yea his majesties pretensions (said he) are such to that realm, and such is the duty which he owes unto the name which he carries, of Catholic, as there is no enterprise more due to him then this; whereby he shall not only take possession of a realm which is his due, but also he shall purchase unto himself immortal glory, above all other Kings, adding so rich and famous a Kingdom to that of Spain.  
The seventh is the commodity of the passage, knowing how short a cut it is from the Straight of Gibraltar to the Island, and what great commodities grow by expedition, and the ease of transportation of victuals, soldiers, artillery, munition, and all other provision necessary for the enterprise.  
The eight, if King Philip makes war against his enemy at his own doors, he shall fill England with fear and amazement, and the approaching danger will trouble all their counsels. There is nothing more terrible then to see the sword that must be the murderer of them and theirs.  
The ninth, for that (said he) his Catholic Majesty had many partisans in that Island; it importing much to have some that favour him among his enemies. And to prove that he hath some at his devotion in that Island, I will produce three reasons. First the remembrance of his clemency which remains yet in the hearts of those people, and of his courtesy, having sometimes governed them as their lawful Prince, with so great satisfaction to them all in general, as any other government, in respect of his, should seem tyrannous. The second reason is that of religion, knowing that there are many in this Island which adhere to the Church of Rome. The third is the riches of King Philip, who in his large dominions hath so many commanderies, pensions, offices and rents, to advance men that shall deserve well, as it willbe easy for him to draw the hearts of the English unto him.  
Having thus showed the reasons why the Catholic King should rather invade England then the Low countries, and with what facility it is to be performed, I will (said he) to the end that nothing shall remain unsatisfied, make answer to an ordinary objection which is made by many upon this subject, which is, that the king of Spain making an attempt against England, he shall revive the emulation which hath been betwixt him and the house of France, which fire lying now smothered under the ashes of peace, may kindle a great war, for if the French should remain as spactators of this tragedy of England, it might in the end turn to the prejudice of France, whereby they conclude that the Christian King should be forced to join with England, lest that having conquered that Island, he should afterwards turn his forces upon France, which objection notwithstanding he left unsatisfied.  
During this great preparation of three years in Spain, which held all Europe in suspense, the King of Spain caused an overture of a peace to be made unto the Queen of England (only as it seemed to abuse her with the imagination of a treaty, and to make her neglect the defence of her realm) who embraced this proposition, and sought to draw the united Provinces into this treaty, which they absolutely refused. Notwithstanding the Queen desirous of a peace sent her Commissioners in February 1588. to Ostend; and in March following there came others to Bruges from the Duke of Parma, to treat with them in the King of Spain's name; who these commissioners were, and what the success of that treaty was, I leave to the netherlands History, being but a feigned show of the Spaniard, to win time, and to find England unprovided the Queen of England (seeing the Spanish fleet almost at her door) called home her Commissioners, and prepared for her defence.  
But now to come to this admirable fleet; the King of Spain had devised how he might conquer England, 
King Philip resolves to invade England and the Netherlands.  hoping by that means to recover his Inheritance in the Low Countries; for being Lord in England, he might cut off their traffic by sea, the which many (well acquainted with the situation of both countries) held easy to be done. Wherefore the King of Spain (having spent one and twenty years, and wasted an infinite treasure, in those Low Country wars,) resolved to make an other attempt upon the Netherlands by sea, but with greater forces, for that England was now his enemy, and might hinder all trade into those parts. So as he resolved first to invade England, whereunto he was persuaded by diverse subtle spirits, both Spanish and Dutche, and by some English rebels, holding it more easy to be conquered then Holland and Zealand, and that it would be more profitable to invade both England and the Low Countries by sea at one instant, then to maintain a continual army to cut off their traffic from both the Indies. For the effecting of this resolution, he had for some years together made preparation of a great Navy at Lisbon, the like whereof had not been seen in many ages in the Ocean sea. It was ready in the beginning of this year 1588. the fame of this action was such, as there was not an honourable house in Spain, but had a son, a brother, or some of the blood in it, thinking all to win everlasting honour with this invincible Army (as they called it) and to make themselves rich with the spoils of England and the Netherlands.  
The King had resolved to make Don Alvaro de Bassan Marquis of Saint Cruz, (a Nobleman of great note, who had done the King great service in the conquest of Portugal, and the Terceras) General of this army. He sent unto him, and acquainted him with his design; he put him in mind of his promise, that he would spend his life in his service, and he commanded him to prepare himself to conduct this fleet. The Marquis in his answer humbly thanked his Majesty, yet he seemed by circumstances to dissuade the King from this enterprise, telling him that the English were gallant men at sea (of whom they had made good trial) that they had good shipping, and that he should find strong opposition. The King was much discontented with the Marquis for this answer, having ever relied upon him, and sent him word, that seeing he failed his expectation, and had no courage to undertake this Action, he would find an other to command his Army, whereupon he made the Duke of Medina Sidonia his General. The Marquis finding himself in disgrace with the King, conceived such grief as he died before the fleet went to sea. But let us return unto the Army, whereof I will make a particular relation, 
Description & particular preparation of the Spanish Fleet.  as the Spaniards themselves have set it down.  
Portugal did furnish ten great Galleons, with two smalller ships, under the command of the Duke of Medina Sidonia the General, in the which were 1300. sailors 3300. soldiers and 350. pieces of Ordinance.  
Biscay set forth ten Galleons and four Pinasses, 
An. 1588.  with sailors, soldiers, and ordinance proportionably, under D. john Martin's de Ricaldo, the Admiral.  

Gnipuscoa did arm ten Galeons' and fourteen Pinasses, under Michael Oquendo.  
Andalusia set forth ten Galleons, & one Pinnace, under command of D. Pedrode Baldes.  
Italy had furnished ten Galleons, the which were commanded by Martin de Bretendona.  
Castille provided fourteen Galleons, and two Pinasses, over which squadron Diego Floris de Baldes had charge.  
There were also three and twenty Hulks conducted by D. john Lopes de Medina.   
From Naples there were four Galleasses sent, commanded by D. Hugo de Moncado, they had in them 1200. slaves to row, 480. sailors, 870. soldiers, and 200. pieces of Ordinance.  
Portugal sent four galleys, under the conduct of Diego de Medrana, with all things proportionably.  
There were 22. Pinasses and other small ships, under the government of Antonio Buccado de Mendoça.  
Besides all these there were 20. Caravells, which carried owers and other necessaries for the ships, so as there were 150. sail of all sorts, in the which they had above 8000. sailors, and 20. thousand soldiers, besides Commanders, Officers and voluntaries, with 2650. pieces of ordinance.  
The galleons being 66. in number, were very great and strong, built high like castles, easy to fight withal, but not easy to board.  
In this great fleet there were 1600. great brass pieces, and above a thousand iron, to the which there were two hundred and twenty-thousand bullets, 4600. kintals of powder, one thousand kintals of lead, 1200. kintals of match, 7000. muskets and calivers, 10000 pikes, partisans and halberds with canons, field pieces, and all provision for carriages, or whatsoever might be needful for an army, either at land or sea. And for the service of the ordinance there were levied 4200. men whereof 400. of them were pioneers.  
There was bread and wine for six months, every one having half a hundred of bread every month. The country's subject to the King of Spain did furnish a great part of the provisions of this fleet, as some of them write. viz.  
Andaluzia did contribute 12000. kintals of biscuit. Malaga and that country 27000. and 500 Carthagena and Murcia, 5000. kintals. Sicily 50000. kintals, Burgos and Campos 56000. Naples and the Islands 15000. kintals.  
Sevill and Extremadura did contribute 4000 kintals of salt meats, Gallicia 6000. Asturia and other parts a thousand kintals.  
Sevill and Extremadura did contribut 5000. kintals of hog's flesh and bacon, Ronda 2000 Gallicia 2000 and Biscay 2000 kintals.  
Algarbe did contribute 8000. barils of fish, Almendrava del Duca 11000. barils and Cadiz 4000  
Maiorca did contribute 2000 kintals of cheese. Sevill and Extremadura a 1000 Portugal 25000. Genova and Valencia 14000. kintals of Rise. Andalusia and Naples did contribut 23000. pezes of oil and vinegar, every peze being 25. pounds, and every pound 16. ounces.  
Malaga, Marovella, Xeres and their jurisdictions did furnish 13000. butts of wine. Naples 6000. and Sevill with that jurisdiction 7000. butts.  
Cathagena did furnish 15000. Aneghes, Naples and Sicily 11000. Aneghes of beans and pease.  
Andaluzia, Naples and Biscay did furnish other provisions of corn, iron,  and linen cloth, with other necessaries. They had in the fleet 12000. pipes of fresh water, with whatsoever else might be thought needful. This army as D. Diego Pimentel did confess, cost the King 30000. ducats a day, reporting the army to be 32000. strong.  
There were five regiments of the old soldiers of Naples, 
Colonels of the regiments.  Sicily and the Terceres. The five Colonels were D. Diego Pimentel brother to the Marquis of Taveras, cousin to the Earls of Beneuent and Calui, a Knight of the Order of Saint john, and very well allied, 2. D. Francisco de Toledo brother to the Earl of Orgas. 3. D. Alonso de Luçon. 4 D. Nicholas d' Isla or Patritio Anselmo, the 5. and last D. Augustin Mexia, who afterwards was Castellan of Antwerp; there being 32. companies in every regiment, besides certain Portugal and Italian bands. D. Lewis Peres de Guzman, Duke of Medina Sidonia, Marquis of Saint Lucre's, and Knight of the Order of the Golden fleece, was General of this great army, 
Officers of the army.  as you have heard, D. john Martin's de Ricaldo was Admiral of the fleet, and D. Francisco de Bovadilla Martial. There were of the Council of war, Diego Pimentel, Flores de Baldes, Pedro de Baldes, Michael Oquendo, Alonso de Lieva, Diego Maldonado, D. George Manriques with many others. There were many Noblemen, and about 120. gentlemen of note, voluntaries, that went to win honour, amongst which were the Prince of Ascoly, the Marquis of Pegnafiel, the Marquis of Berlango, with many others of great account.  
The Duke of Parma during this preparation, 
Preparation of the Duke of Parma to join with the army.  had commandment from the King of Spain to make ready ships and boats to land men, and to have his forces in a readiness to join with his army that came from Spain, who spent much time with great care and industry to provide all things ready for such an enterprise. He had 32. ships of war within Dunkirk, and an infinite number of boats for transportation, he lodged all his forces near unto the sea, being about 30000. foot and nine hundred horse.  
There came many Princes and Noblemen from foreign countries running to this imaginary conquest. Out of Spain, the Duke of Pastrana Prince of Vuly, son to Ruy Gomes de Sylva, but he was held to be the King's base son: the Marquis of Bourgawe one of the Archduke Fernands' sons, 
Noblemen come into Flanders.  D. Vespasian Gonzaga, of the house of Mantova, a great soldier, D. john de Medicis, base son to the Duke of Florence, D. Amadeus a bastard of Savoy with many others.  
The Queen of England hearing of all this preparation in Spain and the Low countries omitted nothing that might serve for her just defence. 
Preparation in England.  She sent forth her best ships of war, with some Merchants, to lie at Plymouth in the West parts, there to attend the enemy, commanded by the Lord Charles Howard, high Admiral of England, and now Earl of Nottingham, being accompanied by the Lord Thomas Howard, second son to the Duke of Norfolk, and now Earl of Suffolk; the Lord Sheffeld, and many other Noblemen and gentlemen of quality: And in the narrow seas, betwixt Dover and Calis the Lord Henry Seymor, son to the Duke of Somerset, lay with forty or fifty sail of smalller ships. The united Provinces had provided twenty small ships to keep all the coast of Flanders, where there be great flats, and when as the Spanish fleet was ready to come, they sent in the end justine Nassau their Admiral with five and thirty tall ships well appointed, to join with the Lord Henry Seymer, which ships united, should keep the Duke of Parma from coming forth, whereon their preservation did depend.  
But let us return to this great fleet of Spain, 
Spanish fleet dispersed at sea.  which began to way anchor at Lisbon on the nine and twentieth day of May this year 1588. and sailed to the Groin in Gallicia, where they took in more men and some munition. From thence they put to sea, but they were dispersed by a storm, so as the Duke was forced to return again unto the Groin with his fleet, eight of his ships having spent their masts, of the four galleys one recovered that port, & the other three were driven into Bayonne in France, whereas all the slaves escaped.  
The army being refreshed and the ships repaired, the King did daily importune them to put to sea, which they did, on the twentieth of july, sailing till they came to the entry of the English Channel, from thence they sent to advertise the Duke of Parma of their coming, to the end he might be ready to join with them. The fleet was discovered by one captain Fleming, who advertised the Lord Admiral of England when he little expected them, which made him with all possible speed to draw his ships out of the haven of Plymouth, embarking his men with great confusion and difficulty, himself putting to sea that night but with six ships, and the rest following as they could. The two fleets having discovered one an other on the thirtieth day of july, the Spaniards leaving the English, kept on their course towards Flanders, according to the strictness of their Commission, which was to join with the Duke of Parma, and then jointly to invade England.  
In this manner the Spanish fleet went on with a small sail close together, fearing to lose some of their company, for that the English had got the wind, and bore up within musket shot. Passing on in this close manner the Gallion wherein Pedro de Baldes was, broke her mast against an other ship, so as it was not able to follow the fleet, neither would they stay to help her, but falling off from the rest it yielded the next day to Sir Francis Drake, besides D. Pedro, there were divers gentlemen and 450. men in her, and as it was said some of the King of Spain's treasure: at the same time Michael d' Oquendos the viceadmiralls ship was by casualty set on fire, and burnt to the water, of the which there were some saved.  
On the second day of August there was a hot fight betwixt the two fleets right against Portland, but the Spaniards left it and went on their intended course. On the fourth day was the like before the Isle of Wight, where the English Admiral accompanied by the Lord Thomas Howard in the Lion, the Lord Sheffeld in the Bear; Sir Robert Southwell in the Elizabeth jonas, with some few others, did charge the Spanish Admiral being in the midst of his best ships, but in the end the Spaniards went away before the wind, and on the sixth of August they came to anchor before Calis, meaning there to attend the Duke of Parma, whether the next day the English fleet came and anchored close by them, who that night sending down ships before the wind, being full of wood, powder, wildfire and other combustible things, and beginning to burn, they made the Spaniards in that amazement, cut their cables, and to put confusedly to sea. In this confusion the great Galleass of D. Hugo de Moncado, lost her helm, and was driven upon Calais sands, where D. Hugo was slain, and the Galleass spoiled by the English and lost, where there were three hundred slaves set at liberty.  
The morning after their disorder, the Spaniards had put themselves again into battle: and the English charged them before graveling, but they desired to pass along with the wind, and to stand upon their defence only; this fight continued the whole day, in the which some of the Spanish ships were sunk, and some being spoiled, and not able to follow the fleet, were taken by the State's men and carried to Flessingue, I omit the repetition of every particularity, because you may read them in the Dutch History. The Duke of Medina seeing that he had done what he had in charge, thought it best now to retire, holding it better to hazard a dangerous passage by the North of Ireland, then to stay still upon the coast of Flanders, with apparent danger, having no means to join with the Duke of Parma: whereupon they packed on all their sails, having a greater will to fly then to fight, whom the English followed for a while, but seeing them bend their course Northward, they left them, and retired into England. It seems that God did miraculously defend the English, for in all their several fights, they lost not one ship, nor a man of account, and not above a hundred common persons.  
Thus the Spanish fleet having lost ten or twelve of their best ships, with four or five thousand men, besides those that were sick and wounded, whose number was great, distressed with wants, and despairing of all help from the Duke of Parma (who prepared for their return) they sought to get into Spain behind Scotland and Ireland, expecting small relief in Scotland, and that Norway could not supply their wants, they took all the fishermen they could meet withal to serve them for Pilots, and fearing the want of fresh water, they cast their horses overboard, and so they sailed Northwards, till they came to 62. degrees. Then the Duke of Medina commanded the whole fleet to bend their course for Spain or Portugal, and himself with about 25. sail, that were best provided of fresh water, kept out at sea, and so got into Spain. Don Martin de Ricalde the Admiral with some forty ships, sailed nearer Ireland, hoping to refresh then selves there, but a great storm arising about the second of September, they were dispersed, and many of them were driven upon that coast, 
Ships cast away upon the coast of Ireland.  and there cast away; some sunk, some broken, some run on sands, and some burnt by the Spaniards themselves, to the number of seventeen great ships: some writ, they lost upon six and thirty or eight and thirty ships, in which I take it they comprehend some that were lost upon the coast of Norway and that sunk at sea. Yet it was constantly reported, that of all that great fleet of a hundred thirty four sail that went out of Lisbon, there returned but fifty three ships great and small. Of them perished in Ireland there were specially named a Galleass two great Venetian ships, called La Ratta and Balanzara and the Galleon called our Lady of Rosa, of a thousand tun, in the which D. Michael d' Oquendo, General of the squadron of Guipuscoa, was, in which ship there perished (by the confession of the Pilot) five hundred men, 
Others writ that heremained in Flanders after his long at Calis.  and not any one was saved but himself, among others (besides the General Oquendo) there died as he said the Prince of Ascoly (held to be the King of Spain's base son) Matut a Commander of the soldiers, Villafranca captain of the said ship, with many Knights and Adventurers of account: Moreover he confessed that there was in that ship 50. canons all brass for the field, 25. pieces of brass and iron belonging to the ship, 50. tuns of sack, 15000. ducats in gold, with much plate and rich furniture.  
After the Duke of Medin as return with the remainder of his fleet into Spain, many died of sickness, or of the wounds which they had received. Many taxed the Duke for this unfortunate success, but he (like a judicious Prince, who had unwillingly undertaken that charge) laid the blame upon his Pilots, and the Duke of Parma, who was not ready to join with him, so as the King allowed of his reasons, and gave him leave to go home, and rest himself. There died many Commanders and men of account after their return, as D. john Martinez de recalled, D. Diego Floris de Baldes, D. Alonso de Lieva, D. Diego de Maldonado, D. Francisco de Bovadillo, & D. George Manriquez, all of the counsel of war. And many were taken prisoners, some in Ireland, as D. Alonso de Luson, a Colonel, two of the house of Cordova, and D. Roderigo de Lasso, and some in Zealand, as D. Diego de Pimentel a Colonel. Finally the loss was such, as there was not any great house in Spain, but had some particular cause to mourn for some one of their blood. The Duke of Parma was much blamed by the Spaniards that were in the Low countries, but he excused himself, for that (as he said) the Spanish fleet came to soon, and to free himself, he caused some to be hanged, which had not discharged their duties. After the ruin of this great Spanish fleet, 
An. 1589.  there fell a great jar betwixt the Lord of Champagni and Mounsieur Richardot, who was much favoured by the Duke of Parma, these two having run contrary courses in their treaty of peace in Flanders, with the Queen of England's Commissioners. So as after this bad success, Champaigny taxed the Duke of Parma of negligence, writing many letters of the like tenor into Spain, where of the Infanta Isabel the King's eldest daughter, affecting the Duke well, did still advertise him, who seeing his reputation and service thus called in question, sent Richardot, Precedent of Arthois, 
Richardot sent into Spain by the Duke of Parma.  into Spain to the King to make answer to all objections and slanders, wherewith they had incensed him, seeking to bring him in disgrace, and to get his government from him, accusing him that he had not done his duty concerning the Spanish fleet, and that he had received a great affront before Berghen up Zoome, for that he would not believe the counsel of such as would have dissuaded him from that enterprise; but Richardot gave good satisfaction to the King and his Council, and returned with a Commission for the continuance of his government, in despite of his enemies.  
The King of Spain being advertised of the unfortunate success of his fleet and army, which he had sent to invade England, after the return of such as were remaining of that miserable wrack, he began to examine every man's merits; and who had deserved reward, and who punishment in this action, to preserve unto himself, with the fear of some, and the love of others, the authority of a wife Prince: whereupon he rewarded the heirs of Don Alphonso de Lieva, who (as they said) was drowned with a thousand persons upon the coast of Ireland.  
He did punish severely Fernando Lopes, who was camp Master general; and Antonio de Guevara, Pouruoier general, was deprived of his Office, for his misdemeanours.  
In the mean time they had news in Spain of a great army preparing in England to send into Portugal, 
Provision for defence of Portugal.  for the restoring of Don Antonio, whereupon the King made provision for the defence thereof, sending the Earl of Fuentes for General into Portugal, with good troops, he augmented the number of their horse, giving the charge to D. Alphonso Vargas, he made D. Francis de Padiglia Campmaster General, Andreas d' Alva Pouruoier, and john Maldonado Auditor.  
The provisions for this enterprise being made, 
Voyage of Portugal.  they went from Plymouth in April: Sir john Norris and Sir Francis Drake being Generals; they had with them six of the Queens, twenty ships of war, and (as some writ) a hundred and forty for transportation, having when they took shipping a eleven thousand soldiers, and two thousand five hundred mariners: within six days after their departure from England being the twentieth day of April, the army landed in a bay within a mile off the Groin, without impeach, from whence they marched presently towards the town, approaching within half a mile they were encountered by the enemy, who being charged retired to their gates, and then the General lodged the army in the villages and houses thereabouts. General Norris having viewed the town before day, resolved for to attempt it by scaladoe, and to land some Artillery to beat the ships and galleys which did play upon their troops, 
Groin the base town surprised.  the which was effectually performed, so as the Galleys were forced presently to abandon the road, and go to Farrol, and then they prepared with all speed to surprise the base town, the which was done the next day after, they entering it in three several places, where after good resistance in one place, they were forced to abandon it, they all retiring into the high town, the which they might easily do for that the English knew not their passages. The rest that were not put to the sword, in the fury, fled to the rocks in the Island, where they did hide themselves in caves, whereas many were daily found out.  
D. john de Luna, a man of great command, having hidden himself in a house came forth the next morning and yielded himself. john de Vera a Commissary of the victuals was also taken that night, who confessed that at the entry of the English into the town, there were five hundred Spainards' in seven companies, (as it seemed) returned weak from the voyage of England, all under D. john de Luna: the captains names were D. Diego Baçan base son to the Marquis of Santa Cruz. D. Antonio de Herera; D. Pedro Manriques brother to the Earl of Paredes. D. jeronimo Mouray, of the Order of Saint john, he was in the fort, D. Gomes de Caruajal; captain Mouçon and Caucasa de Socas. And that the day that the English landed there came from Retenzas the companies of D. john de Mosale, and of D. Pedro Ponce de Leon. He confessed moreover that there was order given for the baking of 300000. of biscuit: that there was two thousand pipes of wine in the town, and a hundred and fifty in the ships. That there was lately come 300000. ducats from the Marquis of Seralba. That there was a thousand jars of oil, with great store of beans, pease, wheat and fish. That there were three thousand kintals of beef, and not twenty days before, there entered three barks laden with mach and harguebuses. There were some others taken, and there were slain by the common soldiers about five hundred. At their first entry into the town, the soldiers finding three sellars full of wine distempered themselves, so as many being drunk were hurt from the high town, and this disorder was the cause of a great mortality which fell in the English army. There was abundance of victuals, and provision for shipping and war; which the Commissary confessed to be for a new voyage into England.  
After the taking of the base town, there came some two thousand men out of the country, down to the very gates, as resolutely as if they would have entered, but the English that were in guard making head against them, they fled away disorderedly, having lost some eighteen of their men. The General attempted the high town both by mine and battery, and going to the assault the lose rubbish under their feet failed them so as they could not stand. They had divers men hurt in their retreat, and they lost some twenty or thirty under the ruins of a tower which fell.  
The day after that the English had offered an assault, 
Succours come to relieve the Groin.  the General understood, by a prisoner, that the Earl of Andrada had gathered an army together of eight thousand men, at Puente de Burgos, six miles from the town, which was but the beginning of an army, there being a greater levy ready to come under the conduct of the Earl of Altemira, either to relieve the Groin, or to encamp near unto the place where the English should embark, and to hinder there shipping for to that end the Marquis of Seralba had written unto them both the first night of their landing, as the Commissary had confessed, or else to stop their passage into the country, whether they went daily by troops, and burnt, spoiled, and took great booties. The General resolved the next day to go and visit these forces, leading nine Regiments with him: In the forward were the regiments of Sir Edward Norrys Master of the Ordinance, Sir Roger Williams and Colonel Sydney's: In the battle that of the General, of Colonel Lane, and Colonel Medkerke: And in the rearward, Sir Henry Norrys, Colonel Huntleys' and Colonel Brets' Regiments, leaving the other five Regiments with General Drake for the guard of the Ordinance.  
Upon the sixth day of May in the morning they discovered the enemy within half a mile off their camp; against whom the shot of the forward skirmished, and forced them to retire unto their bridge, which was of stone, built upon Arches, over a creak that came from the sea. At the foot whereof on the other side the enemy lay very strongly entrenched, who being with his shot at the further end of the bridge, Sir Edward Norris (who led the forward, and marched in the head of the pikes) past the bridge without any stay at all, being accompanied by Colonel Sidney, Captain Hinder, Captain Fulford and others. The way was even, but they must pass through a storm of small shot; for the bridge was flanked on both sides with their shot, at the farther end there was a barricado, but they that had it in guard, seeing the proud approach of the English, 
Sir Edward Norris nurt.  forsook it, where Sir Edward Norris entered, and charging the first he encountered, with his pike, overthrusting himself he fell, and was sore hurt on the head, at the sword, but was honourably rescued by the General his brother, Colonel Sidney, and some other Gentlemen: Captain Hinder having his cask shot off, had five wounds in the head and face at the sword. This ●●empt full of difficulty, 
Spaniard's defeated at P●●ente de Burgos.  being seconded by the General, their bravest men which defended that plaace, being overthrown, their whole army fell presently to rour, and the English had 〈◊〉 chase three miles four sundry ways. The General's Standard with the King's arms was taken what number of the enemy was slain, was not certain, but only by conjecture how many two thousand men, (for of so many consisted the forward) in such a poursute might kill. And to increase the number, having given over the execution, and returning to their stands, they found many hidden in the vineyards and hedges, whom they slew. And Colonel Medkerke being sent with his Regiment three miles farther to a cloister, which he burned and spoiled, he found two hundred men there, which he put to the sword. The English lost only one Captain Cooper, and a private soldier. The execution being passed, the General sent three parts of the army three several ways to spoil and burnt, so as the country round about was on fire. They found good store of victuals and munition in the camp, with some plate, rich apparel, and other booties, which they had left behind them.  
Thus the English army returned to the Groin, bringing small comfort to the Spaniards that were within it: and the next day the shipped their Ordinance, and then they set fire upon every house in the base town, and on the Cloister, so as they left not any one standing. And on the eight of May, the English embarked their army without loss of one man, which (had they not beaten the Spaniards at Puente de Burgos) they could not possibly have done, they having (as it seemed) an intent to charge the English when they should embark: the Commissary confessing, that the first night of their landing, the Marquis of Seralba did write unto the Earl of Altemira, the Earl of Andrada, and to Terneis de Sentisso, to bring all the forces they could raise, wherewith they might either besiege the English in the base town, if they took it, or lie betwixt them and their embarking place, and so fight with them upon an advantage, they having above 25000. soldiers under their commands.  
The English army leaving the Groin, 
English leave the Groin.  on the thirteenth of May, there came unto the Fleet the Earl of Essex, his brother Master Walter Devereux, Sir Roger Williams, Colonel general of the foot, Sir Philip Butler, and Sir Edward Wingfield. The Earl having put himself into that action, contrary to the opinion of the world, and with the hazard of his fortune, yet much to his honour. After which, the army went and landed at Penecha in Portugal, within shot of the castle. The enemy being five companies of Spaniards (under the command of the Earl of Fuentes) sallied out of the town, and came to the water side, as the English landed.  
But the Earl of Essex, with his brother, and Sir Roger Williams having landed men enough to make two troops, they left one to go by the water's side, leading the other over the sand-hilles: which the enemy discovering, they retired further into the land, that they might have the better means to pass away, yet they did it in such sort, as being charged, they came to the push of the pike, where they slew an English Captain: These Spaniards being fled, the English entered the town, which was neither fortified nor defended by any man.  
The General summoned the Castle that night, which was held by a Portuguese, called Antonio d' Aurid, who promised to yield it, so as he might be assured, that Don Antonio was landed, and so he did. Thither came some Friars and poor men to their new king, promising within two days good supplies of horse and foot. Having stayed at Penecha one day, the Generals resolved, that the army should march by land to Lisbon, under the conduct of General Norris, and that General Drake should meet him in the river with the Fleet, that there should be a company left to guard the Castle, and five in the ships.  
After which conclusion, he marched with fourteen Regiments towards Lisbon, commandment being given from the General, that no man should spoil the country, nor take any thing from a Portuguese, the which was very straightly observed, so as the soldiers grew to some want of victuals in their march, but upon complaint made unto the King, it was better supplied. In six days march the army came to Lisbon, without any encounter of the enemy, who was betwixt them and the city, but they dislodged as they approached.  
Being come to the suburbs of Lisbon, 
English army comes to Lisbon.  Sir Roger Williams, and Captain Anthony Wingfield with some thirty shot, scoured the streets near unto the Town, where they found not any but old folks and beggars, crying Viva el Rey Don Antonio, and their houses shut up, the inhabitants having carried much of their wealth into the town, and fired some houses by the water side full of Corn, and other provision, for that the English should not make use of it. The whole army being quartered in the suburbs, the soldiers being tired with their six days march, and desirous of rest that night, the enemy being advertised thereof, sallied forth about one of the clock, and came upon the English by three several streets, but especially upon Colonel Brets' quarter, who being (as most of the Companies) at his rest, made all the hast he could to draw his men into arms, in which charge he was slain, with some other Captains of his Regiment: but there was such resistance made in all quarters, as they were suddenly put to a foul retreat, and chased even to the City gates, where they fit many of their best Commanders: In this sally the Spaniards lost triple the number of the English, and some of good quality.  
During their march, General Drake came with the Fleet to Cascais, where he entered without any resistance, the Inhabitants being fled with their goods to the mountains, 
Cascais entered by the English.  but the General sent a Portuguese unto them, to offer them all favour, if they would acknowledge their king, and supply the wants of his army: which offer they willingly embraced, sending two chief men to signify their loyalty to Don Antonio, and their love to the English. Whereupon the General landed his Companies, but the castle was held still by 65. Spaniards.  
The day after the Spaniards sally, General Norris called a Council, to advise whether it were fit to attend there for the horse and foot, which the King of Portugal had promised, and to send some convenient troops to Cascais to fetch their Ordinance and munition, which was with their ships. The opinions of the Commanders were divers, some fed with a vain hope of Don Antonio, thought it best to stay there, and to send some three thousand men for the Ordinance. Others (despairing of all succours from Portugal) persuaded to march away, and not to stay upon any vain hopes. The General being loath to have an imputation laid upon him for his too great haste, or to lose any more time upon don Antonio's promises, told them, that although the expedition of Portugal was not the only design of their journey, but an adventure, the good success whereof might get them great wealth, and much honour, wherein they had done so much, as whatsoever happened, it could not blemish their credits and reputations.  
Yet in regard of the King's last promise, that he should have that night three thousand men armed of his Country, he would not dislodge that night. And if they came, that he might send the like number for his munition, and resolve to try his fortune for the Town. If they came not, he thought it not fit to divide his forces, by sending any to Cascais, knowing how boldly they had sallied forth the day before, and that there were more soldiers armed within the town, then was in their camp. And that before their men could return from Cascais, they expected more supplies: for the duke of Bragança, and Don Francisco of Toledo were attended with great succours: whereupon he concluded to march away the next morning, if the promised supplies came not that night: yet all the Portugueses which came unto their king, would not make a cornet of horse, and two hundred foot.  
The General attended the effect of the King's promise unto the last hour, and he sought to persuade him to stay eight days longer, in which time he might have engaged himself, and received an affront, attempting a town that was well fortified, and great troops of men in it. So as the next day, seeing no Portugueses appear to join with them, 
English army retires from Lisbon.  as was promised, the English General gave order to march away, the Earl of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams making a stand, until that the whole army was drawn into field, and so they marched out of the suburbs: Captain Anthony Wingfield, and Richard Wingfield, being in the rear of them with some shot: after which the Battalions marched in order that night to Cascais. In their march, that day the Galleys of Lisbon did somewhat annoy them, (their way lying along the river) and followed them until they were past Saint julian's, spending many shot, but doing little or no harm. The horsemen followed them afar off, and cut off many sick men, which were not able to hold march, having no carriages for them.  
Having been two days at Cascais, they were advertised by a Friar, that the Spaniards came marching strongly towards them, and were at Saint julian's, wherewith the Earl of Essex, and the Generals were much pleased, desiring nothing more than to fight with them: 
Challenge sent by the English General to the Spanish.  Whereupon the English General sent away a messenger with a trumpet that night, who carried a challenge to the Spanish General, wherein he gave them the lie, for that they reported, that the English had retired disorderly and with fear from Lisbon, challenging him to meet him the next morning with his whole army, if he durst attend his coming, and there to try the justness of their quatrell by battle: by whom also the Earl of Essex (preferring the honour of his country, before all other respects, sent a challenge to any one of his quality, that would meet in the head of their Battles, single, or with more company, to try their fortunes, offering assurance for their return, and honourable usage.  
The English General put his army in a readiness by three of the clock in the morning, and marched to the place where they encamped: but they had dislodged in the night in great disorder and fear, as the General was the next day informed: so as the troops followed them to Lisbon, but could not get any answer to his letters, they threatening to hang him, for that he presumed to bring such a message: but fearing the like measure to their prisoners, they sent him away without answer.  
The army being come to Cascais, the Castle was summoned, where the Captain promised to yield it upon sight of the Cannon, and not otherwise. Whereupon the General caused three or four pieces of battery to be brought, where after the first volley, 
Castle of Cascais yielded to the English.  they compounded to departed with their Arms did baggage, he had in the Castle one Cannon, two Culverins, one Basilisk, and three or four field-pieces, threescore and five soldiers, with good store of victuals and munition, which he might have kept longer than the English had any intent to stay: the army being embarked and ready to set sail, the fort was blown up.  
Whilst they lay there in the road, the Fleet, in six days, fetched in to the number of threescore Hulks, laden with Spanish commodities, as it seemed, for the King's provision, and were going for Lisbon: their chief lading was corn, Masts, Cables, Copper and Wax: among which, some were of great burden, very well built for sailing, having no great lading in them, and therefore it was thought they were brought to supply the King's decayed Navy. Into the which the English that were in flie-boates were shipped, and the flie-boates sent home, with an offer of Corn for their hire. And then they sent ships to fetch their men which they had left at Penecha, where as the enemy entered presently.  
There were nine Galleys sent from Andalusia, to strengthen the river of Lisbon, who in their return, set upon some ships that were becalmed, and far from the Fleet, but they did no great harm. The Fleet, by reason of the wind, went to the Islands of Bayonne, 
Vigo taken by the English.  where they landed two thousand men, being all that were able to fight, and marched to the Town of Vigo, which being entered by Captain Anthony Wingfield, he found the streets full of Barricadoes, but not any one to defend them: for he found but one man in the town, they being fled away to Bayonne: the General with some others, being entered into Vigo, they sent some Captains out to spoil, and burn the Country, which they did seven or eight miles in length. In the town they found not any thing, but wine, all their goods being carried away, and in the morning the Colonel general having drawn the Companies out of the town, he caused every house to be set on fire, and then they embarked again, and returned home into England.  
The Duke of Savoy had an intent to besiege Geneva, which he pretended to be his, in which attempt he craved aid from the King of Spain his father-in-law, 
King of Spain sends forces to the Duke of Savoy to besiege Geneva.  who sent unto him out of the Duchy of Milan, Pyrrho Malaezzi with five thousand foot, who went unto him with all speed: from Naples he had Alexander Sforza with a good number of horse, and Paul Sforza with foot: and from the country of Cremona, William of Lodron with five thousand Germans, and he obtained the Marquis of Saint Martin from the Duke of Ferrara, to be Lieutenant general to the Duke of Savoy, to whom he was allied, furnishing him also with money, so as it seemed rather the King of Spain's action, than the Duke of Savoys.  
The King of Spain aspiring (as it seemed) to the Crown of France, 
An. 1590.  whereof he had taken upon him the name of Protector, 
Pretext of the King of Spain to make war in France.  took now a new cloak to make war, which was in the name of his eldest daughter, Donna Izabella Clara Eugenia, whom he had by Elizabeth of Valois his third wife, daughter to Henry the second of France, pretending the Duchy of Brittany to be fallen unto her by lawful right and succession, by the death of King Henry the third, her Uncle by the mother's side. Upon this pretext he sent certain troops thither, seeking to dismember it from the Crown of France, to the which it was incorporate, by the death of the Lady Anna of Brittany, accounting the descendants from the said Lady Anne, who was promised to Maximilian Archduke of Austria, and afterwards Emperor, but married to Charles the eight, the French King, who died without heirs, and then she was married to Lewis the twelfth, by whom she had one daughter married to Francis the first, father to Henry the second his successor, who had by Catherine de Medicis four sons, all which died without children, and three daughters, Elizabeth third wife to the King of Spain, claud married to Charles Duke of Lorraine, and Marguerite wife to Henry the fourth King of France and Navarre.  
All the foresaid children being descended in the direct feminine line from the Lady Anne of Brittany, their Grandmother, so as the sons having no lawful heirs, the succession of of the said Duchy of Brittany did belong unto the Lady Elizabeth of Valois, the eldest of King Henry's two daughters, and mother to the said Infanta: the which, according to the Law, the King her father would maintain, should represent her deceased mother: for that the said Duchy being but a fee of France, may descend unto the daughters as well as to the sons, as appeareth in the said Duchess Anne, daughter to Francis the last Duke of Brittany, who brought it to Charles the eight, and Lewis the twelfth. The French answered, that duchies, which were but fees, and held by homage of the Crown, being once incorporated, can be no more dismembered, with many more allegations, as you may read in the French.  
The King of Spain could not forget the affront he had received the last year by the English in Portugal, he sought how to be revenged, if not of the whole State in general, yet of private Merchants, whose living consisted, and wholly depended upon Traffic into divers parts, and hearing that the English Merchants had great trade within the straits of Gibraltar, to Venice, Constantinople, Alexandria, and other places of commerce, he resolved to interrupt them, and intercept them if he could by any possible means: Whereupon he gave charge unto certain Galleys to lie continually in the straits to attend their passage.  
It happened this year, 
Fight betwixt the Spanish galleys & English ships.  that there were ten good English ships, and well fraught, coming from divers parts, met together at the straits, and were bending homeward. These ships coming near to the mouth of the straits, hard upon the coast of Barbary they descried twelve tall Galleys, wonderfully well manned, and gallantly appointed, being commanded by Andrew Doria for the King of Spain: who on the four and twentieth day of April, in the morning, bore up with the ships, and waved them amain for the King of Spain, and the English did the like for the Queen of England: after which, the fight began, one of the ships at her first shot raked away all the men of one side of a Galley, and so pierced it, as it was ready to sink, but the fight continued very furious, for the space of six hours. In the mean time, whilst they were in the hottest of this fight, there came in two Flemings to the Fleet, who seeing of what strength the Galleys were, the one of them struck her sails, and was presently taken by the Galleys: the other Fleming was also ready to yield, if the trumpeter of that ship had not threatened to kill the Pilot at the Helm, if he did not speedily put off to the English fleet, and take part with them, by which means they were preserved from the Spaniards, whereas the other was taken basely and cowardly. After this long and furious fight the English ships escaped, for the Galleys were so torn, as they were forced to fly into harbour, for that some of them were ready to sink, neither durst they come any more forth, notwithstanding that the ships lay becalmed in the straight.  
The Catholic King finding himself overburdened, and weakened with the wars which he had at one instant maintained against his enemies, his treasure being exhausted, and he wanting money to make his necessary provisions both for Flanders, and France upon all occurrents, he commanded the Duke of Sessa, who was newly come Ambassador to Rome, to succeed the Earl of Olivares, who was gone Viceroy into Sicily, to entreat his Holiness to grant him part of the revenues of the spiritual livings in Spain, leaving unto the Priests a competent living according unto every man's quality, but this demand was not allowed of, nor held convenient in the Court of Rome.  
This year there was a memorable fight at the islands of the Açores betwixt the king of Spain's Armado, 
Fight betwixt the Revenge & the Armado of Spain.  and one of the Queen of England's ships called the Revenge. The Lord Thomas Haward, second son to the Duke of Norfolk, and now Earl of Suffolk, going forth with six of the Queen's ships, six victuallers, and some pinnaces to attend the West Indian Fleet in their return, lying at one of the islands of the Açores, they were advertised of the approach of the Spanish armada, (being three and fifty sail of men of war, commanded by Don Alphonso Baçan, brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz) the which were presently in sight, many of the English being then on shore, to furnish themselves with ballast, fresh water, and other necessaries, so as their ships were light for want of ballast, and half their men sick and unserviceable for fight.  
The Spanish Fleet being covered by an Island, were come so near, as they had scarce any time to weigh their anchors, yet some were feign to slip their Cables, and to set sail. Sir Richard Greenfield (who was vice-admiral in the Revenge) weighed last, staying to recover her men that were in the Island, which otherwise had been lost, and not able to recover the wind, as the Admiral, and the rest had with some difficulty done, he was persuaded by the Master and some others to cast about, and to trust to the sailing of the ship: but Sir Richard would by no means turn head to the enemy, protesting that he would rather die, than dishonour himself, his Country, and her majesties ship. But he could not force through them, as he thought, but was boarded of either side by their huge Galleons.  
The fight began at three of the clock in the after noon, and continued very furious all that evening. The Spanish ships were full of soldiers, in the English there were not any but Mariners, and some few voluntary Gentlemen, with their servants. They made many assaults, thinking to force her with their multitudes, but they were still repulsed. The fight continuing all the day, and some hours in the night, many of her men were slain and hurt, and one of the great Galleons, with the Admiral of the Hulks sunk, and a great slaughter made in divers other Spanish ships. The Spanish ships which attempted to board the Revenge, as they were beaten off, others came in their places, there being never less then two mighty Galleons by her side, so as she had been assailed by fifteen several Armadas, yet at the break of day they were more willing to hearken to a composition then to make any new attempt.  
At the break of day the Revenge saw none but enemies, nor any hope of relief: their powder was spent to the last barrel, their Pikes were broken, forty of their best men slain, and most of the rest hurt. In the beginning of the fight they had but a hundred sound men, and ninety six lay sick upon the ballast. And on the other side the Spanish ships were still supplied with soldiers from the other squadrons, and with all kind of arms and munition. The Revenge having her masts beaten over board, her takcle cut a sunder, and in a manner made even with the water, there being nothing left above head to make defence. Sir Richard Greenefield, finding himself unable to make any more resistance, having endured the assaults of so many several ships, and (as it was thought) eight hundred shot of great Ordinance, and that he and his ship must needs be taken by the enemies, being in a ring round about her: he commanded the master Gunner (being a resolute man) to sink her, to the end the Spaniards might reap no glory of that victory, seeing they could not take her in fifteen hours, with fifty three ships, and about ten thousand men, persuading the company to yield themselves to the mercy of God, and to none else: And as they had like valiant men repulsed so many enemies, so they should not now blemish their honours by prolonging their lives for a few hours. The Gunner was willing with diverse others, but the Captain and Master dissuaded him, pretending that the Spaniards would willingly entertain a composition, and that there were diverse valiant men (whose wounds were not mortal) which might hereafter do their Prince and country good service, assuring him withal, that the Spaniards could never recover the ship, having six foot water in hold, three shot under water, and so weakly stopped, as she must needs sink with the first working of the sea. But Sir Richard could not be removed from his resolution. Wherefore the Master of the Revenge was conveyed aboard the General Don Alphonso Bassan, who (finding no man willing to enter her, fearing they should be all blown up) yielded their lives should be saved, the company sent into England, and the better sort to pay reasonable ransoms, and to be free from the Galleys and imprisonment. Whereunto he yielded the more willingly, as well to avoid a greater mischief, as to recover Sir Richard Greenfield, whom he seemed to honour and admire for his great valour.  
This answer being returned, 
The Revenge yeeled to the Spaniards by composition.  most of them left Sir Richard Greenfield and the Gunner, who being desperate would have killed himself. Don Alphonso Baçan sent unto Sir Richard to remove out of his ship, being unsavoury like a slaughter house, with blood and dead bodies. Sir Richard answered, that he might do with his body what he list, for he regarded it not. The General used him with all humanity, and tried all means for his recovery, much commending his valour, and lamenting the danger wherein he was, being a rare thing to see one ship make head against so many huge and great Armadoes.  
There were slain and drowned in this fight near a thousand Spaniards, and two special Commanders. 
●osse of Spaniards at the fight.  Don Lewis of Saint john, and Don George de Prunaria of Malaga; The Admiral of the Hulks and the Ascension of Sevile were sunk by the Revenge, one recovered Saint michael's, and did sink there, and a fourth ran a ground to save her men. It is said, that Sir Richard died the second or third day aboard the General, and was much lamented. The rest of the Queen's ships did not engage themselves so far in the fight, the reasons were. They were but six ships in all, whereof two were small: the Revenge was past recovery: the Island of Flores was on the one side, and fifty three Spanish ships on the other, full of Soldiers: half the English were sick, and not serviceable, the ships fowl and wanting ballast, having been six months at sea, so as if they had all entered the fight, they had all been lost. Notwithstanding the Lord Thomas would have entered among their Squadrons, but the rest would not yield to it, and the Master of his ship offered to leap into the sea, rather than to conduct her majesties ships to be a prey to the enemy, where there was no hope either of defence or victory. A ship of the Queens wherein Master Thomas Vavasor now Knight Marshal commanded) continued two hours in fight, as near the Revenge as she could, but being in danger to be compassed in by the Spanish squadrons, he cleared himself with great difficulty.  
Some days after the fight, the English prisoners being disperse in the Spanish ships, there arose a great storm, so as the whole fleet (Indians and others) were disperse, they being newly come unto them; 
The Revenge cast away with many Spanish ships.  of the which there were fourteen sail, and the Revenge, with two hundred Spaniards in her, cast away upon the Island of Saint Michael. There were fifteen or sixteen ships of war more cast away upon the other islands; and of a hundred sail and odd, expected that year in Spain from the Indies, there were above three score and ten lost in several storms; the Spaniards confessed that there were ten thousand men cast away in that tempest.  
This year happened that miserable and lamentable condition of the Arragonois, 
Arragonois spoiled of their ancient privileges by the King.  especially of them of Saragoça, the chief city of the realm. From whom the King of Spain (whether by lawful or unlawful means I will not judge) took, or rather pulled away violently their liberties and ancient privileges, after this manner. The King had given unto Don john of Austria, his base brother, one john de Soto, to serve him as a Secretary, a man by nature tending to great matters, to raise his Lord and Master to a superlative greatness, and by the means of Pope Pius the fift, to advance him to the realm of Tunes. 
Motives of the bad usage of the Arragono●● for their liberties.  The which being suspect and displeasing unto the King (fearing the diminution of his presented Monarchy) after that he had well observed his dessiegnes and actions, it was thought fit to call home Soto from D. john's service and to substitute Escovedo in his place. In the beginning this Secretary Escovedo did serve his Lord Don john well, to the King's good liking: but in time they discovered plainly, that he trod in the same path that Soto had done, entertaining secret correspondencies in the Court of Rome, for his masters advancement by the Pope's poursute, who possessed him with an Imagination of the Crown of England, the which did much displease the King, although it were no prejudice to him. Don john being returned soon after out of Italy into Spain, to receive his commission and Instructions for the government of the Netherlands, he parted well satisfied and full of hope of this Conquest of England. Being come into the Netherlands, and having ratified the pacification of Gant, made by the General Estates, the Prince and the particular Estates of Holland, Zealand, and their associates, with the Estates of Brabant, Flanders, Arthois, Henault, etc. by which pacification all strange Soldiers should departed the country: so as Don john thought, (and such was his first and most assured design) to make use of the said Soldiers, in their retreat, to execute this exploit of England. But whether the General Estates of the Low Countries (who had then made an alliance with England) discovered his intent, or not: when as he could not find means to retire his soldiers by sea, for want of ships, which they refused him, that design of England turned into smoke. Notwithstanding that the Pope would have assisted him, as well with money, as with Bulls, granting him the investituure of that Realm, to hold it of the Popes Sea. The which the King of Spain (without whose privity this business was in the beginning managed) (having himself a greedy desire to that realm, as did afterwards appear) could secretly cross.  
Don john being much grieved in heart at this escape, yet seeming still very obsequious and dutiful to the King, having in some sort caused the Spaniards and Italians to retire, but not far off, and keeping the german Colonels at his devotion, and not causing them to retire, he afterwards seized upon the Castle of Namur, whereby all his practices were discovered, and many letters were intercepted, written by him and Escovedo his Secretary: Whereupon he was declared an enemy to the Low Countries. Then he began to treat secretly, and to make private alliances in France, with the Duke of Guise, all without the King of Spain's privity and knowledge, the which did move him much, observing these courses of Don john and his Secretary Escovedo: whereof Antonio de Vargas, Ambassador for the King of Spain in France, advertised Antonio Perez, Secretary of State to the said King, who presently acquainted his master therewith. Among other things, that Don john said, that he had rather seek his fortune in France with 6000. foot, and 2000 horse, then to stay any longer in the government of the Netherlands. On the other side, Don john by his letters which he did write into Spain, made strange complaints, full of bitterness and despair, yea with threats; if they suffered him to languish any longer in that estate: and his letters were seconded by Escovedo, who wrote to Antonio Perez, whom he held to be a friend to Don john and himself; but he discovered all their secrets unto the King; as it appeared by letters written from Perez unto the King, and noted in the margin with the Kings own hand.  
During all this business, Escovedo being sent for into Spain, the King resolves to have him made away, either by murder or poison, as well for the great liberty and boldness he used in his writing, as for the strange speeches he sometimes uttered, which were very displeasing unto the King, taking for a colour a certain proposition made by him to fortify and man the rock of Magro, and of some 6000. Ducats employed by him, contrary to the King's intent. In the end, after that he had conferred with the Marquis of Velez, and duly considered of all Escovedoes practices: holding it a dangerous matter to send him back to Don john, the King found it expedient to have him slain. So Escovedo returning home to his lodging in the night, he was murdered in the street by Garcia of Arres, and his confederates, at the induction of Antonio Perez, who had received commandment from the King. Having been formerly concluded betwixt the King and Perez, that if the murderers should chance to be apprehended, that Perez, taking the fact wholly upon himself should fly into Arragon, whereas the King might more easily defend him then in Castille. Escovedo being murdered in this manner, the fact began to be discovered. The widow and her sons made their complaints against Perez. The King received them into his Council of State, but he sent them not before their Ordinary judge, himself giving the whole knowledge of the fact to the Precedent of Castille, and commanding him to talk with Escovedos sons, and to the Secretary Matthew Vasques, who presented their complaint, to the end they might be silent. But all the Precedents admonitions were of no force, yea he made them more violent in their complaints. Perez advised the King to suffer this fact to come to a trial of law, with a moderate & slow poursute, yet not to decree any thing, or else that he would give him leave to retire from Court; the which the King took in ill part, promising him by the faith of a Knight, never to abandon him, and that he would keep him in his service. But Perez in the mean time saw the storm approaching, whereof he was the more assured after the death of the Marquis of Velez, who had been a lively witness unto him. The King seeing him perplexed, and in distress for this death, did confirm this promise again unto him more strictly. In the mean time they doubled their complaints, the which (in like manner tending to the dishonour, and to charge the Princess of Eboly) the complainants framed at large by writing, and presented it to the King, yet for all this he gave no sentence: but being priest by Vasques, to whom he had begun to discover himself, as appeared by the answer which he made him in writing, coppyed by Perez, with a postscript of the Kings.  
In the end the King commanded his Confessor to reconcile the Princess and Perez, with Vasques: whereunto the Princess would not give ear, finding herself wronged, for that she held him unworthy to confer with her. The which did wonderfully discontent Perez, not daring to move her therewith, for that he held himself bound unto her service, for the favours he had received from her. And seeing that by their reiterated complaints, notwithstanding the King's promise in the faith of a Knight, they pursued him with all violence: he besought the King, at the least, to do him this favour, that he might retire himself. The king finding himself wronged on both sides; by the Princess, for that she would not reconcile herself with Vasques, as he had commanded; and with Perez for that he would retire himself. After that he had consulted with his Confessor, and with the Earl of Barayas, he caused the Princess and Perez to be committed to prison, upon a colour, that by this imprisonment he should force them to be reconciled, the King himself being a spectator of this apprehension, made by his commandment, the which was in the year 1579.  
The next day, the King sent to visit Perez wife, and to comfort her, wishing her not to be troubled for her husband. He in like manner sent his Confessor to visit Perez, seeming to have a care that he should be well entreated. After that he had been detained some month in prison, he sent him with a certain guard home to his house, where he commanded Perez that he should swear to Don Roderigo Manuel, by the faith of a Gentleman, that he would continue friend with Vasques: Perez remitting his spleen (yet having the knife near his throat) yielded thereunto: and so continued in his house, bearing the charge thereof, until the year 1585. and receiving no allowance nor fee. At the end of which time (to the end the blind should not see any thing) he was with other Secretaries put to the Visita (which is a law to examine the actions of such as they mean to entrap.) 
La visita in Spain is the law of fisiing.   
The charges of this Visita were more honourable to Perez then hurtful. They did consist of two points, the one concerning the King's secrets, whereof he advertised the King, for that he would not discover them, seeing that they meant to force him thereunto; having always faithfully acquit himself in keeping them in his bosom, as the King had trusted him. He in like manner informed the Confessor, showing unto him for his discharge, a writing of the Kings own hand: whereupon the Confessor did forbid him to purge himself by his King's writing: whereunto he obeyed, for that he would not divulge his secrets: suffering himself to be condemned in a fine of thirty thousand Ducats, suspension of his office, two years imprisonment, and then to be banished eight years. The which Perez endured by the persuasions and goodly promises of this Father Confessor.  
This condemnation was made by the strangest Act that hath been seen, whereof the Council had no knowledge, neither was it signed, nor any judicial sentence pronounced. The Act being insinuated to Perez, being lead from his house to the Castle, his goods before seized on were freed, 
Trick of a false Monk.  and it was told him that he should not perform the said Act, so as he would deliver the papers and Instructions which he had written unto the King, and from the King to him: that by this means he might wholly discharge the King, and lay all upon Perez own head, wherein consisted the end of their proceeding. For there were yet two secret points in the sentence: the one was, they would make Perez guilty of Escovedos death: the other, that he had no means to complain of force and violence in his Country of Arragon: besides an accusation of ten thousand Ducats wherewith they charged him, whereof by many lively reasons, and by a note of the Kings own hands he was discharged. Which note having been delivered into the Confessors hand, he read and retained it, and afterwards denied the having it.  
When they came to execute the said Act, Perez thinking to prevent it, fled into a Church for liberty (fearing that his enemies would murder him in prison) from whence notwithstanding he was drawn, but having obtained a sentence to his advantage, this execution was stopped. Notwithstanding he was afterwards taken again, and carried to the Castle of Turnegano, where he was cruelly interested by one Torres of Auila a Licentiat, who kept him ninety days in Irons, from the sight of his wife and children, who were in like manner committed to prison; to the end they should not demand justice, as the wife had done once at Lisbon, upon the Kings promising by the faith of a Knight, the which was done to the end they might the better come to the King's papers and her husbands, which this Friar Diego Chanes hunted so after, knowing how much they did import to free the King. To attain unto the which he had already written two letters (by the means of the Earl of Barayas' Precedent of Castille) to Perez wife, sending her word, that there was no other means to see her husband in liberty, then in yielding up the said papers: and in so doing, that both she and her husband should be delivered out of prison, whereunto she resisted courageously, refusing stately to give them. So as in the end her husband did write a note unto her with his own blood (so straightly was he kept) that she should deliver them, the which she did, yet by a divine instinct she reserved some, sending them in two coffers to the said Confessor, being at Monzon, with the Keys, the which were delivered into the Kings own hands by him that had charge of the coffers; by the delivery of which papers, the Lady only was set at liberty.  
At the King's retnrne from Monzon, the papers being read, Perez was somewhat enlarged in the town of Madrid (but not without a further meaning) for the space of four months, having leave to be visited, and the week before Easter to go to Mass, but this was a short joy, for Escovedos son came to renew his old complaint, and Perez was again sent to the Castle to prison, and soon after he was called into the Court: where being examined upon this complaint, he continued faithful and constant unto the King; refusing to declare any thing according to his commandments and promises; advertising him notwithstanding what the event might be of such kind of proceed: but all was in vain; for it was ordered that he should answer within ten days, unto the chief points of a process, which had lasted ten years. At this examination the Confessor advised him, to confess Escovedos murder, but not to declare the motives and reasons; which Perez did not approve. But rather, to the end the King might be discharged, to compound with Escovedos children, who were the parties interressed, the which was effected at Perez charge, for twenty thousand Ducats, and it was presently paid. All this did not serve the turn, for the Precedent Roderigo Vasques, a Kinsman to Escovedo, seeing that Perez could avoid all storms, wrote unto the King that he should consider well of the composition which Perez had made, by the which the world did murmur and surmise, that his Majesty had caused him to do it. And therefore his regal authority required, that he should declare, or cause Perez declare the reasons of this accord; whereby his Majesty should stop all men's mouths, and Perez should be better discharged. Whereupon the king did write unto Perez, to tell the reason why, by his commandment and for his service, he had caused Escovedo to be slain. This note and command from the king, made the greatest to murmur; for (said they) if the king hath commanded him to murder Escovedo, what reason, or what reparation do they pretend? Is it now time, after twelve years since it was done, to demand the cause? yea a Cardinal, & the Pope's Legate spoke unto the Confessor in Perez behalf: To whom he answered, that they should rest satisfied, and that what had been done, was to give contentment to the Precedent Roderigo Vasques, and that all should be well. As in like manner Father Salinas a preaching Friar, discoursed sufficiently in a Sermon which he made in the king's Chapel, in justification of Perez, but all was without effect, the Confessor holding it a sin to demand justice: Notwithstanding Perez remained firm and constant, and being examined upon the King's note, he would not declare any thing, for he did not easily give credit thereunto: whereupon the judge took occasion to put Perez to the rack (although his mind were sufficiently tortured, with the confusion of a precedent order) yet relying upon the King's first instruction and commandment, 
An. 1591.  he continued constant, & endured the torture, 
Arragon action.  even to the effusion of his blood, yet in the end he was forced to declare the motive causes of the murder of Escovedo, with the circumstances, producing the King's original letters to that end, and an authentic witness, who was yet living: whose testimony they received, but all making for Perez, they suppressed his deposition, and the King's billet, and did not produce it. Perez finding by all these violences and outrages, that they would draw his life into question, 
Peres escapes out of prison, and flies into Arragon.  he found no better means, then to seek how he might escape out of prison in Castille: as he did by the assistance of his wife, and of Giles de Mefa, a Gentleman of Arragon, his kinsman, in the night, the Thursday before Easter: running thirty leagues post, without any rest, until he came into Arragon: for the which his wife and children smarted, for they were cast into prison, with a friend of Perez, which cruelty was intolerable before God, as in such events, whereas wise men are dumb, God makes fools to speak, and to tell Kings and Princes the truth, to their confusion. For Thio Martino the king's fool, & a natural, hearing that the chief in Court reioyeed that Perez had so escaped, ask the King what that Perez was, for whom every man did so much rejoice? Surely said he, he was not guilty, had therefore Sir, be thou also glad. These words by a fool were observed by the wisest. It seemed that imprisonment of Perez wife and children, proceeded from hatred, or to stop their just complaints, or else that the Confessor sought to be revenged of them, for that the said Lady had once charged him that instead of a Confessor, he was a Sovereign judge, teaching him what was written of the poor widow in the holy Scripture. And also for that which Do●●a Gregoria Perez their daughter, after a long pursuit, spoke with great courage and grief of heart, unto the Precedent Rodrigo Vasques, that she was come with her young Brethren and Sisters, to the end that without making them to languish any longer in misery, he should make haste to suck up their blood, and that they were come to that end, desiring rather to die at once, than they should thus suck their bloods by degrees. Wherewith the Precedent was no less terrified, than the Confessor was at the Mother's words. Perez having recovered Arragon with great difficulty, being much broken with the Rack, and his long and miserable imprisonment, he stayed some time at Calatajub, where he retired himself into a Monastery. There were private letters sent to a Knight of that town, without any Act, or sufficient warrant, to draw him from thence: the which not able to effect, being hindered by the religious men of that Convent, he gave him a Monks Sell for his prison. Perez did write from this place unto the King, but all was in vain; for upon new complaints and accusations, he was drawn out of this Convent by the King's express commandment (not without some mutiny of the townsmen) and lead to Saragoça, from whence he did importune the King with new letters, sending a religious man expressly, with good instructions of all matters. This religious man spoke unto the King, who gave him good words: but he was not welcome to the revered father the King's Confessor. But nothing could help him, to stay these pursuits begun: or else God would have the truth known to all the world, the which some private men's malice sought to suppress.  
Perez seeing that he prevailed nothing, he had recourse to his papers, letters, and instructions, as well from the King, as from some others, which had been kept safe by his wives industry: whereof he made a collection, decifering the whole estate of his business, and made a Book, the which he presented unto the justice: whereby his adversaries seeing themselves confounded, and that he should be absolutely discharged, they invented an other means to entrap him: which was that the King reserving all his rights, should desist from this action against Perez; and that they would charge him to have ill acquitted his duty to his Prince. Although that this separation of the cause was repugnant to the customs of Arragon, and that the King might not do it: yet they gave it forth that they had instructions, impugning them of Perez, the which was alleged wholly against the King's authority, to the blemish of his reputation, and contempt of his writing, the which Perez, neither in prison, nor out, for the only respect he bore unto the King, would ever show, but only at this last charge, where he was forced to make use of them, lest he should fall into the like inconvenience that Piso had done, who would not justify himself of Germanicus death, by the writings of Tiberius Caesar, who had commanded him: Perez discharge being the more receivable, for that he did make every man know by lively reasons, what had moved the King to do it. Perez enemies seeing there was no advantage to be gotten of him before the Sovereign judge, they drew him to the seat of the Inquests of Arragon, where as the King is both judge and party. There he was examined upon the old Artlcles, the fift day after the separation, and also upon two new points: by the which in their Interrogatories they did object against him, that when as he heard the French King did prosper, he rejoiced, and contrariwise he was sad, when as he heard of the King of Spain's good success. Moreover that he had a desire to retire himself into Berne, or into Holland and Zealand. To whom he answered, that they ought not to search into the secret Cabinet of God, who alone knows the hearts of men, protesting of the force and violence they offered him, to the prejudice of the King's service: Offering yet to produce more Instructions before any third person, whom it should please the King to name, and especially before the Archbishop of Saragoça: But this offer was not allowed, nay not any one durst deal in his business, no not his own Advocate, hearing the threats of the Marquis of Almenare, who had corrupted some witnesses upon Perez retreat into Holland.  
Yet this Inquest could not work out any thing to prejudice Perez: then his adversaries took a new resolution, to deliver him over to the Inquisition, upon those witnesses which had been suborned by the Marquis of Almenare, touching his te●eate into Holland, accusing him also of Enchantment. This forged Act of the Marquis, was censured throughout the realm, and every man would take knowledge thereof, who found it to be such, as it was nothing prejudicial to Peres: yea the Salmedine of Saragossa (which is the supreme Magistrate of the town) was afterwards committed to prison, for that he had received the depositions of these false witnesses: whereby all the people and Estates of Arragon, did see with what passion and spleen they did proceed against Peres: 
Peres put into the Inquisition.  and would have them judge definitively, whether he were guilty or not, the which if they refused to do, than said they, Peres cause was good. Notwithstanding the Officers of the Inquisition, (contrary to the privileges of the manifestation, and other rights of the realm) came upon the five and twenty of May, that year 1591. and took him out of the prison, leading him to the Inquisition; but within four hours after, the Inquisitors were forced through a mutiny of the people, to deliver him back to his first prison of the manifestation: the tumult was very great, with the effusion of some blood, and the burning of houses: yea the Marquis of Almenare, for that he had done against their privileges, 
An. 1591.  was committed to prison, having a thousand injurious speeches given him by the women and children, 
Arragon.  and being out-raged and beaten by the scum of the people: whereof fifteen days after, (having in his extremity freed Peres) he died in prison. Peres enemies being not yet sufficiently taught, by this third bloody and horrible error, they persisted in their obstinacy to have him in the Inquisition: whereupon thirteen Lawyers of the realm, were appointed to judge, whether Peres cause deserved to be sent thither, or not. At the first they ordained, that it was against all right to deliver him to the Inquisition: But afterwards by the soliciting of john Lewis Murano, who had won most of them with presents, they gave an other sentence, contrary to their first, directly impugning the privileges, examples, concordants and declarations of the realm, which disannul the Edicts of Confiscation, proceeding from the Inquisition. Yet his adversaries would proceed, and the rather, for that the King had commanded the Governor of Arragon, to keep Peres in perpetual prison: or at the least that he might never go out of the realm of Arragon: wherein the deputies, to obey the King, agreed most together. The people notwithstanding were resolute, seeing the wrong and violence they not only did to Peres, but also to his wife and small children, yea to religious men that were his solicitors: the which all the world detested: and in like manner to his revenues, so as in prison he lived only of alms, the which were grudged him, besides the wrong which was done unto his movables, basely sold at an outcry, yea the shirts and smocks of his little Infants borne in the prison, with the thimble and needle wherewith Donna Gregoria his eldest daughter did sow; besides many other great indignities, which were done to him, his wife and children, whereof the people had great pity; concluding thereby, that whatsoever he endured, proceeded only from revenge, hatred and spleen, and that he was not culpable.  
His pursuing enemies knowing well, and having found it by experience, how the people stood affected to their privileges, and to Peres, durst not attempt to put him again into the Inquisition (which should have been done on the twentieth of August) without force: and therefore they gathered together a good number of the King's soldiers, with many Noblemen and Knights of the viceroys house (which had never been seen before) the which troubled both the City of Saragosça, and the whole realm, for that it was directly against their privileges: but all turned for this time into smoke, they not daring to effect any thing. Not content herewith, they made better provision of men on the 24. of September following, having raised 2000 men to take Peres, being assisted by the Officers, Noblemen and Knights. On the day appointed, the Governor called his soldiers together before the break of day, and put them into battle: and to strike terror into the Burgesses, he caused them to give a charge of shot, where there was a young child slain, and some hurt by the Governors own hand. At the hour of Council, the Inquisitors arrived, who demanded to have the persons of Peres and of john Francisco Maiorini delivered into their hands. Upon which demand (notwithstanding, a petition presented at the same time, by some good Countrymen) they obtained, Fiat. Whereupon many Noblemen and officers went to the prison to receive him. Whether being come, a Lieutenant called Micer Claveria, with the Officers of the Inquisition, being accompanied by some soldiers, leading with them two Notaries, the better to qualify their exploit, they entered into the prison, and caused Peres to come down, where having observed the ceremonies of his evocation, they demanded to have him for some points concerning religion, and the faith. Peres seeing this, and standing upon his right and the privileges of the realm, nothing would prevail, but they put Irons upon both his legs, and prepared to lead them away. Whilst that the Viceroy, or Governor, the Sovereign judge, the great Noblemen, Earls and Knights of this company, were in Arms in houses near unto the prison: at the same instant the people came running in great troops, 
Tumult in Saragossa for Peres.  crying, Liberty, liberty, (the which in the like case upon the breach of their privileges, is lawful.) At the first they were but a multitude of labourers, and the scum of the people (whereof few were armed) which fell upon them that were upon the place of justice. The rest of the people seeing that they had no leader, and that it was not only for Peres, but also for their liberties, that made them to stir, they went and entreated Giles de Meza to be their head, who having taken upon him this charge, with those men he had, and such as came scattering unto him, he charged the horsemen, and the rest of the governors soldiers, whom he presently put to flight, who were also set upon by two hundred children, armed according to their ages and strength, and a poor natural fool, who played his part with stones. Finally, their fury was so great, as they flew the Coach Moils, and burned the Coaches, which should have carried Peres and his companion into Castille, they also set fire of the house whereas the Viceroy and other Noblemen had saved themselves, There were slain in this tumult the said john Lewis Murano, and Pedro jeronimo of Baradix, one of the chief Councillors of the town.  
This Combat, happened for their liberties, was done with such zeal and heat, as a very old man would have exposed six or seven of his sons to sacrifice themselves for this cause, commanding them to arm, and rather to die: and a Gentlewoman of a good family, sent her Nephew and only heir. The fury being passed by the death of fifty or sixty persons, and above a hundred and fifty hurt; the people returned to the prison, with an intent to have Peres. The Officers of the Inquisition, seeing in what danger they were, took off his fetters, and by their masters commandment, entreated him to go out of prison, fearing to be slain there. Peres demanded an Act, but for that by reason of the confusion he could not have it, he went forth, to the great joy and content of all the people: who conducted him to the house of Don Diego of Eredia. This done, they went to retire john Francisco Maiorini, setting all the other prisoners at liberty. The same night Peres went out of Saragoça, with Giles de Meza, remaining three days upon a Mountain, during the which he understood that the Governor caused him to be pursued, whereupon he returned back into the town, where he lay hid forty days, to understand what would become of this business: which was that they prepared an Army in Castille, to come towards Saragoça, and yet the Viceroy gave out a brute of an Accord, which was but to understand where Peres remained: as appeared by the letters of an Inquisitor, who had feed men to that end, hoping by such a service to get an archbishopric: By reason whereof Peres retired the day before that Don Alonso de Vergas entered with his Army into Saragoça, hiding himself among the rocks, until in the end he came to Sala, where he rested himself some days, until that hearing of the new and intolerable Accord, he sent giles de Maza unto the Lady Catherine Princess of Navarre, 
Peres escape● out of Arragon and comes to Paris.  the French Kings only sister, entreating her to receive them under her protection and safeguard. And having certain intelligence that they pursued him, and sought him in all places, he went by night from Sala and came to Pao, 
Action of Arragon.  where he found Giles de Meza, with an answer from the Princess, which was that he might come boldly, where he should find all freedom, going, coming, or staying, with liberty of his religion, yea she sent some horses to fetch him unto her. Where being arrived, and having saluted the Princess, she gave him as good a reception as he could expect of such a Lady.  
Perez being thus under the protection of this Princess, the greediness of the Spaniard to shed his blood, did hunt after his death, offering new Accords, to entertain him near unto them, until they might find some means to effect their designs, to which end they bargained with diverse persons for his life. Being at Pao, there was a very good agreement offered him by Don Martin de la Nuca, in the behalf of the Viceroy, of Don Alonso de Vergas, and of the Inquisitors, but he durst not trust them. Many letters have discovered the treasons and practices to murder Perez, and the names of the under-takers: among others, of one Bastamantes his own kinsman: of another Arragonois furnished with poison, and letters from the Viceroy, found about him, who being discovered, he was condemned to die, but at the request of Perez, the Princess pardoned him: then there was another of Navarre hired to that end, who discovered himself to john Francisco Maiorini: to whom in the King of Spain's name, he promised pardon and great rewards: But going about to persuade him by his reasons, that in executing the Kings will to murder or poison Perez, was no treason. john Francisco having discovered the ground of his speech, he revealed him, and the Navarrois was banished. They would also have suborned a natural Fool to murder him, but he was wiser than they that sought to corrupt him.  
All these practices and attempts were the cause that Perez retired into England, considering that in France he should never be safe from such practisers against his life: Notwithstanding that he was comprehended in the letters of Pardon granted to them that had offended the King of Spain, which were afterwards dispersed throughout the world. Whereunto he would not trust, taking example by Don Bernardo de Cabrera, the King's Secretary, who seeing how he was envied, retired from Court, and became a Priest, yet the King called him back again, being loath to lose such a servant: being returned, their envy increased, and he was so violently pursued, as Don Pedro of Arragon caused him to lose his head like a traitor: and yet afterwards, this Don Pedro dying, he declared him an Innocent, and to have been faithful: saying, that he had been abused by his household servants, who hated Cabrera, commanding that all his lands and goods should be restored to his Nephew, which had been confiscated: In the mean time the Innocent man was dead, and had suffered wrongfully.  
The like was seen at brussels, in the Council of the troubles, who put to death during their greatest executions, a poor innocent man that was a prisoner, who had never been called, heard, nor examined, so as some three or four months after his death, when they came to call him to be examined, they found that he had been executed, without any arraignment, or sentence given. Wherewith some of the Councillors that were borne in the country, being troubled in conscience, the Councillor Vergas a Spaniard, said unto them: Trouble not yourselves, it imports not, if he be dead an Innocent, his soul is the more happy, and his body is freed from all miseries.  
But returning to that which followed in the town of Saragoça, after the departure of Perez. The King of Spain, to be revenged for this tumult, gathered an army together upon the frontiers of Castille, giving it out that it was to be sent into France, to secure the League, of the which Don Alonso de Vergas was General, who hearing that Perez was escaped, fell with all his troops upon the realm of Arragon, to punish them of Saragoça. There was a petition presented against him and his army, by the whole body of the realm of Arragon, to the end that the justice Maior, according to their ancient privileges, should take arms, to repulse the attempts of Don Alonso. According to the which, by a decree of seventeen, the justice with the whole realm, fell to Arms, distributed the Offices of war, levied men, and brought Saint George's Standard to field (an usual thing in such cases) and so marched in good order out of Saragoça, but with bad success: for that the Captains (traitors to their Country) basely fearing the forces of Don Alonso, retiring themselves, abandoned their companies, so as the army of Arragon came to nothing, every one slipping away, through the treachery of a Master Inquisitor, who advertised the King how many men there were, who were their Commanders and Captains, with their names and surnames, and the means how to defeat them.  
To understand the reasons of the Arragonois, to the end it may not be held a rebellion, lightly undertaken without cause, or an alteration without ground. It shall be good for the better knowledge of the matter, to relate briefly, the estate, condition, and beginning of the realm of Arragon.  
Since the general loss of Spain, which happened under King Roderigo, by the means of Cont julian, for that he had deflowered his daughter Caba. The Moors or Saracens held Spain long, without either King or Lord. In the end the realm of Arragon freed itself from the power of the Moors, and the Arragonois made themselves their own Masters and Lords, not acknowledging any particular Prince, and without any Sovereignty but their own. So as being weary of their rest and liberty, they required (as the children of Israel did sometimes to Samuel) to have a King, and therein they demanded the Pope's advice: who answered them as Samuel had done the Israelits. But seeing they desired to have a King, he did wish them to prescribe him laws and conditions, and over him a Sovereign judge, with assistants, to bridle his ambition. The Arragonois gave credit to this Council, and before they would choose them a King, they erected the dignity and pre-eminence of El justicia of Arragon, which is a Sovereign judge above the King, with seventeen Assistants. And they made a law which was called the Law of manifestation, for the preservation of the Vassals right, against the outrages and oppressions of the mighty, be he King, Prince, or other judge. Which law, with other Statutes and Ordonances, together with their Privileges, are to be seen Printed, under the King's royal authority, and have continued many hundred years, to the honour and reputation of their Kings, and especially of Don Ferdinand of Arragon, surnamed the Catholic, who would not give ear (being come to the crown of Castille, by D. Isabel his wife) to the bad council which the Spaniards gave him, tending to the abolishing of the said privileges, saying: So long as the two balances of the King and realm, shall be in a just Counterpeses, 
Saying of Don Ferdinand King of Arragon.  the king and realm shall continue and flourish together, but if one of the Scales seek to weigh down the other, the one or the other will fall to ruin, or it may be both together. Moreover the Arragonois made a law of union, consisting in two points worthy the knowledge, for the cleared of this present discourse. The one is, that whensoever the king shall break their laws, they may choose an other. For you must understand that they do not swear unto their Kings, but conditionally in these terms. Nes que valemos tanto come vos, ' y vos tanto come nos, oz hazemo nuestro Rey y Sennor contal, que nos gardeys nuestros fueros, y libertades, sy no, no. And he must humble himself upon his knee, bareheaded, before the Sovereign judge, which is El justicia, and swear first, and then the Arragonois after him. 
Manner of the King of Arragon's oath.  The second point of this union is, that the Princes and Noblemen of the realm, may make leagues and confederations against their King in case of oppression, or of breach of their privileges. And upon these conditions they did choose their first King, who was a Knight of Arragon, called Garci Ximenes, and after him three or four: But this election continued not long: for the King D. Pedro, called with the Poignard, desiring to make the realm succesive and hereditary, insisted in an assembly of the Estates, to disannul this law of election; the which in the end was granted, by the four members of the realm, reserving all their other rights and privileges but that: the which he did willingly accept, and after this Accord made (holding the Charter of this Election in his hand) he drew out his Poniard and cut it in pieces, saying these words. Que tall suero y fuero dy poder eligir Rey los vassallos, sangre de Rey avia de costar, and withal stabbed himself through the hand: from which time the King was called Don Pedro with the Poniard: as his effigy is to be seen at this day, in the royal hall of the deputation in the town of Saragoça, whereas all the Kings his successors are, unto Philip the second last deceased. By virtue of the law of union, and of their privileges, the Arragonnois took Armes this year 1592. proceeding thus justly in their business, the chief justice causing the sentence to be insinuated to Don Alonso de Vargas, by two Notaries and two Ushers: who having made their insinuation unto him, upon the penalty of body and goods, they returned freely to Saragoça. Of which their proceeding may appear by the Commission given to Don john de la Nuca chosen General of the army, signed by El justicia, by the Abbot of Piedra, Lewis Navarre, John Lewis of Marcuello. Don john de Luna, jeronimo de Oro, and others, and the Realm. Wherefore all things being thus ordered according unto law, and past by the justice, and Sovereignty, the Preachers in their Pulpits, and the Priests in their Confessions exhorted the people to do it: yea a Secretary of the Inquisition signed the resolution of the realm, as well grounded. The Army of Arragon being thus dispersed, and come to nothing, as we have said, before that Don Alonso entered into Saragoça, the King wrote goodly letters to diverse of the chief Noblemen of the Realm, as Don Alonso did in like manner, to give some colour to his bloody exploit, saying, that it was to go into France, and swearing that it was the least of his thoughts to do them any harm: yea that he was a better Arragonois then any one of them.  
Upon these letters he was suffered to enter freely with his army into Saragoça: having lodged his men, he began to imprison all men whom he pleased, Noblemen, Knights, Gentlemen, Lawyers, Merchants, and Bourgesses of all qualities: the Deputies of the Realm and the Clergy were least spared: there were also many Ladies, Gentlewomen, and other women prisoners, and Lieutenants of Sovereign justice, as Michael Claveria, and Micer Spinosa, whom they forced to renounce their Offices, substituting others, whom the King before for their offences had declared incapable, to the blemish of his authority, their election being against all right and law. They did also confiscate (contrary to the laws of Arragon) not only the goods of the husbands, but also of the wives of such as were absent. And above all the Sovereign judge of Arragon was taken, and within twenty hours lost his head, without any other sentence, but of a little scroll written with the King's hand, in these terms, Having read this, you shall presently apprehend Don John de la Nuca, chief justice of Arragon, and let me have news of his death, as soon as of his Imprisonment. The which was done, notwithstanding his appellations and Protestations, without the privity of any man, until he came unto the Scaffold to be executed, whereas many had gone before him, and many followed after. Thus the Realm of Arragon thinking to preserve their privileges and liberties, lost them, with the chief of the Nobility, and a great number of men of good quality.  
This year 1592. the King of Spain having put many to death at Saragoça, for that they had taken arms for the defence of their liberties, and burned Antonio Perez Image. The Estates of the Country having assembled at Tarracone, and given satisfaction unto the King, he was content to send a general pardon into the Province. Whereupon all Vargas Soldiers were drawn out of Saragoça, except some few that were left to guard the Inquisition. The Turk being in Arms, and threatening especially the house of Austria, the Catholic King grew jealous, that by this diversion he might be much troubled in his wars of Flanders, where as the unted Estates were very strong, being assisted from other Princes: he therefore sent Charles Cigala to Constantinople, under colour to visit his brother, but it was generally thought, that his going was to save his country from invasion, but Cigala could not obtain what he desired, for that the Turks landing diverse times, carried away many thousands of Christians, and committed great spoils upon the coasts of Calabria, and Apulia, coming near unto Naples, as also in Sicily.  
News being come into Spain, 
Count Fuentes sent into the Low countries.  that the Duke of Parma was returned very sick from the Spawe, and that the Physicians despaired of his life: the Cont of Fuentes was presently sent into the Low Countries, with Commission to command the army after his death, (the which some imputed to the Spaniards) whither he went in post, but the Duke of Parma died before his arrival in Arras, and was much lamented.  
This year there being a Commission granted by the Queen of England to Sir Walter Raleigh, for an expelition to the west Indies: he armed fourteen or fifteen good ships of war, whereof two were the Queens, and being accompanied by a troup of resolute Gentlemen, he began to be ready to go from the West Countries, but he was so long stayed there by contrary winds, as the fittest season for Sailing was past, his people's minds began to alter, and his victuals consumed. Whereupon the Queen called home Sir Walter Raleigh in may, commanding him to give over his intended voyage, and to leave his charge to Sir john Bourrough, and Sir Martin Frobisher: but he finding his honour engaged, would not leave the fleet being now under sail, but being taken with a strange tempest on the 11. of May, and in danger to be swallowed up in the sea, he resolved to return, and to leave the charge to the abovenamed, giving them directions to divide their fleet in two, one to lie upon the South Cape of Spain, and the other to attend at the islands, which made the Admiral of Spain to stay upon that coast, and to neglect the wafting of the Caracks. Sir john Bourrough sailing towards the Açores, 
Carrake called Santa Cruz set on fire.  he discovered a Carack called Santa Cruz, coming from the East Indies, which getting near the land, the portugals carried what goods they could out of her, and set fire of the ship. There they understood by certain prisoners, of three other Carracks that were coming from the Indies, which Sir john, with his consorts, resolved to attend. After six weeks patience, they discovered a huge Carrack called Madre de Dios, 
Carack called Mombre de Dios, taken by the English.  one of the greatest belonging to the Crown of Portugal, which after a long and furious fight, was in the end boarded by the English; they found the hatches strewed with dead carcases, and with wounded men languishing. Don Fernando de Mendoça was commander of this Carrack, whom Sir john Bourrough; of an honourable disposition and pitying his estate, sent away freely with most of his followers to his Country. This Carrack was esteemed to be of a thousand six hundred tuns, and did carry nine hundred tuns in bulk of Merchandise, there were in her six or seven hundred persons: her chief commodities, besides jewels, were Spices, Drugs, silks, China silks, Calicoes, with Pearl, Musk, Cyvet and Amber gris, with diverse other commodities, the which at reasonable rates was valued at an hundredth and fifty thousand pounds' starling. The loss of these two Caracks brought D. Alphonso de Baçan, General with the Spanish fleet, in disgrace with the King, who imputed it to his negligence.  
In the year 1593. the King of Spain sent the Duke of Feria into France, 
1593.  to offer all his forces to favour the League, 
Duke of Feria sent to the league in France.  and the election of a new King, being assembled together at Paris to that end, where it being propounded, who should be ealed to the Crown, the Duke of Feria did insist for the eldest daughter of Spain, who he said had most right, the realm falling to the Masculine line of Capet, the which he maintained for many defects might not pretend, so as the Infanta coming of the sister, who was elder than Henry the third, she should also be preferred to the Crown, and the rather for that she should be married to some Prince in France, so as it should not pass to a stranger, but this Prince should be chosen by the King of Spain. This proposition was distasteful to most of the assembly, who said that it was against their Salic law.  
King Philip having conquered Portugal, which he pretended to be due unto him in the right of his mother, and expelled Don Anthonio, who was held base, he gave the government thereof to Cardinal Albertus of Austria, younger son to the Emperor Maximilian the second, a Prince endowed with many great virtues, and therefore very acceptable to the Protugalls. In which government he did so carry himself, as he gave great satisfaction both to the King and his subjects. Philip being now grown old, and unfit for the government of his realms, his son Philip being yet too young, he called the Archduke Albert out of Portugal into Spain, who came unto the King on the eleventh day of September, he being at the Monastery of Saint Laurence (commonly called Escurial) where he gave him an honourable reception. The King calling Albert unto him, let him understand with what cares and toil he had for so many years governed his hereditary kingdoms, and states, but being now broken with age, he was no more fit for command: having hitherto by all means sought to procure the peace and quiet of his subjects, but he had been interrupted by the practices of some turbulent men, so as he could not maintain peace in all his Provinces. He was therefore grieved that he could not deliver unto his son a quiet estate, and the rather for that his son being young of years, was not yet fit to govern kingdoms, that his cousin's wisdom and integrity had been tried unto him, the which he had hitherto used among the Portugals, knowing it to be such, as he durst safely commit the government of all his other realms to his faith.  
Having now resolved (after so many labours past, for the glory of God, and the quiet of his subjects) to give over the government, and to spend the remainder of his days in contemplation, giving God thanks for the prosperous course of his life, and the happiness of his Estates, retiring himself into some Religious place, and there pray continually for his soul's health: And to resign up the government of his Realms to Philippe his son, and to Albert his cousin, that with their joint Counsels and cares they might govern his subjects, until his son grew to more years, and were capable of the sole command. That he would also add unto their Counsels five of the chief Noblemen of the Kingdom, Spaniard's borne, whose council, help, and authority, if need were, they should use, but I do not find that this resolution took effect.  
Muley Mahomet sometimes King of Fez and Marrock, 
Muley Zecq becomes a Christian.  was expelled by his uncle Muley Moluc, who imploring aid from Sebastian King of Portugal, they both died in battle, as you have heard. Mahomet had a son called Muley Xecq, who had been given in hostage with some Noblemen to Sebastan, who sent him to Mazagon. After the battle he was conveyed with his company into Spain, where he was brought up under the protection of King Philippe, and this year being instructed in the Christian Religion, he became a Christian, and was Christened in that famous Monastery of Saint Laurence (called Escurial) with his couzin and other Courtiers, all making profession of the Gospel.  
The Turk this year made all Italy to tremble, 
1594.  for that Cigala being come forth with an hundred and threescore Galleys and other vessels, it seemed at the first, that he had a desseyne to enter into the gulf, but finding the Venetians to make great preparation, they fell upon the coast of Calabria, where they did much harm until the coming of Prince Doria into those Seas, 
Turks invade Italy.  who seeing the Turk gone retired himself, but the Turks having fortified their Fleet with more Galleys, returned again and threatened Italy: Whereuppou Carlo Spinelli, by commandment from the Viceroy of Naples, caused the City of Rhegium to be abandoned with some others upon that coast.  
Cigala coming to Rhegium, and finding their goods carried to some safer place, ●ee burned it in disdain, and threatened to pass farther into the country. The misery which the poor people endured, and the cruelty which those Barbarians used was exceeding great, the spoils they made were valued at many hundred thousand crowns: And for that the King of Spain had need (if he would defend his own Estates, and the honour of the holy Church from the Arms of Infidels) of great sums of gold, he made request unto the Pope, that the Cardinal and Archbishop of Toledo being dead in Spain, and having left a million of crowns to be employed in godly uses, he would make declaration that the said sum might be employed in those godly and important wars, wherein the Pope took deliberation, and did soon after satisfy the King, 
Albert of Austria Archbishop of Toledo.  confirming the Cardinal Albert of Austria in the succession of the said Archbishopric, having been named by his Majesty. But to treat more strictly with him of many affairs importing Christendom, he sent john Francisco Ald●brandini Ambassador into Spain, who was received there with royal magnificence and great shows of honour and love.  
In the beginning of this year 1595. 
1595.  the war began to grow hot in the Franche Conty of Bourgundy, betwizt the French and the Spaniard, whether the King of Spain resolved to send the Constable of Castille, 
Constable of Castille sent unto the Fr●nch Court.  who was Governor of the Duchy of Milan, with 4500. soldiers of the Realm of Naples, and he gave commission to Fernando de Toledo, Lodowicke Melzi, to Alexander Carraciola, and to Alexander Gonzaga, either of them to raise a troop of horse, and that they should levy a thousand foot in that estate, 
Protestation of the Spanish Ambassador at the absolution of the French King.  and three thousand in the Duchy of Urbin.  
The French King having left the religion wherein he had been bred, and fallen to the Romish Church, was after great suit and instance, absolved by the Pope with the accustomed ceremonies. Before the doing whereof, the King of Spain's Ambassador made a protestation in the King his Master's name, that whatsoever the Pope intended for to do in the said businesses, should not any way prejudice his Master's rights to the Realm of Navarre, nor to the Duchy of Bourgondy, nor yet to the great treasure he had disbursed at the request of the Catholics of France, whereof he meant to be repaid, and that he would not desist from arms, until that Realm had satisfied him: which protestation being accepted by the Pope, the said ambassadors Secretary caused a public instrument to be made with licence from his Holiness. 
Death of D. Antonio king of Portugal.  And this year died D. Antonio of Portugal at Paris, which news were very joyful to the king of Spain, being freed from the apprehensions of daily troubles in that realm, by means of his pretensions.  
The Archduke Ernestus of Austria being Governor in Flanders for the king of Spain, the earl of Fuentes commanded the army by provision until the coming of a new governor, the king resolving to send the Cardinal Albertus to succeed his brother: upon whose dispatch (whether it proceeded from the kings own disposition, or a desire in him to make himself the more acceptable to the people of those Provinces, at his first coming) there were many Ships of the East Countries, and the Netherlands, (which had been stayed in Spain, to serve as men of war, and to waft home the Indian fleets) discharged in divers Havens and Ports: 
Ships of the united Provinces, discharged in Spain.  And at Sevill the Duke of Medina Sidonia, told the Merchants and Masters of ships, that it was the king's pleasure and command, being moved there unto by the Cardinal of Austria, and that from thenceforth their ships should have free passage into Spain, and have passports to go and come if they would demand it, hoping they would in time acknowledge the kings gracious favours, and submit themselves unto their natural Prince: And the better to persuade the united Provinces of the king's love and favour towards them, he set Philip of Nassau, Prince of Orange, and Earl of Buren, at liberty, having been long restrained in Spain, which was thought to be done at the instance of the Prince of Spain, and of the Archduke, to the end he might have him with him into the Low-Countries.  
Experience hath often taught that arms are more fortunate, 
French king proclaims war against the king of Spain.  and produce greater effects in an enemy's Country, than at home, and that there is no such triumph as that which is fetched far off. The French held that all their combustions had been forged in Spain, that the jesuits had been the chief workmen: The attempts against the French kings person, by john castle who had hurt him in the face, and other their disciples, did verify this opinion; Besides the French king, had by his letters given the Estates of Arthois and Henaut to understand, that if they did not desist from relieving his rebellious Leaguers, upon the frontiers of Picardy, he was resolved to make war against them, prefixing them a certain time, to give him answer, which they neglected: whereupon the French king grounding the necessity of his arms, upon these considerations, he made a declaration at Paris, in january this year, by the which, for certain reasons therein contained, he denounced war against the king of Spain and all the low-country Provinces under his obedience, as his enemies, causing it to be proclaimed in all the frontier Towns of his Realm.  
After the publication hereof, there was the like proclamation made at Brussels, 
King of Spain proclaims war against the French.  in the name of the king of Spain, against the French king (whom he termed Prince of Bearne) and against all the French that held his party: the Leaguers were excepted, whom he called the good confederate French Catholics, and he promised to aid and assist them with all the means which God had given him, promising the like to all the French, of what quality soever, that should within two months after that proclamation forsake him, and give good testimony that they are no enemies to the Romish, Catholic, and apostolic Religion, nor to the king of Spain. This Edict was made in March, and proclaimed in all the Low Country towns under the king's obedience.  
In the year one thousand five hundred ninety and six, 
1596  the king of Spain made an edict, 
King of Spain breaks with the Merchants,  complaining that the revenues of his crown and the treasure which came yearly from the Indies, were consumed by reason of his great charges, for the defence of his Estates, and of all Christendom, imputing the cause to the great interest which he paid for the exchange of money, and upon other contracts made with the Merchants in his Majesty's name, so as in a manner all his receipts and revenues were engaged to others, being without any treasure to supply his wants, for that the Bankers (who had been accustomed to furnish him by exchange) made now some difficulty to deal any farther, having in a manner all the revenues of his Crown in their possession: for the preventing of which inconvenience, he found no better means than to repair the treasure, and to free it from the wrongs it hath suffered by interests, which he hath allowed in his contraction, to avoid greater danger which might grow by the want of means, to supply the necessities of the war, the which his meaning was to prevent by these means, being impossible to use any other upon those occasions: wherefore (to cut off the said interests) his meaning was to resume unto himself all the assignments which he had given unto any Merchants and Bankers, for what sums or contracts soever, which have been made by his commandment, since the decree made by him the first of September, one thousand five hundred seventy and five, and the fift of December one thousand five hundred seventy and seven, unto the twentieth of November this year one thousand five hundred ninety and six, which assignations he suspended, so as the Merchants might not receive them, but the revenues should be brought into his Coffers, and all contracts for interest should cease; Confirming whatsoever had been concluded by his royal Council in this behalf, as done by his express commandment.  
This Edict being published, 
Merchants break by reason of the Edict  it bred a strange alteration among the Merchants in Spain, Italy, and the Low-Countries. The Cardinal Albertus having taken up money at Andwerp for the payment of the army, and sent his bills of exchange into Spain, they were not accepted, but sent back again and protested, which was a blemish to his credit, and made many merchants to break, imputing the cause unto the Edict.  
The corruption of titles being brought out of Spain into Italy, 
Titles forbidden in Italy.  men honouring one another in their speaking and writing with affected courtesies in such sort, as they found not titles sufficient to satisfy their arrogant ambition, so as to term mean men, most worthy or excellent (which was due to Sovereign Princes) they held it no flattery, the which was grown so familiar among all sorts of people, as even base and obscure men did arrogate it: the king having made a provision in Spain some years before for this abuse, this year Henry de Guzman Earl of Olivares, being Viceroy of Naples, did set down an order for that realm, the which was in some sort observed in the Duchy of Milan; ordaining that in their letters there should be no title of courtesy given to any but only the dignity which he held, as to the Duke, Prince, marquess, Earl or Doctor, such a one, taking away all superfluity or suspicion of Flattery, as well within as without the said letters: the which was rigorously observed in the Realm of Naples. But the Court of Rome and the Clergy men, disliking to receive a law from any other than from the Pope, would not suffer it to be observed.  
The King of Spain being desirous to be revenged of the spoils which the English made daily, as well in Spain as in his other dominions, gathered all his sea-forces together, in the beginning of this year one thousand five hundred ninety and six, appointing the Rendezvous to be at Sevill, 
Inundation of the river of Guadalquibir.  but this sudden preparation was disturbed by divers accidents. The first was the strange swelling and overflowing of the River of Guadalquibir, to the great spoil of the neighbour Country, for passing over her banks, there were many persons drowned, with much cattle, and very many buildings overthrown, but the greatest loss was at Sevill, in which port there lying many Ships of the Fleet, they were stayed long from making of their preparations. And in the mean time, whilst they proceeded slowly in this action, according to the custom of that nation, who persuade themselves to do great matters with fame only, and repose the chief of their most important enterprises, in tiring the enemy, and consuming him at leisure, the English army appeared upon their coast, as you shall ●eare.  
The charge of the English fleet and army was given to the Lord Charles Howard, high Admiral of England (who at his return from that service, 
Army of English for Spain.  was by the Queen's Majesty made Earl of Nottingham) and to the Earl of Essex, being joined together in Commission. Being upon their going from the coast of England; they did publish in print in several languages, the true, just, and urgent reasons which had moved her Majesty to undertake the sending forth of so great an Navy, with a full declaration of her Majesty's pleasure, and so they set sail from Plymouth upon the third of june, this year, the whole English fleet consisting of some hundred ships of all sorts, the which was divided into four squadrons, of the which the Lord Admiral commanded the first, the Earl of Essex the second, the Lord Thomas Howard (now Earl of Suffolk) the third, and Sir Walter Raleigh the fourth.  
On the tenth of june this fleet got sight of Calais, or Cadiz, in Andalusia, but they kept not the order appointed for their coming in, by reason of the mistaking of their masters and their falling in the night with the West, sooner than they expected, which made them stand upon another board, and had somewhat disordered their fleet. The Lord Admiral (one of the Generals) was with the greatest part of the fleet ahead to the Windward of the other General the Earl of Essex and his Squadron, the wind being then at South; Sir Walter Raleigh was by reason of some chase in the night to Leeward, and a stern.  
The Spaniards which were to the number of fifty and seven sail, 
English fleet enters into Cadiz road.  rod under the Town of Calais and the Galleys being seventeen lay in the mouth of the Bay, to cover the ships and to attend the landing of the English: The Lord Admiral came to an anchor before the South-west point of the Island, called Saint Sebastian's, the Earl of Essex seeing the galleys row towards the landing place which he had chosen, bore with them until he made them leave their course, and then looft up, and came with his squadron to an other anchor by the Lord Admiral, which the rest of the fleet seeing, came all unto them, only the Lord Thomas Howard in the Sea-honor anchored between them and the shore. The Generals called a Council, where it was jointly agreed upon by them that their men should be landed, and the Town presently attempted on the West side, which was next to the anchoring, for which purpose the Earl of Essex Lord General, Sir Francis Vere Lord Martial, and sir Coniers Clifford Sergeant Maior, went to draw together as many soldiers and Gentlemen as their boats could well carry at once: which being done, and all their boats about the Lord Admiral's ship, sir Walter Raleigh (who was but then arrived in the Due Repulse) came and protested against their landing, holding the attempt to be dangerous, and the performance (as the wind blew and billow went) impossible, for indeed it was grown to a storm; whereupon it was resolved that the soldiers should be returned to their ships, and the Spanish fleet first assailed, according to sir Walter Rawleighs' advice.  
It was past noon before this later resolution was taken, and more than two hours after before the Soldiers could be carried back unto their Ships, some of their boats miscarrying before they could recover their ships: which being done, my Lord Thomas Howard weighed anchor first, to give the other ships scope to cast about; then the rest of their principal ships, as they could get leave of the smaller Vessels which rod close by them, who also put themselves under sail; but the wind was so strong, and in such a place, as most of their ships had been driven too far to leeward, if they had not come to anchor, which the chief leaders perceiving, they came to a road: Besides, the Sun being not very high, they thought that the bringing in of so grea● a fleet towards night, would so disorder them, as the attempt should be made to their great disadvantage. So as the first day there was nothing executed by reason of these accidents. Only, in the evening from the Bulwark called Saint Philip, from the Ships of war which lay at Anchor, and from the Galleys which did advance a little towards them, some few Canon shot were bestowed upon the Due Repulse, who answered them with the like, especially against the Galleys, when they approached, to make them know the English could entertain them, if they came on.  
That night the galleys coasting by the shore, betwixt S. Mary Port & Rotta, came to observe what order was kept by the rearward of the English fleet, but they were soon turned back. On Monday early in the morning, there was a Council held aboard, the Lord Admiral's Ship, where it was resolved to weigh anchor presently, and to assail the Spanish fleet, the which was accordingly performed, after this manner.  
The Lord Thomas Howard, and Sir Walter Raleigh (for so the General had appointed it) bore right in the midst of the Channel with the kings great ships which retired before them, scorning to bestow a shot on the galleys, which discharged their Canon as they passed by them. The Lord Martial being in the Rainbow, looft up the Galleys, which lay up with their sternes close under the Town, and kept their prows towards the Ships that should pass by them: The Rainbow was a good while in fight, before that any other ship came unto her, and was plied with shot both from the galleys and from the Town.  
The Earl seeing her so ouer-matcht, made haste unto her, and so making the enemy a fairer mark than the Rainbow (which was a far lesser ship) eased her of many blows. Some other ships shot, but farther off, and to less purpose. This encounter with the Galleys, was a very great advantage unto the enemy, they having so many to so few, for in effect these two ships above mentioned performed this whole service. Besides, there were two Bulwarks of the Town on their side: all which notwithstanding, the Galleys were forced to fly before them into the Bay, two only except, which Sir john Wingfield, coming then up in the Vanguard, did keep so in as they durst not look out.  
During the fight with the Galleys, the wind calmed, and the English fleet went slowly ahead, most of the Spanish ships never stayed until they came to Portreal which is the furthest part of the Bay, the ships moved themselves with their broad sides towards the English, that they might fight to their greater advantage. The English masters of ships were generally of opinion, that they could not go near without danger of running on ground; the which did much cross the forwardness of the chief Commanders of the sormost ships, led by the Lord Thomas Howard, and Sir Walter Raleigh, whose desire being to draw as near the enemy as they might, were notwithstanding enforced to come to anchor without the reach of Musket shot, and to attend the flo●d, where they fought with perpetual volleys of the Canon, from six in the morning to eleven of the clock: the ships that followed them nearest were commanded by Sir Francis Vere, Lord Martial, Sir George Carew, now Lord Carew, vice-admiral of Sir Walter Rawleighs' Squadron, and General of the artillery, by Sir Robert Dudley, Vice-admiral of the Lord Admiral's Squadron, by Sir Robert Southwell, vice-admiral of the Lord Thomas Squadron, by Sir Robert Cross, the Earl of Sussex being aboard him, and by Sir George G●fford. The Earl of Essex and the Lord Admiral came up an hour before the flood, having been all that morning sound battered by the forts of Cadiz: And for that the Ark drew too much water for the narrowness of the Channel, where those ships did ride, who also took up the whole breadth of the river, the Lord Admiral put himself into the Lord Thomas howard's ship.  
When the flood began to swell, 
Spanish ships run aground at Cadiz.  the Lord Thomas and Sir Walter Raleigh determined to lay the Armadas aboard with the Queen's ships, (for the hulks filled with Musketeers, which were promised, came not) but as soon as Soto the Spanish Admiral perceived that the said Leaders began to hoist their topsails, they presently cut their Cables by the half, and drove a shore, saving as many of themselves as they could carry at once in their boats; of the rest some were slain in the fury, and the rest taken to mercy.  
The Admiral of the Spaniards called the Philip, a goodly and a powerful ship, took fire before she could be entered, by an inch of a match fired, and laid in the mouth of a barrel of powder in her gunner room: But the Lord Thomas Howard and sir Walter Rawlegh saved the Matthew and Andrew, Vice-admiral and Rereadmirall of the Spanish fleet, the other ships were set on fire by certain Negroes, who leapt into the river and saved themselves by swimming.  
The Indian fleet of merchants being about 40 sail, were gotten up 4 English miles into the river; for the redemption of which the K. officers in Cadiz offered the English 600 thousand pounds sterling: The Earl of Essex was often priest to have them first taken and then sold, 
Spanish ships fired by themselves.  but he believed that such as offered the composition had meant bonafide to pay the money from which he could not be dissuaded, until he saw the ships all in a flame, which the duke of Medina Sydonia commanded to be done.  
The number of the Spanish Fleet was fifty seven ships, fourteen of the king's men of war, ●and three great Fly-boats which brought the Treasure from Portricco; the rest were Merchants, all fair ships, full of good ordnance, and richlyer laden than ever any Fleet was that went to the West Indies. Here also I should remember, that during the fight, the galleys and Fort of Pontall, played continually upon the English ships.  
The English having obtained this great victory by God's especial favour, the earl resolved to follow it with all possible expedition, and so immediately he dispatched the Sergeant Mayor to get as many Gentlemen and old soldiers into boats, 
English land at Cadiz.  as might well be landed at once, which being performed, his Lordship and the Lord Martial went to discover the landing, and finding it good, he put betwixt two and three thousand men on land, returning the boats to fetch my Lord Admiral with his seconds.  
These being put in battle, he commanded the Marshal to march directly with his regiment to the other side of the Island, which was half a mile from their landing, his Lordship with the rest that were on shore following him speedily. Being come to the Southside; the Earl divided his troops equally, sending the one half with Sir Coniers Clifford; sir Charles Blunt, and sir Thomas Gerrard, to break down a bridge called El Ponte del Suasso, at a straight, that keeps the passage from the main; marching himself with the other half towards the Town: the like directions he gave for the seconds, to be equally divided, and sent these two ways. When he came within half a mile of the Town, a cornet of horse, with some shot, made offer to skirmish, but they were soon put to flight: when they came within musket shot of the Town, there sallied forth great troops both horse and foot, under favour of their walls, with their Cornets and Ensigns, which the earl discovering from a little hill as they fell out of the town, he gave direction to the foremost of the troops being some thirty pikes, and as many shot, to run away as soon as the enemy offered to charge them; the which they did, giving the enemy courage to come farther on than they first intended, but the English charged them so fast, as they had scarce time to recover the Port and shut it.  
The Horsemen which sallied out of the ●owne, were called the Knights of shires: they could not get into the Town being so closely followed by the English foot; whereupon they forsook their horses, & leapt over the walls at the west corner, by which the English also entered. The English in pursuing the Spaniards stayed not until they came to the foot of their foremost rampar, and then the Earl divided his troops equally, consisting of twelve hundred men, keeping the one half with himself on the Southside of the Port, and sending the Marshal with the rest to the Northside. The Earl of Essex, on this side, with much ●doe found means for himself and some few others, to get up, where he saw on the one side a Parapet of stone almost inaccessible, for th●● neither the bulwark nor any part of the Courtine was finished. There the English did first beat the enemy from the Parapet, yet they lay open to another square bulwark of stone, which flanked them within a pikes length, but they did so beset the bulwark with shot, as the enemy did them little harm: Notwithstanding, considering that they must quit the place for that their men lay uncovered, the earl sought for an entrance, which being found, the leap down being a pikes length, 
Cadiz entered by the English.  he commanded one E●●●s which stood next him, being Lieutenant to the Earl of Sussex to enter, which after he and four or five other soldiers more had done, the like charge was given to Captain Pooley, who carried the General's red Ensign, whereupon sir Arthur Savage, Captain of the Earl's company, with divers▪ Gentlemen followers and servants to his Lordship, took the same course. In the mean time, whilst that thirty or forty were thus entered into the Town, the Lord Marshal who besides his own soldiers, had with him the general's guard of partisans, forced the Port, which his Lordship espying, being not ten paces from it, he presently turned from the leap, and entered that way, carrying with him all the chief Adventurers of the army, and worthy Sir john Wingfield (who before had slain a Commander of the enemies with his pike, and was cast behind) having a shot in the thigh, but having recovered one of the enemy's horses, he came up presently to second them, not staying for any dressing.  
From the entrance of the English into the Town, until they came unto the Market place, the enemy fought with them continually, and kept them play above half an hour before they could recover it, yet at the last having won the place from them, they notwithstanding so flanked it, and kept their houses (which were built like castles) as they slew many of the English, and among others that valiant gentleman Sir john Wingfield, who though unarmed, offered himself continually to all dangers, so as he was shot in the head from the castle which did continually play upon those that made good this market place.  
At length they got into the houses which annoyed them, and slew those they found in them: And as the Lord General before it was dark cleared all thereabouts, but the castle, or that which they call the upper Town, so the Lord Marshal cleared all the other side towards the water, and brought those that were in the Fort and Bulwark of Saint Philip, to sue for mercy: which done, the Generals entered the townhouse, whither all the chief citizens came to kiss their feet.  
The next morning, both the Castle and forts yielded to their mercy, without any other conditions. The poor and base sort were dismissed, and all women of quality whatsoever. The Corregidor delivered his sword unto the General, offering to be his prisoner, and to give for himself and some others of good place twelve thousand ducats: no man was slain upon cold blood: it was held there were about two thousand Spaniards slain in the fury of the fight.  
Besides the chief Commanders of the army, who had given many proofs of their valour and experience in martial affairs, there were many gallant gentlemen which served worthily in this action, whom in the end the General rewarded with the honour of knighthood. I may not forget to ●ake particular mention of Sir Samuel Bagnol who received eight wounds with the pike, and sword, whom the Lord General (meeting in the market place all bloody) knighted, to the encouragement of all others, before that either the castle was taken in, or the whole Town won.  
The town was very rich, and did much enrich the army, but the worthiest men got least, for they were fight, whilst the base sort intended nothing but pillage and spoil. There was good store of brass ordnance, and though no great, yet very happy store of powder; for the English having not above twelve hundred men, their powder was spent, and they were overlaied on all sides, with the number of the enemies shot, who hurt and slew their men from the houses: when they had made them quit the streets, they found by chance by the market place, such powder as they had brought for their own defence, and the supply of their men that should fight there, with the which they served their turns, till their succours were entered and the Town assured.  
The Provisions of Sea for the king's fleet, 
King of Spain's 〈◊〉 at Cadiz.  as masts, pikestaves, deale-boards, cask, and all kind of shot, cables, anchors, wine, oil, vinegar, rice, sugars, and such like things, were of great value, and will not be supplied by the king of Spain in many year's. And as for his loss in shipping, the king's Officers of his navy, who were then taken prisoners, did protest with sighs and tears, that nineteen of the ships which they had spoiled, with the S. Matthew and Saint Andrew, which they had taken, were able to beat the greatest part of ships that the king hath in all the world. So as laying together the ruining of the King's Fleet, the enjoying of some of his great ships of war, which before had never been done; the burning of the Indian fleet of Merchants, whose lading the prisoners confessed to have been worth eight Millions; the impeaching him to send that year to relieve his men at the West-Indies, and so by consequence to receive no treasure from thence the next year; the ●aking of the City, wherein were four thousand foot, and six hundred horse of the chief cavaliers of Andaluzia; the sacking of this place, from whence he is to set out all his fleets for the West Indies, and the spoil of all his provisions there: All this, I say, laid together, will prove one of the greatest blows that ever Spain received. Yet all this was done in one day, and without any great loss; for in the whole fleet there was not any man of note, but Sir john Wingfield, slain. At the assault and winning of the town many gentlemen were hurt, and some slain; and yet not many, considering the strength of the place, and the nature of the attempt.  
As soon as the English fleet was entered into the road, and that the Spaniards had discovered the Dutch squadron in the fight, immediately, both at Sevill, Saint Lucar, and some other places, they did not only arrest all such Dutch ships as dealt with them friendly by way of trade and merchandise, but did confiscate their goods, and did imprison the merchants and owners of the same, and, as it was reported, did entreat many of them very cruelly.  
The English being masters of the town of Cadiz, the two Generals had an especial care for the well-intreating of all religious persons, both men and women, whom they caused to be freely transported over to port Sancta Maria, without any ransom or other molestation; and, giving the bishop of Cusco free passage without ransom, they let him understand, That they came not to deal with Churchmen, or unarmed men, and men of peace, or with children; neither was it their intent to make this voyage for gold, silver, or any other riches: but that their only coming was to meet with their dishonourable practices, and many injuries, and to deal with men of war and valour, for the defence of the true honour of England; and to let them understand, that whensoever they attempted any base and dishonourable practice against their Sovereign Queen and Mistress, that it should be revenged.  
The day before the English departed from Cadiz, being the fift of julie, the city was burnt, the Ladies, Nuns, and other women and children, being safely sent to Saint Marieport, with their apparel and jewels, every man being forbidden to search them upon pain of death.  
I have thought good to annex unto the end of this relation, for a remembrance to posterity, the names of such as received the Order of Knighthood from the Generals, as a testimony of their well deserving in this worthy action.  

Sir Samuel ●●gnol.  
Sir Arthure ●●uage.  
The Earl of Sussex.  
The Lord Burke.  
Count Lodowick.  
Sir Willi●● Howard.  
Sir George De●ereux.  
Sir Henry Nevel.  
Sir Edwin Rich.  
Sir Richard leaven.  
Sir Peter Egomort.  
Sir Anthony Ashley.  
Sir Henry Leonard.  
Sir Richard Levison.  
Sir Horatia Vere.  
Sir Arth●re 〈◊〉▪  
Sir Miles Cor●et.  
Sir Edward Conway.  
Sir Oliver L●mbert.  
Sir Anthony Cook.  
Sir john Townsend.  
Sir Christopher Heydon. 
Names of such as were knighted at Cadiz.   
Sir Francis Popham.  
Sir Philip Wood●o●se.  
Sir Alexander Clifford.  
Sir M●●rice Barkley.  
Sir Charles Blunt.  
Sir George Gifford.  
Sir Robert Crosse.  
Sir james Ese●dam●●e.  
Sir 〈◊〉 Leigh.  
Sir john Leigh, alias Lee.  
Sir Richard Weston.  
Sir Richard Wai●man.  
Sir james Wotton.  
Sir Richard Ruddal.  
Sir Robert Mansel.  
Sir William Mou●son.  
Sir john 〈◊〉.  
Sir Edward Bowes▪  
Sir 〈◊〉 Druel.  
Sir 〈◊〉 Preston.  
Sir Robert Remington.  
Sir john B●cke.  
Sir john Morgan.  
Sir john A●ridge.  
Sir john 〈◊〉.  
Sir Matthew Browne.  
Sir john Acton.  
Sir Thomas Gates.  
Sir Gi●●●e M●rricke.  
Sir Thomas Smith.  
Sir William Pooley.  
Sir Thomas Palmer.  
Sir john Stafford.  
Sir Robert Lovel.  
Sir john Gilbert.  
Sir William Har●ey.  
Sir john Gray.  
D. Christopher prince of Portugal.  
Sir john Vanderfo●●d▪ Admiral of the Hollanders.  
Sir Robert Dudley.  
8 August.   
Thus this triumphant English army left Cadiz, having received from the duke of Medina Sidonia nine and thirty English prisoners, which had been slaves in the Spaniards hands: Which done, they passed along the coast of Portugal, they took, spoiled, and burnt Farol, 
Farol burnt by the English.  they marched into the country thereabouts; after which exploit they shaped their course for England.  
Having done this great affront to the king of Spain, they left him full of rage, and desire of revenge: 
Fleet of Spaniards prepared against England  whereupon, presently after the retreat of the English, he gave commandment to the Adelantado of Castille, to prepare a mighty fleet; wherein he employed great care and diligence, so as it was ready the same year. But this fleet had a far different success to that of England. It consisted of fourscore ships, which went out of Lisbon the eight of October 1596. They coasted along Gallicia, to go and join with the General of biscay, where they had levied some troops of soldiers: the Adelantado coming to double cap S. Vincent in the night, it seems he mistook his reckoning, and ●ell short of the cap, where they were taken with a cruel storm, in the which five and forty of their ships were cast away, 
Spanish fleet cast away.  on Simon and I●des day, and the rest were so shaken with the storm, as they had great difficulty to save them: so as their enterprise proved vain that year.  
This year also they treated in Spain of the canonizing of blessed S. Raymond, 
Canonization of S. R●ymond desired by the Spaniards.  the which was afterwards effected at Rome. They renewed their suit unto the Pope, which had been made many years before to divers of his predecessors. After that instance had been made unto his Holiness by the towns of the realm of Arragon, who had sent Paul Costabile, General of the preaching Friars, of which Order S. Raymond had been also General, the Pope having pronounced, th●t they should pass on to perfect this business, the Archbishop of Taracona came to Barcelona with two bishops, and the Proctor general of S. Dominicke, to review Saint Raymonds ●odie: the which was done with great ceremony, and authentical writings sent to Rome to prosecute the rest. About the same time Luca Calnacanti, Chamberlain to the Pope, arrived, being sent with two cardinals hats by him, to Francis d' Auila, Archdeacon of Toledo, and to Ferdinand Nugnes de Guevara, Precedent of the royal Council, who had been newly created cardinals, being exhorted by his Holiness to pass with all speed to Rome, as they did that Winter: so as in the beginning of the next year they come into Italy, having a good opportunity to pass in those galleys which were come from Genova; whither the duke of Maqueda should also have gone, being appointed by the King to be Viceroy of Sicily: but he was stayed many months by some sinister accidents. And there arrived also Alphonso Gariglia, who required a great aid of money for the prince of Transyluania; to maintain the war against the Turk, who found the king 〈◊〉 well 〈◊〉, not with standing that he was enforced to maintain war in divers places, to his exceeding great toil and charge. Yet he satisfied that princes desire with abountifull hand, and give free liberty to the Pope's Agents, to buy a quantity of come in his realms, to 〈◊〉 the state of the Church. And then about the end of September, the Indian fleet arrived safely at Sevill, being very rich, the which did much comfort the Spaniards after the great losses they had sustained by the English army. 
1597  There was nothing did more afflict the minds of the Spaniards, 
Spaniard's incensed against the English.  than their hatred and disdain of the English, being not able to endure, not only to be troubled in their traffic to the Indies, and their rich fleets to be lay●d for, piercing even into the heart of America, but also to invade the continent of Spain with a royal army, and to land there by by force, encountering, spoiling, and burning their ships even in their ports. 
Preparation in Spain for a new army.  Being therefore tormented with a desire of revenge, and grieved that the last years fleet, being ruined by tempest, could not effect what they had designed, there was a new order given, that many galleons should be armed, and new troops of soldiers should be levied, not only in Spain, but also in Italy. The king therefore, touching matters of war, gave an extraordinary authority to the Cont Fuentes, who was newly returned from the government of Flanders: They caused all ships of foreign countries to be stayed within their ports, with an intent to make use of them in this army: but the king falling very sick, this preparation was somewhat stayed, they being doubtful of his life, both in respect of his great age, and the violence of his infirmity. And so the soldiers which were levied for this service, were sent to lodge, some in Gallicia, and some in biscay, to be fitly embarked when time should serve.  
The important cause concerning Merchants and Bankers, 
Controversy in Spain touching the Bankers.  was now in question in Spain, they having for many years furnished the king with money for his wars in Flanders, and other places, a business which troubled all the Banks of Europe, as one depends upon another, with their subalternal credits and interests. Wherefore some princes were moved by an act of true bounty, to help their subjects that were merchants, lest they should fail in their credit. Besides the king's soldiers being, by reason thereof, in great want, they fell to mutinies. In this business therefore of so great importance, and wherein the king pretended to be defrauded in divers manners, of many hundred thousands of crowns, this controversy with the king's officers was long and tedious, the merchants at the last being well content to come to any reasonable agreement; the which at the length was made about the end of this year. And for that it had been discovered, that Girolamo Lomellino had sent great sums of money into France, the which had been very prejudicial unto Spain, and forbidden, by reason of the ware which continued yet with France, he was subject to arigorous punishment.  
There fell out a great accident in the Venetian ambassadors palace at Madrid, whose name was Augustine Nani, 
Quarrels in the Venetian ambassadors house.  a man of great judgement, and of a generous spirit, in maintaining the dignity of that charge which he held near the king: The Provost Martial of the city would have apprehended one who had retired into his palace, flying from the Sergeant which followed him, hoping he should be safe there, as in a place of franchise, according to the use of Courts: the Provost carrying himself too imperiously (as such people are accustomed to do) a gentleman of the ambassadors, of the house of Badoero, and his Secretary, coming at this noise, could not endure it; so as from great words they fell to deeds, and the Provosts wand was broken (the which they are accustomed to carry, as a mark of their authority) with other accidents; so as most of the ambassadors family came running at the noise: whereupon the king's officers complained. But matters were afterwards tempered by the king, with the equity and respect which ought to be had to the accident and person. Yet the State of Venice, being willing to take away all causes of distaste, that might grow, made a speedy election of a new ambassador, which was Francis Soranzo; but he passed not into Spain until the next year, all shadows of dislike being in the mean time vanished away, taking all occasions to show mutual kindness betwixt them and the ambassador Navi, who was extraordinarily favoured by the king and prince; and at his departure he was made a knight, and honoured with rich presents.  
They were very careful this year in Spain, to prevent the English, lest they should have some new opportunity to annoy them, as they had done at Cadiz; which city and castle they did fortify better, with all other places upon the coast, the earl of Fuentes lying continually towards the sea with great forces, and having good garrisons in the coast towns, he sent his horsemen to run along the coast, that they might be free from fear.  
And for that the king of Spain, 
Marriage of the prince of Spain published.  by the continual indisposition of his body, the great trouble of his mind, having such a world of weighty affairs, could not hope for any long life, he sought to provide for the future government of his subjects. Wherefore he did publish the future marriage of his son D. Philip unto the eldest daughter of Ferdinand Archduke of Austria, whom some call Gregoria Massimiliana, others Marry. But whilst they made preparation for the solemnity of this marriage, and sent to the Pope for dispensations, as well for this, as for the future marriage betwixt the Archduke Albert, and the Infanta D. Isabel, they had news that the said princess was suddenly dead, having left the greatness of this world, to attain unto a better life in heaven.  
The fortunate success of the English the last year at Cadiz, 
Preparation for the island voyage.  having affronted the king of Spain at his own doors, gave them courage to make new attempts this year, and to send forth a goodly fleet to sea, under the command of the earl of Essex, who was both Admiral at sea, and General of the land forces. This fleet consisted of an hundred and twenty sail, whereof there were threescore men of war, the rest were victuallers, and ships for transportation of soldiers, and to attend the English fleet. The Estates of the united Provinces sent ten tall flie-boates under the command of Monsieur de Dunivord. This fleet was victualled for three months, with large allowance, with a supply of apparel for the mariners and soldiers. It was divided into three squadrons: the Admiral's squadron, the Lord Thomas howard's squadron, who was vice-admiral, and Sir Walter Rawleighs' squadron, being Rear-admiral. The netherlands flie-boats were commanded by their own Admiral. There were six thousand soldiers appointed for the land service, with ten pieces of ordnance for the field and battery, with all necessary provisions. And there were in this fleet about five hundred voluntaries, of knights and gentlemen. The chief Commanders of these land forces, were, the Earl of Essex General, the Lord Montioy his Lieutenant general, Sir Francis Vere Marshal of the field, Sir George Carew Master of the ordnance, Sir Ferdinando Gorge, Sergeant Major of the army, Sir Christopher Blunt Colonel general of the foot, with all other officers necessary in such an action. In all this great fleet there were not above eighteen or twenty ships of her Majesty's royal Navy, the names of which, and of the Captains that commanded in them, I leave to a particular discourse written of this voyage, by a worthy knight, who was an eye witness, and an actor in it; the which I hope he will suffer to come to the press.  
This goodly army being ready, it seemed they had three several designs, to defeat the king of Spain's fleet, 
Designs of the English fleet.  commanded by D. Martin de Padiglia, earl of S. Gadea, and Adelantado Major of Castille, if they met it at sea, or to ruin it in the harbour of Farol, if they found it there; and to take all fleets of treasure, or any East or West Indian fleets they should find at sea, in the way to Spain: and lastly, that they would take the island of the Terceres, which they held to be an action of great importance. With this resolution they put to sea with this gallant fleet; but neither of these enterprises succeeded: for bending their course directly for Farol, they were encountered with very stormy weather, and contrary winds, so as the whole fleet was scattered, and many of the ships in very great danger, a great part of the fleet being forced to put back again into Plymouth. The ship wherein the General was, had a very dangerous leak, and her masts cracked in divers places; yet he held it out as long as possibly he could, till in the end her upper works gave way, and her main beams did tear, so as they looked hourly when the Oretoppe would fall, and the ordnance sink down into the Keel. Whereupon he was forced to put back to Plymouth, where he found a great part of the fleet. There they repaired their ships, and the earl took another, his own being made unserviceable: But they were kept in by continual storms and contrary winds, until their three months victuals was in a manner spent, and the sickness grown great in the fly boats which carried the land army. Whereupon the General had order to discharge his land forces, all but a thousand old soldiers which had been drawn out of the Low Countries; so as they were made unable to land any forces at Farol. After which there was a project made by the earl, to send in certain ships of fire, and to bume the king of Spain's fleet as it should lie in the harbour, without any danger to the queen's ships. Which counsel being allowed of at Court, they put the second time to sea. But some of good judgement in the fleet, held this exploit unfeasable, they having not sufficient forces to perform it; neither could they attempt it without apparent danger, as indeed it succeeded not▪ for that the Saint Matthew, one of the chief ships which should have been employed in that action, had lost her foremast, and was put back into England, as they pretended: So as having no means to do any service upon the fleet at Farol, they concluded for the intercepting of the Indian fleet, and defeating of the Adelantado, if he did put to sea: for there was no means to take in the island of Tercera, their land forces being discharged. Whereupon they shaped their course for the islands, where they laid wait for the Indian fleet; but they escaped them, and got into Tercera road. What the reasons of the missing of this Indian fleet were, and what was else done at the islands by this army, I leave to an ample relation of him who was an eye witness, and did well observe it. And so having failed in all their designs, this fleet returned home into England.  
The Spaniards did in like manner arm. 
Spaniard's preparation at sea.  There was the regiment of Alexander de Monti, consisting of 15 companies, embarked at Naples, the which had like to have been cast away in a storm upon the coast of Romania. In the end they came to Genova, and there joined with the troops of Gambalaita, all which were transported into Spain in Dorias galleys, passing from Barcelona to Cadiz, where a part of the fleet lay: there they embarked their land forces in certain galleons, being six thousand Italians, going towards the Groin, with an intent (being joined with the Adelantado, and the rest of the fleet) to make some attempt upon England. But on the eight of September they had so cruel a storm, as they were scattered from their Admiral, and in exceeding great danger, whereof some were cast away. A galleon, wherein Alexander de Monti was, and some of his companies, having lost her main mast, was driven to the Canaries, and after that to the coast of Africa, having lost his pilot with most of his mariners: there he ran her on ground, and recovered Mazagon, where he furnished himself of all that he wanted; and then he passed towards the straight, meeting with an English ship, which fought long with him; but in the end he took her: Then joining with D. Pedro de Toledo, with some other vessels, they scoured the coast of Barbary, securing the coasts of Spain, and in the end they came to winter in Saint Marie port. The rest of this Spanish fleet, after this cruel storm, for the most part, recovered Farol. Thus both fleets this year, without any fruits, put themselves to the hazard of the sea, and received great losses.  
The wars having continued long betwixt France and Spain, 
Mediation for a peace betwixt France and Spain.  many princes desired to see the miseries of Christendom at an end. Pope Clement the eight as much affecting this general peace as any of his predecessors▪ considering the great miseries which the divisions of the French and Spaniards did cause, and that the Turk made his profit thereof, and had encroached far into Christendom, he resolved to reconcile these two kings of Spain and France. Father Bonau●enture Calatagirone, a Sicilian borne, General of the franciscans (and who afterwards was made Patriarch of Constantinople) was sent by him into Spain, under colour to visit the convents of his Order; but in effect it was to sound king Philip, whether he had any inclination to a peace with France: where he found all things well disposed, and the Spaniards desirous to change the doubtful events of a troublesome war, with the assured and more profitable effects of peace; his old age, his son young, whom he desired to marry, and to leave him his Estates quiet, his eldest daughter, to whom he would give the Low Counties, marrying her to cardinal Albert of Austria, who like new Lords should have need of the love and good neighbourhood of a French king, 
1698  the French being united, and their civil wars ended, they were likely to transport the war into his countries, having taken Amiens by force, even in view of his army. All these considerations made the king of Spain incline to a peace, not only with the French, but with the Queen of England and the united Provinces of the Netherlands. Calatagirone being returned to Rome, assured the Pope that he had found a disposition and desire of peace in king Philip, and that he was weary of the wars. So the Pope continuing in this good desire, sent this Franciscan into France, to persuade the king to peace and friendship with the king of Spain. Alexander cardinal of Florence, his Holiness Legate in France, understanding the Pope's pleasure, together with Calatagirone, persuaded the king to yield unto a peace. And on the other side, by the exhortations of the Patriarch Caietan, his Holiness Nuntio at Madrid, the king of Spain referred the whole treaty of the said peace to his nephew cardinal Albert.  
Whilst that Calatagirone went to Brussels, to solicit the cardinal to send the deputies to Veruins, the French king advertised all his allies, to the end they might be comprehended in this accord with the Spaniard, if they thought good. The queen of England (who had more annoyed the Spaniard than all the princes of Christendom) refused to be comprehended in the accord, and so did the Estates of the united Provinces, who sent their ambassadors to the French king, to dissuade him from a peace with the Spaniard. The king of Spain did greatly desire a peace with them, and sought it by the means of his kinsmen and allies, who, at his request, sent their ambassadors to that end into England, 
Queen of England & Estates of the Low Countries refuse a peace with the Spaniard.  and the united Provinces, but without effect. The king of Spain hearing of all their answers, and being out of hope of a peace with the English and Hollanders, caused them to proceed in the treaty with the French: whereupon the deputies of either king came to Veruins: Who having long disputed, and being often ready to break off, almost in despair, in the end a peace was concluded, in june this year 1598. 
Peace betwixt Spain and France.  The deputies for the French king were, Monsieur de Bellieure, Counsellor of State, and Monsieur de Syllery, Counsellor also of State, and Precedent of the Court of Parliament at Paris: And for the Catholic king, john Richardot, knight, Precedent of his privy Council, john Baptista Taxis, Commander de los Santos, of the Order of Saint james, and of his Council of State and war, and Lewis Verreichen knight, chief Secretary and Treasurer of the Charters of the said Council of State: who according to their Commissions concluded in the name of the said kings.  
That the treaty of peace made at Castle Cambresis, 
Contents of the articles of the peace.  in the year 1559, betwixt the kings of France and Spain, should be newly confirmed and observed.  
That all hostility and quarrels should cease, with promise not to annoy nor prejudice one another.  
That their subjects should have free traffic.  
That all places taken since the treaty of Castle Cambresis, should be restored of either part within two months.  
That the said kings and the Infanta of Spain, reserved unto themselves all the rights, actions, and pretensions, by reason of the said realms, countries, or signiories, whereunto they or their predecessors have not expressly renounced, to make their pursuit by some friendly course, or by justice, and not by arms.  
The force and life of king Philip began to decline, 
Session of the L●w Countries to the Infanta of Spain.  which he foreseeing, he was desirous to effect the promise which he had made to the Archduke Albert, his nephew, and if the marriage betwixt him and the Infanta Isabel his daughter were not consummated, yet they might be assured by the session of the provinces, which he meant to make in favour of it. Whereupon, the sixth of May, he caused to be read at Madrid (in the presence of prince Philip his only son, who was then about 20 years old, of D. Gomes d' Auila, marquess of Vellada, Lord Steward of the prince's house, D. Christopher de Mora, earl of Castle, Roderigo, great Commander of the Alcantara, D. john d' Idiaques, great Commander of Leon, all three counsellors of State, and Nicholas Damant, knight, Precedent and Chancellor of Brabant, with lafoy L●o, Secretary of the affairs of the Low Countries) the contract, by the which he did institute the future spouses, and their heirs, of what of what sex soever, 
1598.  sovereign Lords of all the Provinces of the Low-countries, of the franche county of Bourgondie, and of the count●e of Charolois; with condition that the donation and session should be void, and of no force, in case the marriage were not accomplished. That the eldest of the lawful children issuing of this marriage, should be preferred before the younger, 
Articles of the session.  and the male the female, jointly in all the Provinces, without any division: That for want of lawful heirs it should return to the Crown of Spain: And that they should not alienate any part thereof without the consent of the heirs and successors of the king of Spain. That the Princess, heir of the Netherlands, being a maiden or widow, should marry the king of Spain, or the prince his Son; and if she have neither will nor power to do it with the Pope's dispensation, she shall not take any alliance but with the consent of the kings of Spain: And so of the heirs and descendants of the future Spouses. That all negotiation and traffik to the East and West Indies shall be forbidden them and their subjects. That the Archduke surviving the Infanta, he should hold those Countries during his life. That having children, their portions should be assigned them, until that the elder after the decease of the father should take possession of the whole. That only the Catholic, apostolic and Romish religion should be maintained in the said Provinces, and in case of contravention by them or their descendants, they should lose their rights to the said Countries.  
Prince Philip did consequently ratify this donation, 
Donation ratified by Prince Philip.  more (as some thought) to please the king his father, than for any good liking he had of it, for she deprived him of many goodly and rich Provinces: And the Infanta his Sister having accepted the transaction, sent her fathers and bothers letters Patents to the Governors and Counsels of the Provinces, with their letters which promised all assistance for the war, and her own which contained a declaration of this accord. Thus the Archduke, as the History saith, married a great Princess, a troublesome quarrel, and a long suit, all in one day. From which time she did write unto him, as a wi●e doth unto her husband, taking upon her the titles of all those Countries and Provinces, and sending him a procuration to take possession in her name. The empress, mother to Albertus, and sister to the king of Spain, received the promise of marriage for her Son, and did also make a promise in the name of the Archduke Albert.  
The king of Spain would moreover show, 
King of Spain makes a new contract for the payment of his debts.  that in giving his daughter the Infanta to the Archduke, he would not abandon them for want of money to continue the war against the united Provinces: he made a new contract with Camillo, Soniolla, Maluenda and Grimaldi, to whom he did reassigne and confirm the revenues of Spain, and revoked the edict which had been made at Pardo, upon condition that for an overplus and new loan, they should furnish him with seven millions and two hundred thousand ducats, paying every month two hundred and fifty thousand ducats to the Archduk Albert, to supply the charges of the low country wars, & that for the space of eighteen months, the first payment whereof should be due the last of januarie, in the said year 1598., the whole sum for the Low countries amounting to four millions and a half. The rest should be paid in Spain, or where he should command, after the rate of an hundred and fifty thousand ducats monthly, for eighteen months together: both which parties amount to 7200000 ducats.  
The king of Spain sent in the beginning of this year 4 thousand Spaniards, 
Spaniard's sent into the Low-Countries.  Besognes', into the Low countries, to fortify the Archduke Albert, who as it seems did not greatly trust the Walloons. D. Sancho de Leva was their chief commander over four Colonels: they came by sea in 40 ships, the lesser got safely into Calais for that the Estates ships had been forced by fowl weather to weigh a●●hor, yet they took one of the greatest; in the which was Alonso Sa●ches of Villareal with 150 Spaniards, and made four more to run on ground to save the soldiers.  
The States of the united Provinces, 
United Provinces sail unto the Indies.  finding the number of their shipping to be great, & that they wanted employment for them, not daring to traffik into Spain, where their ships and goods were daily arrested, and their men imprisoned, whereby in time their Navigation would decay, they resolved to seek their fortunes at the East and West Indies, whether the Spaniards would never allow them to go, whereupon they gave leave, and assisted certain private Merchants, to go and seek trade at the East Indies, and in those islands whereas the Portugals had no command, so as this year there went to the number of eighty sail out: of Holland and Zealand, towards the East and West Indies, bresil, castle de Mine, to the coast of Africa, and Guinee, whose success was divers. Many of these under the charge of balthasar Moucheron, had commandment from Prince Maurice and the State▪ to meet at the Island del Principe. julian of Cleerhagen as General in the absence of Moucheron, and Gerard Stribos as Admiral, parted in March with five Ships, one hundred and fifty Soldiers, and two hundred Mariners, who arrived somewhat late in August at the said Island: where Cleerhagen found a ship, in the which a Nephew of Moucherons' commanded, who being well known in the Island by reason of his trading there, was a means that the General became Master of it without any opposition, for he drew the Governor and chief Officers of the place to come aboard, where they made them good cheer. After which the General acquainted them with his Commission, 
Surprise of the Island del pri●cipe.  and to what end he was come. The Islanders seeing themselves surprised, seemed content, and yielded to their wills: then, having taken an oath to Cleerhagen, they all landed, whereas the General in Moucherons' name was proclaimed General of the Island.  
Three days after the taking of the oath, the Portugals and Islanders conspired against the Hollanders, and came suddenly with great fury to charge Moucherons' men, but they were repulsed and scattered in the Island; but upon proclamation of a pardon they returned, and submitted themselves again to the Hollanders; whereupon there was a new accord made betwixt them, but it continued not above six weeks, by reason of Cleerhagens disordered actions, who did not observe the course that was prescribed him, neither was he careful to build the sorts which had been drawn, having good means. The Portugals and Islanders seeing his carelessness, made a new attempt against him, which being discovered unto the Hollanders, they seized upon the Padre Vicario, meaning to execute him, but as Francis Fort with the judge Steven Quaresmo, went to visit this Vicarios house, they were slain by his slaves, which caused a new tumult, whereupon the Vicario was condemned and hanged with one of his confederates. This death made them send to D. Antonio de Meneses Governor of the Island of Saint Thomas for succours, who a month after sent the Governor of Castle de Mine with five hundred soldiers, by whose persuasion they were resolved to make war against Moucherons' men.  
The General Cleerhagen fell into disgrace with his Company, and died of grief: Stribos the Admiral succeeded him, and died also with over-toiling himself in the fortifications. Whereupon the Hollanders erected a Council of four to govern the estate of their affairs in the Island: but after a month's sufferance, their Soldiers being somewhat wasted, they began to faint and to be out of hope of succours, so as they should not be able to maintain themselves against so many enemies. Whereupon they abandoned the Island, and setting their fort on fire, they embarked, there coming supplies of men and victuals unto them from Moucheron within fifteen days after, but it was too late: and so the Island was soon won and as soon lost.  
This year in the Spring the Spaniards began to apprehend some new attempt of the English upon their coast, 
C●●st of Spain 〈◊〉 by the English.  for that those Seas were full of English men of war: yea, there was a fleet set forth by the Earl of Cumberland, which after it had committed some spoil about Cascais, lay many days in the mouth of the River of Lisbon, keeping in the galleons of Portugal, which lay ready to go to the East-Indies, but it was without any fruits, the West-Indian fleet being safely arrived at Sevill, after that it had been scattered by a storm near unto the Terceres.  
The treasure which came in this Indian fleet gave the king's ministers means to provide more commodiously for the great affairs of so many kingdoms, and to continue the war, which he maintained in divers places. Wherefore they levied new men to send into the Low-Countries, and others to man certain vessels which were sent forth to bridle the attempts of the Turks upon the coast of Spain, and Africa: They were five and twenty galleys under the charge of D. Pedro de Toledo, whereof some were of Spain, and some of Naples: there were two regiments of Italians in them, the one was commanded by Alexander de Monti, the other by Cesare d' Euolt; but he dying before at the Groin, they were both then commanded by Monti. These galleys having not met with any Pirates at sea, passed into Barbary, where they landed a good number of their men; with the which Monti did presently march, & set upon a town, the which was taken by scalado, 
Alexander de Monti surpriseth a town in Barbary.  where breaking open the ports, & drawing in all his men, it was sacked & then burnt, taking making slaves, with great store of wealth: yet this could not be so soon executed, but many horsemen Moors, came posting thither from the neighbour places, so as de Monti was forced to make an orderly retreat, putting his men into squadrons & the rearward skirmishing still with the enemy, wherein they all in general showed such valour, as this action was more esteemed, although they lost some men, than the winning & spoiling of the town without any loss. The Colonel de Monti was still in the rearward, who with great judgement and valour governed the retreat until they were all embarked, being so favoured by the galleys ordnance, as the Moorish horsemen, being many in number, were forced to retire with great loss. The galleys after they had run along that coast, & made the Ba●barians feel the spoils which they committed upon the weaker parts of Spain, they were called home to lie in guard in the straight of Gibraltar, to hinder the enemy's attempts. But the English fleet above mentioned having left the river of Lisbon, took many Easterling▪ & other ships carrying victuals & other commodities into Spain, which being that year very scant of corn, 
〈…〉  which was then brought unto them from other countries, & taken at sea, it bred a great scarcity. Whilst that Lisbon was priest with this extremity, by great hap there was a Galeon of Tuscany got in, being laden with come and other commodities fit to relieve their wants. Yet the dearth of corn increased, notwithstanding that the Hollanders being greedy of gain did often attempt to bring some, and so they did in Sicily & other places. Some held that this dearth grew through the want of men to till the ground (whereunto that nation is nothing inclined) having been also constrained to send forth great troops of men to the wars of France & Flanders; besides others which went daily by thousands out of that realm upon divers occasions. They did also aleage another reason of 〈◊〉 scarcity, for that some years before Corn had been set at an under rate, so as strangers had no care to bring in any, neither did the country men much care for tillage.  
During the great dearth of corn, Spain felt a general joy for the peace which had been concluded with France, the which was proclaimed at Madrid in the end of june, and it was increased with a private content by the marriage of the duke of Alcala, 
Marriage of the duke of Alcala.  with the daughter of Christopher de Mora, being honoured with the presence of the Prince D. Philip, & many Grandes of the court. And soon after were celebrated the marriages of two of the marquess of Pozzas daughters, the one unto the eldest son of the duke of Sessa, who was then ambassador at Rome, & the other unto the heir of Cordova: but the joy was much greater when the future marriage of Prince Philip with Marguerit of Austria, and of the Infanta D. Isabel, with the Archduke Albertus were published. Whilst that k. Philip ends as he had begun his reign with the wars of the Low countries, behold many touches of the miseries and poverty whereunto humanity is subject, 
King Philip grows towards his end.  made him remember that he was a man. He could not feel that contentment in his soul, like unto the first man of Greece in his time, who dying, held himself happy, for that never any Athenian had mourned by his occasion: yet at the least he hath this consolation, that after the expense of so much money, & the shedding of so much blood, having with so great rigour and bitterness pursued the ruin, & hastened the destinies of the goodliest estate of Europe, he sees the two first monarches of Christendom united by a firm bond, & common peace, and his children ready to enter into alliances; which content him. He now feels that his hour is come, & that he must leave the ambitions of this world, and that the flesh strives in vain against the spirit, when as the one must part company from the other. Wherefore carrying always a great devotion to the Monastery of Saint Laurence, and being much affected to his most sumptuous and incomparable Palace of the Escurial, 7 leagues from Madrid, his sickness increasing daily, after the resignation of the Low countries, to his daughter D. Isabel, he would needs be carried thither, to seek a safe rampar, against the assaults which an intestine war was ready to give him upon the troublesome dissolution of the soul and body. He, whom Histories observe to have been greater than any one of his house, who without danger sitting in his Cabinet, hath disposed of more famous actions than any of his predecessors, finds now that the Sovereign Creator hath made the poorest cottager equal to the greatest king in many respects. He hath given them the earth for their abode, for they nurse and common mother, the same beginning of creation, one common heaven, one sun, one Moon, the air and water common; the souls of one and other have one nature; they come all into the world naked alike, and all have one issue out of this life. He finds now that death fears no guards; that he knocks as familiarly at Prince's Palaces, as at the cottages of poor Shepherds, he lays hold of them, when as tears prevail not, arms are of no force, prayers cannot move him, nor presents corrupt him, the physicians art cannot stay him, nor drugs and receipts prevent his power: Yea, that sometimes he takes them away when they have not leisure to deliver their last will. Finally after this end they must all run one course, when as their bodies shall putrify alike.  
He had surmounted the crosses of fortune, and great accidents in his time, but he could find no preservative, to make him insensible of grief. The gout, a fever, a filthy Phthiriasis, an apostume on his right leg, four other, wonderful foul and stinking, on his breast, an infinite number of louse, breeding of that corrupt & stinking matter, & dispersing themselves over his whole body, gave him to understand, that nature could make a wretched Anatomy of his body, as well as of the meanest of his subjects. Being come to the Escurial, and his pains increasing, he prepared himself for death, and after he had received the Sacrament, he desired to see D. Garcia of Loyola solemnly consecrated Archbishop of Toledo, by the Pope's Legate, it being resigned unto him by the Archduke Albert.  
His fever and infirmities increasing in the beginning of September, he called for D. Philip his son, and the Infanta Isabel his daughter; where in the presence of the Archbishop of Toledo and some others, he showed his body unto the Prince, and said unto him, Behold prince the greatness of this world, see this wretched carcase, whereas all human help avails nothing. He then caused a brazen coffin to be brought, and a deths' head to be set upon a cupboard with a Crown of gold by it. He then commanded D. Lewis de 〈◊〉 a gentleman of his Chamber to fetch a small Casket, wherein there was a rich jewel, the which he gave unto his daughter in the Prince's presence, saying, This jewel was your mothers, keep it in remembrance of her; And forthwith he drew out a paper which he gave unto the Prince saying, That it was an Instruction how he should govern his estate. After which, he drew forth a whip, at the end whereof appeared some marks of blood, and holding it up he said, that it was blood of his blood, although it were not his own blood, but the emperor his fathers who had used it: which done he disposed of the order of his funerals. After which, in the presence of the Pope's Nuntio, he recommended the Sea of Rome, the Pope, and the Catholic apostolic and Romish Religion to his children, desiring the Nuntio to give him absolution of his sins, & to bless his children. He did recommend the Infanta unto the Prince his Son, and the good estate of her Countries. He did not remember the children of D. Catherina duchess of Savoy his other d●ughter, to whom before she died he had bequeathed for a remembrance the picture of our Lady of Lorette. He was so resolute and ready to die, as his Confessor did wish that he might die of that disease, and in that estate, lest that his recovery should alter that good & happy disposition. The continual fever, whereof he had languished three years, and the violent torments of the gout, had prepared him for death, long before he was ready to take him. He gave no ear to any discourse but touching his departure. A gentleman of his chamber seeing him to have some intermission of his pains, advised him to remove into some other chamber that was more cheerful, the Physicians warranting that he might live two years longer; Give (said he) this picture of our Lady, to the Infanta, it was the Empress my Mothers, and I have worn it fifty years: He spoke of his departure, as of a royal entry into goodliest Cities under his obedience; and of his funeral, as of a Coronation. I will (said he) have this Crucifix hung at my neck, and resting upon my breast: I will have that in my hand with the which my father died. Hold a candle of Mont Sarrat ready, and give it me when I am in the Agony. Go (said he) to two Religious men, and measure my father's Hearse, observe how he is laid, I will be so, and with no more ceremony than the poorest Monk in this Monastery. They that were about him, spoke of his constancy, as Saint Augustin did of the admirable resolution of a holy Spaniard. The violence of his pain was great, but the force of his courage was greater, the one suffered, and the other sung, the flesh suffered and the spirit spoke. Nothing lived more in him than a feeling of his sins, the which touched him so near, as after that they had made an incision in his knee, and the Prince his Son ask him if he felt not the pain of his green wound, I feel (said the king) the wounds of my sins much more.  
Approaching towards his end, he commanded that the marquess of Mondejar should be set at liberty, but restrained from coming to court; and that the wife of Anthony Perez (sometimes his Secretary) should be set at liberty, upon condition that he should retire himself into some Monastery. He received the extreme unctions from the Archbishop of Toledo, after that he had demanded the manner of the administration thereof, for that he had never seen it given. He had resolved to send the Prince and the Infanta ●o Madrid, for that they should not be present at the pitiful spectacle of the ruin of his body, but he changed his opinion, and would have the Prince present when they gave him the extreme unction: after which he commanded them to leave him alone with his Son, 
King Philip's last speech unto his Son.  to whom he spoke these words: I was desirous my son you should assist at this last action, to the end you should not live in ignorance, as I have done, how this holy Sacrament is administered, & that you might see the end of kings, and whereunto their Crowns and Sceptres are reduced. Death is ready to snatch the Crown from my head, and to set it upon yours. Therein I recommend two things unto you; the one is, that you remain always obedient unto the Church; the other that you do justice to your subjects. The time will come when this Crown shall fall from your head as it doth now from mine: you are young, I have been so, my days are numbered and are ended, God keeps the account of yours, and they shall likewise end. They say that he did enjoin him, with passion, to make war against Heretics, and to entertain peace with France.  
The Prince thinking that his end approached, demanded the golden key of the Cabinet from D. Christopher de Mora, meaning to grace the marquess of Denia his favourite therewith: but he desired the Prince to pardon him, saying that he might not leave it whilst the king was living, but by his express commandment: whereat the Prince was offended.  
D. Christopher complained hereof unto the king, who neither commended the demand being too sudden, nor allowed of his refusal, commanding D. Christopher to carry it unto the Prince, and to crave his pardon: who returning to visit his father, D. Christopher de Mora kneeling down, 〈◊〉 the key and delivered it unto him; the which the Prince took and gave to the marquess of Denia: And as the prince and the Infanta stood before his bed, he said unto them, I recommend unto you D. Christopher de Mora, the best servant I ever had, with all my other servants: And so giving them his last farewell, and embracing them, his speech failed him▪ continuing two days in that estate until he died, being seventy and one years old, and having reigned fifty.  
He was borne at Vailledolit the five and twentieth of April, 
Birth and ●●ature of the king of Spain.  in the year one thousand five hundred twenty and six, and died the thirteenth of September 1598. He was but little of stature, yet of a pleasing aspect, but no goodly man by reason of his great nether lip, which is hereditary in the house of Austria, otherwise he was fair of complexion, rather resembling a Fleming than a Spaniard: of so found a constitution of body, as he was seldom or never sick. He was sometimes troubled with faintings: and did never eat any fish: he was of a constant resolution, and of a great spirit, apprehending presently the ends of things, and foreseeing them with an admirable wisdom and judgement.  
Pope Clement the eight, hearing news of his death, assembled the Consistory, where after audience given unto the Cardinals, he told them in a grave speech full of passion: 
Pope's judgement upon the death of king Philip.  That if ever the holy Sea had cause of grief and affliction, it was for the death of that Prince, the Church having lost a great Protector, and her persecutors a mighty enemy. That his whole life had been nothing but a warfare against infidelities, heresies, and errors. That two things did comfort them in this loss: the one, that being dead with an admirable conformity in the will of God, an incredible patience in his pains, and an unchangeable constancy in his Religion, he held him rewarded in heaven with immortal glory: the other, that he had left a Son which made them hope that it was rather a resurrection of the father than a succession of the Son. In the end he recommended them both to their prayers, paying thereby for what the one had done, and what the other offered to do by his letters for the good of the Church.  
To speak of his virtues: 
Virtues of king Philip.  it is said that all good Princes may be written in a ring. Philip had great virtues, it were a rare thing to have all. The seeds of such princes as have no defects are in heaven. He was great in piety, Religion, justice, liberality and constancy. 
His piety.  As for his piety and religion, he hath been heard to say, that if the prince his Son became an Heretic, or a Schismatic, he would bring faggots himself to burn him. He always protested that his designs in war, and his exercises in peace did only tend to the advancement of Religion. The last words he pronounced with his last gasp, were, That he died a Catholic. He respected the Pope as he that carried the keys of heaven in his hand, the prince of the Church, and God's Lieutenant general over men's souls. The Pope's respected him as the chief supporter of the peace and union of the Church: Pi●● 5. did so term him when they made the league against the Turk: and his successor Gregory 13 answered him that caused his health to be prayed for at Rome, My life imports the Church little, the which after me may have a better Pope: Recommend the king of Spain's health unto God, for it is necessary for all Christendom. And he himself held his assistance necessary for the affairs of Christians; for being sick, and the Physician doubting to let him blood by reason of his weakness, Fear not (said he) to let me blood, 
Speech of the king of Spain.  the estate of God's Church permits not that I should die of this disease, nor of this blood letting. Every man knows in what credit he was in the Consistory, to have his intention approved, and likewise in the Conclave for the election of Popes. He held Rome by the l●aire and the throat, 
This is spoken for the pensions of Cardinals which are at the devotion of Spain.  being in his power to famish it, refusing the commodities which they may draw at need out of his estates which environ it.  
As he honoured the Pope, so did he much esteem the Prelates of the Church, and had a great care to prefer men of virtue and merit to ecclesiastical dignities. There was a great controversy betwixt the archbishop of Valencia, and the Viceroy, to know to whom they should first present the Pax and the Censor: the which he ended, commanding that he that presented unto his Majesty, should give it first unto the archbishop, thinking that the honour that he did unto God's Ministers was an infinite glory unto him, and that a prince should affect no other commendation, than the care and zeal of Religion, when it is without dissembling or hypocrisy. He did witness his zeal and passion in the seeking out of many relics of Saints, especially to have the body of Saint Eugenius Bishop of Toledo, 
His curiosity to find out relics  having to that end sent ambassadors expressly to king Charles the ninth, and to the Queen Mother, who granted it, contrary to the advice of the Cardinal of Lorraine, Abbot of Saint Denis: he went to receive it at Toledo, and caused it to be conducted to the Escurial. How much did he spend for the canonizing of friar Diego of Alcala of the order of Saint Francis, and of friar Raymond of Pegnafort a jacobin, famous among learned men, for that he gathered the decre●ales into one body, and throughout all Spain, for that he passed like another Elizeus upon his cloak from Majorca to Barcelona, and that which is very rare in our age, refused the archbishopric of Tarragone. We find not any now that hide themselves in caves from spiritual dignities, or that out off their nose and ears to make themselves incapable of church preferments, which requires sound bodies and sanctified souls. No affairs could interrupt him in the course of his devotion, and we in the relations of Antoni● Perez that he did often refer the care of business to another day, when he was preparing of his conscience, or among his Monks at the Escurial. He went bare headed in the procession of the Sacrament, and being on that day at Cordova, some one did advertise him, 
En este dia no haze mal ●t Sol.  that the Sun was offensive: to whom he answered, That the Sun that day would do him no harm. Being a religious prince, he loved no new religions. He never received the Capuchins. They of his house have built many colleges of Jesuits in divers places, at Vienna in Austria, at Tumant in Hungary, at Prague in Bohemia, at Hal, at Grats, at Munch, at Inspruke, and he alone of his house is dead without any memory of his bounty towards them. Speaking against that great multitude of religions, and the increase of regular Orders, he said, That they should reduce the new to the ancient, and maintain those in the first integrity of their institution, and that it was to be feared the world would abound more in religious Orders than in piety. He used them of Saint Dominicke in his confessions, and in his other devotions the jeronimits, to whom he gave that rich temple of the Escurial. He did so respect Dominicke de Cha●es, his Confessor, as he caused him to be visited in his cell by the Precedent of Castille, when he was in doubt of any point of conscience or of penance.  
He had a Council of conscience for the direction of his enterprises. 
Council of conscience.  This Council hath often drawn him out of many difficulties, and hath freed him from the bond of his promises. The history of Portugal doth furnish a memorable example. The duke of Ossuna, and D. Christopher de Mora, had promised mountains of gold to them that should be opposite to D. Antonio, and should favour the kings right to the Crown of Portugal. He being expelled, these men demanded the effects of those promises, and that their bills should be discharged. The king commanded that all should be sent to the table of conscience. 
Advice of the king of Spain's Council of conscience.  The judges paid them with this sentence: Seeing that king Philip is heir to the realm of Portugal, the petitioners could not compound for his right for money, gifts, or promises, and have deserved death, for that they did not willingly yield it unto him: If the realm did belong to Antonio, they could not then deliver it: And therefore king Philip is no way bound to perform those promises which his ambassadors and agents had made unto the petitioners: But using his clemency and mercy, he freed them from the pain of death, which they had upon this occasion deserved.  
As for his justice, 
King of Spain● a severe justicer  the example of his son is sufficient to show his rigour. It is true, that in many actions he hath proceeded more by his absolute power than by the ordinary course. These great motions cannot always be ruled by the ordinary forms, nor subject themselves to the judgement of reason, nor to human discourse. Yet he protested, being near his end, That he had not done wrong nor injustice to any one, but through ignorance, or false impression. It is an act of justice in a prince, to suffer them to tell him of the unjust actions of his government. It is true, that it cannot be termed an act of justice, to have made his creditors so often to lose that which they had lent him, nor to reduce the 18 millions of gold, which he did owe the Genovois, to 12.  
His liberality hath appeared in recompensing the merits of many of his servants. 
His liberality.  He made his Schoolmaster Primate of the Church of Spain, as his father had advanced his unto the Popedom. There are few such princes now, that use such requitals. There are no more Alexanders, 
That is 480000 crowns.  who gave eight hundred talents to his Schoolmaster Arislotle. King's have long hands, but few have them so large after this proportion. The king of Spain did never leave any goodly action either of learning, justice, or war, without reward. He did not only do good unto the good, to make them better, but also to the bad, lest they should grow worse. But he did never advance them he loved to favours disproportionable to their condition: He did much for Ruy Gomes, for the love of his wife the princess of Eboly: Yet this liberality did never make a passage for him to great affairs. He was very circumspect in the distinction of great charges, especially of such as concerned the administration of justice, whereon, as Plato said, depends the safety and ruin of an Estate. And although that the earl of Chinchon, being bred up with him in his youth, should have expected more than any other, yet he obtained nothing but what he held fit for his quality. 
Honour's ruin them that deserve them not.  He was wont to say, That all stomachs were not fit to digest great fortunes, and that ill meat did not corrupt sooner, and turn to bad humours, than honour in a soul without merit.  
As for his constancy against afflictions, 
〈…〉  for tune could never shake him. In two divers accidents, happening at two divers times, he showed the constancy of his mind, and the equality of his affections; neither puffing him up insolently in prosperity, nor dejecting himself basely in adversity. When the post brought him news of the victory of Lepanto, 
His great moderation in prosperity.  he thought to see him much transported with joy, but he made no show of any alteration; and having understood the order and success of the battle, he spoke these words coldly, D. john hath hazarded much. Now, when another post did bring him news of the loss of that great navy at sea, thinking it would have plunged him into a gulf of cares and perturbations, at the report of so fatal an accident, he was not a whit moved; 
His constancy in adversity.  saying only, That he had sent it against men, and not against the winds and waves. Vulgar spirits are transported with choler at every cross accident, this unmatchable loss doth not trouble this prince, who continued his devotion in his Oratory. Some other would have torn his hair, and have whipped the Ocean, as Xerxes did. The duke of Medina Sidonia, General of this army, sending to know his pleasure, if he would have him come and give an account of his charge, he answered, That he should first go home to his house, to refresh and rest himself before he came to Court.  
It were fit we should see the backside of this Medaile, 
Vices of the K. of Spain.  and speak something of the errors and vices of this prince, as well as of his virtues, seeing it is fit to speak all for examples sake; yet it is not good to trouble the rest of the dead. Nicons image overthrew him that struck it with a staff: A dead stone did revenge the injury that was done unto a dead man. It is sufficient to say, That as this prince was commended for many great virtues, so he was blamed, in his youth, of great dissolution to voluptuousness, and a violent propension to cruelty. These two vices do seldom abandon one another: Every voluptuous prince is cruel, if necessity constrain him. This plague doth infect and blemish the glory of virtues, how bright soever they be in the life of a prince. Victorinus might have been compared to the best Emperors, yea he should surpass trajan in bounty, Antonine in clemency, Nerua in gravity, Vespasian in sparing of his treasure, Pertinax and Severus in the integrity of his life, and in the severity of military discipline: but all these virtues were so quenched by voluptuousness, as no man durst speak unto him. The king of Spain hath put many to death in the excess and first fits of his choler. 
King of Spain 〈◊〉 and distrustful.  He was as suspicious, distrustful, and cruel, as ever any was. He did not allow the prince his son to speak with the Infanta his daughter, but by permission, and in the presence of their governors. The jealousy of Sovereign power makes no distinction of person, nor spareth not his own blood, as appeared by his own son: and Sultan Solyman caused his son Mustafa to be strangled, for that the janissaries made great acclamations of joy at his return from the wars of Persia.  
Some writ of him, That, besides the above named vices, he was fearful, doubtful, close, and a dissembler, ambitious, and proud beyond the condition of man, and nothing religious of his word in matters of Estate; the duke of Vilhermosa, and the marquess of Fuentes, are good witnesses; he put them to death after that he had pardoned them the revolt of Arragon. And those words which he spoke in his last instruction to his son, speaking of the Low Countries, do verify it; It is true (said he) I have given them to your sister, but it imports not; you have an hundred evasions, which you may use in time.  
His ambition appeared, in that he affected the Empire by all possible means, which not able to obtain, he sought the title of Emperor of Spain: yea some writ, That he was resolved to go unto the Indies, to take upon him the title of Emperor of America. After all his ambitious projects against Africa, his attempts against England and Ireland, and his intelligences with the Turks, Barbarians, and Persians, whom he hath sought to divide, and to make use of, even against Christian princes, yet in the end he was forced to confess, That all the power and pomp of this world was mere vanity.  
He had four wives, but he was unfortunate in the first, the which was Marie princess of Portugal, 
His wives and children.  who bore him one son, whose name was Charles; but his life was short and unfortunate, and his end violent, being charged by the Inquisition to have thought ill of the Faith, and to have had intelligence with Chastillion Admiral of France, and with the prince of Orange touching the Low Countries. His second wife was Marie queen of England, by whom he had no issue. His third was Elizabeth of France (surnamed by the Spaniards, the Queen of Peace) who brought him two daughters, the Infanta D. Isabel Clara Eugenia, now Archduchesse of Austria, and Lady of the Low Countries, and the Infanta D. Catherina Michelle, who was duchess of Savoy. His fourth wife was Anne of Austria, daughter to the Emperor Maximilian, and his own niece, by whom he had three sons and one daughter, of the which, at his death, there remained only the prince, who was then called Charles Laurence, but at his coming to the Crown he was surnamed Philip the third.  
He ended his days with an act of wisdom worthy of his long experience. Prince's cannot enter into their realms by a better port, than the love of their subjects. If their fathers be dead, desired, and lamented, they must do some great matter to mollify this sorrow. Painters are no more bound to represent the true lineaments of the face, than princes are to represent their father's virtues, whose lively images they are. Before his death he made an Edict which could not be pleasing unto his subjects, who began to murmur, and it seemed that they would not be so satisfied, if they proceeded to execution. 
Wisdom of the King of Spain.  It was not made for that the king of Spain had any desire to have it executed and observed, but to the end he might give the prince his son a good occasion to win the people's hearts; for he said presently, that he would never allow of the execution of that Edict, and that he would break his head that should first speak it; the which he spoke so loud, as every man thought himself happy to live under the command of such a prince, who would prove better than his father.  
We have formerly made mention of a paper which the king drew out of a casket, and delivered to his son, the which contained this instruction following.  
My son, 
Instruction of the King of Spain to his Son.  I have been ever careful to leave you your Estate settled and in peace; but neither the many years which I have lived, nor the assistance of princes my allies, could ever purchase it. I confess that I have spent in less than thirty three years, five hundred ninety and four millions of ducats, all which have bred me nothing but cares and troubles. It is true, I conquered Portugal, but as France did easily escape me, so may this be wrested from me. I would to God I had followed the advice of the Emperor Charles, my deceased father, of famous memory, or at the least that you would believe and follow mine. I should then bear my crosses more willingly, and should die with more content, leaving you in this valley of miseries. Behold then what I leave you for an everlasting restament, besides so many kingdoms and Estates, that you may see, as in a glass, after what manner you shall govern yourself after my death.  
Be always very watchful of the alteration and change of States, to make your profit thereby according to occurrents. Have a vigilant eye over them that are most familiar with you in council. You have two means to entertain your realms of Spain, the one, the present government, the other, the trade to the East and West Indies. As for the government, you must either rely upon the nobility, or upon the Clergy. If you lean unto the Churchmen, keep the other in awe, as I have done; but if you fortify yourself with the nobility, shorten the revenues of the Clergy as much as you may. If you seek to countenance them alike, they will consume you, and trouble your realms, whereof you shall never see a final conclusion. 
Consideration of Foreign Princes.  If you will make good use of the nobility, my advice is, that you keep good correspondency with the Low Countries, for they are friends to the, French English, and some princes of Germany: therein you can have little assistance from Italy, Poland, Sueden, Denmark, or Scotland. The king of Scotland is poor, Denmark draws his revenues from foreign nations, Sueden is ever in faction, and not well situated, the Polonians are always masters of their kings, Italy, although it be rich, yet is it far off, and the princes are of divers humours: On the other side, the Low Countries are populous, rich in shipping, constant in labour, diligent in search, hardy to undertake, and willing to endure. It is true, I have given these provinces to your sister, but it imports not, there are an hundred evasions whereof in time you may make your profit: The chief are, that you keep yourself always guardian to her children, and that there be no alteration concerning religion: for these two points taken away, you are quite deprived of those countries: And then will some other princes present themselves, and bind them unto them by some means, which may prove your ruin. If you think to fortify yourself against this by the Clergy, you shall purchase many enemies: I have tried: yet keep good correspondency with the Popes, 
Advice touching the Pope.  be bountiful and kind unto them; entertain such cardinals as they favour most, and labour to bear a sway in the Conclave. Keep friendship with the bishops of Germany, but commit not the distribution of their pensions to the Emperor. Let them know you, they will serve you the more willingly, and will receive your presents more thankfully. Draw not any near unto you that are of base condition, neither respect the nobility and commons alike: for, seeing I must now speak the truth, their pride is great, they are very rich, they must have what they desire, they will be burdensome unto you, and in the end will be your masters.  
Serve yourself then with such as are of the noblest families, and advance them to preferments of great revenues: the common sort are not so needful, for they will procure you a thousand discontents, which will consume you. Believe not any of them, if they be not of quality. Free yourself from English spies, and French pensions. Employ some of the noblemen of the Low Countries confidently, whom you shall have bound unto you by fealty. 
Council touching the Indies.  As for the Navigation of the East and West Indies, therein consists the strength of the kingdom of Spain, and the means to curb Italy; from the which you shall with much difficulty restrain France and England: their power is great, they have many mariners, the seas are spacious, their merchants too wealthy, their subjects too greedy of gain, and their servants too faithful.  
I have excluded the Low Countries, but I fear, in time, men's humours may change; and therefore you must often change your ministers at the West Indies. Such as you call home make them of your Council for the Indies, and so, in my opinion, you shall never be circumvented, but both the one and the other will acquaint you with the gain, aspiring to more honour. See how the English seek to deprive you of that commodity: they are mighty at sea both in men and shipping. As for the French, I do not much fear them. Fortify yourself with them of the Low Countries (although they be partly heretics, and would continue so) with this proviso, That they shall freely sell their merchandise in Spain and Italy, paying the king's customs, and other duties. And in taking passports to sail to the East and West Indies, let them put in caution, & take an oath to discharge their goods in Spain at the return of their ships, upon pain of punishment if they infringe this order: the which I think they will willingly offer to observe. By this means the riches of the Indies and Spain shall have free commerce with the Low Countries, whereby both France and England shall be disappointed.  
My son, I could prescribe you greater designs for the conquering of kingdoms, but you shall find in my study such advertisements & discourses as have been given me: command Christopher de Mora to deliver you the key presently, lest those secrets should fall into some stranger's hands. I did cause some briefs of those instructions to be burnt the 7 of September; I doubt all are not suppressed, be careful to seek for them. I have this day added, if you can, win Antonio Perez, that he may serve you in Italy, or in some other of your Estates, but suffer him not to return into Spain, nor to go into the Low Countries. Touching your marriage, the instructions are in the custody of the Secretary la Loo. Read this often that is written with mine own hand. Have a watchful eye over your most secret counsellors, acquaint yourself with cyphers, discontent not your Secretaries, keep them always employed, be it about matters of importance or otherwise; make trial of them rather by your enemies than by your friends. If you discover your secrets to any familiar friend, keep always the most important within your own bosom.  
The king of Spain fearing that in his life time the marriage of his daughter with the Archduke Albert would not be consummated, 
Archduke Albert go●s into Spain.  and that after his death the Infanta Isabel would like better of the donation than the marriage, he tied her unto it with strict conditions, desiring above all things, that she should live under the protection of the Crown of Spain, whereunto this new alliance did particularly bind her. Whereupon the Archduke gave order for the government of the Low Countries, and prepared himself to go into Spain, to marry the Infanta. But the king of Spain, before his death, had concluded a marriage betwixt prince Philip his son, and Marguerite daughter to the Archduke of Austria of Gratz, being younger sister unto Marie (who had been promised unto the prince, but died before the consummation of the marriage:) Wherefore the Archduke Albert had commandment to go and receive the said lady Marguerite at Gratz, and to conduct her into Spain. Being ready to go on his journey, he received news of the death of the king of Spain; yet he went on his journey, and passing by the country of Treves, the Palatinat, and the duchy of Wirtemberg, into the limits of Bavaria, he came into the county of Tyrol, being received in all places with great pomp and presents, 
He meets with the future Queen of Spain.  and his train discharged. In this county he met with the lady Marguerite of Austria, and Marie of Bavaria, her mother, near unto the place whereas the Emperor Charles the fift, and his brother Ferdinand king of Romans, met, in remembrance of which happy interview there was a table of brass hung up for a monument, and is yet to be seen; which table doth represent them as they embraced one another This lady was attended on by 500 gentlemen of high Hungary, whereas the Archduke her father makes his chief residence.  
Having joined their troops, being about two thousand horse, and three thousand five hundred foot, they passed by Bolsene, and came to Trent the nine and twentieth of October, where they spent some days, to visit the relics of Saints. Then entering into the territories of Venice, which was near, they were honourably received by two Senators, at a village called Delce, 
Venetians defray the charge of the future Queen of Spain.  upon the river of Add, where there was a bridge made by commandment of the State, for them to pass over. They went on by small journeys through the Venetians country, who defrayed the charges of them and their whole train ten days together.  
Having past Verona, they entered the duke of Mantovas' country, who came in post with ten noblemen to Ostia (a small village upon the river of Po) to salute the queen; 
Duke of Mantova entertains▪ the Queen of Spain.  where there were many boats made ready, among other there was a nuptial barge, very sumptuously made, and covered with tapistry of silver, the which was divided into chambers, halls, and cabinets. The future queen, her mother, the Archduke Albert, with some noblemen and ladies, entered this barge, where they found the tables ready furnished with all exquisite meats. The rest of the train past the river in three great boats, unto the other side, whereas Rovere stands, a town belonging to the duke of Mantova, from thence going down the river they were carried to Ferrara, whereas the Pope was, with many Cardinals (whither he came after the composition of Faence, with D. Caesar of Este.)  
The Pope being certified of the queen's coming near the town, 
Pope sends a present to the Queen of Spain.  he presently sent forth two Cardinals Legates, which were, Aldobrandin and Saint Clement, with a great number of Prelates and gentlemen. Having gone three miles, they received the queen very honourably, at a place called the islands, even as she landed, in the name of the apostolic Sea, and of the Pope, presenting unto her, in his name, a rich caroche, whereof all the ironwork was gilded, being drawn by six white horses, in the which the queen, her mother, and the Archduke, entered into Ferrara.  
Without the city gates the duke of Sessa, 
Present sent by the King of Spain to his Queen.  ambassador for the king of Spain, presented unto her, in his master's name, a litter covered with cloth of gold, and richly appointed, both in the ironwork, which was of silver and gilt, as of all other royal furniture, having two white mules, and the muleteers, in the like livery, and withal a corroch with six pied horses, 
Arrival of the Queen of Spain into Ferrara.  and two coachmen clad in cloth of gold, which made a glistering show. At the port called Angels gate, she was received by two other Cardinals, Sforce and Montalto, and conducted into a house artificially made, where she was seated in a royal throne, where she stayed until the rest of the Cardinals came to visit and receive her.  
After this reception the queen was mounted upon a white horse, and ●he princess her mother upon the like (which the Pope had sent them) & in that manner she entered the city, being late, under a canopy of cloth of silver, and betwixt the two Cardinals which had received her at the port. There were a great number of coaches and wagons which went before with much baggage; then followed two companies of horse, having mourning weeds upon their arms, by reason of the late death of the king of Spain: after whom followed a troop of courteors on horseback, than two other companies of horse sent from the Pope to receive the Queen, followed by such as served the Cardinals, and other noblemen: After whom came a great number of gentlemen and noblemen, very gallantly appointed. Such as carried maces of silver (which is the mark of a Cardinal) being mounted upon mules, with solemn ornaments, marched before the company of Cardinals, who were attired in violet, which is their accustomed habit to mourn in.  
The Queen went betwixt the two Cardinals Sforce and Montalto, having her Dutch guards about her, and her mother, with the Archduke Albertus following her: After whom followed the great Constable, governor of Milan, the duke of Aumale, the prince of Orange, the earls of Egmont, Gand, Barlamont, and Ligny, with many other lords and ladies of great state, and a great number of caroches and coaches full of ladies and gentwolemen. In this order they came to the emperors ambassadors lodging, passing under many triumphant Arches that were set up in every street.  
The king of Spain's spouse being come unto the palace, 
Entry of the Queen of Spain into the Pope's Palace.  she mounted up betwixt two images of the two Apostles Saint Peter and Saint Paul, princes of the Church, which were set at the stairs foot, and then she retired herself into a chamber, joining unto the which was the sacred Consistory, where the Pope was set in his Pontifical throne, with his whole college of Cardinals, where she stayed until the Oration was ended, which was pronounced by Bernardin Lescot of Milan, in praise of the house of Austria, and of the happy arrival of the said future Queen: After which, she with her mother and the Archduke, were brought in, and suffered to kiss his Holiness feet: who received them graciously, and gave them his blessing. After which the said future Queen was conducted to her cabinet, which was prepared for her after a royal manner. The next day, having assisted at a Mass which the Pope himself did say, the Queen, her mother, and the Archduke, were feasted at the Popes own table. But the Sunday, being the fifteenth of November, was the day appointed for the celebration of the marriage, at which time they all left off their mourning weeds, which they had worn for the death of the king of Spain, 
Marriage of the King of Spain.  and put on their nuptial robes, where both princes and princesses, and the whole Court, showed themselves so rich and sumptuous, every one seeking to note his family by the invention of his liveries, as the like had never been seen in Ferrara.  
On the day appointed for this great ceremony, the Pope went before to the Cathedral church, being set in his throne with his Pontifical robes and diadem, ready to say Mass. The Queen being attired all in white, after a royal manner, and glistering with pearls and precious stones of inestimable value, being followed by her mother, the Archduke, and all the princes, noblemen, and ladies, was so conducted as a bride unto the same church, by the Cardinals of Santiquatro and Farnese, the which glisteren, being hung with cloth of silver.  
The Queen being set in a throne of cloth of gold, under a cloth of Estate of the same, and her mother with her, the Archduke being also set in one of the same, the Pope began the Mass. After the Canticle had been song, the Queen was conducted near unto the Pope, by the said Cardinals, with her mother, and a great troop of ladies, and in like manner the Archduke approached, being followed by the princes and noblemen. The king of Spain's procuration directed to the Archduke, being read, the Pope did consummate the marriage, betwixt Philip the third, king of Spain, in the person of Albert, his uncle, deputed by him to that end, and appearing in his name, on the one part, and Queen Marg●erite, being present, on the other. She being conducted back unto the throne, there was an acclamation of all the princes, congratulating the marriage with wishes of all happiness.  
The Archduke stayed still before the Pope, 
1599  until that the duke of Sessa came with the like procuration from the Infanta D. Isabel Clara Eugenia: 
〈…〉  which commission being read, the said Infanta was married by her Proctor to the Archduke Albert, by the Pope's hands. Mass being ended, the Pope caused the married queen to approach near the altar, to whom he presented a consecrated rose all of gold, the which his Holiness doth commonly give to queens and princesses, as a sword and a hat hath been usually sent by Popes to the chief princes of Christendom. After which all the city of Ferrara was full of feasts and joy, for the solemnisation of this marriage. All places, streets, ways, and houses, both public and private, did ring with acclamations of joy, the city was full of masks and dancings, and there was nothing omitted that might in any sort give delight and contentment.  
Having passed those few days which they remained at Ferrara in great joy and feasting, they made preparation to go to Mantova. The duke attended them at Rovere, having sent four companies of men at arms before, who conducted the queen to Gouberne (which is a castle situated upon the river of Mince:) 
The queen of Spain's entry into Mantova.  there the queen going into the Bucentaure, which was a very stately galley, she was carried down the river within a mile of Mantova; where landing, she was entertained by the princes, and then entered the city in a Carrosse with her mother, being honoured with pleasing sights in all places as she passed. The palace wherein she was to lodge, was royally appointed; but the Sunday after her arrival there was a tragical comedy represented unto her beyond all admiration. The duke of Mantova entertained the queen so royally, as besides the rich presents which he gave, he defrayed 5000 foot and 4000 horse for the space of nine days together.  
The queen, 
Entry into Milan.  her mother, and the Archduke, going from Mantova passed by Cremona to Milan. It were tedious to make repetitions of all the honours that were there done unto the queen. And for that Milan is now held by the king of Spain, they resolved to stay there, and to attend the kings good pleasure, being unfit to pass into Spain during the Winter season, where the duke of Savoy came to visit the queen with a gallant train.  
The greatest monarchs of the world are forced to give time to time, and to refer unto it the accomplishment of their desires: Their power (be it never so absolute) cannot make the seasons subject to their wills, neither advance nor keep them back according to the commodity of their designs. If this could have been effected, the queen of Spain had not stayed so long in Italy, 
Queen of Spain imbarks for Spain.  the desire she had to see the king D. Philip 3, would have given her wings to fly from Milan to Vailledolit: but the unseasonable Winter made her to stay until the Spring, from whence they went to Genova, where they embarked in the beginning of March: they passed to Savone, where, for the discommodity of the sea, they were forced to stay some days, at the end whereof they went along the shore by Monaco and Villa-franca, and came to Nice in the county of Terra-nova, which at this day the duke of Savoy holds, but in former times was belonging to the county of Provence. After which they came and cast anchor in the port of Marseilles, where they rested to ease the queen. The duke of Savoy had entertained and feasted her very royally: neither did the duke of Guise (who was the king's Lieutenant in Provence) omit any thing, being so commanded by the king; 
Lands at Mars●illes.  where he refreshed the galleys with victuals and all other necessaries. The queen would not land but only to hear mass in a tent which was pitched upon the key, in form of a chapel. The Archduke landed there with two galleys, and went to visit the relics of S. Victor, and other venerable relics: which done, he returned presently unto the queen, and so they parted from Castle I●z in a clear and calm day, but there followed a present storm, the which had cast them upon the sands, whereas the river of Rhosne dischargeth itself into the sea, if the wisdom and foresight of Doria had not prevented it. He knew the place and the danger, and doubting of the inconstancy of the weather, he would not pass without the advice of the mariners, who were all doubtful in their opinions. Providence is always better than repentance. In this supension of judgement a mariner passing by, wished them not to proceed, for in less than three hours they should have a contrary wind which would carry them directly to the danger, which they would willingly avoid. Doria believed him, against the opinion of some, and the shows of the weather, being loath to attend until he were forced to take some dangerous resolution. Wherefore he retired his galleys into a place of safety, and the storm did arise sooner than the mariner had told them. They thought at Marseilles that all had been lost; and their belief had not been vain, if Doria had not given credit to that which the best advised could not believe. The danger being past, they continued their voyage along the coast of Cattelonia, they saluted Barcelona, and came to the port of Rode, they surmounted the Promontory of the Moon, and came to Alfaques, which is at the straight of Gibraltar, on Afrique side, and in the end they put in at the port of Binaros, 
Queen of Spain arrives at Binaros.  in the realm of Valencia: from whence the queen sent prince Dorias son to the Catholic king, to advertise him of her happy voyage, and safe arrival. The last of March they came to S. Matthew, whereas the marquess of Denia came to salute the queen, in the behalf of the king her husband, and to acquaint her with his Majesty's special intentions. Passing from thence to Gabanes, and Villareall, they went and stayed at Moluiedro, a village built of the ruins of Sagunt, an ancient town allied to the Romans. The Archduke Albertus took post there, and went with all speed to kiss the king's hands, and to visit the Infanta, his spouse: from whence he passed to Madrid, to see the Empress, his mother, where he stayed four days, and then returned to Valencia.  
The king in the mean time burning with an amorous desire to see his new queen, came in a disguised habit like one of his noblemen, making his pretence to be sent from the king to kiss her hands; but he was discovered by the princesses and ladies which then attended the queen, where he was received with an incredible joy and content to them all.  
In the mean time they made wonderful preparation at Valencia, 
Magnificence at Valencia at the king of Spain● marriage  for the celebration of these marriages, all which being ready, on the seventeenth day of April the queen made her entry into Valencia, with so goodly a train of princes and noblemen there assembled, as the glistering of their glorious and sumptuous apparel, the variety of colours, and the shining of the gold, did dazzle the eyes of the beholders. Before this royal assembly there marched five companies of men at arms, after whom followed thirty kettle drums on horseback, with trumpets, clairons, and hautbois, which did sound continually: then came the courteors in troop, without any precedence or prerogative of rank: among which there were four hundred young noblemen like unto pages of honour, gallantly attired, attended on by their pages and footmen, some having six, others eight, some ten, yea twenty, twenty four, twenty six, and more, attired in their liveries of divers colours, richly appointed. There were moreover 700 knights of honour in the queen's colours, which were white and crimson gilt, the ground satin. Then there followed four knights, carrying royal maces; after whom followed the Stewards of the queen's house, and then sixteen of the Grandoes of Spain. Next marched the heralds with their cassocks richly embroidered with the king's arms: after whom went the Lord Steward and the Master of the horse: and last of all came the queen on horseback, under a canopy of cloth of gold, the which was carried by twenty of the chief nobles of Valencia, and the reins of her bridle, being of silk and gold, were held by the greatest lords of that kingdom. The queen's gown was of cloth of gold, the ground silver, very richly embroidered with pearl and precious stones, so as there could be no more added. The queen's mother and the Archduke Albert followed with the queen's cabinet, and a great number of princes and noblemen, and to finish their nuptial pomp, the princesses and ladies came last of all in their caroches and coaches. Some thought that there were spent in this nuptial pomp three millions of ducats.  
The queen having entered the port, where there was a stately triumphant Arch made, she was led unto the church, which was hung with cloth of tissue. The high altar was royally appointed, before the which there was an Oratory erected, covered with cloth of gold, able to contain three persons: there was also another which might hold five, which was seen by them all, and was very commodious to kneel in: thither the queen went, after that she had kissed the Cross, which was wonderfully enriched with relics, being presented unto her by the Patriarch, who was Archbishop of Valencia.  
The Catholic king came down into the church with his sister the Infanta, by a privy way, which was made of purpose, where the Pope's Nuncio (the solemnity of the ceremony being ended) demanded of the king first, and then of the Archduke, if they did ratify the marriages which had been contracted before by their ambassadors, and celebrated by the Pope: Which either of them confirming, they all went up unto the altar, where kneeling down, they assisted at the last blessing of their marriage. The prayers being ended, they went from the church unto the palace, where the nuptial feast was made with all the pomp and state that could be devised. Two days after the king made three knights of the Golden fleece, which were, the Archduke Albert, the Constable of Castille, and Prince Doria. For the space of eight days there were all sports and fights that man's wit could invent. There was a Theatre built, able to contain threescore thousand persons, fit to behold all king of sports, as baiting of the bull, joco di Canna, after the African manner, tilts, turneyes, and all other exercises wherein the Spaniards delight.  
This nuptial pomp being ended, 
King of Spain settles his Court at Vailledolet.  the king and queen went to Vailledolit, whereas the king settled his Court, after the example of Charles the fift, his grandfather, and not at Madrid, which, after the death of king Philip the second, was abandoned. The king, after his marriage, gave himself wholly to the exercises of peace, and left the managing of affairs to his Council, retiring himself in a manner from the sight of all the Grandoes of Spain, being loath to see, or to be seen of any, but of the marquess of Denia, whom he made duke of Lerma. Since that this prince took the sceptre in hand, he hath made them change th●● conceits they had of him, and hath showed more vigour than they did attribute unto him. That which he wants by reason of his youth, abounds in his Council, to whom he commits the conduct of his Estates. A prince must be wise, or else govern himself by them that are wise. They did not like that he should wholly give himself to the duke of Lerma. The Grandoes of Spain could not endure this unequal distribution of the king's favours, upon one only object, and were grieved, that this common Sun should have no light but for two eyes; that this fountain should have no water, but to quench one man's thirst: which made them to grow into great discontents, and the rather, for that his wife was made chief Lady of honour to the queen, wherewith the greatest house in Spain would have thought itself much honoured, being impossible that so great and sudden preferments should not be envied and maligned. 
Favours of princes full of envy  Hence grew complaints and murmuring, wherein the best wits employed their tongues and pens to write freely. This discontentment was seen in all the sorts that malcontents could discover it. They made images to speak at the kings coming to the Crown, and at the entry which he made at Madrid, they set up jupiter's statue, 
Diuisu● Imperium cum jove Caesar habet.  carrying a globe of the world upon his shoulders, and discharging the one half upon king Philip's, with an inscription, That the Empire was divided betwixt jupiter and Caesar: they found in strange characters, and an unknown hand, at the foot of jupiter's image, 
Pasquins.  these words; This is the duke of Lerma. They also made Pasquin to speak. The king of Spain made request unto the Pope, to grant him the tenths of the Clergie-living, besides that which his predecessors had been accustomed to take: The fear they had the Pope would not grant it, made them to write this on the palace gates at Vailledolit: An vnking Pope, an innocent King, and an insolent Duke. They made counterfeit letters, both without name and subject, having nothing but a superscription. The king coming one day from walking, he found upon his table a letter sealed up, with this direction: To king Philip the third of that name, king of Spain, being now at the service or devotion of the duke of Lerma: The post which brought it had not returned without an answer, if he had stayed▪ The king, who knew that there is nothing makes such brutes vanish sooner than contempt, nor that revives them more than a feeling and apprehension, laughed at it, and turning to the duke of Lerma, said, See here what they say of us.  
They spoke upon stages, and in public Scenes. They made a Tragedy at Vailledolit: the actors were the King, the Constable of Castille, the Duke of Lerma, and the people: The Argument was the complaints and insolency of the duke of Lerma: the Catastrophe, the duke of Lermas death, who was torn in pieces by the furious multitude.  
They made fools to speak, who are about kings only to tell truth, and to make wise men, which dare not speak it, to blush. A jester passing betwixt the king & the duke of Lerma, justled him in such sort as he made the duke to stagger, and said unto him, Stand fast, for if thou fallest thou wilt never rise again. The king taking the word, answered presently, We will then fall both together. The Grandes, who smiled at the jeasters speech, were much amazed at the king's answer. All Spain admires his fortune. The most happy hold, that who so will be fortunate, must be borne under the same Planet. But no man knows how long this happiness will continue: And in the end the great favours of princes are prejudicial and ruinous to their favourites. One says, That we must approach near unto kings, as unto fire, neither standing too far off, lest we take cold, nor approaching too near, for fear of burning. This favour is a fire, as it shines, it burns. Courteots fly unto it, and burn themselves like Butterflies. He is not wise that useth it as a fountain, and drinks as much as he can, for the thirst that is past, for the present, and that which is to come: but he is wise that drinks of these favours as dogs do of the river of Nol, passing and running, lest they be devoured of Crocodiles by envy and jealousy.  
The Archduke having brought the king's wife into Spain, 
Archdukes pass for Flanders.  and received the Infanta his wife, to conduct her into Flanders, & to take possession with her of those countries, which the king had given her in dowry, having taken leave of the king, queen, and empress, his mother, he took his way towards the sea, which was so favourable unto them, as embarking at Barcelona the seventh of june, they arrived in 18 days at Genova, where they remained the rest of that month in prince Dorias palace. From thence they passed to Pavia, where the duke of Parma came to see them. Then they came to Milan; thither the Pope sent cardinal Dietestain to visit them, who presented a sword unto the Archduke, in his Holiness name, and a rose of gold to the Infanta: and so they passed on their journey through the Grisons country.  
At the conclusion of the peace of Veruins, 
Treaty at Boullen betwixt the deputies of England and Spain.  betwixt the French and the Spanish, the queen of England was not comprehended in that treaty. The king of Spain desired to enter into a particular treaty with her, the French king being willing to further this good motion, offered the town of Boullen for their Commissioners to meet at: whither they came, but it was of no effect, by reason of the precedence, which neither would yield to other: for the English refusing to yield to the deputies of Spain, they returned without any fruits of this meeting, neither was there any one of them but thought it unreasonable to purchase a peace with so great a disadvantage to his master's service.  
The king of Spain being at peace with France, 
King of Spain complains that the French serve his ●●mies.  he thought him much wronged, & the the treaty infringed, that the French went to serve the united Estates: wherefore he gave command●ment to his ambassador in France, to make complaint unto the French king, That contrary to the conditions of the treaty of Veruins, and contrary to the public faith, the French went to serve prince Maurice, and by the favour of their arms did countenance the united provinces of the Netherlands in their rebellion: that a friendship in words without effects, was more prejudicial, a peace which doth not observe the conditions, was more hurtful unto him, than the acts of open war. The French king desiring to observe the articles of the treaty sincerely, & without any just exception, disavowed all his subjects which carried arms in that quality, commanding them to return home within six weeks, upon pain of confiscation of body and goods, forbidding all others to go thither to that intent: yet he grew jealous, for that there was an army newly embarked in Portugal, which made him suspect some design either against France or England: whereupon he commanded his servants to stand upon their guard.  
This year the marquisat of Saluces was in question betwixt the French K. and the duke of Savoy, 
King of Spain demands the Duke of Sauo● children.  who in his proceed seemed so discontented with the Spaniards, for sundry reasons, and made them so jealous of him, as the Council of Spain demanded the prince his eldest son, and his eldest daughter, under a colour of bringing them up after a royal manner, in the Court of Spain, whereas they might one day hope to reign. The 〈◊〉 was much discontented herewith, seeing that it proceeded rather from suspicion than affection; yet by the advice of his Council, he gave the king of Spain to understand, That he could not lodge his children better, being the true cement of perfect friendship, yet he resolved to send one to make his excuse, pretending, That the estate of his affairs would not suffer him to send them at that instant, nor to provide them a train and things necessary for their voyage. But the king of Spain, to prevent all excuses, gave order that money should be provided at Milan, persuading the duke to send the cont la Motte as governor to the prince. But having the money, he kept his children still, saying, That the air of Spain would not agree with his children, and that their indisposition and young years, would not suffer him to expose them to so long and dangerous a voyage. At which refusal the king of Spain was much discontented.  
The Estates of the united Provinces not content to make head against the forces of Spain within their country, 
Success of the Estates army at the Canaries.  they sent forth a goodly fleet, in the which were above 8000 soldiers and mariners, with all other necessary provisions for such a preparation. They set sail on the 25 day of May, having for General Peter vander Does, and went to affront the Spaniards at their own doors. On the eleventh of june coming near the Groin, they met with two small boats, which were sent forth to discover them: in one of them they found a Spaniard, by whom they understood, that they had been advertised of their coming upon that coast, where they stood upon their guard, and that in the Groin there were four thousand foot, and some horse: which made the General (having called all the captains to counsel) to think it not expedient to attempt any thing in those parts. Which made them to hoist sails, and to bend their course towards Cap S. Vincent: so passing the islands of Lancerote, Allegiance, and Forte-aventure, they discovered the great island of the Canaries, whereas the General vander Does came with his whole fleet before the town of Alegoena, the 26 day of june, where he cast anchor under the great castle, which is on the Northwest part of the town; and causing those ships to approach which had the greatest ordnance, he began in like manner to batter the castle of Gratiosa. The Spaniards and islanders having three pieces of ordnance, resolved to hinder their landing, after some great shot from the castle, which did much annoy the Hollanders. In the mean time the General put part of his army into boats, to row to land, but not able to come unto the shore, for want of water, he leapt first into the sea up to the girdle, being followed by all the rest, who marched resolutely to land, notwithstanding all the attempts of the Spaniards and islanders, who kept their ground, and descended the landing very valiantly: yet the Hollanders forced them, not without some loss of their men. At this charge the Spaniards lost some forty men, before they would quit the place: among others the governor (being on horseback) had a leg shot off with a great piece. The General of the Hollanders was hurt in the leg with a pike, and had three light hurts on the body, and if one of his soldiers had not slain the Spaniard which encountered him, he had been in danger of his life. The islanders leaving their artillery fled to the town with their lame governor, and the Hollanders landed at their ease. They of the castle of Gratiosa seeing four and twenty companies of Hollanders landed, and put in battle, and their colours flying, there came three mariners running from towards the castle, who told the General, That they of the castle would yield, if they might have their lives and goods saved: whither he presently went with some captains, 
Castle of Gratiosa yielded to the Hollanders.  to whose mercy the place was yielded, they leaving their arms, nine pieces of brass ordnance, and six of iron, with all the provision and munitien. There were eight and fifty prisoners, all the rest having been slain by the canon, all which he sent home in a Spanish ship which the fleet had taken, reserving only three of the chief for his better instruction.  
The Hollanders meaning the next day to besiege Alegoena, they were much annoyed by the canon of another castle which was near unto the town, so as being forced to fetch their canon to batter it, they spent four hours, the great ordnance playing of either side: in the end they within the castle being beaten from their defences, their ordnance dismounted, and their men slain, the General having also set one of the town gates on fire; which they of the town, castle, and a mountain which shot with some great ordnance, 
Town and castle of Alegoena abandoned.  seeing, they abandoned both town, castle, hill, and artillery, and fled to rocks and caves in the mountains, carrying their plate, jewels, and the richest of their movables with them, with their wives and children.  
After this the General caused some ladders to be brought, 
1599  with the which they entered the town, finding no opposition. His men ran directly to the castle, where the Spaniards, at their retreat, had left a mine, with a match burning, the which took fire before the Hollanders were entered, so as it did them no harm. They found five pieces of ordnance in the place, the which, with all the rest of the booty which they found, was carried into the Admiral's ship, as the Estates had commanded. The town and castle being taken, the General put his men in battle, as if he would muster them, in a plain within the town. The soldiers brought a Flessinguer unto him, whom they had drawn out of prison: whereupon the General went unto the prisons, and freed some six and thirty persons, who told him, that the inhabitants flying away, they had carried two prisoners with them, the one an English man, the other a Dutch, who were condemned by the Inquisition to be burnt. Towards night the whole army was quartered, and lodged within the town, except such as were appointed to be in guard towards the mountains, whereas the islanders did sometimes show themselves in great troops. The town was spoiled of all that remained, the best being carried away; and then the General caused a proclamation to be made, That no man should appropriate any goods unto himself, for such was the will of the Estates.  
On the nine and twentieth of june some mariners went up into the mountains to get some booty, 
Estates men slain in the mountains.  but the islanders intercepted them, and slew some twenty. Towards evening the General sent three hundred men to a small castle, half a league from the town, but the garrison seeing them approach abandoned it presently, and fled to the mountains; whereas the Estates men found three pieces of ordnance, and leaving a squadron there, the rest returned to the town. The last of june the General commanded that the wine, oil, and all other goods, should be embarked. The Spaniards that were in the mountains did often make offer to treat, but the General hearing their first demands, which he held impertinent, dismissed them, and would give them no more audience. The Hollanders being master of the town, the General caused the bells, artillery, munition, and all other commodities which the islanders had left behind them, to be shipped, and then he sent two thousand to charge them that were fled into the mountains, who at the first made head, and fought valiantly; where, although the Spaniards had great advantage, yet they retired into the mountains, where the Hollanders not knowing the passages, durst not pursue them, but returned to the town with the loss of seventy men, and one sea captain.  
The next day the General blew up the castle of the town, 
Alcgoena burnt by the Hollanders.  and burned all the churches and religious houses, both within and without it: then, being ready to make his retreat, he drew forth his men in battle, and caused the town to be fired: Then they marched to Gratiosa, some half mile from the town (which castle they also blew up) where their boats attended them to carry them aboard. They were no sooner embarked, but the islanders came running from the mountains to quench the fire. The General being at sea, he called all the captains to council, ask their advice what was to be done, and to inform himself of the situation of other islands in those parts. At this time there came certain Spaniards to the shore, which desired a parley. Whereupon the General sent forth a boat to fetch them: Their coming was only for those prisoners which had been taken in the castle of Gratiosa, whose ransoms being paid, they were let go.  
Leaving this island, within few days after the fleet discovered the island of Gomorrah, one of the Canaries, 
Gomorrah taken by the Hollanders.  whereas they landed without any resistance, the Spaniards and islanders being fled to the mountains and caves, as they had done from Alegoena. The Hollanders having taken Gomorrah, and seeing the islanders fly to the mountains, there were four companies, which landed first, pursued them, to cut off their passage: but being ignorant of the passages, they were charged by the Spaniards, who slew 80 of their men. The General having caused the ordnance, bells, wine, and such other commodities as he found there, to be embarked, he se● fire of the town, which the islanders came running down to quench, as they had done at Alegoena.  
Behold how these two islands of the great Canary and Gomorrah, which in a hundred years had not seen any enemies, were spoiled and burnt by the State's army, the which divided itself into two parts five; and twenty ships were sent homeward with the spoil they had taken, under the command of the Admiral john Gheenbrantsen, who arrived scatteringly about the midst of September. The General Ʋander Does bend his course with thirty and six ships towards the Island of Saint Thome, which is upon the coast of Guinee, directly under the Equinoctial line. This Island is inhabited with natural Portugals, 
Saint Thome taken by the Hollanders.  and abounds with Sugars, which is their greatest trade: whereof they became Masters upon their first approach, without any resistance or loss. But the Hollanders being more accustomed to the cold blasts of the Northern Region, than to the violent heat of the burning Zone, they were not long Masters thereof, but there fell a contagious sickness among them, whereof they died in very great torments. The General seeing this, caused them to embark the spoil with Francisco de Meneses, Governor of the said Island, his prisoner: but this infection did not leave them being at Sea, for they died in so great numbers, as the General Ʋander Does, and all the Captains but two or three, with three parts of the Mariners & Soldiers had no other Sepulchers but the Sea, so as they had scarce men to govern their ships, yet in the end they got home fafely by one and one.  
In the beginning of this year began the jubilee at Rome, 
1600  which although it doth not directly concern this History of Spain, 
jubilee at Rome.  yet have I presumed to make a little digression to relate the manner of this ceremony. This action of jubilee was in old time so rare, as few men might see it twice in their times. Bonifa●e 8 ordained first of all that it should be celebrated at Rome every hundred years, and made it to be passed in form of a law, which before was done but by devotion. Clement 6 a bridged it to fifty, to reduce it to the prefixed time of the ceremonial law, which year all debts and injuries were abolished, and the trumpets and comets did sound louder than of custom. urban 6 had another consideration: Our Saviour had lived thirty and three years in the world, and therefore he would that men reverencing the year which fell out at the end of that space, should sanctify it with the celebration of the jubilee. Paul 2 finding the time yet too long, divided the hundred into four parts, that as the Bulls are proclaimed at the four corners of Rome, and bind them that pretend to obtain the pardons which are granted in this revolution of years, to visit the four principal Churches, so the four parts of the world should be invited to frequent this jubilee, so called of the Hebrew word jobel, which signifies a Rams home, for that it was published that year by the sound of the Cornet with rejoicing. It doth commonly begin on New years eve, with a solemn procession, in the which the Pope, the Cardinals, the Ambassadors of Christian Princes, the Prelates, Clergy and Officers of the city of Rome, march according to their ranks, with a world of people, unto the door called Holy, which finding walled up, and never open but the year of jubilee, they put a candle into one of the Pope's hands, and a little silver hammer into the other, with the which having struck thrice upon the wall, it is presently beaten down by men appointed to that purpose, whereupon the people carry away the pieces with great press and devotion.  
Clement had precedents for the deferring of this day julio 3 began his jubilee in the year 1550, on S. Mathias day, for that the Sea had been void until then. The importune pain of the gout should have made Clement delay this ceremony: but the concourse of people was greater at Rome than had been in the memory of man: the Pilgrims were exceeding poor, and a longer stay would have been very hurtful unto them. Which invited the Pope not to frustrate their expectation: wherefore he was carried in a chair according to the custom, and gave his first blessing to this work the first day of the year.  
The French king having long expected restitution of the Marquisate of Salusses, which the duke of Savoy detained from him, 
Spaniard apprehends the French kings taking of Savoy  or some recompense, was forced to seek it by arms: whereupon he came in person with an army into Savoy, and took the chief places of strength. The earl of Fuentes Governor of Milan fortified the duke with four thousand Spaniards. The Ministers of Spain murmured much at the French kings approaching so near Italy, saying, that the Marquisate of Salusses was the pretext, but Milan or Naples was the true cause of this war. 
1601  Italy was in alarm, who thought that the idleness of the French at home would make them trouble their neighbours: The Pope fears that these first sparkles will set all their neighbours on fire: The duke of Sessa, king Philip's ambassador at Rome pr●sses him; he cries out of the miseries & calamities which the continuance of this war would cause; he doth entreat, beseech, and conjure the Pope to send Cardinal Aldobrandin his nephew to the most Christian king to quench the fire of this great division, and to exhort them to come unto the effects of the treaty of Paris: which the Pope did willingly yield unto.  
After an accord made betwixt the French king and the duke of Savoy, 
Spanish forces keep Christendom in alarm  all things seemed quiet, but suddenly both Italy and France were in alarm, having intelligence that both the duke of Savoy, and the Earl of Fuentes, kept their forces together, and increased them daily, and that they had some great design which could not be yet descovered, they threatened many, to strike but one, but no man knew where the chance would fall: that all the Princes of Christendom had cause to doubt him, and that the king of Spain would make himself fearful by arms in the beginning of his reign: but they knew not whether his design was against Asia, Africa or Europe. Men spoke diversly of this preparation; In France some said that the king of Spain would revive the pretensions of his Grandfather, Charles the fift, against the Venetians: others said, and with some reason, as the issue will verify, that he threatened to enter the estates of the great duke of Tuscany, with this mighty army, if he delivered not into his hands that man which for some years had qualified himself, D. Sebastian the true and lawful king of Portugal, who being banished from Venice upon this occasion, had been stayed at Florence as he passed, thinking to embark at Livorne to get to Marseilles, and so come unto the king during the war of Savoy. The Venetians gave order for their Gulf, and did think to demand Frances de Bonnes Lord of Des Digueres from the French king, to be their leader, if they were invaded; to the end that as France had lately furnished the Emperor with a Lieutenant General, and Malta with a great Master against the Infidels, it might also supply them with a great Captain against the Spaniards, if he did attempt to trouble the quiet of their estate.  
At Rome it was bruited that Geneva was in danger, and that the marquess of Aix was sent thither to entreat the Pope to bless the enterprise, and to fortify it with his means. In England they thought that some great men had some practices in Castille; and the years following will show that their jealousy was not vain. The Flemings said that it was to make king Philip to be declared king of Romans: but it were not convenient to breed new factions among the Princes of Germany, when as the Turk was so powerful in Hungary.  
All these erred in their judgements, time had discovered that this great army which so troubled men's affections, was entertained for an enterprise which they had upon Marseilles, but one of them which should have delivered the Town to the Earl of Fuentes, discovered it to the duke of Guise, and so they were disappointed.  
During the stay of this army in Italy, 
Gentleman of Venice executed.  a Venetian Gentleman of the house of Donati, appointed to be governor of cream, was convicted to have intelligence with the Spaniard, and publicly executed; he testified that this army had many and divers designs at one instant, of the which if any one had succeeded, it may be they had not lost their time and pains at sea, as they did at land. But seeing all their designs prove vain both in Italy and Provence, the army embarked at Vada, in the State of Genova, in two troops, the one under the command of D. john Andrew Doria, and the other under Charles Doria his Son, and so they bent their course towards the Turks, being in all seventy galleys, to the which the Pope, the king of Spain, the great duke of Tuscanie, the duke of Savoy, and the great Master of Malta had contributed. The Venetians would not infringe the peace they had with the great Turk, and yet they provided for all things necessary for their defence, both by sea and land, if any did quarrel with them.  
The enterprise was just and worthy of the first stratagems of a Prince, who desires to begin his reign by some worthy act; 
Enterprise just but not blest of heaven.  the opportunity of doing well being so favourable, as if Christendom could have made her profit by the division which was then in Mahomet's estate, by the mutinies of the janissaries, and the revolts in Asia, they might in show have advanced the accomplishment of that prophecy, whereof the Turks do not speak but with sighs, That by the common arms of the Christians they shall be rooted from the face of the earth.  
This army being embarked they came, in the beginning of july, to Naples to make provision of great store of arms, and a good number of Petards, which made the world think that he would both arm some of the Turks subjects, which were ready to revolt, and that he had intelligence in some place to surprise it suddenly. And for that footmen are always weak if they be not seconded by some horse, they made provision also of fifteen hundred, or two thousand armours for horsemen.  
The Venetians seeing them bend their course towards Messina, entered into new apprehensions, that if they attempted any thing in Albania they should be troubled in their gulf, but being come to Trepany, which is the promontary of Sicily next to Africa, they were freed from this fear. Having past the islands of Baleares, they then thought it was for Alger. But Cigala of Sicily was come from Constantinople with fifty galleys to cross his designs, and to watch him upon his retreat, being loath to fight at one instant against the Christians and against the Moors, their slaves and rebels; for it was given out that the Christian army should be assisted with eight or ten thousand Moors, and some Christians. Wherefore Cigala had drawn all them that dwelled along the Sea-coast, and might favour this army into the Town, and did shut up above ten thousand slaves in caves, tied with double chains, and straightly guarded.  
There was great hope of good success of this enterprise; and the Spaniards said, that the King would give good testimony of his affection to Christendom. Prince Doria the better to favour this design, had entreated the great Master of Malta, in the king of Spain's name, to send some galleys to spoil in the Levant seas, and to make a diversion of the Turks forces, and to advertise him of their course. They were very fortunate in the design, for passing into Morea with five galleys, Beauregard a French knight had commandment to set a Petard to the gate of Chasteauneuf, 
Chasteauneuf in Morea taken by the knights of Malta.  which the Turks call Passana, and in the mean time some other knights should attempt it by Scalado on the other side. As nothing is easy to cowards, so the valiant find nothing difficult: where they entered with such fury, as they forced the second Port, and yet it was valiantly defended by seven or eight hundred Turks, where they took many slaves, cloyed their ordnance, spoiled and burnt the Town and country about it, and returned with speed.  
The Sea army of Spain recovered the coast of Africa, but both men at land, and winds at Sea were banded against it. God would not bless this enterprise although it were just and holy, the reasons remain in the Register of his justice and infinite wisdom: against the which we may not murmur, as the Romans did against the conduct and government of their gods, when as they saw that Pompey, doing nothing according unto justice, was favoured with their assistance; and when as he fought for their laws and country, yea for the gods themselves, he was most unfortunate. Prince Doria seeing that both heaven, earth, and sea did cross his designs, resolved to retire and not attempt any thing.  
The Prince of Parma did serve as a voluntary in this army▪ who grieving to see this great army return without any employment, desiring rather to err in judgement than in the greatness of his courage, told Prince Doria, That he should not suffer so goodly an army to return without some attempt, 
Prince of Parmas' speech to Prince Doria.  the which had done nothing but incense a mighty enemy, who to be revenged of a dead enterprise ready for execution, 
Prince Dorias answer 〈…〉  would seek to annoy the king of Spain in all his estates. To whom the old man made this present answer; I know my charge▪ my head is grown white in learning this experience. Your excellency is accountable unto the king my lord but for your pike only, and I for a whole army, wherein although I have been unfortunate, yet will I not that other parts belonging to my charge, as courage, authority and experience shall fail me, or that any shall object unto me that I have erred therein. A gallant and worthy answer, to tech a young Prince (how great soever he be in an army) that he must only study to obey, and not to lead and command which was the generals charge.  
So Prince Doria having discharged his army went towards Genova, choosing rather to give them cause to speak disgracefully of his retreat, than to have attempted an impossible enterprise in vain. The Pope's Galleys attended the Prince of Parma at Barcelona, who was gone into Spain to kiss the king of Spain's hands. Those of the great duke of Tuscany went to Genova, and from thence to Livorne.  
Most of the Soldiers came and lodged in the duchy of Milan, to the utter ruin of the Country. 
Policy of the earl of Fuentes.  But the Earl of Fuentes, who never forceth the people when he can persuade them, found an invention to make this burden sweet and supportable. He sought to draw their commerce by water from Milan to Pavia, and caused them to dig Trenches, to bring the Rivers together which are betwixt those Towns.  
The people seeing commodities that might well recompense their losses with advantage, seasoned the remembrance of their present harm, with the hope of so great a good. Many have attempted the like, but in vain, who in the end have been forced to give over the work, and to leave the world as it was made.  
The Emperor Charlemaigne, sought to join the River of Rhin to the Danowe, and the Morello to the Rhin, to the end the French might traffic by water throughout all Europe, and to this end he caused great and deep Trenches to be made, but finding lets, not foreseen nor thought off, they remained unprofitable and filled of themselves.  
And the Earl of Fuentes encounters great difficulties in this design, which did frustrate their work, and renewed the people's complaints, when as they saw themselves surcharged with the ruins of this last Shipwreck, and that the Soldiers which came from the army of Alger, lived in Lombardie at discretion and without discretion: wherefore to give the Milanese some ease, he entreated the duke of Savoy to lodge the Regiment of Barbo, in the Marquisate of Salusses, but knowing how difficult a thing it is to make the Spaniard leave his lodging, he excused himself upon the ruin and misery of his estates.  
In the end the king of Spain's Commissaries cast those companies of Italians that were in Alexandria, they wrapped up their colours, disarmed them, and left them in a manner naked, 
Ten shillings sterling.  giving to every one but five livers of that Country money; the King of Spain having no means to do better, his Treasure being much wasted in the charges of this last sea army, being also to furnish money for the Swisses and Germans.  
This year the Queen of Spain was brought in bed of her first Child, the which although it were a Daughter, 
Infanta of Spain borne.  yet were the Spaniard as full of joy as the French were for their new born Dauphin, saying they had rather their Queen should begin with a Daughter than with a Son, lest they should fall into those difficulties which jealousy and ambition do breed, when as the Son grows up so soon and solicits his father to be gone, when as their ages are in a manner confounded, the one being in the flower, the other in the season of fruits, the which is fittest for government; and that the desire to succeed may not trouble the order of Nature, which makes the one repent that they are fathers, and shows the other unworthy to be children.  
This Daughter was borne on Saint Maurice day, the second of September, and was afterwards Christened Anna Maria Mauricetta.  
There fell out an accident this Summer, 
Outrage done unto Rochpot ambassador in Spain.  which had like to have drawn the two great Monarches of Christendom into arms. The Majesty of kings is so interessed in the wrong which is done unto their Ambassadors, as there is nothing more sensible, nor a juster subject to quarrel with them that do the wrong: And this pretext is so nice, as the Prince which suffers the wrong unpunished, is no less culpable than they that do it.  
This accident did trouble the minds of many, and transported their imaginations beyond the Pyrenees, if he who quenched the last combustions of France, had not speedily cast water upon this new fire which began to kindle. A nephew of the earl of Rochepots, ambassador in Spain for the French king, bathing himself at night with some other Gentlemen after the manner of the French: certain Spaniards looking on them, used some jesting speeches, which were as suddenly answered, wherewith the Spaniards being moved: cast the French men's clothes into the water, the French attired themselves with all speed, and from words they fell to swords, in which conflict there were some Spanish Gentlemen slain, and some hurt. The kinsmen of the dead made complaint unto the king of Spain, who commanded his officers to do justice as the cause required. And they, not remembering that the name of an ambassador is inviolable, even among enemies, forced the doors of his lodging without any respect, and drew forth his Nephew, and some other Gentlemen to prison.  
The French king, being advertised of this affront, was much offended, and demanded satisfaction from the king of Spain, else he should not take him for his friend, and withal he called home his ambassador, forbidding all his subjects to traffic into Spain and Portugal, upon pain of corporal punishment, and the loss of goods, protesting to be revenged if reason were not done him by some mild course: whereupon he went presently towards the fronteers and came to Calais. 
Traffic forbidden into Spain  The injury done unto Rochepot, the defence of traffic, and the king's approach, made all men think that this goodly Sun of peace, which began but to spread his beams over both realms, would be soon eclipsed, at the least it would be overcast with clouds, from whence would grow many great and ruinous storms.  
The Archduke took an alarm at the king's approach, being then at the siege of Ostend: wherefore he sent the Earl of Sora to beseech his Majesty not to suffer his enemies to prevail against him, and presume to find a support in him, 
Archduke jealous of the French king.  which would be of dangerous consequence for all other people that would shake off the yoke of obedience, and an odious example to princes from whom they should receive a law.  
And for that many thought the king would embrace this occasion of the siege of Ostend, whereby it seemed he should have good means to enter into Artois, without any opposition, he sent the duke of Esguillon to assure the archduke that he had no other design but to maintain peace with all his neighbours; that his coming to Calais, 
French king sends to the Archduke.  was to view and to provide for that which should be necessary to assure the frontiers against all dangers. That he desired peace, yet would not endure a wrong: And as he did hope, the king of Spain would do him reason for the affront done unto his ambassador, so he would not seek any revenge until it were denied him. But the Pope fearing that this violence offered to the French ambassador, would not pass without some revenge, and that it might kindle a war betwixt these two great kings, he sent into Spain for the prisoners, the which were sent unto him, and he presently delivered them into the hands of Mounsieur de Bethunes, ambassador for the French king at Rome: and so the peace was continued.  
I must now make some mention of a wonder or miracle in Spain, whereof the Spaniards brag much, but I leave it to the judicious Reader to believe what he please: it is a bell in Arragon, 
Bell in Arragon miraculous.  which they say, doth sometimes ring without any man's help, and therefore they call it, The miraculous bell.  
near unto the river of Ebro, whereas in old time was a colony of Romans, called Curia Celsa, from whence they brought goodly vessels of Alabaster, as Titus Livius and others do witness, there is a place, the ruins whereof show that there hath been a great town which is now demanteled, and did stretch from Villila unto a place called Celsa, which keeps still the old name though it be corrupted.  
near Villila there is a little hill, on the top whereof there is a little church dedicated to S. Nicholas, where among other things there is a square stone of alabaster, very ancient, on the which there are many personages cut in stone, kneeling before a Bell, which hangs in a Tower of that steeple. But now the Church hath a Tower vnderpropt with three pillars, in the which there hangs two bells, one a little one, which calls the neighbours daily to divine service, and the greater is commonly called by them the miraculous Bel, the which is ten spans about, and there is printed on it on two places. The picture of Christ crucified, with that of the Virgin Mary and Saint john, the one towards the East and the other towards the West; and in like manner two crosses, one towards the South, and the other towards the North, and about it there are Letters graven which contain this Sibilline prophesy: Christus Rex venit in pace, Deus homo factus est. This bell by ancient tradition, as they affirm, hath often sounded of itself, and hath foretold strange and unexpected events.  
This year one thousand six hundred and one, on the thirteenth day of june, this bell did found without the help of man, and without any shaking, the knepple striking sometimes on one side alone, and sometimes on both sides of the bell; at the first it gave fix strokes, than nine, and afterwards twelve, fifteen, and in the end thirty strokes, continuing striking after this manner for the space of two hours; and the greatest blows were for the most part given towards the East, and towards the South: and divers days following it struck sundry times in the presence of the Curate of the place, and of an infinite number of people, until Saturday the sixeteenth of that month: So as the bruit of this novelty was spread over the whole Country, and in the end it came unto Sarragossa the chief Town of the Realm of Arragon, whereas D. Garcia of Villiapando, Lord of Quinto and Villila, was at that time, who hearing these news went with his wife, and daughters, and many others of good account, presently to Villila, being desirous to see that with their eyes which had been reported: and for that after their arrival the bell stood still some days, they held themselves very unfortunate, that they came not in time, fearing it would sound no more.  
But the next day which was Thursday, being Corpus Christ● day, about six of the clock in the morning, when they were ready to go in procession, it began to sound very loud, and so continued divers times, until the day after Saint john Baptists day, that it stayed for a time, and afterwards as if the clapper had been guided by one's hand, it gave twenty great strokes towards the East very melodiously, and so it ceased.  
They say that they have authentic testimonies in their Annals, that this bell did found of itself, when as Alfonso the fift, king of Arragon, went into Italy, to take possession of the Realm of Naples; and when as the Emperor Charles the fift, died: In like manner when as D. Sebastian king of Portugal went into Africa; and when as king Philip the second was extremely sick at Badajos, at which time his wife Queen Anne died; from which time until now it had never sounded. This Bell did sound (as I have said) when as D. Sebasti●n went into Africa, and the Portugals (who always produce some Prophecies,) assure that this bell did sound this year for the return of their king D. Sebastian.  
The accident of a man which termed himself D. Sebastian, sometime king of Portugal, 
D. Sebastian king of Portugal.  is so common throughout all Christendom, as there is not any Nation but talks of him, yet diversly: The verification thereof would not only give pleasure and profit, but would ravish many of them with admiration, who believe him to be so, as well as the others, who hold him to be an Impostor, or a Magician: And with all it might serve for an example, as well to those that are now or shall come hereafter, in matter of wilful and malicious incredulity, as well as in too indiscreet and light belief.  
The Spaniards in this belief are contrary to the portugals, for they hold him for an Impostor. Some among them say, that he is a Calabrois, born at Tavern: others maintain that he is Monk, 
Opinion of the Spaniards of D. Sebastian.  which had renounced his order: And others hold that it is one Mark Tulle Catizon, born in a town of Apulia, & that he hath a wife living at Messina, being induced by some portugals enemies to the Spaniards, who by this pretext would seek the delivery of the realm: of Portugal, which they say, is held by the violence of the Kings of Castille: That it is most certain the king D. Sebastian was slain at the battle in Africa: That he being dead, his body was known and redeemed by king Philip the second for a hundred thousand crowns. Others say, that the Moors delivered it without any money, by reason of the accord made betwixt Muley Molut, and king Philip: it is true that king Philip did solicit them for it by reason of his pretensions. That he was honourably interred at Belem by Lisbon. That four kings, accounting the election of D. Antonio, have reigned since his death. That it is not likely that king Sebastian should have continued two and twenty years a prisoner, and a wanderer about the world, and not have a desire, nor find any means to make himself to be known for him who this Impostor says he is. Moreover, the miserable estate wherein this affronter hath long lived among poor people, and in the end was seen in Italy before he said who he was, having not written unto any of the Princes of Christendom. That he could not answer pertinently to all the demands made unto him by the Seignory of Venice, who had deliberately examined him both in prison and at liberty. And that he had not all the marks which the deceased king D. Sebastian had. That the king D. Sebastian was flaxen haired, and this Impostor is black. That he doth not speak good Portugal. That in all Ages there have been some seen to resemble one an other in countenance, to be of the like stature, and to have like marks. That it is not now alone that there have been such Impostors which said they were the king D. Sebastian; yea a Mason borne in the Island of Tercere, was so impudent as to affirm himself to be the same, who was followed by some portugals armed, and if he had entered into Lisbo●e on Ascension day, as he had resolved, and had written unto the Governor, he had been received by all the portugals for their king D. Sebastian: but others say▪ that only some peasants of the country followed him, and that he had written unto the cardinal Albert to leave Portugal; but being taken and known for an Impostor, he was hanged. That also in a Province of Portugal called Beira, a certain Portugal of base condition maintained himself to be the king D. Sebastian: the which was given out to be so true, as Albert Cardinal of Austria then Viceroy of Portugal, was resolved (as the portugals themselves say) to retire himself into Castille; yet by the advice of the five Governors of Portugal, which governed the realm jointly with him, he sent to captain Gill de Mesa (who at this day is one of the French Kings chamber) to go and apprehend him with his company of two hundred men, and to bring him with honour and respect: for if haply he were the same whom he vaunted himself to be, he would deliver up into his hands the sceptre and crown of the kings of Portugal, with his realms. Gill de Mesa went into the province of Beira, and came to the town of Pena macor, where he took him easily, and carried him to Lisbon, who being known for an impostor, he was publicly whipped and sent to the galleys; which Impostor lived of late years, and was called Sebastian in derision, who was not hanged notwithstanding, for that in his process he was not found charged with any other crimes than with that of his intention: But one who termed himself Bishop of La guard was hanged, for that he had persuaded this man: And as for the cardinal Albert, he would not retire, but whenas the King D. Antonio came into Portugal with his sea army. That there have not only been such Impostors, who termed themselves to be the king D. Sebastian; but that lately in Castille, there was a pie baker at Madrigal, who gave it out secretly, that he was D. Charles prince of Spain, whom king Philip his father had put to death twenty years before, who being known for an abuser was hanged: Others say, that this pie baker termed himself king Sebastian, being incited thereunto by Michael de los Sanctos an Augustine Friar, Preacher to Queen Katherine, who was hanged in his religious habit. That in like manner other ages had furnished the like Impostors which had taken upon them the name of Kings and Princes.  
The portugals on the other side maintain, that this is their true king by many and sundry great marks, which he carries like unto those of the true Sebastian, wherein they are the better confirmed, 
Portugall's opinion touching D. Sebastian.  for that the Spaniards (say they) ground only upon simple, common, and light presumptions, the which do in no sort balance so many marks and reasons which justify this to be the true king: And moreover, that the Spaniards, who say that he is a Calabrois, a Monk, or M●rs Tulle Catizon of Apulia, have not yet produced any apparent proofs of his life and means whom they call an Impostor. The which they may so easily do, by the authority and absolute power which they have in those Provinces, as the portugals do not receive their negative, but for a me●re slander: but on the other side they repeat the life of D. Sebastian from his birth, unto his coming to Saint Lucar of Barameda, with many prophecies, signs, and predictions: the which we have added, that it may serve as an example to posterity.  
D. Sebastian (as you have heard) was the only son and after birth of the Prince D. john son to the king D. john the third, 
Birth of D. Sebastian king of Portugal.  who died young, leaving D. joane of Austria, princess of Castille, and daughter to the Emperor Charles the fift with child, who was delivered of D. Sebastian on Saint Sebastian's day, eighteen days after the father's death, who as it seems was in a manner wrested out of the hands of God, by the great prayers which were made generally throughout the realm of Portugal, to the end the crown should not be left without lawful heirs males in the succession of great Alphonso the first king of Portugal. They were induced here unto by the predictions and revelations which had been given to the said Alphonso the first founder of the said realm: by the which it was promised them of God, To warrant his posterity in such sort as it should not fail upon the earth, yet, at the sixteenth descent from him, it should have great tribulations and afflictions.  
By this Oracle it appeareth it was spoken of his birth, for the which also the Portugals made such prayers, and showed such devotion, for that they feared to fall under the Spaniards yoke, who are their natural enemies: either for that the Portugals had in old time their beginning from the French, as the name doth show, for that the French coming into those parts did inhabit that country, and gave it their name; or else for that the Spaniards being envious of their prosperities, seeking always to reign over them, are become their enemies without cause.  
The king D. Sebastian being overthrown at the battle of Alcaserquibir in Africa, the Spaniards say that some noblemen of Portugal which followed him, seeing all lost, advised him to retire, but he answered that he had rather die, and so thrust into the midst of his enemies, where some noblemen entered with him, where they believe he died, whose body they say was buried at Belem.  
But the portugals say, that they did never believe that it was D. Sebastian's body, or that he was dead, but that he embarked (as you shall hear) and that he went into Algarue, and put himself into a monastery of jeronomits, or according unto some, of S. Francis, whom they called los Descalgos, or the bare footed, and there he caused his wounds to be cured; the which they say had been verified by a servant to Cardinal Henry the King's uncle, who was a Churchman and trusty to his master, and brought an Act signed by the Guardian and monks of the said monastery of jeronomits: this servants name was Manuel Antonez: But cardinal Henry, who was acknowledged king, did not then speak, neither did the said Manuel Antonez: the which (as they say) was afterwards the cause of great miseries in Portugal: for the cardinal dying, notwithstanding that the portugals did after him choose D. Antonio a prince of Portugal for their lawful king, yet the king of Castille seized upon the Realm, and held it by force. Afterwards the said Manuel Antonez revealed this Act, seeing that in the year 1598., it was said that D. Sebastian was recovered; who being sent for by king Philip, he went unto him, but no man knew what was become of him, some said he was dead.  
The portugals believe, 
How the portugals believe that D. Sebastian saved himself from the battle.  that the king D. Sebastian seeing the battle lost, that he was in danger to b● taken, but that defending himself valiantly, he slew some which sought to take him, and hid himself amongst the dead carcases until night, at which time he went towards the sea, where the rest of his army lay in the road. There he met with the Duke of Avero Christopher de Tavora his great favourite, the Earl of Redonde, and other noblemen, with whom he embarked, and went into Algarue, as you have heard, sending his ships away: where he resolved with the said noblemen to wander over all Europe, Africa, and Asia, into Ethiopia to Prete jan, and into Persia, where he was in battles against the Turk, and received many wounds.  
Being weary of running, and tired with the vanity of the world, he came unto an Hermitage, where he continued until he had visions and revelations both to himself, and to an Hermit with whom he lived: so as after many delays he left him: which was in the year 1597. And that being in Sicily he sent letters into Portugal, by Marc Tullio Catizoni a Sicilian, who never returned, and was never seen since. That king Sebastian after he had attended him long, parted from Sicily, with an intent to manifest himself unto the Pope. But there fell out an other accident, his servants rob him, and ran away, so as he remained naked and without means, being forced to beg up and down Italy: and in the end he came to Venice in june 1598., having but one gazette, which is not a penny of our English money: being there, he got into a Cook's house, and lodged in a poor cockle oft or garrer, the Cook's name was Francisco, borne in Cypress, who (being but a poor man and charged with wife and many children) entertained him aswell as he could, for the virtues and good parts which he seemed to have, being continually at his prayers.  
Within few days he was discovered by the Portugals to be D. Sebastian king of Portugal, whereupon some of them carried him to Padova, whether it were upon hope to be advanced by him, or otherwise, so as there was a great bruit of him. The Ambassador of Spain made his complaints, and the Signiory sent to the governors of Padova to chase away this man, who called himself D. Sebastian king of Portugal, within 3 days out of their town. This sentence being signified unto him, touched him so near as he fell sick. Being recovered, he resolved to go in person to Venice to yield an account of himself. He presents himself unto the Senate, relates the history of his life, his rout in Africa, his retreat into Calabria, his resolution never to have showed himself in any place of knowledge for the shame of his disgrace, and the punishment of his rashness, if the Spirit of God had not inspired him with another will, and given him a certain assurance to make him known for him that he was borne. He added moreover, that among all the sovereign Estates of Europe, he would not have recourse to any, but to the common weal of Venice, to judge the truth of his condition. And for a proof, he remembered unto them with all circumstances, the Ambassadors which they had in former times sent unto him, the answers and dispatches which they had brought back from him, and the difficulties that were of either side. The Senate caused their records to be searched, and found them conformable to his words. They questioned with him, with great wisdom and judgement, of many other matters of importance; whereunto he answered so pertinently, as many held him to be the true king D. Sebastian, and others took him to be a magician, for that no other but himself could be informed of such secret matters, without the spirit of Python.  
Then grew there a great rumour in Venice, the people favoured him with their wishes and prayers, every man desired to see him seated again in his throne. But he had a violent enemy, the Ambassador of Spain, who maintained for his master, that he was an impostor, charging him moreover, with many horrible and detestable crimes (which being proved could not have deserved less than fire) he made himself party against him, 
D. Sebastian imprisoned at Venice.  and got him to be committed. Being in prison, the Senate deputed judges to make his process, who used all diligence to inform upon the crimes imputed unto him by his adverse party, but they found him innocent. They examined him eight and twenty times, at all the which he showed such an undaunted courage and countenance, as he seemed rather capable to judge the judges, than to undergo their censures. In the end, imagining that their demands were more curious than just, and that they favoured the greediness of the Spaniard more than the truth of his cause, he would not answer any more, but did insist upon his first request, That they would let him be seen unto the Portugals, and to such strangers as had known him before he passed into Africa, and if he were a counterfeit, he was in their hands to do that justice on him which an impostor deserved.  
This Seductor (said the Ambassador of Spain) is borne in Apulia, 
Reasons of the Ambassadors accusing D. Sebastian.  and married at Messina, we have the depositions of his wife, that his name Mareo Tullio Catizoni; that he had been procured & instructed by certain Portugals, enemies to the Estate of Spain, who under this pretext would stir up a rebellion, which they call a delivery or restoring of the realm of Portugal: what Prince of Christendom would deal in the affairs of this affronter? The quality of those persons whom he hath followed since the time that he hath wickedly taken upon him the name of D. Sebastian▪ doth it not sufficiently prove that he is a man of a bad life? He hath some marks which D. Sebastian had on his body when he lived, but most of them are counterfeited by art. The King Sebastian was flaxen haired, and this impostor is black; neither doth he speak good Portugal. By these and many other reasons he concluded, that the prisoner should undergo the same punishment which they had suffered which were culpable of the same crime, during the reigns of the last king and governors of Portugal.  
The Portugals defended him with as great animosity as the Spaniards accused him with passion: 
Portugals defend him.  they maintained that their king D. Sebastian being grieved, that through the violence of his courage he had made Africa the sepulchre of so many thousands of men, who might have done more profitable service unto Christendom; and being ashamed after so great a loss, had wandered up and down the world, until that the divining providence had forced him to manifest himself. His adventure was no stranger, nor more incredible than that of William 5 duke of Aquitaine, who having maintained the Antipope Leon surnamed Anaclet, against Innocent 2, who was lawful Pope; notwithstanding that Saint Bernard had exhorted him not to countenance a Schism in the Church, against the service of God: the said duke having displaced the Bishops of Poicters and Lymogcs, and advanced others, of his own authority, being touched with remorse, and a desire of penance, he left his Estates, to lead a solitary life like some poor man: with this design he reconciled himslfe unto the Pope, and by his advice went to jerusalem, with a Secretary of his called Albert; there he lived nine years in great abstinence. At his return to Rome, he thought to have taken party in the wars which were then in Italy, but knowing that this advice was a temptation of the devil, he returned to jerusalem, and afterwards came back into Italy, where he built divers monasteries, and in the end died, in the year 1154.  
If this prince had had a meaning to return and take possession of his Estates, should he have found the like inhumanity among the princes and common weals of Christendom? should he have had such toil to verify the true quality of his person? The Portugals did never believe that their king D. Sebastian was slain at the Battle of Alcazar. If they would have the people believe it, they should have caused his body to be viewed by such as were interessed, and that knew him, for that they had been brought up with him, and the marks which he carries on his person: and not to poor prisoners taken in the wars, to whom under promise of liberty, they might draw what depositions they pleased. There is nothing more easy than to suppose a body, to put it into a beer, to inter it royally, and to proclaim, This is the body of the deceased D. Sebastian king of Portugal.  
As for impostors which have qualified themselves with his name, have found any belief, but with the simple, and people of no sort? Have we not abandoned them as soon as ever their falsehood was discovered? The Mason of Tercere, was he not hanged by a public consent? That other rascal of Pegnamacor, who did for a time trouble Cardinal Albert, and the five governors of Portugal, was he not declared a seducer, publicly whipped, and sent to the galleys.  
But what credit may be given to the depositions of a silly woman, who for a piece of money will sing any note you please? we have witnesses to whom she voluntarily declared, that she came to Venice against her will: That she is the wife of Marco Tullio Catizoni, but had not seen him since he parted, with many letters to go into Portugal. We know moreover, that he distributed the greatest part of them, and that he died at Lisbon, attending the return of some that were absent, to deliver them to their own hands. The king D. Sebastian had during his reign more intelligence with this Signiory, than with all other Estates of Christendom: and therefore had rather address himself unto them to be relieved in the justice of his cause. The afflictions and miseries which have oppressed him since he began to discover himself, have forced him to accept of that which is allowed the most infortunate in a strange country: to receive courtesies, and to bind himself indifferently to all men for their good deeds. They have examined his life exactly, and theirs whok he hath frequented: could they convict him of any crime? of any vice? if it be not a crime or vice to spend many days of the week in fasting with bread and water, in continual prayers, and in giving unto the poor the remainder of the alms which had been given him. The Spaniards which say that he is a Calabrois, a Monk which hath quit his Order, and which call him Marco Tullio Catizoni, should they not rather desire that he should be brought forth unto us, to examine him, to see him, to hear him, and to know him? If he be a seducer, and if we be impostors, what means shall we have with him to avoid the punishment which the Laws inflict in such cases? We know the marks and characters which Nature, not without some great misery, hath set upon the body of the king D. Sebastian; Let us see this prisoner, if he carries them, it is a great presumption for many other signs which we have: if there be art, we will be the first that shall cire out against the abuser. And until this be done we cannot take the Spaniards negative, who are the usurpers of Portugal, but for a mere slander.  
If the king Don Sebastian hath changed the colour of his hair since his youth, what marvel is it? Is it not ordinary, that a flaxen hair turns black with age? But moreover, do not we know, that if any one that is as white as snow, pass the Equinoctial line, if he make a voyage to Guimey, to Saint Thome, or to some other part of Ethiopia; if he stay some years in Barbary, he will become black as pitch, and the whiter a man is, the sooner he grows black. We have a familiar example in the person of Don Christopher Prince of Portugal: From his youth until the age of eighteen, that he passed out of England into Barbary; we have seen him white as milk, fair, and of a clear complexion; but having lived at Marroc little above three years, he grew so black, as at his return we did not know him. He is yet living, and no whiter than when he returned out of Barbary. If little above three years had such power to breed so strange an alteration in Don Christopher, what might above twenty years do in the king Don Sebastian? Neither may we find it strange, if conversing with so many Nations, differing in language, he hath forgotten something of the true and natural pronunciation of ours. Thus our enemies grounding only upon simple and light presumptions, cannot overthrow so many certain marks and reasons which justify this man to be the true and lawful Don Sebastian king of Portugal.  
The Venetians would gladly their prisoner were gone to seek justice elsewhere, for they found no lawful subject to condemn him, and they could not openly give him means to escape, but they must incense the king of Spain. The greatest part of their Senate found great likelihoods that he should be the same, others knew not what to say, neither durst they entreat him as a king. They therefore gave the Portugals to understand by the Archbishop of Spalleto, 
Venetians demand an attestation of the Portugals.  who knew him particularly, and had kept him sometime in his house, That they should bring unto them the true and natural marks of the king Don Sebastian well verified, without the which they might not see him; for that having so great a desire to free themselves from the Castillans' command, if need were they would maintain a Negro to be the king Don Sebastian.  
Doctor Sampayo a jacobin goes to Lisbon, from whence he returns to Venice with a Cannon, and brings an instrument made by an apostolic Notary, containing all the marks testified by many others, and beseecheth the Signiory to confront them, and to understand the truth. They answered, that the reason of Estate did not allow them to inquire whether he were a king, or not, unless they were required in his favour by the kings and princes of Christendom. After this the Portugals went to beg favour in France, Germany, England, with the Estates of the united Provinces, and elsewhere. In the end Don Christopher younger son to the deceased Don Antonio king of Portugal by Election, who died at Paris, being come to Venice with letters from the Estates and prince Maurice, obtained audience, and delivered that which he pretended in writing. The Counsel assembled four several days for the prisoners affairs, and conclusions being taken the 16 of December, 1600, he was called unto the Senate at ten of the clock at night, where there did assist above 200 of the chief men of that State; where the same injunction which had been made unto him by the Podesta of Padova, in the year 1598., was again intimated unto him by four Deputies of the Signiory, all standing up bore headed, with great respect: where they pronounced this sentence unto him, and he still covered, if we shall believe the Portugals.  
Going forth of the Senate many presented themselves to accompany him to his lodging, but he would not suffer them. The Portugals which were at Venice, D. Christopher, D. john de Castro, Diego Manuel, Roderigo Marquis, Sebastian Figueyra, Francisco Antonio, Sampayo and Chrysostome Monks, with many others, whereof some had seen him often in Portugal, and since in Barbary after the defeat, protest that at the first sight of him they were much amazed, for that they saw him differ so much in age and hair; but having well observed his countenance, his forehead, his eyes; his nose, his lip of Austria, that is to say, greater than the ordinary, the which most of the Princes of that house have (from whence he was descended by his grandmother Catherine, sister to the Emperor Charles the fift, and by his mother joane daughter to the said Emperor) his stature, his speech, his writing, all the visible marks of his body, whereby they did know him infallibly; the left parts, as his arm, hand, leg, and foot, shorter than the right; his wart upon the little toe of the right foot, which was almost like unto a sixth toe, the moles of his face and hands, his hurt upon his right brow & head, the place where he wanted a tooth in his right jaw beneath, the which Sebastian Nero his Chirurgeon had once pulled out: all which marks, with many other, did ravish them with wonderful admiration, & forced them to confess that he was their true & natural king, who was miraculously preserved for the restoring of Portugal, and for the benefit of Christendom, and they live yet in this expectation.  
Sampayo a Doctor and professor of Divinity at Tolousa, and a jacobin by profession, to give an indubitable belief to this new manifestation, and to make the world think that it were Atheism not to believe it, writing to Paris, presumed to deliver these words: I assure you that jesus Christ is no more the son of the true and eternal God, whom I call to witness, 
Presumption of Doctor Sampayo.  than this is D. Sebastian our true and natural king and Lord. A bold speech, although it were an undoubted truth, confessed by all the world; the comparison is unlawful, the which I doubt cannot be made without blasphemy, seeing there is no proportion betwixt the Creator and the Creature.  
Being at liberty, the Portugals which were at Venice besought him to speak unto them, to the end they might see if his speech would give them as much knowledge of his quality as his countenance had done, not being able to judge of the inward many by the outward parts: whereupon he spoke unto them after the Portugal manner, proudly & royally, telling them what he was, & what his life had been since his overthrow in Africa, which forced tears from him in speaking, and from them in hearing. Being thus resolved, they were much troubled how they should save him from the ambushes of the Spaniards, for they were advertised that the Ambassador of Castille laid wait for him at every passage. The duke of Savoy & the Earl of Fuentes had the like charge. The Archbishop of Spalleto offered to conduct him safely in his Caroche unto the frontiers of Germany, but they would not trust him, & yet they knew not what to resolve: some would carry him to Lions, where they treated of a peace with the duke of Savoy: whereas when they saw any troop of horse a far off, they ran to meet them, with acclamations, hoping to see D. Sebastian king of Portugal, & thereupon built goodly castles in Spain. Others desired he should rather pass by Florence, to embark at Livorne, & so get to Marseilles. But as every one in particular sought to have the honour to preserve the king, their obstinate disagreement spoiled all. They made choice of the worst, & followed the advice of Sampayo, who was a turbulent & choleric man: they attire him like a monk of the Order of S. Dominike, & embark him in a gondola in the night, from whence he goes to Padova: there he changed his habit for a cloak and a rapier, 
D. Sebastian stayed prisoner at Florence.  & so went to Florence, whereas the duke caused him to be stayed, by the advice of the Archbishop of Pisa, where he kept him until the 23 of April.  
The king of Spain being advertised that he was at Florence, priest the great duke to deliver him unto the Viceroy of Naples, and to his entreaties he adds threats. But why should he deliver him, 
King of Spain demands D. Sebastian.  seeing that the Venetians seem rather by their sentence to give their prisoner means to seek justice elsewhere, than to take knowledge of his cause? Shall he violate the law of nations, in delivering him that trusted unto his protection? Being thus in suspense betwixt the fear of threats, and the reason of denial, they represent unto him a great army, at the king of Spain devotion, the which affrights all Italy, and threatens his estates. He desires rather to avoid the storm, than to incense a mighty Prince, 
He is delivered to the Viceroy of Naples.  and to draw a war upon him, the end whereof must needs be ruinous. Whereupon he sent him to Orbirello, where some, appointed by the Viceroy, received him, and conducted him safely to Naples.  
Seeing himself in the Castillans' power, and that he had nothing free but theayre and his tongue, he poured forth all that might be spoken against one that may be taxed of treason, inhospitality, and treachery, as the violence of choler thrust him on to strange imprecations against them that do so deliver up the poor, unjustly afflicted, which commit themselves to the safeguard of another. Notwithstanding these violent humours, he presented himself before the earl of Lemos, Viceroy of Naples, with as settled a countenance as he had done to the Senate of Venice, and the great Duke; yea (the Portugals say) with as great majesty, as if he had been fitting in his royal throne at Lisbon: For at his coming in, to a great hall, seeing the Viceroy bore headed, whether it were to respect the title of a king, which he did attribute unto himself, or by reason of the heat, Cover you Earl of Lemos; said he, with such a hardy gravity, as it amazed the whole company. The Viceroy demanded of him, Whence comes this authority to command me? To whom he answered, It is borne with me. You seem not to know me, I know who you are: do you not remember that the deceased king Philip mine uncle sent you twice unto me when I reigned in Portugal? Declaring unto him every particular so precisely, as it bred some scruple in the minds of the hearers, and did much distemper the viceroys thoughts: who dying some months after, charged his son and successor to carry himself discreetly and moderately to this prisoner, as indeed he had entreated him (as the Portugals say) with little rigour and much courtesy. But this new keeper, whether that he had a contrary commandment from his Sovereign, or to insinuate more into his favour, or else fearing the corruption of some Portugals, who followed him a far off, to see his success, he restrained his prisoner, and doubled his guards, giving him no more liberty than to many others, to go out on Sundays and festival days to hear Mass in a chapel within the castle. Yet the Viceroy, who would not publicly seem to consent to the affliction of this unfortunate man, dispensed with himself to call him Impostor: who finding himself much touched with this reproach, fell to those arms which his condition did furnish him, which were as bitter words as might be given to any one that would not respect his quality. These violent words did not free him from a hard prison in the castle d' Ouo, 
D. Sebastian in the castle d'Ouo.  in the which he did not find any thing (according to the report of the Portugals) but a cord, and a long knife, fit instruments for some desperate malefactor, who would free himself from some exemplary punishment. There he continued three days without bread, wine, water, or bed. On the fourth the Auditor general being followed by two Registers, came to visit him, and finding him safe and well (for there was no great likelihood that with such cruel usage he should seek to prolong his life, especially having such fit instruments to end his miseries, and to free himself from a more sensible, ignominy before men) he said unto him, That if he did not forbear to say and maintain himself to be D. Sebastian king of Portugal, they had not any thing to sustain his hunger nor thirst, nor to give him rest. Do what you please, said the prisoner, for I am D. Sebastian, the true king of Portugal, and no other. God forbidden that I should fall into so great a mischief, and so contrary to my soul's health, that for fear of men I should deny the truth, and confess that which is not. I am that D. Sebastian king of Portugal, who in the year 1578 past into Africa against the Infidels: he who to augment the number and power of Christians, put his life in hazard: that unfortunate man who for his sins lost a battle, which was the cause of so great alterations in Christendom. This is the very truth, and I can say no other.  
The Auditor and the Registers departed with this answer: from which time they gave him bread and water for his diet; but some days after he had five crowns a month given him, and a man to serve him, without any further proceeding in his cause, until the seventeenth of April 1602. Upon which day the Viceroy sent to know if he persisted in his first deposition, and that he should be now well advised to answer pertinently. This is not (said he) the right course they should take to examine and judge my process: present me unto the Portugals, who have bred me, known me, and served me; upon whose saying and testimony the whole proof and verification of my cause doth depend. If I should live a thousand years, yea more, I would never answer otherwise. If you be resolved to put me to death without any other proof, I take God for my only judge, who knows the truth of my cause. I am D. Sebastian the true king of Portugal: you may now deal with me as you have heretofore pretended. After which he disposed himself to die, made a general confession, and received the Sacrament, still maintaining, that he was as he had said.  
Whilst that he attended the hour of his death, they sent again unto him to make his last answer; that is to say, he should sing a new song, and recant the former: but he made the same answer: And upon this last answer he was at the instance of the Castillans exorcised by the Bishop of Rhegium, as a Magician, for that he had answered very pertinently to all they had demanded of him. During which action he showed unto the Bishop with a cheerful countenance a Crucifix, which he carried at his breast: Behold (said he) the Image of the Master in whom I trust, and for whom I would die. Wherewith the Bishop went away, confounded with his conjurations, as some report, who say they were then present. After which he was set upon an Ass, the last day of April, 
D. Sebastian led ignominiously through the streets.  and carried publicly through the streets, having three trumpets going before him, and proclaiming his sentence, by the which he was condemned to be led ignominiously through the streets of Naples, and then put into the galleys, for that he had called himself D. Sebastian king of Portugal, being but a Calabrois. At this cry when he pronounced this word King, he answered with a loud voice, So am I; and when he added, being but a Calabrois, he said, That is false. Neither did any of the officers or people hinder him, or once move: Every man heard him with admiration crying at the corners of the streets: I am in my enemy's hands, let them do with my body what they please, I recommend my soul unto God, who hath created it, and knows the truth, that I am as I say.  
Having thus led him through the city, 
He is put into a Galley.  they put him into the royal Galley, where they attired him like a slave, and cut off the hair both of his head and beard, which some gathered up, either through reverence or superstition, as a matter of great esteem, and then they fastened him to the chain, yet advising them that they should not force him to row.  
The galleys passing from Naples to Barcelona, arrived in August 1602, at the port of S. Lucar of Barameda, whereas the Duke of Medina Sydonia and his wife were desirous to see him: 
His discourse with the Duke of Medina Sidonia and the Duchess.  who having devised long with him, he demanded of the Duke if he had the sword which he had ginen him, when he embarked to go into Barbary. The Duke answered, It is true Don Sebastian king of Portugal presented me with a sword, which I keep among others. Seeing you have it yet, said the Gallerien, I pray you let me see it: for although it be four and twenty years since I gave it you, yet will I know it. Whereupon the Duke caused a dozen to be brought, but it being not among them, he sent for others. The Gallerian seeing it in the bringers hand: behold (said he unto the Duke) the sword which I gave you when as I undertook my voyage into Africa. Then, turning unto the Duchess, who was Anna de silva, daughter to the prince of Eboli; Cousin, said he (after that he had told her what secrets had passed betwixt them when he took his leave of her at Cadis) I remember that I gave you a jewel, have you it also? The Duchess made the like answer unto the Duke her husband, That the king D. Sebastian had given her a jewel: he than replied, Show it me; I shall know it well, and shall tell you of a secret which it may be you know not: then having chosen it out from among many, he said unto her, That to prove his saying true, she should cause the stone to be taken out, under which she should find his name and cipher graven. There was a Negro in the Duchess company, whom he knew, saying, that she had served him for the washing of his linen, when he reigned in Portugal. The Duke and Duchess seeing these apparent things, and so conformable to truth, went away with heavy countenances, and as it were weeping for compassion to see this miserable prince in so wretched an estate. Many old Portugals saw him, knew him, and did advow him to be the true D. Sebastian, king of Portugal. Finally, the Portugals (if we may believe them) report so many particularities touching this man, as it would require a whole volume to relate them all: adding, that they that have seen him, and known him, have given this testimony, that he is the same, or a devil incarnate.  
But besides these probabilities, 
Predictions alleged by the Portugals in favour of D. Sebastian.  which they take for truth, they arm themselves with certain predictions or prophecies, which they say must needs have relation to the adventures of this poor Gallerien, whom they maintain with an obstinate constancy to be their lawful king. S. Isodore, son to Severian, the son of Thierry, king of the East Goths, and of Italy, did leave in writing above a thousand years since, That a hidden king, twice given by prayers and devotions, shall come into Spain upon a horse of wood, whom many seeing, shall not believe that it is he, etc. And for the understanding of this prophecy, which they attribute particularly unto king D. Sebastian, they say, that he was twice given; first, by the intercession of the people of Portugal for his birth, when they saw his father die, leaving no other issue but what might be hoped for from a woman with child: the second by the acknowledgement they have made of him at Venice, after that he had wandered twenty years unknown throughout the world: That the wooden horse is the galley upon the which he came from Naples into Spain.  
Sampayo swears, that he found this other prophecy at S. Victor's Library at Paris: That the king D. Sebastian shall go out of Naples upon a horse of wood: that out of the Mediterranean sea he shall enter into the Ocean, and that his horse shall stay at S. Lucar of Barameda. The which is accomplished, when as the galley passing from Naples to Barcelona, entered into the Ocean sea.  
This other was found in a Castillan Author, in his language: The unknown shall come, yea without doubt he shall come: he shall enter into the garden by the gate which is most on this side the wall: and that which seems obscure, shall be seen clearly and plainly. By this garden they understand the country which is on this side Mont Calpe unto the river of Guadalquibir, which they call the garden of Spain, for that it is pleasant and fruitful: the wall is Cadiz, the gate S. Lucar of Barameda.  
That the labourers of Portugal did hold for a most ancient tradition, That a time will come, when as a King, whose name shall be as Bestia, shall vanish out of sight, and that after he and his realm have suffered many great afflictions and miseries, the same king, whom all the world held for dead, shall rise again, and recover his throne with incredible prosperity. Which they say must needs be applied to their king D. Sebastian, for that the peasants in Portugal, in stead of Sebastian, say Bestiam.  
And as they hold these predictions to be accomplished in the person of this prisoner, so it is not possible to root out this belief, That he is the true and natural D. Sebastian, king of Portugal. Sampayo after he had proclaimed this miraculous adventure over all Christendom, and run into a thousand dangers for his sake, he went again into Portugal with Friar Bonaventure, a Franciscan: where publishing this opinion as a most certain truth, they bred such a mutiny among the people, as they were ready to make a general revolt, 
Sampayo and Bonaventure hung for this Gallerien.  if they had found any assistance with strangers: but being in the end discovered at S. Lucar, they were degraded of their Orders, and hanged at Lisbon, with horrible torments; the which notwithstanding could not stop their mouths, but they took earth, heaven, and all heavenly creatures, yea and God himself, to whom the most hidden secrets are known, to witness of their innocencies and words, the which they maintained unto the last gasp to be as true as the Gospel; so as through compassion of their cruel tortures, and the firm belief which they had settled in the hearts of their countrymen, they drew many thousands into danger. Some retired themselves unto their friends, to escape the search which was made for the adherents of this novelty: some got them away disguised, and escaped into divers provinces here and there. Some coming to Paris presented a petition unto the king in the name of the Portugals oppressed by the tyranny of the Castillan, beseeching his Majesty to secure them only with two thousand men, commanded by a Prince, or some great man of France, such as he should please to name, and some store of arms to disperse among the people at their arrival, being assured (said they) of money for their entertainment, and other munition of war both by sea and land, which the Queen of England and the Estates should furnish them, to restore their lawful king, and free them from the command of strangers. Moreover, they gave hope, in case they might recover their king D. Sebastian, unjustly detained prisoner, whenas they should cause him to be duly acknowledged, and restore unto him his inheritance, to marry the duke of Vendosme with the daughter of D. Catherina duchess of Bragance, who had right to the succession of the realm of Portugal, and to crown him king of Portugal, if it should so please the most Christian king his natural father. But God hath not blest the voyages made into Portugal, with a design to draw it from the Spaniard, who hath enjoyed it quietly for many years; and a wise man will not provoke the wrath of a mighty prince, by drawing him into war, the end whereof must needs be doubtful and ruinous.  
The Spaniard considering the attempts of the Portugals, who would willingly trouble heaven, earth, yea and hell itself, to free themselves from his subjection, he caused their pretended king to be taken out of the royal galley of Naples, and to be brought to Sevile in the galley of D. Pedro de Toledo the General, there to be more safely kept. But afterwards, to take all knowledge from the world, he caused him to be shut up in the castle of S. Lucar. 
Gallerien put in the Castle of S. Lucar.  The Portugals hope that he shall come forth in despite of all his enemies, and fulfil all the prophecies that are made of him, and recover possession of his realms. It is in the power of the king of Spain, but it is not likely that he will seek to verify the quality of this person by any other means: for if he causeth him to be declared an impostor, and to be punished, the Portugals who had procured him to maintain himself to be their king, 
Policy of the Counsel of Spain.  might hereafter suborn another to the same end; whereas so long as they shall believe this man is alive, they will not attempt any thing infavour of another, and this man being detained perpetually in prison, or in the galleys, shall daily feel the pains of death, without dying. And if he were duly proved to be such as he qualifies himself, reason and equity would require that he should be restored to the just and lawful possession of his Estates, which is the fairest rose of the Spaniards garland, and the rarest pearl of his cabinet.  
Whatsoever he be, Donatus and Delphinus Procurators of Saint Marc at Venice, being sent to congratulate the French kings victories, and his marriage, they were demanded by the Prince of Conde, what judgement the signiory of Venice made of him who called himself king of Portugal; to whom they made no other answer, but that the State had done what it might in his cause, and that he had been ill counseled and conducted.  
This year the Queen of England was much troubled with her rebels in Ireland, by reason of the aid and support they received from Spain: 
Spaniard's sent into Ireland.  the king sending D. john d' Aguilar unto them, with above two thousand old soldiers in six ships: they came to Castel-haven, Baltemoore, and Beerhaven, all three important places, here they landed their men, with an intent to fortify them, being then about the end of September. Sir Richard Levison, who was Admiral of some of the Queen's ships, lying then in the haven of Kinsale, & hearing of the Spaniards coming into the above named ports, he drew forth his ships both against wind and weather, & went & fought with the Spaniards within Castel-haven, where he did so batter them, as he made 5 of their 6 ships unserviceable, most of their men were landed before he came, by reason of the weather, who played dangerously upon him with their ordnance from the land, whereof they were well furnished with great store of munition. Presently after, D. john d' Aguilar put himself into Kinsale with most of his Spaniards, where he fortified himself: whither in October after, 
Kinsale besieged 〈◊〉 the Spaniards in it.  the Lord Montioy, Lord Deputy of Ireland, and General of her majesties forces in that kingdom, came with an army to besiege him; the which continued long, in a very unseasonable time, and was in show very dangerous for the English: for they within the town were for the most part old soldiers, well armed, and in no want, as was supposed, and without the rebels were all in arms, and had drawn their forces together, which were the greatest that ever had been seen together in Ireland, being six thousand foot (whereof there were six companies of the new arrived Spaniards) and five hundred horse, and began to march towards Kinsale, with an assured hope to relieve the town, raise the siege, and defeat the English, if they of the town did sally forth when as T●rone and Odonell should give charge unto the camp: they had great reason to hope for good success, for the English were scarce so many in number, all in a manner tired with the miseries of a long winter's siege, their horses weak and decayed, and likely to want victuals. Notwithstanding, continuing their approaches still towards the town, as if they regarded not the rebels, on the twentieth of December at night, the Lord deputy had intelligence that Tyrone and the rebels would camp the next night within a mile and a half of them, with all their forces; and so on the 21 day at night he showed himself, with most of his horse and foot, upon the top of a hill, within a mile of the English camp. I must crave pardon if I make a relation of this battle, and the overthrow of the rebels army in this history of Spain, 
Reasen why this is inserted into the history.  both for that they were then relieved by the king of Spain, with money, men, and munition, and supported in their rebellion; and also for that the yielding up of Kinsale by the Spaniards, depended wholly upon this action.  
Tyrone showing himself (as I said before) and seeing two regiments of foot, with some horse, drawn out of the camp, and marching towards him, he retired to the other side of the hill, where he camped that night, being fortified both with woods and water. One the three and twentieth day the Lord deputy was advertised, 
Letters from D. john de Aguilar to the L. deputy.  and had also intercepted letters, written from D. john d' Aguilar General of the Spaniards, and commander within the town, by which he did press and importune Tyrone to make an attempt upon the English camp intimating his wants, and likelihood to be soon forced, putting the rebels in mind of their faithful promises to secure him, and of the easiness of the enterprise, and undoubted success, assuring them that the English were much decayed in numbers, and that those which remained were much weakened with that long winter's siege; so as it was not possible they should be able to maintain so much ground as they had taken when their strength was full: if they on the one side, and he on the other, charged them at one instant, which he for his part promised to do whensoever they should give the attempt. It seemeth that upon this advice they resolved to put it in execution that night, or the next following. In the mean time they gave the English continual alarms, and made sallies from the town, keeping them still in action, that they might be the less able to make resistance when they were charged. But the Lord Deputy provided for all inconveniences, making forts, barricadoes, and trenches, and fortifying all the approaches to the town, keeping good guards, and his army ready upon all occasions. On the 23 day at night he was assured that the next day the rebels would charge his camp, whereupon he commanded the whole army to be in readiness.  
Tyrone had an intent early in the morning to put all his Spaniards into the town, with eight hundred of his best Irish, under Tyrrell; but seeing at the break of day some of the English troops advance, he made a stand, and then retired to the body of their army. The Lord Deputy giving the charge of the camp to Sir George Carew then L. Precedent of Munster, to attend the Spaniards within the town, he drew forth part of his forces, being about four hundred horse, and a thousand and two hundred foot, and hearing that the enemy retired disorderly, 
Rebels and Spaniards defeated in Ireland.  he advanced towards them, who still retired with fear. In the end, (omitting every particular circumstance touching the marshalling of the English army, to them that writ that history) they overtook the rebels, charged them, and put them to rout. The Spaniards (being abandoned by the Irish) were almost all slain, D. Alonso d' Ocampo their colonel, with three Captains, six Alferez, and forty soldiers were taken prisoners. There were found (of Irish only) twelve hundred bodies dead upon the place, and about twelve hundred hurt, whereof many died that night. The rebels lost two thousand arms which were brought forth, all their munition, their drums, nine ensigns, whereof six were Spanish: the English had but one man slain, and not above ten hurt. Thus they got a miraculous victory, to the great honour of the Lord deputy, and of all that commanded under him.  
After this glorious victory, the Lord deputy posted that present day unto the camp, lest the Spaniard should have made some sally in his absence, but they had not attempted any thing; the next day he commanded the approaches unto the town should be advanced nearer: But after five or six days work, D. john d' Aquilar, who commanded the forces within the town, offered to parley, and sent a drum with a letter sealed up to the Lord deputy, by the which he demanded that some men of quality and sufficiency might be sent into the town from his Lordship, to confer with him, whom he would acquaint with such conditions as he then stood upon: whereunto the Lord deputy condescended, employing sir William Godolphin in that business; the which was managed after this manner, according to the original.  
D. john told sir William, 
D. john d' Aquilars speech.  that having found the Lord deputy (whom he termed Viceroy) although a furious and powerful, yet an honourable enemy, and the Irish not only weak and barbarous, but (as he feared) treacherous friends, he was so far in his affections reconciled to the one, and distasted with the other, as it did invite him to make an overture of such a composition as might be safe and profitable for the state of England with least prejudice to the Crown of Spain, by delivering into the viceroys power the town of Kinsale, with all other places in Ireland held by the Spanish, so as they might departed upon honourable terms, fit for such men of war, as are not enforced by necessity to receive conditions, but willingly induced upon just respects, to disengage themselves, and to leave a people, by whom their king and master had been so notoriously abused, if not betrayed. That if the Viceroy liked to entertain further parley touching this point, he would first be pleased to understand them rightly, and to make his Propositions such as might be suitable to men thoroughly resolved, rather to bury themselves alive, and to endure a thousand deaths, than to give way to one article, that should taste of baseness or dishonour, being so confident of their present strength, and the royal succours of Spain, as they should make no doubt of yielding a good account of themselves, and of their interest in this kingdom, but that a just disdain and spleen conceived against the nation, dissuaded them from being farther engaged for it, than of necessity they must.  
Sir William Godolphin having charge from the Lord deputy, only to receive D. john's propositions and demands, having made this relation to his Lordship, and the Council, he was sent back by them with this answer following.  
That although the Lord deputy having lately defeated their succours, 
Answer from the Lord Deputy to D. john.  did so well understand his own strength and their weakness, as it made him nothing doubt of forcing them within a short time, whom he knew to be priest with unresistible difficulties, how much soever they laboured to cover and conceal them: yet knowing that her sacred Majesty out of her gracious and merciful disposition, would think the glory of her victory blemished, by a voluntary effusion and obstinate expense of blood, was content to entertain this offer of agreement, so as it might be concluded under such honourable Articles for her Highness, as the advantage she had against them gave reason to demand. The which were the same that are set down in the Articles of Agreement following, signed by the Lord deputy, D. john and others: saving that there was an Article more in them, for the leaving of his treasure, munition, ordnance, and the Queen's natural subjects to her disposition; all which points he did peremptorily refuse:  
Protesting that both he and all his would rather endure the last of miseries, than be found guilty of so soul a treason against the honour of his prince, and the reputation of his profession, although he should find himself unable to subsist, much more now when as he might not only hope to sustain the burden of the war for a time, but with patience and constancy in the end overcome it. That he took it so ill to be misunderstood in having articles of that nature propounded unto him, as were they but once again remembered in the capitulation, the Viceroy should from thenceforth use advantage of his sword and not the benefit of his former offer: adding, that the Viceroy might rather think to have made a good and profitable purchase for the realm of England, if with the expense of two hundred thousand ducats he had procured D. john to quit his interest and sooting but in Baltemore alone, speaking nothing of Kinsale, Castel-haven, & Beerhaven: for said he, suppose that all we with the rest of our places here had perished, yet would that Peninsula, being strong of its own nature, bettered by our art and industry, (furnished as it is with victuals, munition, and good store of ordnance) preserve unto the king of Spain, a safe and commodious Port for the arrival of his fleet, and be able to maintain itself against a Land army of ten thousand, until Spain (being so deeply engaged) did in honour relieve them: which would draw on a more powerful invasion than the first, being undertaken upon false grounds, at the instance of a base and barbarous people, who in discovering their weakness and want of power, have armed the king my master to rely upon his own strength, being bound in honour to relieve his people which are engaged, and to cancel the memory of our former misfortunes. But this is spoken, said he, in case the Viceroy be able to force this town, as I assure myself he cannot, having upon mine honour, within these walls at this instant, above two thousand fight men, which are strong and able, besides which some having been sick and hurt recover daily; the greatest part of these consisting of old Soldiers, which fall not but by the sword, and those that were new, being now both trained to their arms, and acquainted with the climate, are more able to endure than at the first: our means as good as they have been any time these two months, such as Spaniards can well endure, and able to suffice us three months more: we lodge in good warm houses, have store of munition, and (which is best of all) stand well assured, that our succour will be here shortly. To be plain, we preserve our men, and reserve our strength the best we may, hoping to front you in a breach, which (if our hearts fail us not) we have hands and breasts enough to stop, against triple your forces: but I will give the Viceroy this right, that his men are passing good, yet spent and tired with the miseries of a Winter siege, which he hath obstinately maintained beyond my expectation, but with such caution, and upon so good guard, as having nicely watched all advantages, I could never fasten a sally yet upon him, but with loss to myself: wherein I must confess my hopes were deceived, that grounding upon some error in his approaches, I promised unto myself the defeat of at least a thousand men at one blow. But when we meet upon a breach, I am confident upon good reasons, to lay five hundred of your best men on the ground, and rest hopeful that the loss of those will make a great hole in an army, which hath already suffered so much extremity.  
But to conclude our business: the king my master sent me to assist the Condees, Oneale and Odonnel, presuming on their promise, that I should within few days after the arrival of our forces have joined with them: I expected them long in vain, sustained the Viceroy's army, saw them drawn to the greatest head they could possibly make, lodged within two miles of Kinsale, fortified with certain companies of Spaniards, every hour promising to relieve us, and being joined together to force your camp: At last we saw them broken with a handful of men, and dispersed into divers parts of the world, Odonnel into Spain, Oneale into the farthest parts of the North: so as now I find no such Condees in rerum natura, as I came to join with: and therefore have moved this accord the rather to disengage the king my master from assisting a people so unable in themselves, as the whole burden of the war must lie upon him, and so prefidious, as perhaps they might be drawn in the end to betray him.  
Upon relation made, by Sir William Godolphin, to the Lord deputy & Council, of these offers made by D. john, it was thought good, for many important reason to proceed roundly to an accord, there being nothing propounded by him that admitted any exception, but that he demanded to carry away his ordnance, 
1601  munition & treasure, which did not so much import, as it should break off the treaty which concerned the common good and safety of the kingdom: whereupon a composition was made upon these articles following.  
1 That said D. john d' Aguilar shall quit the places which he holds in this kingdom, as well the town of Kinsale, 
Articles of the accord at Kinsale.  as those which are held by the Spaniards, or other soldiers under his command in Castell-haven, Baltemore, and in the Castle of Beerhaven, or other places, to the Lord deputy, or to whom he shall appoint, giving him safe transportation & sufficient shipping and victuals for his said Soldiers, with the which the said D. john may pass with them into Spain, if he may, at one time, if not at two shippings.  
2 That the Soldiers which are at this present under the command of the said D. john in this kingdom, shall not bear arms against the Queen's Majesty of England, whensoever supplies shall come from Spain, until the said Soldiers be unshipped in some of the Ports of Spain, being sent away as soon as may be by the Lord Deputy, as he promiseth upon his faith and honour.  
3 For the accomplishment whereof, the Lord deputy offereth to give free passport to the said D. john and his army, as well Spaniards as other nations whatsoever, that are under his command, and that he may departed with his arms, munition, money, ensigns displayed, artillery, and any other provisions for war, or other things, both that which is in Castel-haven, Kinsale, and other places.  
4 That they shall have ships and victuals sufficient for their money, after such rates as they use here to pay. That all the Soldiers and the said things may be shipped if it be possible at one time, if not at two, and that to be within the time above mentioned.  
5 That if by contrary winds, or any other accidents, there shall come into any of the ports of Ireland or England, any of those ships wherein the said Soldiers shall pass, they shall be entreated as friends, and may ride safely in the harbour, & be victualled for their money, & shall moreover have such things as shallbe needful to furnish them for their voyage.  
6 That during the time they shall stay for shipping, victuals shall be given to D. john's people, at reasonable rates.  
7 That there shall be cessation of arms of either side, & security given that no wrong be offered to any one.  
8 That the ships wherein the said Soldiers shall be transported for Spain, may pass safely by any of the queen's majesties ships, of England, and so shall the said Queens and her subjects by those that shall go from hence: and the said ships being arrived in Spain, shall return as soon as they have unshipt their men without any impediment given them by his Majesty, or any other person in his name, but rather they shall show them favour, and help them if they need any thing: and for security thereof they shall deliver into the Lord deputies hands three Captains, such as he shall choose.  
9 For assurance of the performance of these articles D. john promiseth that he will confirm and swear to accomplish this agreement, whereunto some of the captains under his charge shall in like manner swear.  
10 That the said D. john shall remain within the realm of Ireland, where the Lord deputy shall appoint, until the last shipping, upon his Lordship's word, & if it happen that his soldiers be shipped all at once, the said D. john may go in the same fleet without any let, but rather the Lord deputy shall give him a good ship wherein he may pass, and if his men go in two shippings, than he shall go in the last.  
11 And in like manner the said Lord deputy shall confirm & swear the same, & give his word in the Q. majesties behalf & his own to keep & accomplish this accord, & that the chief officers of the camp, with the council of state, & some nobles should swear the like.  
These were the articles of the accord made before Kinsale, for the sending the Spaniards out of Ireland, & freeing this kingdom from an imminent danger. They were signed & sworn accordingly on both parts the 2 of january, and the town yielded up on the ninth.  
At such time as the duke of Birons' treasons were discovered in France, the king of Spain had an army ready to pass at Pont de Gresin, 
Answer made by the French king to the ambassador of Spain.  upon the frontiers of Bourgundy under colour of passing into Flanders: but the passages being kept by the marshal Laverdin, Taxis ambassador for Spain demanded passage of the king, beseeching him to think that the king his master had not sought to draw the duke of Byron from his obedience. 
1602  To whom the king answered, you would have me believe that the king your master was not acquainted with the practices which the marshal of Byron had with the Cont Fuentes, & I tell you that it is impossible his treasure should have been so freely distributed, without the consent of his counsel: I have no reason to leave my frontiers disarmed until that all the marshal's conspiracy ●e discovered by his process. In the mean time I do not mean to hinder the commerce according to the treaty.  
The Cont of Fuentes not able to dissemble his discontent, 
Earl of Fuentes takes the Marquisate of Final.  to see matters fall out so contrary to his designs, he dischargeth his rage upon the marquess of Final, sometimes pretending a donation of the said Marquisate to the king of Spain, when as the marquess was very sick: and sometimes that he should have a principality in the realm of Naples in exchange, but he first seized upon the place, and then published his pretensions: He sent D. Diego Pimentel his nephew, & D. Sancho d' Luna with some troops of soldiers, who surprised Final, having corrupted the Lādsk●its which were there in garrison with a promise of 16 months pay, assuring himself both of the country and Port by a garrison of 200 Spaniards under the command of D. Pedro de Toledo. Milesimo a place near unto it was by the same right purchased by the king of Spain. The Marquis of Final, who is vassal to the emperor, made his complaints unto the pope, & unto his imperial majesty, but they had no other effect, but that he had a pension given him during his life, & so was forced to yield unto the stranger. By this prize the Genevois did hereafter reap no profit by their Commerce with Spain, but what pleased the governor of Final. Doubtless that servant loves his master's greatness with passion, which doth ravish another man's inheritance without any lawful cause, or precedent wrong, neither respecting reason nor equity, nor considering that God is offended with such violences. 
Army of Spaniards at Sea.  But king Philip did not limit and bond his hopes with so small a purchase. That great levy which was made at Naples, in Sicily, in the duchy of Milan, and in many estates of Italy, witnessed that his designs slew a higher pitch. It was thought they would either renew the enterprise of Alger, or make head against Cigala, who they said was coming out of Constantinople with a fleet of 100 sail. As the design was secret, so was it not known who should be general. Andrew Doria had demanded leave to retire himself; he had been unfortunate the year before, & therefore he thought the Spaniards would not willingly employ him again. The duke of Savoy seemed willing to accept of this charge, if it were offered; but it was given to D. john de Cordova, who shall be no more fortunate in his enterprises than Doria. The chief designs of this army were rather against the Christians than the Turks & Moors, although it were given out that the king of Fez had intelligences upon Alger, & that he had promised the K. of Spain to make him master thereof: yet this army did not forsake the sight of Europe, & some thought it lay hovering to see what would become of the treasons which were practised in France. But want of money & some other discommodities made them to give over all attempts for this year against the Turks. These were the opinions of the king of Spain's designs, & withal they added that d' Albigny was gone to Milan to the earl of Fuentes, that the marquess of Aix had passed into Spain, 
Duke of Savoie resolves to send his sons into Spain.  and that the duke of Savoy was ready to engage himself wholly to the will of the council of Spain, to whom he did consign his 3 Sons; That he had made them knights of his order, to prepare them for the voyage, & had sent an extraordinary ambassador to Rome to beseech the Pope to send them his blessing.  
There were 8 great galleys made ready this year at Sevile, the which were appointed to be sent into Flanders to the Archduke, 
Galleys sent out of Spain in to the Low countries.  under the command of Frederic Spinola, to annoy the coast of England, Holland & Zealand. There were 400 men in either of these galleys, besides the slaves, and 800 soldiers more which they took in passing by Lisbon. Two of these galleys called the Trinity & the Occasion were sunk by sir Rich Levison upon the coast of Portugal, the rest a while after went on their course towards the low-countries. Coming betwixt England & France, they were first discovered & pursued by sir Robert Mansel, being then admiral of the queen's majesties ships in those seas, who lay there of purpose to attend them, he having them in chase, the State's ships which lay in the downs upon his advertisement came in, & in the end the said galleys were defeated, some were sunk and the rest made unserviceable. This great service was diversly reported according to the humours & passions of men. the Hollanders did challenge all the honour of this action, & did publish it in print in divers languages. Sir Rob. Mansel finding the state interessed, & his reputation somewhat blemished by their pamphlets, made a true relation of the whole service, the which he presented unto the lord admiral, under whose command he was, & published it to the view of the world, with an offer to maintain it by any course fit for a gentleman that professed arms. And for that the Statesmen have left their assertions recorded in their history, & have made the French to write it after the same manner, I have thought good for the better satisfaction of posterity, to insert it in this history, in the same words and phrase as he himself hath set it down, speaking in his own person as followeth.  
On the 23 day of September, being in the Hope, & having in my company, the Advantage only of the Q. ships, which captain jones commanded, & two other Dutchmen of war I rid more than half channel over, towards the coast of France, upon a northwest & southeast line, myself being nearest that coast, captain jones next unto me, & the Dutch men of war a seaboord, & to the Westward of him. The small force at that time present & with me remaining, thus disposed for the intercepting of the galleys, having dismissed the Dutch men of war that served under me, upon their own entreaty to revictual & trim: & having employed the rest of the Q. ships upon especial services, I descried from my top mast heads, 6 low sails, which some made for galleys, others affirmed them to be small barks that had strooken their topsails, being bound from Diep towards the Downs. To which opinion (though I inclined most) yet caused I the master to way and to stand with them, that I might learn some news of the galleys, which by your Lordship's advertisement sent me, I knew had either past me that night, or were near at hand, unless the sea had swallowed them up in the storms which had raged 3 days before. Having set myself under sail, the weather waxed thick, which caused me to lask some two points from the wind, towards the English coast, lest the continuance of that dark weather might give them power to run out ahead of me. About 11 of the clock the weather cleared, when I discoured them plainly to be the Spanish galleys so long time expected; at which time with the rest, I plied to receive them by crossing their forefoot as they stood alongst the Channel: which they endeavoured, till they perceived that by the continuance of that course, they could not escape the power of my Ordnance.  
All this time these two Fly-boats were betwixt them and me, and as the slaves report that swam ashore at Dover, they determined with three galleys to have boarded each of those ships, and would have executed that resolution, but for the fear of her majesties great Gallion (as they termed the Hope) whose force that they shunned in that kind (considering the disadvantage that twice six of the best galleys that ever I saw, hath by fight against one ship of her force) I do as much commend, as otherwise I do detest their shameful working, in that, full of cowardliness and weakness, they rowed back to the Westward, and spent the day by running away, in hope that the darkness of the night would give them liberty sufficient to shun the only ship they feared, or that was indeed in the sea at that time, to give them cause of fear, I mean betwixt them & Dunkirk or Newport. This error only of theirs bred their confusion, as you may perceive by the sequel. For they no sooner began that course of rowing back again; but I instantly made signs for Captain jones in the Advantage of the Queens, to come unto me whom I presently directed to repair to Calais road, & thence to send the alarm unto the State's army prepared before Sluice: and to advise such men of war as kept on the coast of Flanders, upon any other occasion, to stand off to the sea, to meet with the galleys in the night, which should be chased by me with my lights in my topmast heads & a continual discharging of my ordnance. Captain jones having shaped his course according to my directions, I gave order for hoisting & trimming of my sails by the wind, to keep sight of the galleys: the two Fly-boats being still aweather of me, did the like. Which chase we held till sun-setting, observing this course following all the day. They being a weather of me, kept their continual boards, that the galleys were always betwixt them. And myself being to leeward, made such short turns, as I kept all the afternoon in a manner, even in the very eye of their course, betwixt them & the place of their design: ever discharging my best ordnance to warn the Answer of her Majesties, that rid by my directions at the Downs, upon important service as your Lordship knoweth; and the Flemings that were there, having left the Sea upon unknown grounds to me (yet sent from Portmouth, by the most provident direction of her sacred Majesty, to await the coming of the Galleys, upon advertisements that her Highness received of their being put to sea, to set sail, who else had received no understanding of the Galleys, neither came they within shot of them, till after night, how soever the reputation of the service is wholly challenged by them.  
Having given your Lordship an account how this day was thus spent by me, from eight of the clock until the evening, and with these only helps: I beseech your Lordship to be pleased to understand, that with the setting of the Sun, I could both discern the ships last mentioned under sail at the downs, and the Galleys to have set their ●alles: directing their course close aboard our shore, each of them being out of sight of the other, and my Dutch consorts by this time to have been left by the Galleys to a stern chase. When I perceived them to hold that course, which would bring them within shot of the Answer, and the rest that were in the Downs: I held a clean contrary course from them towards the coast of France, to confirm the secure passage they thought to find on our coast, which I continued, until the report of their battery gave me assurance of the Galleys being engaged unto them.  
How the battery began, who began it, how it was continued, how ended, and to whom the reputation of the service is due, I leave to be considered by your Lordship, by the perusal of the true discourse following. The Answer of the Queens, which Captain Bredgate commanded, as she rid more Southerly at the Downs than the Flemings, so came she first to the Galleys, and bestowed 28 pieces of Ordnance on them before the Flemings came in, who at length seconded him with very many shot.  
During this battery of ours upon the galleys (which I so term, because they never exchanged one shot) at the very first report of the Answers ordnance, I directed the master of my ship to bear up with the south end of the Goodwin, with which directions I delivered my reasons publicly, as I stood on the poop of my ship, viz. That if I stood directly into them, the galleys, before I could recover the place, would either be driven a shoa●e or sunk and so would there prove no need of my force; or else by their nimble sailing they would escape the ships, of whom (once getting ahead) they could receive no impediment: for there was no one ship but the Advantage in the sea that could hinder them to recover any port in Flanders or the East countries (Sluice only excepted) unless I stayed them at that sand head. Having recovered as near that place as I desired, I stayed at least a quarter of an hour, before I could either see galley, hear or see any of those ships, their lights or report of their ordnance, which made me and all my company hold opinion that they had outsailed the Answer, and the rest of the Flemings, and shunned sight of me by going aseaboord of my ship, which I so verily believed, as I once directly determined to sail for Sluice, with hope only that the preparation which I knew the States had there, would be able to prevent their entrance into that place. Whilst I remained thus doubtful, or rather hopeless to hinder their recovery of Dunkirk or Newport, in case they had been aseaboord of me, some of my company descried a single galley plying from the shore to get ahead of my ship. When she approached within caliver shot, I discharged about 30 pieces of ordnance of my lower and upper tire at her alone, myself with many other in my ship saw when her maineyard was shot asunder, heard the report of many shot that hither ●ul; heard many their most pitiful outcries, which when I perceived to continue, & ●nstead of making way from me, to near me what she could; I forbore shooting, & commanded one that spoke the Portugal language, to tell them that I was contented to receive them to mercy: which I would accordingly have performed, had not the other 5 galleys offered to stand out ahead of me at that very instant, & thereby would have left me as they had both the first two Dutch ships, and afterwards the Answer with the rest of the Flemings, had I omitted any small time of executing the advantage I had of their being on my broad side, which as appears was so effectually employed (howsoever the night wherein this service was performed, might hinder the particular mention of their hurts) as none can deny but that God pleased thereby only to work their confusion. For since that time none hath said or can speak of any one shot made towards them: yet four of them are sunk and wrecked, the fift past doing the enemy service, and the sixth they are forced to new build at Dunkirk, where (if I be not much deceived) she will prove more chargeable than profitable, if the default rest not in ourselves.  
The disagreement between the Dutch captains themselves touching the stemming and sinking of the galleys (whereof one challenged before your Lordship, and in many other public places, to have stemmed and sunk two himself) and the printed Pamphlet containing the stemming and sinking of three Galleys, giveth the reputation thereof to three several Captains, amongst whom no mention is made of the first; and whereas there are but two in all sunk; I leave to be reconciled amongst themselves, and to your Lordship, whether that the same of right appertaineth not to her majesties ship the Hope, in respect of the allegations before mentioned, every particular whereof being to be proved by the oaths of my whole company and mainatined with the hazard of my life with that which followeth.  
1 As the shooting of the single Galleys mainyard asunder, my bestowing above thirty pieces of ordnance upon that one galley, within less than Caliver shot.  
2 That they in the Galley made many lamentable outcries for my receiving them unto mercy.  
3 That I would accordingly have received them, but for giving them over to encounter with the other five Galleys, which else had left me to a stern chase.  
To these reasons I add the assertions of the Viceadmiral himself, who told me (whasoever he spoke in other places) that one of the Galleys, which he stemmed, had her maineyard shot asunder before his coming aboard her: by whom soever she was then stemmed, your Lordship may judge, who ruin'd her, considering she made no resistance, by his own report, but by crying to him for mercy.  
Touching the other galley stemmed and sunk, I have already proved how she (as all the rest) had got ahead the Answer of the Queens not named, and the rest of the States men of war with her, who challenge the whole credit of this service. They (as all other Seamen) cannot deny but that the galleys will outsaile all ships, in such a loom gale of wind and smooth sea, as we had that night.  
The Galleys being then quicker of sale than they, how could they by any means possible fetch them up, but by some impediment? impediment they received none, but by my ordnance: which amounted to fifty great shot at those five which came last from the shore, when all the ships were above a mile asteme.  
Some notwithstanding out of their detracting dispositions may perchance say, that the two which were wrecked at Newport would have perished by storm, though they had not been battered. Whereto though I have sufficiently answered, first in showing that they might have recovered any of the places thereabouts before eight of the clock that night but for me; and then the second time before the morning, had they not been encountered by me alone, at the South-sand head: Yet for further proof that they miscarried by our battery only, I say that if one of the galleys which received least damage by our ordnance did outlive Fridays storm, continuing till Saturday noon, being driven among the islands of Zealand to recover Calais▪ than surely those two (unless they had been exceedingly torn) would have made shift to have recovered the ports of Newport, graveling or Dunkirk; especially sith from the place where I battered them, they might have been at the remotest of those places about four hours before any storm began. But such seemed their haste to save their lives, as their thought ran of a shore, and not of a harbour.  
Now that I have delivered unto your Lordship the whole & true discourse of this business, I shall forbear to trouble your patience with any further relation of that night & next days spending my time (though the same in their chase had like to have cost her Majesty her ship, and the lives of as many as were in her) and conclude with admiration of their not holding her majesties ship, nor I (her unworthiest servant) and then and yet by her highness grace and your Lordship's favour, Admiral of the forces in that place, are not once mentioned: especially sith the six Galleys might safely have arrived before seven of the clock that night at any of the Ports of Flanders to the Westward of Ostend. And that the Dutch ships had not come from an anchor in the Downs, but for the signs they received from me. Then that the force of her Majesty's ship, wherein I was, enforced them to keep close aboard the English shore, whereby those ships in the Downs had power given them to come to fight, which fight was begun by the Answer of the queens.  
And lastly, sith the galleys escaped their battery, and had gotten ahead those ships, above a mile at least, and never received any impediment after, but only by me, who lingered them (as you have heard) until the coming up of those ships that challenge to stem them: which being granted, I cannot see how any other credit can rightly be given them (for that stem I mean) than to a lackey for pillaging of that dead body which his master had slain.  
Thus much I have set down out of his own mouth, touching the service that was done upon those six galleys of Spain.  
This year there was a new fleet made ready in Spain, 
1603  the which bred a jealousy in the French, 
Army of Spain at sea.  and made them to stand upon their guard in Languedoc and Provence. This fleet was ready to set sail, the which under colour of renewing the enterprise of Alger in Africa, might frame some design upon that coast. Prince Doria, and D. john de Cordova, had been both unfortunate in their charges. The honour of Christendom made all men wish, that this execution might prove more successful than the rest. But as bad designs do many times prosper better than good, the success depending commonly on the blindness of fortune, this enterprise of Alger was no more successful than the two former. It was managed by a Franciscan Friar, called Father Matthew, who promised as great glory unto himself, in chase away those peti● kings of Africa, as Aratus had of freeing Sicyonia of tyrants. He had negotiated with the king of Cycco, who promised (that for a certain sum of money, whereof he should receive forty thousand crowns in hand) not only to favour any design, but to declare himself openly against the king of Alger, and to reduce the town to what condition they would: but there is a great difference betwixt saying and doing: And it is a great simplicity to give credit to an Infidel, seeing that treachery is inseparable from his soul. The Viceroy of Majorca, who was General in this action, and with whom the king of Cycco had promised to join, approached with four galleys upon this assurance, and landed about an hundred men, 
Moor's treacherous.  to deliver forty thousand crowns unto the Moors; who received the money, and delivered the men into the hands of the Viceroy of Alger, where the Friar was slain, and the Viceroy retiring, freed their neighbours from jealousy. They of Barcelona (who are subject to the king of Spain) did no less apprehend this army than the Moors: they feared that the Catholic king would take their privileges from them, as he had done from them of Arragon; 
Passage of the prince of Piedmont into Spain  yet the passage of the three princes of Savoy into Spain, renewed their jealousy in France. The duke came with them to Nice, where they attended the commodity of their embarking, the princess Marguerite, his eldest daughter, commanding in Piedmont, and from thence they passed to Barcelona, where they attended the king's pleasure, and were entertained with all the honours that might be done unto princes of that alliance. The king of Spain rejoiced at the duke's resolution, and seemed to have a great desire to see them. He sent D. Henriques de Guzman to congratulate their arrival, and to command them to take small journeys, by reason of the heat of the season. Being come to Court, he made prince Victor, the duke's second son, Viceroy of Portugal: the which did much content the Portugals, to see the fruits of D. Beatrix, his great grandmother, who was daughter to D. Emanuel king of Portugal and married to Charles duke of Savoy. The third son was afterwards made Archbishop of Toledo, and then cardinal.  
The queen of England being dead this year, 
King of Spain sends an ambassador into England.  and the king of Scotland come to the succession of that Crown, the king of Spain sent D. john Baptista Taxis, earl of Villa Mediana, his ambassador into England, to witness unto the king the great contentment he received by his happy coming to the Crown, who after his first audience of congratulations and ordinary compliments, made a speech unto the king to this effect.  
The king of Spain, my master, assuring himself to find the same effects and affections of friendship in you, being king of England, which you have always made show of unto him being king of Scotland, 
Speech of the ambassador of Spain to the king of England.  hath sent me unto your Majesty, to confirm the sincerity, to desire the continuance, and to preserve it by all the proofs of friendship and assistance which he offers you, which is the same that many great princes have desired, and could not obtain, and for that it is offered is no less necessary, and to be wished for of your Majesty. If the king D. Philip the second, of glorious memory, hath attempted any thing against England, and queen Elizabeth against the Estates of Spain, it was more upon some private spleen, than for any reason of State. But one tomb should inter both their bodies and their passions. The successors do inherit the greatness and power of their predecessors, but they are not tied to their designs, which have no end but the ruin one of another.  
The Catholic king hath such rich and goodly Crowns in Europe, Asia, and Africa, and at the East and West Indies, as they are sufficient to settle the desire of his ambition within the bounds of his own greatness. If he hath dealt in the affairs of any other princes, it was to support them and keep them from ruin, time having discovered how many things were ready to fall, if they had not been vnderpropt by the hand of D. Philip. The enemies of the house of Spain have published, That the ambition of this prince was to make himself Monarch of all Christendom, and that he had left these designs hereditary to his posterity. But the wiser sort may easily judge, that if he had been so affected, he would have carried himself otherwise, and begun the execution of the enterprise by Italy, in the which he is the stronger, the conquest whereof would be easy, having such advantages.  
But as he is contented to preserve his own, and desires no less to reign justly, than long and happily; so is he grieved to see his friends cross him in a thing that is so just and reasonable. Complaints are free for all men, but they are more affectionate among neighbours. My master, who holds you in this quality of a friend, and will dow what possibly he may that you be never other, complains to you of yourself. He cannot dissemble how much he thinks himself wronged, for that your Majesty doth affect the defence and protection of the rebels of the Low Countries, against their lawful Lord, and that you have lately granted them a great levy of Scottish men. He assures himself of all friendship and justice from you, and he entreats you, that in calling home these Scottish men you will punish them as they have deserved. He desires to treat sincerely with you, and believes that your Majesty (considering how much the friendship of so mighty a prince should be dear unto you, and will be profitable) will seek and embrace it, and will never be so careless of his good, as to wish him ill.  
The king returned him many good words, to witness the alliance which he desired to entertain with the king of Spain, 
King of England's answer to the Spanish ambassador.  upon the like terms he had with him as king of Scotland. But advowing the Scottish troops which were sent to the general Estates of the united Provinces, to be levied by his commandment, he said they had not deserved any punishment; giving leave to king Philip to make use of Scottishmen, if he pleased: and letting him know, that he had not transgressed the laws of neutrality. And as for their protection, he desired he should understand, That the great interests which England hath with the united Provinces, as well in regard of their towns which they have engaged, as for the succours which they have received from thence, did bind him to assist them, and to have a care of their preservation, and to second the intentions of the deceased queen, and to build upon the foundations which she had laid; yet he desired to see them all well reconciled with the king of Spain.  
The ambassador (as my Author says) answered, That whosoever knew the power of the king of Spain, 
Spaniards think none so powerful as their own king.  were not ignorant that he can easily bring the rebelled Provinces under the yoke of his obedience, when he shall please to make an enterprise equal to his power: That no man should doubt, that he that had passed the Hellespont, will easily pass the river of Granique; and that a prince which triumphs over so many nations, so many islands, so many seas, and so much firm land at the newfound world, will not add the islands of Holland and Zealand to his triumphant chariot: the wise will always give the counsel which Photion gave unto the Athenians, either to make themselves the strongest, or to be obedient unto them that were so. He then desired leave to enter into conference with some of his majesties Council, and to consult of the means of some treaty; which would be no less profitable and honourable to England, than to Spain: the which was granted him. After some meetings, the lords finding that he had no power to treat, they attended other deputies, who came the next year with an ample Commission, as you shall hear.  
There fell out two accidents, 
1604  which had like to have troubled the quiet of those two great Monarches of France and Spain. 
Imposition exacted by the Spaniard.  The year before king Philip and the Archdukes had imposed thirty in the hundred upon all merchandise which came in or went out of the countries that were under their obedience: the which did seem directly to infringe the treaty of Veruins. The French king commanded his ambassadors to deal with those princes touching this imposition, and to advertise him of their resolutions. But their answers, and the force they used afterwards to the king's subjects, to make them pay the imposition, did witness sufficiently, that they had no will to exempt them. Whereupon the French king made a defence, That no merchandise should be carried out of France into Spain, or the Low Countries, that were under the Archdukes obedience, nor any be brought from thence into France, upon corporal punishment, and loss of goods. But this did not alter the peace, only there were complaints made by the two kings one of another. King Philip began: He took it ill that the French going voluntarily to serve the Estates, did prolong their rebellion, and did hinder the reduction of Ostend: that the king did secure them with men and money; and that he had forbidden his subjects to traffic into Spain and Flanders. But the king disavowed them that went to serve the Estates: If he sent them money, it was (said he) but to pay that which he had borrowed: And the defence of traffic tended to no other end, but to force the king of Spain and the Archduke to take away that intolerable imposition, and to let him know, that France can live better without the commodities of Spain, than Spain without those of France.  
The second accident, 
Treason of Lost.  or cause of jar betwixt these two princes grew also from Spain; the French king complaining, and justly, That the secrets of his cabinet were discovered to his enemies. Will the king of Spain never cease (said he) to withdraw my subjects from their duty and loyalties? Will he still entertain some traitor within my realm? My ambassador complains unto me by his letters, that he is so slowly advertised of our affairs, as the king of Spain's ministers know them before him.  
The king being much troubled to find out the spring from whence this pestilent liquor of Infidelity did flow, behold God discovered the treachery of judas, by such means as the wisdom of man could not find out. Villeroy, the chief Secretary of State, who managed the greatest secrets of the kingdom, had an under clerk, called Nicholas Lost, in whom he reposed much trust, and the rather, for that his father had served him long. This young man having attended on Monsieur de la Rochepot, being ambassador in Spain, there laid the plot of this treason, whereof you may read the whole discourse at large in the history of France.  
There was some likelihood of a new enterprise this year upon Africa. 
Ambassadors from the king of Cusco at Valencia.  The king of Cusco, who had promised the last year to join with the Spaniards against Alger, had received forty thousand crowns upon the bargain, and treacherously betrayed them that brought the money unto their enemies, this year he sent an ambassador unto the king, who gave him audience at Valencia: Which made many think, that he would make another attempt upon Alger, for that he caused him to be conducted home by a Master of the camp, and an Engineer, giving him great store of munition, and fireworks, laden in three frigates.  
The king of Spain being advertise out of England, from his ambassador Taxis, of the success of his embassage, 
Constable of Castille sent into England.  and of the expectation of a treaty, he appointed the Constable of Castille to undertake this charge, giving him an ample Commission, to treat and conclude a Peace betwixt England and Spain: he passed through France, where he was very honourably received, and so came into Flanders to the Archdukes, from whence he went into England, for the conclusion of the peace.  
There were Commissioners appointed on either side: For the king of great Britain were named, 
Commissioners for the treaty of the peace for England.  the earl of Dorset, high Treasurer of England, the earl of Nottingham, high Admiral of England, the earl of Devonshire, Lieutenant of the kingdom of Ireland, the earl of Northampton, and the lord Vicont Cranborne, principal Secretary, and now earl of Salisbury, and high Treasurer of England; being all of his Majesty's privy Council.  
For the king of Spain there were deputed D. john de Velasco, Constable of Castille and Leon, 
Commissioners for Spain.  Duke of Frias, Earl of Haro, etc. D. john Baptista Taxis, Earl of Villa Mediana etc. and Alexander Rovidius, a Lawyer, and Senator of Milan. The Archdukes sent for their Commissioners, Charles Earl of Aremberg, Counsellor of State, and Admiral to the said Archdukes, john Richardot Knight, Precedent of the privy Council, and Counsellor of State, and Lodowick Verreiken, Knight, their principal Secretary. All these Commissioners, after many consultations and conferences, in the end concluded a peace, on the 18 of August, betwixt the two kings, their Estates and subjects, upon certain articles, whereof I have set down the contents.  
1 First it was concluded, That from thenceforth there should be a sincere and firm league and peace inviolably observed for ever, 
Articles of the peace betwixt England and Spain.  and in all places, betwixt the most renowned king of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, etc. and the most renowned king of Spain etc. and the most renowned Archdukes of Austria, Dukes of Bourgondie, their heirs and successors, their countries, dominions, and subjects, of what condition or degree soever they be, or may be.  
2 That all acts of hostility should cease, and all wrongs and injuries done, during the troubles, be forgotten, so as there should be no action pretended for any depredations or spoils committed, but all should be freely abolished, except such depredations as had been committed since the 24 of April 1603: and that from thenceforth they and their subjects should forbear from all depredations and spoils, and cause restitution to be made of any that should be after that time committed.  
3 That neither of the above named princes, their heirs or successors, by himself or any other, should do, treat, or attempt any thing against the other, or against their kingdoms or dominions, upon any pretence, nor assist or consent unto any war, attempt, or treaty, to the prejudice one of another.  
4 That they should neither themselves give, nor consent to be given by any of their vassals, subjects, or inhabitants, any aid, favour, or supply, unto the enemies or rebels of either part, (whether they shall invade their countries, or withdraw themselves from their obedience and subjection) of soldiers, victuals, money, ordnance, and munition, or any other aid to maintain war.  
5 That the said princes should, and did, renounce all leagues, confederations, and intelligence, made to the prejudice one of another, which did or might impugn this peace, & the contents thereof: all which they shall disannul, and declare to be of no force.  
6 That the said kings and Archdukes should restrain their subjects from doing any wrong, and should revoke all Commissions and letters of reprisal and Mart, of what nature soever, being to the prejudice of the said princes, or of their subjects, to whomsoever they have been granted: the which they shall declare to be void and of no force. And that whosoever should do to the contrary, should be punished criminally, and compelled to make restitution to the parties damnified.  
7 That as concerning the towns of Flessingue, Brill, Ramekins, and other forts thereunto belonging, in the which the soldiers of the king of England did remain in garrison, forasmuch as the said king affirmed, that by contracts formerly made between queen Elizabeth, of famous memory (unto whom his Majesty did succeed) and the Estates of the united Provinces, he stood bound not to redeliver the said towns and forts to any, but to such as had delivered the same for caution; so as by the said contracts his majesties faith & honour (which he resolved to keep religiously towards all men) being engaged, he might not then restore those places unto the Archdukes; yet he promised to enter into treaty with the said Estates, wherein his Majesty would assign them ● convenient time to accept of conditions conformable to justice and equity, for a pacification with the renowned princes, his dear brethren: which if the Estates should refuse to accept, than his Majesty, as being freed from the former conventions, would determine of those towns as he should think most just and honourable, wherein he would do all good offices for the said Princes, his loving brethren.  
8 That the renowned king of England etc. would command the garrison soldiers not to serve the Hollanders, nor to secure them with victuals, arms, or any munition for war, or other the king of Spain's or the Archdukes enemies, upon any colour or pretext soever, nor do any act of hostility against the king of Spain, the Archdukes, or their subjects: And in like manner the king of Spain and the Archdukes did promise, that no act of hostility should be done against the said garrison soldiers, nor against the king of England etc. o● his subjects.  
9 That between the said kings, their kingdoms, vassals, inhabitants, and subjects, there should be free commerce in all places where it hath been formerly used before the wars, according to the ancient leagues and treaties; so as the subjects of either party might go and enter freely into the others countries and dominions both by sea and land, without any Safeconduct, or other licence, and departed from thence with their goods and merchandises, paying the ordinary customs and imposts.  
10 That it should be lawful to have acesse unto the ports of the said princes, there to make stay, and with the like liberty to departed, not only with ships for merchandise, but also for war, whether they come thither being forced by foul weather, or for the repairing of their ships, or for provision of victuals, so as they exceed not the number of six or eight ships, when they come in voluntarily, nor stay longer in the havens than they shall have cause, for the repairing of their ships, or to make provision of necessaries, lest it should cause an interruption of free traffic with other nations in amity. And if any greater number of ships of war than is above mentioned, shall happen to have access into those ports, than it shall not be lawful for them to enter without the privity and consent of the prince. Provided, that they should not commit any act of hostility within the said ports, to the prejudice of the princes: and that there should be an especial care had, that under the pretext of traffic there should be no victuals, arms, or munition for war, carried by the subjects of those kingdoms, to the enemies of the one or other king. And whosoever should attempt the contrary, should be punished as seditious persons, and breakers of the peace. It was also provided, That the subjects of the one should not be worse entreated in another's dominions in his sales and contracts of merchandise, than his own natural subjects.  
11 That the king of England etc. after the conclusion of these articles, should forbid by proclamation, That none of his subjects, or any inhabiting within his realm, should carry over in his own name, directly or indirectly, or colour any ships, merchandise, or any other thing going out of Holland and Zealand into Spain, nor any Holland or Zealand merchant, unto the said ports, upon pain of punishment. And to avoid fraud, all merchandise to be sent out of England, Scotland, and Ireland, to the dominions of the king of Spain and Archdukes, was to be sealed with the Town or City Seal from whence they should be laden: and that which was not so sealed, should be taken for good prize, and confiscated, and all Hollanders and Zelanders found in the said ships, should be also taken.  
12 That all English, Scottish, and Irish merchandise, might be transported out of those countries into the dominions of the king of Spain, without paying the imposition of thirty in the hundred, lately imposed, but only the customs and tolls usually demanded before the said imposition of thirty in the hundred.  
13 That for such merchandise as the English, Scottish, or Irish merchants should buy in Spain, or other the king of Spain's dominions, and should carry in their own ships, or in ships hired or lent them (except they be of Holland Zealand) they should only pay such customs as were accustomed to be paid before the imposition of thirty in the hundred: provided, that they should carry the said merchandise to the realms of the king of England etc. or to the ports of those provinces which obey the Archdukes. And to prevent the transportation of the said merchandise to any other places, and especially to Holland and Zealand, it was agreed, That the merchants should enter bond at such time as they did lad their ships in Spain, or in any of the king of Spain's dominions, before the magistrate of the place where they should lad, to pay the said imposition of 30 in the hundred, in case they carry the said merchandise to any other countries: and that they should bring a certificate, within one year, from the magistrate of the place where they should unlade the said goods, testifying that they have discharged in the king of England's dominions, or in those provinces which are under the Archdukes obedience; exhibiting of which certificates their bonds should be delivered up.  
14 That the king of England etc. soon after the confirmation of this accord▪ should forbid his subjects to export any merchandise out of the K. of Spain's dominions, to any other places but to his Majesty's kingdoms, and the said ports of Flanders, upon pain of confiscation of all their merchandise, to the use of the king of England etc. whereof the Informer is to have the one half, the imposition of thirty in the hundred being first deducted, the which shall be paid to the king of Spain's officers; the proofs being lawfully received in Spain, and sent into England in authentical form, should be credited.  
15 That the magistrates of any towns or cities within his majesties kingdoms, which should make certificates of the unlading of ships, and give testimony of the registering of merchandise, should not commit any fraud therein, upon pain of the loss of their offices, and the king's displeasure: With this proviso, That when as the king of Spain and the Archdukes shall agree with the French king, or any other, touching the last Edict of thirty in the hundred, and the commerce betwixt them be restored, than it should be lawful for the subjects of the said king of England etc. to transport their merchandise into his or their dominions unto whom the commerce shall be restored, without the payment of thirty in the hundred, paying only the former usual customs.  
16 That there should be free commerce betwixt the subjects of the king of England etc. and the Archdukes, in all places where they had been formerly accustomed to trade, both by water and land, having free liberty to enter into the dominions, towns, and ports one of another, and to buy, sell, carry and recarry their merchandise, repair their ships, provide victuals, and all things necessary, at reasonable prices, and should departed with the like liberty with their goods and merchandise, paying the usual customs. Provided, that the subjects of the king of England etc. should not use the shipping of the Hollanders, or the united Provinces, nor bring any of their manufactures into the Archdukes countries, nor any other thing for the which any tribute was paid in Holland, neither should they transport any thing from the Archdukes Provinces, unto the united Provinces, until a pacification were made, neither should they receive any goods belonging to the united Provinces, into their ships, nor put any of them into the united Estates ships, nor fraudulently colour the goods of any one of the united Provinces: the which being found, it should be held to be good and lawful prize.  
17 That the former Provisos should not only be understood of ships laden for merchandise, but also of ships of war, which the said princes should send forth to prevent the attempts of their enemies: which ships of war, not exceeding the number above mentioned, might freely enter into one another's ports, being driven by tempest, or to repair their ships, or buy necessaries, and there stay, so as they committed no act of hostility, with the like cautions and exceptions as is contained in the tenth article.  
18 As the said kings and Archdukes did religiously promise, not to give any warlike succours to any of the others enemies, so it was provided, that the subjects or the inhabitants of their realms, of what nation or quality soever, should not under colour of commerce, nor upon any other pretext, give any aid to the enemies of the said princes, or supply them with money, victuals, armour, munition, ordnance, or other warlike provision: and those which should do the contrary should be severely punished, as breakers of the league, and seditious persons.  
19 And for the greater benefit and good of their subjects, it was agreed, that the king of England etc. and the Archdukes, should do their endeavours, that their subjects should have the passages open unto their ports and dominions, so as they might freely come and go with their ships, merchandise, and carriages (paying the ordinary customs) to all the said ports, kingdoms, and dominions, & depart when they please with the like liberty.  
20 As touching the ancient treaties of commerce and traffic betwixt the realms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the dominions of the dukes of Bourgondie, and princes of the Low Countries, the which during the late troubles had been intermitted, and it may be in some parts impaired: It was concluded by way of provision, That they should remain in their ancient force, and be used on either side, as they had been before the war. And if it happen, that by both parts, or by any one, any breach thereof be pretended: or that the subjects shall complain, that the conventions were not observed, or that more grievous burdens than were accustomed were imposed on them, than there should be deputies appointed on either part, which should meet, and treat friendly, and restore such things as should be found out of course, or to have been altered by the injury of time, or by corrupt custom.  
21 And to make this peace fruitful to the subjects of the king of England etc. it was concluded, That such as had recourse to and from the realms and dominions of the king of Spain and Archdukes, and should remain there for trade, should not be molested in the cause of conscience: wherefore to the intent their traffic might be safe and without danger both by land and sea, the said king of Spain and Archdukes should provide, that using their trade and commerce, they should not be called in question nor molested for their consciences, so as they gave no scandal.  
22 If any goods or merchandise prohibited to be carried, should be conveyed out of the realms and dominions of the said kings and Archdukes, by the subjects of the one or the other, that in such case the person offending shall only incur punishment, and only the goods prohibited shall be confiscated.  
23 That the goods of subjects dying within the realms and dominions of either, should be preserved for the right heirs and successors of the deceased, always reserving the right of any third person.  
24 That grants and privileges given by the princes to merchants of either of the kingdoms, coming to their realms, which privileges, by reason of the wars, have ceased, should from thenceforth be revived, and stand in their full force and virtue.  
25 And if hereafter any unkindness should grow betwixt the king of England etc. and the king of Spain, or the Archdukes, whereby there might grow any interruption of intercourse and traffic, the subjects of either prince should be so advertised thereof, as they might have six months from the time of the admonition, to transport their merchandise, without any arrest, disturbance, or molestation in the mean season, to be offered or done them either in their persons or goods.  
26 That neither of the said princes should imbar or stay for their provision in war, or for any other service, to the prejudice of the owners, the ships of the others subjects, lying in their ports or roads, unless one of those parties to whom the ships do belong, be first advertised thereof, and yield his consent thereunto.  
27 It was also accorded, That if during this peace and league of friendship, any thing should happen to be attempted, or done, against the force and effect thereof, either by water or by land, by any of the said princes, their heirs and successors, their vassals and subjects, or by their allies comprehended in this league, or by the heirs & successors of any of those allies, their subjects or vassals, yet notwithstanding this peace and amity, should remain in his full strength and virtue, and the attempters and such as do offend only shall be punished for their attempts.  
28 That all prisoners taken in the wars, or condemned to the galleys, should be released and set free, the charges of diet, of such as were not in the galleys, being first paid, and the ransoms of such as had before compounded for the same, being discharged.  
29 It was concluded, That all civil actions which were in force at such time as the last war begun, should be continued and pursued, notwithstanding any lapse of time during the same war, so as they should not be any way prejudiced by the continuance of the war: those only were excepted which were already come to the prince's treasury or Exchequer.  
30 If any action should be commenced in the realms and dominions of any of these princes, by any person not being subject to the same prince, touching any depredations or spoils, the cause should be remitted to the judge of the jurisdiction under that prince, against whose subject or subjects the suit is commenced.  
31 If the Hollanders and the other confederate Estates, would accept of conditions of pacification with the Archdukes, or their successors, by the means of the king of England etc. the said Archdukes and their successors would always willingly hearken unto that which should be propounded therein, and would desire, that by the help of the king of England etc. they might be brought to embrace equal conditions; wherein they should well understand how much the said Archdukes did attribute unto the king of England.  
The last three articles were for the comprehending of the allies, friends, and confederates of the said princes in this present treaty, the which they did severally and particularly name: and for the ratification, confirmation, and due observation of the said treaty.  
There was also an order set down touching merchandise of high Germany to be transported into Spain, and free from the imposition of thirty in the hundred, whereby the Constable of Castille, having special procuration from the Catholic king, did promise that it should be lawful for the subjects of the king of England etc. to convey merchandise out of high Germany, being subject to the imposition of thirty in the hundred, and could not without payment thereof, be carried into Spain, the same merchandise being first conveyed into England, and there discharged and customed, and from thence to be afterwards transported into Spain, or any other of the king of Spain's dominions, without payment of thirty in the hundred; so as the said merchandise had not paid any thing to the Hollanders and Zelanders, or other enemies of the king of Spain and the Archdukes: which merchandise they should convey in their own ships, and not in any belonging to any other prince or nation. And, to avoid fraud, the merchandise of high Germany, which should be transported out of England, Scotland, and Ireland, into the dominions of the king of Spain and the Archdukes, should be registered and marked with the seal of the town from whence it came, and a certificate sent from the magistrate of the said town, testifying, that the said merchandise were discharged in England, Scotland, or Ireland, and that they had paid custom there; upon pain of the king's displeasure, & the loss of their offices, and other punishments, to be inflicted at the king's pleasure upon the magistrates of towns under the obedience of the king of England etc. which are to certify the unlading of ships, and the registering thereof, if they shall herein commit any fraud. And what merchandise soever of high Germany, shall not be discharged in England, Scotland, or Ireland, and yet to be transported into Spain, and other the dominions of the king of Spain, all such merchandise shall be confiscated, and reputed good prize.  
There were also three articles concluded, concerning a moderation to be had in the proceed in the Inquisition in Spain, against the king of England's subjects.  
First, If they exceeded in any thing before their entrance into Spain, they should not be called into the Inquisition for the same, neither should they be molested for any of those things so committed out of Spain, neither should any account be demanded of them for the same.  
2 That no man should compel them to enter into churches, unless they would, but if they did enter, they should perform those duties and reverence which are used towards the holy Sacrament of the Altar, being there; and if they should see the Sacrament coming towards them in any street, they shall do reverence by bowing their knees, or else they shall pass aside by some other street, or turn into some house.  
3 If any of the said persons being masters or masters mates, or any other officers of ships which be not their own, do exceed in any of these things, the Inquisition proceeding against them by office, is only to sequester their own proper goods, and are to leave the ships and all other goods, not belonging to the offenders, free: and the same was to be understood for all traders and factors.  
During this treaty betwixt England and Spain, 
Discomodities for the cessation of traffic.  the defence of traffic betwixt France and the dominions of the king of Spain and the Archdukes, was very troublesome. The French suffered great discommodities, and the Spaniards found this restraint heavy and insupportable, for that all things grew exceeding dear, and the tradesmen murmured, and grew almost desperate. The Pope commanded his Nuntio to deal in this business, and to reconcile these princes; but the French king would not yield to any thing, until that the Spaniards, who had first troubled the water, had cleared it again, in revoking the imposition of thirty in the hundred, which made the liberty of traffic a mere servitude, and the profit an assured loss. This was very severe and rigorous. It is in every kind bitter unto the merchant, covetousness having changed the first cause, as well as the quantity of customs and imposts. At the first they were paid only to have free liberty and assurance of passage from one place unto another; and for that princes have under their protection the highways (for the which they are called Royal) they did acknowledge this right of protection with some duty. Such impositions for so necessary causes are just, others are not, and yet they must be borne, being not lawful for the subject to murmur against the customs and imposts wherewith the prince doth charge him. They said, That the Spaniards, which are long in their consultations, and constant in their resolutions, would never revoke this imposition, for that they would not lose the reputation of constancy in their laws, 
Commerce set at liberty in France.  and be noted of inconstancy and lightness, by applying themselves to the time and affairs. But there was no remedy, the deputies of the two kings and Archdukes meeting, took off the imposition, and set the commerce free.  
The peace being fully concluded betwixt England and Spain, and sworn by the king of England in the presence of the king of Spain's Commissioners, 
Constable of Castille returns into Spain.  the Constable of Castille having received great honour in England, both in his entertainment and presents given him from the king, returned into Flanders, much satisfied in himself, to carry home with him such joyful tidings. From thence he passed into France, where the French king used him so royally, as he afterwards said, That he had entertained him as a king, and entreated him as a kinsman.  
In the year a thousand six hundred and four the king of Great Britain sent the earl of Nottingham, 
1605  high Admiral of England, 
Earl of Nottingham sent into Spain.  into Spain, to take the Catholic king's oath, for the confirmation of the peace, as he did the earl of Hartford unto the Archdukes, to the same end. The said earl of Nottingham, being attended on by a gallant train of noblemen, knights, and gentlemen, arrived at the Groin, where he was no sooner discovered from the land, but D. Lewis de Carilla de Toledo, marquess of Carascena, Governor both of the town and of the country of Gallicia, gave order for his entertainment, the which was very royally performed.  
At his coming into the harbour, a fort upon the North side of the town, did first salute him with twenty pieces of ordnance: then a fort lately built upon a rock, with six and thirty pieces; and lastly from the town and castle with above thirty pieces of ordnance: And the earls ship, with the whole fleet, being at an anchor, requi●ed them with all their ordnance. Presently after the Governor sent four chief officers of the town, with D. john de Pacheco, his brother, and D. Lewis de Carilla de Toledo his only son, to welcome the earl. After some time spent in compliments, the Governor himself came aboard the earls ship in a barge, the mariner's and rowers being in blue silk cassocks and caps, and the barge covered with blue velvet. After he had saluted the earl, he told him, That the king his master had given unto him an especial charge to have a respect who he was that came ambassador, from whom he came, and to whom he was sent: and that he should do every thing for the honour of these three persons, not sparing any thing that might be fit for his Lordship's entertainment. Wherefore he did entreat the earl to go to land, the which he did forbear until the next day; so as that night he sent unto his Lordship a present of fish, fruits, bread, and such commodities as the country yielded.  
On Tuesday, 
He lands at the Groin.  the sixteenth of April, the earl of Nottingham prepared to go to shore, to his lodging, which was appointed in the governors house. The governor having taken care to receive his Lordship in most honourable manner, had (upon notice of his coming to the Groin) caused a bridge of timber, being above forty yards long, to be built and painted, the which was garnished with many penciles of silk of divers colours. The way into the town was set on either side with boughs of bays and Orange trees, and strewed with rushes and flowers. The whole garrison of the town, and other companies that were drawn out of the country, were there ready to make a guard for him.  
His Lordship being ready to land, the governor sent divers of the Commanders to let him understand, that he and the magistrates of the town would attend him on the bridge. Whereupon the earl took his barge, and (being followed by his whole train) went unto the bridge, where the Spaniards entertained the English as they landed, the haultboyes and shagbots playing all the while. Being all landed, they entered into the town an English man and a Spaniard marching together in very good order. At their entrance into the town they were saluted with a great volley of shot, both great and small; and so they went on foot to the governors house, where, when the earl entered, there were many chambers shot off.  
During the earl of Nottinghams' stay at the Groin, he solemnised Saint George's feast, the which was performed with the greater state, for that the people came thither in troops to see that ceremony; and it was thought the governor (being invited) would have dined with his Lordship, but he fearing to hear something that might touch the king, his master, in honour, excused himself, and so retired, having seen his Lordship set down: But hearing, after dinner, by his own brother, that there was not any thing that might give cause of offence, or exception, he was sorry, and did accompany his Lordship at supper, whither many ladies and gentlewomen came to see the order of that State.  
On the four and twentieth of April D. Blasco d' Arragon, nephew to the duke of Terranova, who had been in England the year before with the Constable of Castille, came from Court, being sent from the king his master, to salute his Lordship, and to acquaint him with such preparations as were made for him and his train for that journey. There was also D. Gaspar de Bullion, the kings chief Harbinger, who came with commission from the king, to provide all things necessary for his Lordship's journey. After some conference (notwithstanding they had promised there should be no want of any thing) they found, that the whole country would not furnish mules enough, there being six hundred and fifty persons, besides the carriages, which were very many. Whereupon his Lordship resolved to leave some of his own company aboard his ships until his return. There were four coaches and four litters attended them at Villafranca, besides their riding mules, whereof there was a coach and a litter for his Lordships own use, another coach and a litter for sir Charles Cornwallis, who was then sent to be ambassador leaguer in Spain, and the rest for the knights and gentlemen which should be sick.  
During his Lordship's stay at the Groin, he was entertained with sundry sports, the which were performed in a square made of purpose on the market place; as assaulting of a castle by armed knights, and freeing a lady from four monsters which defended it, fight at barriers, and in the end very rare fireworks, the which were generally commended for their strangeness. 
Earl of Nottingham goes from the Grain.  After which his Lordship, having all his train furnished with mules, began his journey towards the Court the 3 of May, the governor and magistrates bringing him out of the town with music & shot. He was accompanied by D. Blasco d' Arragon, & D. Gaspar de Bullion, chief harbinger to the K. who had the charge of the conduct.  
His Lordship passed from the Groin to Bytance, to Villa Alva Lugo, Terra Castilia, Cebrera, Villa Franca, Bubibre, Astorga (where his Lordship saw a fair castle belonging to the marquess of Astorga) Banesa, Benavent, Villa Garcia: and from thence he had order to go to Simancas, which was as far as Vailledolit: To which town his Lordship came in twelve days, having been honourably received in all places where he past. His Lordship coming to Simancas on Tuesday the 14 of May, he had order from the king, not to come to Court till Thursday. On the Wednesday after dinner there came D. Pedro de Suniga, or Estuniga, newly appointed ambassador for England, and D. john de Taxis, son to the earl of Villa Mediana, than ambassador in England; who having saluted his Lordship, departed again.  
On Thursday, 
He goes to Court.  his Lordship being appointed to go to Court, there came to attend him the marquess of Camerasa, D. Pedro de Suniga, D. john de Taxis▪ D. Blasco d' Arragon, with divers other knights and gentlemen of the king's house and chamber, bringing divers coaches with them. Simancas was not above six English miles from Court. Upon the way the earl of Nottingham was persuaded to go into a banqueting house which stood upon the highway, and to see the delicacy of their orchards and gardens, and to taste of the fruits: but it was rather to stay for the noblemen which were appointed by the king to meet him. During his stay in this garden, there was a horse presented unto him from the king, which he did usually ride on. After an hours stay, there came divers Grandees, 
Noblemen 〈◊〉 the Earl of Nottingham.  and other noblemen, the chief whereof were, the duke of Frias Constable of Castille (lately ambassador in England) the duke of Infantasgo, the duke of Albuquerque, the duke of Cea, the duke of Sessa, the duke of Pastrana, the marquess of S. German, the earl of Chinchon, the earl of Punno en Rostro, the marquess of Baneza, the earl of Aguilar, the earl of Berosa, the earl of Nieva, the earl of Corunna, the earl of Paredes, the marquess of Carpio, the marquess of Tavera, the marquess of Villanova, the earl of Salinas, the marquess of Seralua, the marquess de Fuentes, the marquess of Alcanices, the earl of Galues, the Admiral of Arragon, with many other lords and knights. The earl with all these nobles, and his whole train, being upon the way, the weather being exceeding hot, there fell a very great shower, which continued until they came into the town, where his lodging was appointed in the house of the earl of Salinas, not far from Court. There was a multitude of people, and eight hundred coaches (as it was thought) full of ladies and gentlewomen, gotten out of the town to see the earl and his company. I omit the manner of their marshalling with the Spanish knights and lords. They entered by a gate called Puerta del Campo, and passed through the chief parts of the town, by the Court gate, the king, queen, and ladies, standing (as they said) at certain windows, to take view of the company. That night there came divers noblemen, and the queen sent her Major Domo to visit his Lordship: which caused some admiration in the Spaniards, who said, they never knew the like favour done to any ambassador.  
The day after, his Lordship coming to Vailledolit, D. Francisco Gomes de Sandoval, duke of Lerma, the kings great favourite, being accompanied by many dukes and earls, came to visit him, and so consequently all ambassadors, and most of the Grandees and noblemen of the Court, came to visit him, and congratulate his coming. He had his first audience on Saturday the eighteenth of May. In the morning the king sent the earl of Galues, and divers of his privy chamber, to visit his Lordship. In the afternoon the Constable came accompanied with above twenty noblemen, 
The Earl goes to Court.  whereof three or four were of the Grandees, bringing many coaches with them, to conduct his Lordship and his company to Court. The kings guard made a way for them them to the presence chamber door, they being three hundred in number, Swisses, Spaniards, and Walloons, attired in red and yellow velvet, but of several fashions. At the palace gate stood the duke of Infantasgo, and the marquess of Vellada, with divers noblemen, knights, and gentlemen, to receive his Lordship, & to conduct the company into the presence, where the king sat under a rich cloth of Estate, 
His Audience.  and by him eight Grandees of Spain covered. His Lordship having delivered his message by his interpreter, & his letters into the kings own hands, coming from his chair, he gave his Lordship a very kind & honourable entertainment causing him to sit near unto him: which favour was much observed, as a thing (said the Spaniards) never used to any ambassador before that time. After some conference, the noblemen and gentlemen having kissed the king's hand, his Lordship was conducted by the Constable and others, to the queen's presence, where she sat under a rich cloth of Estate, and the Infanta by her: he was received by the Major Domo to the queen, and conducted to her presence: where having ended his compliments, being somewhat late, he took his leave, and returned with those dukes and lords unto his lodging.  
On the nineteenth of May, 
King of Spain goes in procession.  being Sunday, the king went in procession, going first to S. Paul's church near the Court, and then through the town to S. Mary's, after this manner. First went the Monks and religious Orders singing, and bearing crosses, banners, and other church relics, the Sacrament being also carried by four officers of the Church. Then followed divers noblemen in their ranks, according to their degrees. And next before the kings own person went the younger of the princes of Savoy. After king followed the cardinal, being Archbishop of Toledo, and with him the prince of Savoy his elder brother. Then followed the prince of Maroc, with the emperors ambassador, the ambassador of France, and he of Venice: after whom followed divers gentlemen of the king's chamber, and the rest of the train.  
After dinner the same day there was preparation made for the Christening of the prince. 
Christening of the prince of Spain.  There was a large scaffold made for their passage at the end of a long gallery, and joined to the church; the timber of which scaffold was covered with rich cloth of gold. They came unto the church after this manner. The trumpets were set in several companies near unto the church, still sounding, and answering one another. About four of the clock there past by this scaffold, to go into Saint Paul's church, the Knights, Lords, and Grandees going before, and some Dukes of especial name bearing sundry ceremonies, as the salt carried by one, a wax taper by another: then came the Constable, who carried the Crown, before whom went the king at Arms. The duke of Lerma bore the prince in his arms, being tied unto him with a rich scarce; he was assisted by the prince of Savoy, and the earl of Miranda. Then followed the Infanta in a chair, the which divers gentlemen of the king's bedchamber, and privy chamber, carried on their shoulders, the younger prince of Savoy going by. At the church door the cardinal attended them in his pontifical robes, having three bishops, and other officers of the Church with him; and so they conducted them with singing unto the Font, the which was richly covered with a canopy of cloth of gold. The cardinal performed the ceremony; the which ended with church music, sounding of trumpets, and other wind instruments: and so they returned as they came, being accompanied by most of the great Ladies of the Court and kingdom. The prince was Christened by the name of Philip Domingo Victor. The elder prince of Savoy was his godfather, of whom he took the name of Victor, and the Infants, his sister, was his godmother. The Lord ambassador of England was placed in the earl of Ribadavias' house, both to see the procession in the morning, and the prince going to the Christening: after which he was conducted by a private way into the church, to see the ceremony.  
The next day, 
Churching of the queen of Spain.  being Monday, the ambassador leger was presented to the king, and graciously allowed of by him. On Tuesday the Lord ambassador was conducted to S. M●ries church by D. Blasco d' Arragon, to see the ceremony of the queen's Churching, whither the king and queen came together, the king being on horseback, and the queen in a very rich caroche of cloth of gold, drawn with four horses, having their furnitures of cloth of gold, with whom the Infanta sat. After which, in another caroche, came the young prince, in the arms of an ancient lady: and then followed two other caroches of black velvet, with divers duchesses', countesses, and other great personages, widows. Then came four other caroches, all of one fashion, with divers ladies, the queen's maids. This was the first day of the queen's going abroad, and as it was held, her Churching day.  
That day the Lord ambassador was invited to dine with the Constable, 
Earl of Nottingham feasted by the Constable  where he was accompanied by the dukes of Albuquerque, & of Sessa, & others: where there wanted not any thing that the country could yield for his entertainment. On Friday being the 20 of May there were certain presents, 
Presents sent to the king and Queen of Spain  sent by the king of England, delivered, the king and Queen coming themselves into a private garden to receive them. They were six horses, three for the king, and three for the Queen, with saddles and clothes very richly embroidered, two Crossbows with sheaves of arrows, four fowling pieces, with their furnitures, all very richly garnished and inlaied with plates of gold, and a couple of lime-hounds: which presents were kindly received, the king and Queen admiring the fashion and richness thereof.  
On Tuesday the eight & twentieth of May, 
Ambassador feasted by the duke of Lerma.  the Lord ambassador, with all the English were invited to dine with the duke of Lerma, where they were very honourably entertained to their great contentment: he was accompanied at the table by the duke of Lerma, the duke of infantasgo, and the duke of Albuquerque. They were attended on at the table by Marquesses, Earls, Knights, and gentlemen of the king's privy-chamber, and few others.  
Having received what pleasure could be devised at the table, they were afterwards carried down into a fair Court, paved with square stone, in the midst whereof was a fountain of clear water; the whole Court was covered with canvas to keep them from the heat of the Sun: There was a stage set up in this Court with all things fitting for a play, which the ambassador and the rest were invited to see. The king and Queen were also in private to see this Comedy.  
The day appointed for the taking of the king's Oath, 
King of Spain goes in procession.  was upon Thursday the thirtieth of May, being Corpus Christi day, on the which the king went in procession; and for that he would be seen by the English, he appointed to pass by the gate where the ambassador was lodged, after this manner.  
First there came eight great Giants, three men, three women, and two Moors, with a Taber and pipe playing, and they dancing: Then followed certain Pilgrims clad in blue: After whom five and twenty or six and twenty crosses, belonging to several Churches, with many pictures and holy relics, Monks, Morris dancers like Gipsies, Beasts with fire works, wild men, and such like vanities, as it should seem, to draw the people more readily to admiration: After these followed divers other Church-relikes, with certain Augustine and Franciscane Friars, with their relics. Many Churchmen had Tapers in their hands: the king Pages bare Torches: Then followed the Sacrament carried by four Churchmen in rich Copes; after whom came the Noble men, and Grandees of Spain; and then followed the king with a Taper light in his hand, of white Virgin wax: after whom came the Cardinals, the ambassadors to the emperor, French, and Venetians, the Prince of Savoy, the Prince of Maroc, with others, every one carrying a Taper light.  
The same day D. Blasco de Arragon brought word unto the Lord ambassador that the king expected his coming presently unto the Court for the taking of the oath: wherefore there was order taken that the Noblemen and Gentlemen which should attend him thither, should be furnished with Genets out of the king's stable. Being all mounted, the Constable D. Pedro de Suniga, 
King of Spain takes the oath.  with many other Lords and Knights, were sent to accompany him: And at the court gate the duke of Lerma and some other of the Grandees stayed to receive him; by whom he was conveyed through a long gallery into a presence, and so into an inner chamber, where the king stayed his coming, and received him with a kind salutation, and so took him along with him. The king Sergeants at arms going first, than followed the Noblemen and Grandees of Spain, than the four kings at arms, in their coasts of arms; after whom came the duke of Lerma, bearing the sword naked, not upright, as the custom is in England, but lying upon his left shoulder; and in this order the king marched to a very fair banqueting house, newly built, the ambassador leaguer, the Lords, and divers others following.  
The king being set in his estate, the Lord ambassador & the Leaguer were placed upon his left hand, the Grandees and other Noblemen of Spain, being on the right, but two degrees lower. There was a little table set before the king, whereon lay the Bible and a Crucifix upon it. The Archbishop of Toledo red the oath: at one part of the oath the ambassador held the king's hands between his, to which oath the king swore kneeling and laying his hand upon the book, and afterwards subscribed the articles concluded by both kings.  
On the last of May there was preparation made for certain sports, 
juego de To●o and juego de Cana.  as juego de Tora, & juego de Cana, where there was a careful order taken that all the English should be placed to see those sights. About noon the king and Queen came on Horseback after the Spanish manner, being attended on by many Lords and Ladies. The Lord ambassador was in one room with the king and Queen, and the other Lords not far off. These sports were performed in the market place, being built round about with scaffolds, & the ground covered with sand. There were fourteen bulls slain that day, not without danger to many that were actors, and the loss of some of their lives. Which being ended began their sports of juego de Cana, wherein the king himself was an actor: First there came in twelve Atabales or kettle drums; then followed thirty Trumpets, all clad in Cassaks of red and white tafata; then followed twelve great mules, called Asemulaes' with coverings of crimson velvet, bearing bundles of canes, chained together with great hooks of silver; then followed the king's Gentlemen and Pages richly suited, being 32 in number.  
For the two Princes of Savoy, there came two Pages riding, bearing white targuets on their arms: after whom were led three horses, with comparisons of black velvet, richly embroidered with pearl: then followed twelve other horses, their comparisons of black velvet, but embroidered with silver. For the duke of Lerma were led six horses with comparisons of white and red; his Grooms and Pages attending were suitable. For the Constable were led four and twenty horses of service in white and green, his Pages and grooms all suited alike. There were eighty horsemen which were actors that day in those sports, being divided into eight bands or companies: besides the king and the rest above named, there were many of the Grandees, and they were all men of special note in the Court of Spain: whose names for brevities sake I omit: At the first they came riding in swiftly by couples, with their targuets on their shoulders, and shaking their staves after the manner of the Moors and Arabians. Being all come in, they divided themselves into two parts, either side having four squadrons, and every squadron ten in number: Being all ready, the king's side first gave the charge, and the others answered them, & so they continued chase one another, squadron after squadron, and casting their canes one after another, for the space of an hour, and so the sport ended.  
On the first of june, 
Show of the king's Horsemen  the Lord ambassador was invited to see the king's horsemen in arms in a spacious place called El Campo, consisting of lances, light horsemen and Carbines, to the number of two thousand, of the which the duke of Lerma was general: these troops after some sallies one upon another, and certain skirmishes, drew themselves into a ring, and so marching under the window whereas the king, Queen and ambassador stood, went their way.  
On the sixth of june he was requested to see a mask, 
Mask at Court.  & above six of the clock in the evening D. Blasco d' Arragon came to conduct his Lordship, and the rest through a private gallery of the kings, to the appointed place which was the new built banqueting house, where his Lordship and his followers were conveniently appointed. The room was furnished with 320 wax lights, all set in standards of silver of divers fashions. Where after some songs and music, the mask appeared after this manner.  
There came first of all 30 musicians, in long robes of crimson tafata, well set out to show, playing on several instruments. After whom followed six Virgins dancing, one bearing in her hand asun, another a branch of an Olive tree, another an anchor, another a sword with two points, on either point abunch of flowers.  
Then followed a Chariot of an antic fashion, drawn by two lived horse, being exceeding little: In the upper part whereof sat the Infanta, with a Sceptre of gold in her hand, having the picture of a Dove at the upper end of it: at her feet sat two other Virgins, who attended her, and on either side went divers pages bearing torches of white wax.  
At the upper end of the hall there was a rich State built all of Mason's work ascending up by degrees, richly guilt, and garnished with sundry statues guilt also; in which state there were three chairs set, two great, & one lesser, which was betwixt the other two. In which middle chair the Infanta being taken out of her Chariot was placed; the two virgins near her, and the other six upon the degrees at the foot of the estate. At the nether end of the Hall stood the maskers in a gallery, made of purpose, who upon drawing of a curtain, appeared as it were in clouds: They were eight and twenty Knights & Ladies besides torchbearers, whereof the king and Queen made two, the rest were 〈◊〉 Grandees, and men of great honour; the Ladies were the Queen's Maids. The gallery being built in manner of an arch, and set full with looking glasses, did with the light of torches shine as if it had been full of Stars. The music playing, the maskers descended by four and four at a time, upon a stage made in fashion of a cloud until the whole number was come forth dancing together in good form and measure. Having danced a while, they all unmasked themselves, the king and Queen sitting in the chairs above mentioned, where after some other dances the sport ended.  
On the seventh of june the Lord ambassador was appointed to take his leave of the king, and return for England. Before his coming to Audience, the king sent by D. Pedro de Suniga, and some others, to the number of fourteen chains of gold, or thereabouts, for some of the king's Servants, and his lordship's chief officers: having likewise sent before by the said D. Pedro, unto the Lords, and to many knights, and other especial men of his Lordship's company, several jewels and chains which were very rich. In the afternoon the king sent unto the ambassador a very rich present of jewels, both for himself and his Lady, the which were presented unto him by D. Blasco, and brought by the masters and officers of the jewel house, whom he rewarded honourably.  
Not long after the Constable came with some others to conduct him to his Audience, where, after some private conference with the king, he took his leave, having received many gracious words from his Majesty, as also a ring with a Diamond, which some valued at three thousand pounds, the which the king put upon his finger, in token (as he said) of wedding him perpetually in true love. After which the king commanded the duke of Infantasgo, to conduct him unto the Queen, where having performed all due compliments he took his leave also of her Highness. And the same day (being accompanied, a mile out of the Town, by the Constable and some other Noblemen) he began his journey towards England, and on the fifteenth day came to Saint Andreas where his ships attended him. Where being arrived, and all things ready for his embarking, he showed his bounty in rewarding D. Blasco, the Aposentador or chief Harbinger, and all the king's officers & servants that attended him, with great chains of gold, fair jewels of good value, and large sums of money, to their general content. After which having feasted them on shipboard, he put to sea on the 25 day of june.  
Thus have I summarily set down the substance of the Earl of Nottinghams' honourable entertainment at the Court of Spain, when as he was sent thither ambassador for the swearing of the oath: with the which I will end this History, and conclude my labour with his Lordship's safe return into England.  
FINIS.   

❧ Observations touching the state and government of Spain.  
FOr as much as my Author in the beginning of this History hath made an exact description of Spain, setting down the number of leagues the whole continent doth contain in circuit, describing the principal rivers within the Country, with their Springs and courses, setting down the mountains and hills, and distinguishing the Provinces, within the country, as they lie at this day, and by whom they were in ancient time inhabited, with a declaration of the fertility, riches, and commodities of the Country: I have thought good to add something touching the government of that state, with some other observations concerning that subject, the which I have collected out of such as have been curious to see, observe, and write thereof.  
The king of Spain, as he is a potent Prince and Lord of many countries, so hath he many Counsels for the managing of their affairs, distinctly & apart, without any confusion, every Council treating only of those matters which concern their jurisdiction & charge, and meddle not one with another's business: with which Counsels and with the Precedents, being men of chief note, the king doth confer touching matters belonging to the good government, preservation, & increase of his Estates, and having heard every man's opinion, he commands that to be executed that shall be held most fit and convenient. The first is,  
The Council of state; 
Council of state.  whereon the rest depend. They name Viceroys for all the king of Spain's countries, and provide for many things for the preservation of his realms. The king himself is Precedent of this Council: the counsellors, who are the chief men in the court, have no fees.  
The Council of war. 
Council of war  It provides for Generals, Colonels, Captains, the General of the galleys, and for whatsoever concerns the war, with the advice of his Majesty, who is precedent of this Council. They punish all commanders and officers at war that do not their duties. And in like manner they dispose of the companies of men at arms appointed for the guard of the kingdom, and they give order for the artillery, munition, and fortifications, or any thing that is necessary for the war. The counsellors have no wages.  
The royal Council of justice. 
Council of justice.  Here they treat of the good government of all Spain, they determine controversies betwixt Noblemen, and ease the grievances of other Courts. This council is of great pre-eminence: the precedent names all justices of Spain, the Provosts of the king's house, with many other Counsellors and justices. They take information how every one hath behaved himself in his charge, punishing and changing as they shall think good, but with the king's privity. There is a Precedent, and sixteen counsellors, who have all wages.  
The Council of Italy: 
Council of Italy.  which treats of matters concerning the realms of Naples and Sicily, and the Duchy of Milan. The Constable of Castille is Precedent: there are six counsellors, three Italians, and three Spaniards. In this Council they dispose of the government of Italy, and give advancement to the Soldiers that serve in those Countries; they appoint Governors, and judges in cities, and give titles to Noblemen: but they first acquaint the king with their consultations.  
The Council of the Indies. The Precedent is of greatest esteem next unto the council royal: 
The Council of the Indies.  there are eight Counsellors, and have all wages. They appoint Viceroys, for Peru, & Nova Hispagna, and a general of the army that goes into these parts, with all other Offices and Spiritual livings. In this Council they also treat of all grievances and complaints, that come from the Indies, by way of appellation. All which things they impart unto the king. They also appoint Visitors to go into those Provinces, to e●amine how all Officers carry themselves, and to hear the people's grievances; and they punish or dismiss as they shall see cause.  
The Council of Orders. 
The Council of Orders.  It hath a Precedent, and four counsellors, with wages, hich must be Knights, of the Order of Saint james, Calatrava, or Alcantara. In this Council they treat of suits, which happen in Provinces belonging unto these orders, and to see that the Knights wear their habits neatly. This Council appoints two and twenty justices in their Provinces, wherewith the royal Council hath not to deal. They punish the Commanders and knights which observe not their orders. They dispose of many Benefices, Vicarages, Chapels, and other Offices, in the Provinces of their Orders; but all with the king's privity, and allowance.  
The Council which they call de Camera. 
Council de Camera.  It hath a Precedent and three Counsellors, of the most ancient of the Council Royal, which have no wages. In this Council they provide superior officers for the Realm, and they dispose of Bishoprics, Chanonries, and other Ecclesiastical livings, the king having the nomination from the Pope of Rome.  
The Council of Hazienda: 
Council of Hazienda.  where there is a Precedent and three Counsellors, without fees, wherein they treat of the king's revenues, and of all duties, entries & accounts, like unto our Exchequer in England.  
There is a Counsel of accounts: 
Council of Accounts.  which consists of four counsellors, in the which two of the kings chief Auditors have place, and the most ancient Counsellor presides. In this council they determine of ●utes touching the subsidies and taxes, and give order to Collectors, for recovery thereof.  
The Council of Cruzada. 
Council of the Cruzada.  It hath a Precedent, two counsellors and three Anditours: Their charge is only to divide the Cruzado by the bishoprics, and to send forth Commissaries to gather it.  
The Council of Arragon, 
Council of Arragon.  Valentia and Cattalognia. It hath a Precedent, who is called Vicechancellor, with six counsellors, which have wages. They treat of the government of those Realms, and of the islands of Maiorca, Minorca, & Sardinia: they appoint governors and judges, and determine suits from those places by way of appeal, and hear their grievances, and to give rewards in the king's chamber of those realms; all with his majesties approbation.  
The Council of the Inquisition. 
Council of the Inquisition.  The Precedent is called Inquisitor Maior, an Office of great dignity, which most commonly the Archbishop of Toledo holds: he hath six counsellors, or Inquisitors, they appoint all the Inquisitors, Provosts, and Secretaries in all the Inquisitions within the Realm, which are above twenty, in either of which are three or four Inquisitors: who deal in matters of Heresy, & with such men as do or say any thing against the church of Rome. And before they condemn any offendor they send him to this Council to determine of him.  
The Council of Descargos, 
Council of Descargos.  treats of the paying of the old kings debts, and the execution of their last wills.  
There are two Chanceries in Spain, 
Chanceries of Spain.  one at Vailledolit, and another at Granado, either of which hath a Precedent and twelve Counsellors. They take knowledge of all civil causes which come unto them by way of appeal from other inferior courts. They also take knowledge of suits, for the estates and inheritances of Noblemen, from the which they may appeal to the Council royal, if the matter in question exceed the value of four thousand ducats. There are four Alcaldes or Provosts of the Chancery, who determine of all civil and criminal causes, within five leagues; from whom they appeal to the counsellors of the Chancery.  
There is a Council for the realm of Navarre, 
Council of Navarre.  where there is a Regent, six Councillors, and four Alcaldes, or Provosts, they take knowledge of suits, both civil and criminal within that Realm, and end them there, of what quality soever they be without appeal, whereof they consult every week with the Viceroy, who determines what they shall do.  
There is also a Regent, 
Council of Gallicia.  4 Councillors, and 4 Provosts in the realm of Gallicia, who end all suits within that realm, but they deal not in questions of Nobility and Gentry, which go to the Chancery of Vailledolit.  
The City of Sevill with the dependences, 
Council of Sevill.  hath a Regent, 6 Councillors, and 4 Provosts, who take knowledge of all civil and criminal matters, whereof the judges of the said city or realm have given sentence. There is an appeal from them to the royal council: all questions of Nobility go to the Chancery of Granado.  
The Precedent of the Council royal of justice appoints all the Councillors, 
Power of the Precedent of the Council royal.  Provosts, Precedents, & Regent's of the Chanceries, & changeth them from one to another, & draws them to be Councillors of that Court: Moreover he names sixty and six Governors of Cities and Provinces, changing them as occasion shall require. These Governors or judges, have commonly two or three Lieutenants in the towns of their government. They or their Lieutenants, govern the cities or provinces which are under their charge, with twelve or more Aldermen which he hath in every city and town: which Aldermen do only deal with the maintenance of the city, and with the public works wherein they have a voice, but the governors or their Lieutenants determine of all murders, thefts, or other misdemeanours: and punish according to the quality of the fact, every Governor hath as much power in these matters, as the king himself, the matter being justifiable, and they may deal in all matters for that their Commissions are very ample, representing the king's person, from whom they do appeal to the Chanceries of Vailledolit or Granado.  
I am afraid to enter into any discourse of the revenues of this king, 
Revenues of the king of Spain.  men writ so diversly thereof: some writ that he hath but 14 millions of ducats, coming in yearly, others say eighteen Millions, and some bring it to 23 millions, which differences may haply with some limitations be reconciled: But whatsoever it be, it is most certain, that during the wars of the Low-countries, it was too little to maintain his charge, for although that Naples, Sicily, Milan, Sardinia, Maiorca and Minorca, Flaunders and Burgundy, yield him above five Millions yearly, yet there comes little of all this to his coffers, being employed in the entertainment of Viceroys, Governors, Captains, Garrisons, Officers, and other charges in those countries. The king's revenues in Spain, rise not from his demeans, as in some other Countries but from the great impositions which he raiseth upon the ports of the Sea, and from his dry Ports, which be the passages from one kingdom to another: and of all Merchandise which is sold, he takes ten in the hundred, and how often soever it be sold. A great part of which Gabelles & Impositions in Spain stands engaged unto the Genovois & other merchants for the payment of the king's debts. Some hold that he hath not above five millions of ducats coming in clearly to maintain the charges of his court, and all other extraordinary expenses of war, gifts, pensions, voyages and such like.  
The Impositions which are raised in Spain, are not laid equally upon all his Countries, but they lie most heavy upon the two Castilles, Leon and Andaluzia, for in the realms of Valencia, Arragon, and Cattelonia, he imposeth little, but maintaineth their privileges which be great, and they themselves redeive the Gabbelles and customs, & not the king: the profit which grows there by confiscations and pecuniary fines, doth scarce entertain his Viceroys and other officers. So as it seems he hath but merum imperi●m in those three countries, they being also bound to serve him in his wars.  
The king reaps great commodity, by the pope's favour, from the Clergy; he gives him Bulls of Croysadoe; he enjoys the masterships of S. james, Calatrava, Alcantara, & disposeth of the Commanderies; he hath the first fruits of Ecclesiastical livings, and a part of the tithes, which comes yearly to three millions of ducats at the least; & he hath the nomination of all Archbishops, Abbots and Priors, yet he may not give any benefices, but to natural borne Spaniards, or to such as have been formerly naturalised.  
The Realms which they number in Spain, are these:  

The Realm of Sevill.  
Cordova.  
jaen.  
Toledo.  
Leon.  
Navarre.  
Valencia.   

The Realm of Gibraltar.  
Granado.  
Murcia.  
Castille.  
Gallicia.  
Arragon.  
Cattelognia.   
In these Realms (besides Arragon, Valencia, and Cattelognia) there are some Cities, which are called to the general Estates, and have voices for the Provinces in which they are; the which be these:  

Sevill.  
Granado.  
Cuenca.  
Madrid.  
Soria.  
Auila.  
Cordova.  
jaen.  
Toledo.  
Guadalajara.  
Segovia.  
Salamanca.  
Zamorra.  
Vailledolit.  
Burgo.  
Toro.  
Leon.  
Murcia.   
The names of all the chief Cities in Spain and Portugal, and in what Provinces they are.  

In Gallicia.  
Compostella.  
Tuye.   

In Asturia of Ouied●.  
Mondenedo.  
Leon.  
Pomperado.   

In Asturia S. Ellene.  
S. Ellene.   

In biscay.  
Victoria.   

In Navarre.  
Pampelone.   

In Cattelognia.  
Barcelona.  
Tarragone.  
Mouson.  
Seguença.   

In Arragon.  
Saragossa.  
Tarrel.  
Du●ago.  
Valencia.   

In Valencia.  
Cuenca.  
Segoruia.  
Oraguella.   

In Mancha.  
Alacantye.  
Segure.   

In Granado.  
Granado.  
Almerie.  
Carthagena.  
Murcia.  
Guadix.   

In 〈◊〉.  
Sevill.  
Cadiz.  
Medina Sidonia.  
Esica.  
jaen.  
Mallega.  
Xeres.  
Cordova.  
Vbeda.  
Baeça.  
Andujar.   

In the county.  
Aymonte.  
Auy●a.   

In Castille.  
Burgos.  
Tarragone.  
Guadalajara.  
Segovia.  
Calohorra.  
Zamora.  
Toro.  
Medina del Campo.   

In Spain there are 57 Cities.  
Salamanca.  
Valentia.  
Astorgo.   

In Toledo.  
Cuidad royal.  
Alcala de Henares.  
Toledo.   

In Estremed●ra.  
Placentia.  
Auyla.  
Badajos.  
Merida.   

In Portugal.  
Lisbon.  
Euora.  
Coimbra.  
Porto.  
Braga.  
Bragance.  
Cuidad Roderigo.  
Beiria.  
Cono.  
Olivensa.  
Eluas.  
Guarda.  
Settwal.  
Selves.  
Leria.  
In Portugal there are 15 Cities.   
Some have observed in their late travels, that the King of Spain hath always within that continent 56000 foot, which are mustered and enroled, and are bound to be ready in arms at the ringing of a bell, or the sound of the drum. The Grandoes, Nobililitie, and Prelates of the Kingdom are charged with horse, and they amount to the number of 16000 Besides, the inhabitants of the sea coasts, and of divers other Ports of his dominions within land, are bound to find horse, which come to 12000 at the least, all which must be ready at a months warning. This I had from the relation of a young nobleman, wherein he hath showed great industry and judgement, but it may be there was some mistaking in the writing of these great numbers of horse.  
A note of all the Havens, Ports, and Fisher Towns upon the coast of Spain, from Fontarabie in Biscaie, to Barcelona in the Mediterranean sea.  

In biscay.  
Fontarabie, a bard haven.  
Passage and Renderie, an open haven.  
S. Sebastian's, a bay haven.  
Sumaye and Guittario, bard.  
Montrica and Deva, fisher towns.  
Mondac and Alequito, Fishers.  
Vermeo and Placentia, Fishers.  
Bilbao and Portugalete, bard haven.   

Asturies.  
Aluredo, a key haven.  
S. Ander, an open haven.  
S. Vincent de la Barkera, fisher town.  
Aryba de Sella, Fishers.  
Villaviciosa, Fishers.  
Chynchon, a key.  
Torre, Fishers.  
Pe●a, Fishers.  
Loarca, bard haven.  
Auiles, bard haven.   

Gallicia.  
Ribadeo, bard haven.  
Vuiero and Sidera, Fishers.  
Farrol, open haven.  
The Groin, an open haven.  
Mongea, bard haven.  
Corcaviana, bard haven.  
Muros, bard.  
Porta viedra, bard haven.  
Vigo and Bayone, open haven.   

In the County.  
Aymont, a bard haven.  
Selua and Palos, Fishers.   

In Andaluzia.  
S. Lucar de Barameda, it stands in the mouth of the river of Guadalquivir, which goes up to Sevill, Fisher boats.  
Sevill, bard haven.  
Rota, a key.  
Cadiz, an open haven.  
S. Marry Port, barred haven.   

straits toward Barcelona.  
Gibraltar, an open road and key.  
Grand Malega, a key road.  
Maruela, an open road.  
Velez Malega, a key road.  
Almerie, Fishers.  
Carthagena, a haven.   

In Valencia.  
Alicante, which is the Port of Valencia, a haven.  
Valencia, a creak.   

In Cattel●●ia.  
E●pullas  
Taragona  
Palamos  
Empurias  
Rosas  
All Fisher towns.  
Barcelona, an open haven.   

In Portugal.  
Camina, a barred haven.  
Viana, barred.  
Villa de Conde, barred.  
Avero, barred.  
Porto de Portugal, barred.  
Cascais, Fisher Town.  
Lisbon, an open haven.  
Sosembrie, barred haven.  
●●●●n, an open haven.  
Lagos, a key.  
Villanovas', a barred haven.  
Farovillas, barred. 

Fisher towns.  
Figera  
Tavilla  
Castromarin.     
I will not trouble myself nor the Reader in setting down what ships and ●arkes belong unto these Ports and Havens, as some have done, being very variable and uncertain: but I will only make some mention of the king of Spain's forces at sea, as I have learned from those that have curiously inquired thereof, at their being in the country. The king maintains upon the coast of Spain and Portugal some 40 good ships and galleons, with 32 galleys, besides smaller vessels. And besides all these, he hath at Naples 25 galleys, in Sicily 16, and they of Genova, which he entertains continually, but the galleys are none of his.   

❧ A Catalogue of the Princes which have reigned in Spain since the eversion of the Roman Empire, with their Alliances and Successions.  

The Kings of the Goths.  

1 VAllia, first King of the Goths, which settled himself in Spain about the year of our Lord 420  
2 Theodoric the first. 440  
3 Torismond. 453  
4 Theodoric the second. 458  
5 Henry or Euric. 471  
6 Alaric. 483  
7 Gensalaric or Gesselaric. 508  
8 Amalaric. 511  
9 Theude. 526  
10 Theodiscle. 544  
11 Agila. 546  
12 Atanagilde. 551  
13 Luiba the first. 565  
14 Leonigilde. 567  
15 Ricarede. 585  
16 Luiba the second. 601  
17 Victeric usurper. 603  
18 Gundamir. 610  
19 Sizebuth. 612  
20 Suintilla. 621  
21 Sizenand. 631  
22 Cinthilla. 637  
23 Tulca. 641  
24 Cindasiunthe, and his son. 642  
25 Reccesiunthe. 652  
26 Bamba. 672  
27 Eruinge. 681  
28 Egica. 688  
29 Vitiza. 701  
30 Roderic. 711    

During the reign of RODERIC, last King of the Goths, the Arabians, Saracens, or Moors invaded or conquered Spain; against whom did rise many Christian Potentates, whose lines and descendant follow: that is,  

The Line of Ouiedo and Leon. Fol. 1345  
The Line of Castille. 1349  
The Line of Navarre. 1355  
The Line of Arragon. 1362  
The Line of Cattelogne. 1367  
The Line of Portugal. 1369  
The names of the Archbishops of Toledo. Fol. 1374  
Moreover, the names of the Kings and Princes Moors which have reigned in Spain, Fol. 1375.    

The Line of Ouiedo and Leon.  
I.  
PElagius first king of Ouiedo, son to Fafila, Governor of Biscaie. Gaudiosa his wife.  

Lawful children  
Fafila.  
Ormisinda.   

II.  
Fafila son to Pelagius, in the year 735, reigned two years, and died without children. 〈◊〉 Froleu● his wife.   

III.  
Alphonso first of that name, son to Peter, Governor of biscay, in the year 737▪ he reigned 19 years.  
Ormisinda, daughter to king Pelagius, his wife.  

Lawful children  
Froila.  
Vimaran.  
Aurelius.  
Odesinde, a daughter.  
Mauregat, a bastard.    

four  
D. Froila the first of that name, son to king Alphonso 1. in the year 756: he reigned 11 years, 6 months.  
Menine or Momerane, daughter to the Duke of Aquitaine, his wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Alphonso.  
D. Bermund, or Veremund.  
D. Ximena, mother to Bernard del Carpio.    

V  
D. Aurelius brother to Froila, in the year 768: he reigned 6 years, and died without children.   

VI  
D. Sillo husband to Odesinde, daughter to king Alphonso the first, in the year 774▪ the reigned 9 years, and died without children.   

VII.  
D. Mauregat, bastard to king Alphonso the first, an Usurper, in the year 783: he reigned five years and six months, and died without children.   

VIII.  
D. Bermond, or Veremund, son to king Froila, and first of that name, in the year 789: he reigned two years alone, and four with Alphonso his brother.  
D. Imelona his wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Ramir.  
D. Garcia.    

IX.  
D. Alphonso second of that name, son to king Froila▪ called the chaste, in the year 795: he reigned 29 years after the death of D. Bermund.  
D. Ber●●ia his wife, with whom he had no company; and therefore he had no children.   

X.  
D. Ramir and D. Garcia, sons to king Bermund, reign together in the year 824:  
D. Ramir who survived, held the realm six years.  
D. Vrraca of Castille wife to D. Ramir.  

Lawful children  
D. Ordogno or Fortune.  
D. Garcia.    

XI.  
D. Ordogno or Fortune, first of that name, and son to the king D. Ramir, in the year 831: he reigned 10 years.  
D. Nugn● his wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Alphonso.  
D. Bermund.  
D. Nugno.  
D. Odoaire.  
D. Froila.  
D. N. a daughter.    

XII.  
D. Alphonso third of that name, son to king D. Ordogno, in the year 841: he reigned 46 years.  
D. Amelina, or as some say, Ximenia his wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Garcia.  
D. Ordogno or Fortun.  
D. Froila.  
D. Gonsal the Archdeacon.    

XIII.  
D. G●r●ia first of that name, son to D. Alphonso the third, in the year 886: he reigned three years, and had to wife the daughter of D. Nugno Fernandes de Castille, and died without children.   

XIIII.  
D. Ordogno or Fortune, second of that name, brother to D▪ Garcia, in the year 889: he reigned eight years.  
D. N●gn● or Eluira, as some say, his first wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Sanch●.  
D. Alphonso.  
D. Ramir.  
D. Garcia.  
D. Ximena.   
D. Arragonde, or it may be Rad●gonde of Gallicia, his second wife, repudiated.  
D. S●nch●, Infanta of Navarre, third wife to this king D. Ordogno.   

XV.  
D. Froila second of that name, and third son to king Alphonso the third, an usurper, in the year 897: he reigned one year six months, surnamed the cruel.  
D. Nugn● or M●nina his wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Alphonso.  
D. Ordogno, or Fortun.  
D. Ramir.  
D. Froila, a bastard, father to D. Pelagius the Deacon.    

XVI.  
D. Alphonso fourth of that name, son to the king D. Ordogno the second, in the year 898: he reigned 6 years.  
D. Vrr●ca Ximenes Infanta of Navarre his wife.  

D. Ordogno or Fortune, called the bad.    

XVII.  
D. Ramir, second of that name, brother to D. Alphonso the fourth, in the year 904: he reigned 20 years.  
D. Theresia Infanta of Navarre, his wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Bermond.  
D. Ordogno.  
D. Sancho.  
D. Eluira, a Nun.    

XVIII.  
D. Ordogno 3 of that name, son to D. Ramir, in the year 924: he reigned 5 years.  
D. Vrraca, daughter to D. Fernand Gonsales Earl of Castille, his wife repudiated.  
D. Eluira his second wife, by whom he had  

D. Bermond.    

XIX.  
D. Sancho, brother to D. Ordogno, in the year 929: he reigned 12 years, the first of that name, and was surnamed the Gross.  
D. Theresia his wife, of whom was borne  

D. Ramir.    

XX.  
D. Ramir third of that name, son to D. Sancho, in the year 941, he reigned 24 years.  
D. Vrraca his wife, by whom he had no children.   

XXI.  
D. Bermond second of that name, son to king D. Ordogno the third, in the year 965: he reigned 17 years.  

D. Velasquita his wife, of whom came. 

D. Christina married to D. Ordogno the blind, & had issue 

D. Alphonso.  
D. Ordogno.  
D. Pelagius.  
D. Adoncia, who was wife to D. Pelagius the Deacon above named, and had by him 

D. Pedro Ordogno.  
D. Pelagius.  
D. Nugno.  
D. Theresia.        
D. Eluira 2 wife, mother to 

D. Alphonso.  
D. Theresia, a Nun.    
Of two sister's Concubines, he had 

D. Ordogno by the one:  
D. Eluira by the other.      

XXII.  
D. Alphonso fifth of that name, son to king Bermond, in the year 982: he reigned 46 years.  
D. Eluira daughter to D. Melendo Gonsales his wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Bermond.  
D. Sancha married to D. Ferdinand first king of Castille.    

XXIII.  
D. Bermond third of that name, son to D. Alphonso the fift, in the year 1028: he reigned 9 years.  
D. Theresia his wife, daughter to Sancho Earl of Castille, who brought him  

D. Alphonso, who died an infant.    

XXIIII.  
D. Sancha heir to the realm, sister to D. Bermond, was married to king Ferdinand the first of Castille, and 24 of Leon, in the year 1037: he reigned 30 years.  

Children after she came to the succession of Leon  
D. Vrraca.  
D. Sancho king of Castille.  
D. Eluira.   

Children after she came to the Crown  
D. Alphonso king of Leon.  
D. Garcia.    

XXV.  
D. Alphonso sixth of that name, son to D. Sancha, in the year 1067: he reigned 41 years in Leon, and came to the crown of Castille: he had many children by many wives, specified in the line of Castille, and among others,  
D. Constance his fourth wife, a Spaniard, brought him  

D. Vrraca, who was Queen of Leon and Castille, married first to D. Raymond of Burgundy, of whom 〈◊〉 D. Alphonso Raymond, king.    

XXVI.  
D. Vrraca had to her second husband, D. Alphonso king of Navarre and Arragon, numbered for the seventh of that name among the kings of Leon, in the year 1108: they had not any children.   

XXVII.  
D. Alphonso Raymond eighth of that name, son to D. Raymond of Burgundy, Earl of Galicia: he reigned in the place of D. Vrraca his mother 35 years, in the year 1122.  
D. Berenguela daughter to D. Raymond Arnold Earl of Barcelone, by whom among other children named in the line of Castille, he had  

D Ferdinand his second son, king of Leon.    

XXVIII.  
D. Ferdinand, second of that name, and second son to king D. Alphonso the eighth, in the year 1157: he reigned 31 years.  
D. Vrraca of Portugal, his first wife.  

D. Alphonso.   
D. Theresia his second wife, of the house of Lara.  
D. Vrraca Lopes his third wife, mother to  

D. Sancho Fernandes.  
D. Garcia.    

XXIX.  
D. Alphonso ninth of that name, son to D. Ferdinand the second, in the year 1188: he reigned 42 years.  
D. Theresia of Portugal his first wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Ferdinand.  
D. Sancha.  
D. Dolce.   
D. Berenguela Infanta of Castille, his second wife, mother to  

Lawful children  
D. Ferdinand, king.  
D. Alphonso, Lord of Molina.  
D. Constance, a Nun.  
D. Berenguela, Countess of Brenne, and Queen of jerusalem.   
Of a Concubine whose name is unknown,  

D. Roderigo Alphonso of Leon.    

XXX.  
D. Ferdinand the third he reigned at Leon after his father D. Alphonso the ninth, but he first seized upon the crown of Castille, by the diligence of D. Berenguela his mother: in him the two realms were united, and nevermore divided, in the year, 1230.  
D. Beatrix daughter to the Emperor Philip: their posterity is in the line of Castille.    

Line of Castitle●  
D. Nugno Fernandes Earl of Castille, under the Sovereignty of Leon, father or grandfather to  

D. Ximena married to D. Gonsall just.   
D. Diego Porcello Earl also, or governor of Castille under the same Sovereignty.  

D. Silvius married to D. Nugno Bellides.   
These two governors were slain by king Ordogno the second of Leon, in the prison of Leon.  
D. Nugno Bellides Earl of Castille.  
D. Silvius daughter to Diego Porcello his wife.  

Lawful children.  
D. Nugno Rasure.  
D. just Gonsales.   
D. Nugno Rasure father to  

D. Gonsal Nugnes.  
D. Eluira or Theresa Nugn●s, surnamed the Fair.   
D. Flavin Caluo husband to Eluira, whence comes the race of Cid Ruy Dias.  
These governed the country of Castille, in quality of judges: after that it was drawn from the obedience of the kings of Leon, during the reign of D. Froila the second, about the year 896.  
D. Gonsall Nugnes son to D. Nugno Rasure, sole governor of Castille.  
D. Ximena daughter or grandchild to D. Nugno Fernandes, whom we set in the first place in this Line, mother to  

D. Fernand Gonsales their son.   

First Sovereign Earl.  
D. Fernand Gonsales first Earl proprietary of Castille, in the year 910: he governed 32 years.  
D. Vrraca, his first first wife, mother to  

D. Vrraca.   
D. Sancha Infanta of Navarre, second wife to D. Fernand, daughter to D. Sancho Abarca.  

Children  
D. Gonsal Fernandes.  
D. Sancho Fernandes.  
D. Garci Fernandes.  
D. Pedro father to two sons, 

D. Gonsal Nugnes.  
D. Fernandes Gonsales.    
D. Baldwin.   
It is doubtful by which of his wives he had these five sons.   

II.  
D. Garci Fernandes the third son to D. Fernand Gonsales, in the year 942: he held the Earldom 48 years.  
D. Argentina his first wife, a French woman.  
D. Sancha, Ogna, or Abba, his second wife, mother to  

Children  
D. Garci Roland.  
D. Sancho Garcia.  
D. Vrraca a Nun.    

III.  
D. Sancho Garcia the second son to D. Garci Fernandes, in the year 990: he governed Castille 38 years.  
D. Vrraca his wife, mother to  

Children  
D. Garcia.  
D. Nugna Queen of Navarre.  
D. Theresia Queen of Leon.  
D. Tigrida a Nun.    

four  
D. Garcia second of that name, slain at Leon before he was married, so as the Earldom fell to his sister.  
D. Nugna Queen of Navarre by the right of proximity.   

V  
D. Nugna sister to D. Garcia, married to the king.  
D. Sancho, fourth of that name of Navarre, in the year 1028, they held the Earldom six years, than they gave it to D. Fernand their second son, with the title of a King.  

D. Fernand, second son.   
The other children of this marriage are named in the line of Navarre.   

First King of Castille.  
D. Fernand, second son of D. Sancho, fourth of that name of Navarre, had Castille for his portion, with the title of a king, being the inheritance of his mother D. Nugna: in the year 1034 he united Leon unto it, by his wife D. Sancha, and reigned 32 years.  
D. Sancha sister to D. Bermund, third king of Leon, mother, among other children, to  

D. Sancho Fernandes.  
D. Alphonso.   
Their other children are named in the line of Leon.   

II.  
D. Sancho Fernandes, whom we will call the second of that name, in regard of the Earl D. Sancho Garcia, in the year 1067: he reigned 6 years, died without children, and left his realm to his brother D. Alphonso king of Leon.   

III.  
D. Alphonso brother to D. Sancho, first of that name in Castille, and sixth in Leon, in the year 1073: he reigned 34 years 8 months.  
D. Ines or Agnes first wife to D. Alphonso a Spaniard.  
D. Constance, second wife, a Spaniard, and mother to  

D. Vrraca Queen of Castille married to D. Raimond of Burgundy first, by whom she had  
D. Sancha.  
D. Alphonso Raymond.   
D. Maria otherwise called Caida, a Moor, third wife to D. Alphonso, mother to  

D. Sancho.   
D. Berthe fourth wife, an Italian.  
D. Isabella, fift, a Spaniard, mother to  

D. Sancha.  
D. Eluira Queen of Naples.   
D. Beatrix a French woman, sixth wife to D. Alphonso.  
By D. Ximena Nugnes de Guzman a Concubine, he had  

D. Eluira, Countess of Tolousa.   
Of another Concubine whose name is not known,  

D. Theresa, first Countess of Portugal.    

four  
D. Vrraca being the eldest, widow to D. Raymond Earl of Burgundy, was hereditary Queen of Castille and Leon, she took to her second husband, D. Alphonso king of Navarre and Arragon, first of that name, from whom being divorced, and living loosely in her country, the Estates did choose D. Alphonso Raymond her son for their king, during her life: yet we will set her in the fourth place.  
D. Alphonso husband to D. Vrraca, fourth king of Castille, in the year 1108, where he reigned eight years.   

V  
D. Alphonso Raymond, son to Raymond of Burgundy, and to D. Vrraca, in the year 1122, he reigned 35 years, and is numbered for the third of that name.  
D. Berenguela, daughter to the Earl of Barcelone called D. Raymond Arnold, his wife, mother to  

D. Sancho king of Castille.  
D. Fernand king of Leon.  
D. Isabel or Constance Queen of France.  
D. Sancha or Beacia Queen of Navarre.  
D. Garcia.   
D. Rica 2 wife to D. Alphonso Raymond, aunt to the Emperor Frederic 1, mother to  

D. Sancha Queen of Arragon.   
D. Marry a concubine, mother to  

D. Estiennette, wife to D. Fernand Roderigo el Castellan, whose son D. Pedro Fernandes de Castro was.   
D. Goutrude sister to Diego Apricio, a concubine also, mother to  

D. Vrraca Queen of Navarre.    

VI  
D. Sancho▪ son to D. Alphonso Raymond, in the year 1157: he reigned two years, the fourth of that name.  
D. Blanch of Navarre his wife.  

D. Alphonso their son.    

VII.  
D. Alphonso son to D. Sancho 4 of that name, in the year 1159: he reigned 55 years▪  
D. Leonora daughter to Henry the second king of England.  

Children  
D. Blanch Queen of France.  
D. Berenguela Queen of Leon.  
D. Sancho died an infant.  
D. Vrraca Queen of Portugal.  
D. Fernand died young.  
D. Malfade died a virgin.  
D. Constance a Nun.  
D. Leonora Queen of Arragon.  
D. Henry King of Castille.  
Two daughters which died in their infancies.    

VIII.  
D. Henry first of that name, son to D. Alphonso 4, in the year 1214: he reigned about three years.  
D. Malfada of Portugal his wife.  
The king D. Henry being dead without children, his sister D. Berenguela second daughter to king D. Alphonso seized upon the realm of Castille, to the prejudice of D. Blanch mother to Saint Lewis king of France, who was the elder, and there settled D. Fernand son to her, and to D. Alphonso ninth king of Leon.   

IX.  
D. Ferdinand third of that name, son to D. Alphonso ninth king of Leon, and to D. Berenguela of Castille, obtained the realm of Castille, to the prejudice of Queen Blanch, mother to Saint Lewis, in the year 1217, and reigned 35 years.  
D. Beatrix daughter to the Emperor Philip, of whom was borne  

Lawful children  
D. Alphonso.  
D. Frederic.  
D. Ferdinand.  
D. Henry.  
D. Philip.  
D. Sancho.  
D. Emanuel.  
D. Leonora not married.  
D. Berenguela a Nun.   
By 〈◊〉 or Adella as some writ, of the house of Poitiers, his second wife, he had  

Lawful children  
D. Ferdinand.  
D. Lewis.  
D. Leonora.   
In this King the two Realms of Leon and Castille were united, and were no more divided.   

X. King of Castille. 31. of Leon.  
D. ALFONSO son to D. Ferdinand 3, numbered for the 5 of that name, and 10 in Leon: but they that join these two Lines, account him the 11, adding his great grandfather Alfonso 4 of Castille, who had no interest in Leon.  
D. Violant of Arragon his wife, by whom he had  

Children  
D. Ferdinand called de la Cerde, who married D Blanch daughter to ●. Lewis of France, and had 

D. Alfonso who married the Lady of Lunet, named M●lf●da, daughter to the Vicont of Narbone. 

D. Lewis Earl of Clermont husband to D. Leonora de Guzman.—  
D. john Constable of France, named by some Charles. 

D. Lewis earl of Clermō●  
D. john de la Cerde.  
D. Isabella wife to Bernard de Foix, base, the stem of the house of Medina Celi.      
D. Fernand, who had to wife D. I●ane de lara, and had one daughter D. Blanch married to D. john Manuel father to D. joane Queen of Castille, wife to D. Henry the Bastard.  
D. john called the Lara, heir to his mother.    
D. Sancho 2. son  
D. Pedro 3. son  
D. john 4. son to D. Alfonso the wi●e, who married D. Maria Lopes Dia●, heir of biscay, and had D. john the blind, father to one Daughter married to D. john Nugnes de Lara.  
D. james 5. son.  
D. Berenguela.  
D. Beatrix.  
D. Isabell.  
D. Leonora.   
D. Mayor de Gazman a Concubine, mother to  

D. Beatrix Queen of Portugal.    

XI. King of Castille. 32. of Leon.  
D. SANCHO second son to the King D. Alphonso, seized upon the realm in his father's life time, to frustrate the children of his elder brother D. Ferdinand deceased in the year 1284, and reigned about 11 years: we number him for the 4 of that name in Castille.  
D. MARIA of Castille, daughter to D. Alphonso Lord of Molina, his wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Isabel Duchess of Britain.  
D. Ferdinand.  
D. Alphonso or Philip.  
D. Henry.  
D. Pedro.  
D. Beatrix.    

XII. King of Castille. 33. of Leon.  
D. FERDINAND son to D. Sancho the 4 of that name, in the year 1295: he reigned 17 years.  
D. Constance of Portugal his wife.  

Children  
D. Alphonso.  
D. Leonora.    

XIII. King of Castille. 34. of Leon.  
D. Alfonso 11 of that name, son to D. Ferdinand in the year 1312: he reigned 38 years.  
D. Maria of Portugal his wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Ferdinand, died in his infancy.  
D. Pedro King.   
By Leonora de Guzman a Concubine he had  

Bastards  
D. Pedro.  
D. Sancho.  
Twins. 

D. Henry  
D. Frederic  
D. Ferdinand.  
D. Tello.  
D. john.  
D. joane, who was wife to Ferdinand de Castro.      

XIIII. King of Castille. 35. of Leon.  
D. Pedro the cruel, in the year 1350: he was lawful son to D. Alfonso, or as some hold, supposed by the Queen D. Maria, who was jealous of the fruitfulness of D. Leonora de Guzman: he reigned tirannously 18 years.  
D. Blanch of Bourbon his wife.  
D. Maria de Padille his Concubine.  

Bastard's  
D. Beatrix.  
D. Constance Duchess of Lancaster.  
D. Alfonso.  
D. Isabella Countess of Cambridge.   
D. joane de Castro, whom he married in the life of Queen Blanch, mother to D. john.  
D. Isabel an other Concubine, mother to  

Bastards  
D. Sancho.  
D. Diego.   
D. Theresa of Ayala, upon promise of marriage, brought him D. Maria.   

XV. King of Castille. 36. of Leon.  
D. Henry 2 of that name, base son to Alfonso 11: being persecuted by the king D. Pedro, he had recourse unto the French, by whose aid he conquered the Realm of Castille, and slew the king D. Pedro in the year 1368, and reigned 11 years.  
D. joane Manuel his wife, mother to  

Lawful children  
D. john king of Castille.  
D. Leonora Queen of Navarre.   
D. Leonora Ponce, some call her Beatrix, a Concubine: by her he had  

D. Frederic duke of Benavent.   
D. Eluira Inigues an other Concubine, mother to  

D. joane married to D. Alfonso son to the marquess of Villena.   
Of uncertain mothers were borne  

D. Alfonso Earl of Gijon.  
An other daughter married to D. Pedro son to the marquess of Villena.    

XVI. King of Castille. 37. of Leon.  
D. john 1 of that name, son to D. Henry the second, in the year 1379: he reigned 11 years.  
D. Leonora of Arragon his wife, mother to  

Lawful children  
D. Henry.  
D. Ferdinand.  
A daughter which died young.   
D. Beatrix of Portugal, his second wife.   

XVII. King of Castille. 38 of Leon.  
D. HENRY third of that name, son to D. john the first, in the year 1390: he reigned 16 years.  
D. KATHERINE of Lancaster his wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Marry, Queen of Arragon.  
D. john, King of Castille.  
D. Katherine.    

XVIII. King of Castille. 39 of Leon.  
D. JOHN son to D. Henry the third, in the year 1406: he reigned 48 years.  
D. MARIA of Arragon, daughter to D. Ferdinand his uncle, his wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Katherine, died young.  
D. Leonora.  
D. Henry king of Castille.   
D. ISABELLA of Portugal his second wife, daughter to the infant D. john, Master of S. James.  

D. Isabella, Queen of Castille.  
D. Alphonso.    

XIX. King of Castille. 40 of Leon.  
D. HENRY fourth of that name, called the unable, in the year 1454: he reigned 21 years.  
D. BLANCH of Navarre, daughter to the king D. john, his first wife, put away.  
D. JOANS of Portugal his second wife, mother to  

D. joane, a supposed child.    

XX. King of Castille. 41 of Leon.  
D. ISABELLA of Castille, sister to king Henry the fourth, was Queen of Castille, as next of the blood, and lawful, she married with  
D. FERDINAND, Prince of Arragon, King of Sicily: they began to reign in the year 1474, and had  

Lawful children  
D. Isabella, Queen of Portugal, mother to D. Michael, who had been heir to all the realms of Spain, if he had lived.  
D. john, who died young.  
D. joane Queen hei●e.  
D. Maria Queen of Portugal.  
D. Katherine.    

XXI. King of Castille. 42 of Leon.  
D. JOAN, daughter to the Queen D. Isabella, and D. Ferdinand her husband: she was married to the Archduke  
D. PHILIP of Austria: they succeeded to the Realms of Castille and Leon, in the year 1504, and reigned together two years, they had  

Lawful children  
D. Leonora Queen of Portugal and of France.  
D. Charles King and Emperor.  
D. Isabella Queen of Denmark.  
D. Ferdinand Emperor.  
D. Marry.  
D. Katherine.    

XXII. King of Castille. 43 of Leon.  
D. CHARLES by the decease of his father D. Philip, succeeded to the right of the Crown of Castille, under the government of the King D. Ferdinand his grandfather, after whose death he took upon him the government of the realm, by reason of the incapacity of the Queen D. joane his mother, in the year 1516: he reigned 42 years in Castille, Arragon and Navarre.  
D. ISABELLA daughter to King Emanuel of Portugal his wife.  

Lawful children  
D. Philip king.  
D. Marry Empress.  
D. joane married to the Prince of Portugal.  
D. Ferdinand who died young.   
By Concubines he had  

Bastards  
D. Marguerite duchess of Florence, and Parma.  
D. john d'Austria.    

XXIII. King of Castille. 44 of Leon.  
D. PHILIP, 2 son to the Emperor Charles 5, in the year 1558: he reigned forty years.  
D. MARRY of Portugal his first wife, mother to D. Charles.  
D. MARRY Queen of England, died without children.  
D. ISABELLA of France his 3 wife, mother to  

D. Isabel Clara E●genia.  
D. Catherina.   
D. ANNA of Austria his 4 wife, by whom he had  

Lawful children  
D. Charles.  
D. Laurens, some say Fernand.  
D. Diego, or James.  
D. Philip.  
D. N. a daughter.    

XXIIII. King of Castille. 45 of Leon.  
D. PHILIP 3 now reigning, son to Philip 2, in the year 1598.  
D. MARGVERITE of Austria daughter to the Archduke Ferdinand of Gratz, his wife.    

Line of Navarre.  

First King in Sobrabre and Navarre.  
D. GARCIA Ximenes in the year 716: he reigned 42 years.  
INIGA his wife, mother to  

Garcia Inigo.    

II.  
D. GARCIA INIGO, second of that name, in the year 758: he reigned 44 years: the name of his wife is unkowne.  

D. Fortune Garces his son.    

III.  
D. FORTUN GARCES, son to D. Garcia Inigo, in the year 802: he reigned 13 years.  
D. THEUDA of Arragon daughter to D. Galinde.  

D. Sancho Garces.    

four  
D. SANCHO GARCES, first of that name, son to D. Fortune, in the year 815: he reigned 17 years.  
The name of his wife is not found.  

D. Ximen Inigo, it may be their son.    

V  
D. XIMEN INIGO, in the year 832: he reigned 8 years.  
D. NUGNA his wife.  

D. Inigo Arista.    

VI  
D. INIGO ARISTA, in the year 840: he reigned 27 years some hold that he was not son to D. Ximen, but issued from the Lords of Bigorre, and elected.  
D. THEUDA, daughter to Zeno Earl of Biscaie.  

D. Garcia Inigo.    

VII.  
D. GARCIA INIGO, third of that name, son to D. Inigo Arista, in the year 867: he reigned 18 years.  
D. VRRACA, heir of Arragon, his wife.  

Children  
D. Fortun.  
D. Sancho Abarca.  
D. Sancha Queen of Leon.    

VIII.  
D. FORTUN, in the year 885: he reigned 6 years in Navarre and Arragon, which was a small thing then, and under the sovereignty of Navarre. This king made himself a Monk, and left the realm to his brother.   

IX.  
D. SANCHO ABARCA, 2 of that name, in the year 901: reigned 19 years.  
D. TODA, or THEUDA his wife.  

Children  
D. Garcia Sanches.  
D. Vrraca Xemenes, Queen of Leon.  
D. Marry Countess of Barcelona  
D. Theresia Queen of Leon.  
D. Sancha Countess of Castille.  
D. Blanch married to the Lord of Biscaie.   
Some hold this King had 3 sons more,  

D. Ramir.  
D. Gonsal.  
D. Ferdinand.    

X.  
D. GARCIA SANCHES, 4. of that name, son to D. SanchO Abarca, in the year 920: he reigned 49 years.  
THERESIA his wife.  

Children  
D. Sancho Garces.  
D. Ramir.  
D. Vrraca.  
D. Ermesilde.  
D. Ximena.    

XI.  
D. SANCHO GARCES, third of that name, son to D. Garcia Sanches, in the year 969: he reigned 24 years.  
D. VRRACA his wife.  

Children  
D. Garcia.  
D. Ramir father to 

D. Sancho.  
D. Garcia.    
D. Gonsal.    

XII.  
D. GARCIA the shaking, son to D. Sancho Garces 5. of that name, in the year 993: he reigned 7 years or thereabouts.  
D. XIMENA his wife.  

D. Sancho their son.    

XIII.  
D. SANCHO, 4 of that name, son to D. Garcia the trembling, in the year 1000: he reigned 34 years.  
D. NUGNA daughter to D. Sancho Earl of Castille, which by some is called D. Maior heir of Castille.  

Children  
D. Garcia King of Navarre.  
D. Ferdinand king of Castille.  
D. Gonsal king of Sobrarbre and Ribagorsa.   
Of D. Caya the Lady of Ayvar, a Concubine  

D. Ramir King of Arragon.    

XIIII.  
D. GARCIA, 6 of that name, son to D. Sancho 4, in the year 1034: he reigned 20 years.  
D. ETTIENETT● a French woman; of the house of Cartassone, and of Beziers, his wife.  

Children  
D. Sancho Garcia King.  
D. Ramir.  
D. Ferdinand.  
D. Raymond.  
D. Ermesilde.  
D. Zimena.  
D. Mayor.  
D. Vrraca, or Ogned●.    

XV.  
D. SANCHO GARCIA, 5 of that name, son to D. Garci●, in the year 1054: he reigned 22 years.  
D. PLAISANCE his wife.  

D. Ramir Sanches of D. Eluira daughter to Cid R●y Dias had 

D. Garcia Ramires, who reigned.  
D. Sancho Ramires.  
D. Eluira.    
D. Garcia the elder.  
D. Garcia the second.   
These children did not succeed.   

XVI.  
D. SANCHO RAMIRES, who was 2 king of Arragon seized upon the realm of Navarre, and is numbered for the ● of that name, in the year 1076: he reigned 18 years.  
D. FELI●E, daughter to the Earl of Vrgel, his wife, mother among other children named in the Line of Arragon, to  

Children  
D. Pedro. 

who were kings of Navarre and Arragon.    
D. Alfonso.  
D. Ramir a Monk.    

XVII.  
D. PEDRO, 1 of that name, son to D. Sancho Ramires, in the year 1094: he reigned 10 years 3 months.  
D. BERTH● or INES of Tuscaine his wife.  

D. Pedro, died an infant.  
D. Isabella, died also before the father.    

XVIII.  

D. A●Fonso, brother to D. Pedro 1 of that name, united all the Christian realms   
of Spain together by his marriage with D Yrraca heir of Castille and Leon, he came to the Crown of Navarre, in the year 1104, and reigned 30 years.  
D. VRRACA, daughter to Alfonso 6 of Leon and Castille, his wife, by whom he had not any children.   

XIX.  
D. GARCIA RAMIRES, 7 of that name, son to D. Ramir Sanches, & grandchild to D. Sancho Garcia, 5 of that name, he was chosen by the Estates, in the year 1134, and reigned 16 years.  
D. MERGELINA or MARGVERITE, as some say, daughter to Rotron Earl of perch, his wife.  

Children  
D. Blanch.  
D. Sancho king.  
D. Alfonso Ramires.  
D. Marguerite Queen of Naples.   
D. VERACA, base daughter to D. Alfonso, 8 king of Leon and Castille, his second wife, mother to  

D. Sancha Vicontesse of Bearn, and then wife to D. Pedro de Molina, of which second marriage came Americ Vicont of Naborna, for D. Pedro his father was son to Ermisenda Vicountesse of Naborna.    

XX.  
D. SANCHO, 7 of that name, called the wife, son to D. Garcia Ramires, in the year 1150: he reigned 46 years.  
D. BEACIA or BEATRIX, or as some say D. Sancha, daughter to D. Alfonso Raymond, king of Castille and Leon, his wife, by whom he had  

Children  
D. Sancho King of Nauarr●.  
D. Ferdinand.  
D. Ramir Bishop of Pampelone.  
D. Berenguela Queen of England.  
D. Thersa, or Constance.  
D. Blanch Countess of champaign and Brie.    

XXI.  
D. SANCHO, 8 of that name, called the strong, son to Sancho 7, in the year 1194: he reigned 40 years.  
D. CLEMENCE, daughter to Raymond, 4 Earl of Tolousa, his wife  

D. Ferdinand, who died before the father.   
Of a Concubine whose name is unknown, this king had  

William a bastard.   
By the death of the king, the Crown of Navarre passed into the house of champaign, D. Blanch his sister, wife to Cont Thibaud, remaining sole of the race, having issue.   

XXII.  
D. THIBAUD, 1 of that name, son to D. Blanch of Navarre, succeeded his uncle D. Sancho 8, in the year 1234▪ and reigned 19▪ years.  
His first wife was of Metz.  
The 2, was daughter to Guichard Earl of Beausieu, and had  

D. Blanch Duchess of Britain.   
The third wife, was daughter to Archembaud, Earl of Foix, named Marguerite mother to  

Children  
D. Thibaud.  
D. Henry.  
D. Leonora.  
D. Pedro.    

XXIII.  
D. THIBAUD, second of that name, son to the first, in the ye●r 1253: he reigned 18 years.  
D. ISABELLA of France, daughter to S. Lewis, by whom he had not any children.  
D. Marquis Lope de Rada ● Concubine, brought him  

D. Marquis a bastard, who was wife to Pedro Fernandes of Ixar, base son to D. james the first, King of Arragon.    

XXIIII.  
D. HENRY, brother to Thibaud the second, in the year 1271: he reigned three years, the first of that name.  
D. JOAN, daughter to Robert Earl of Artois.  

Children  
D. Thibaud, died an infant.  
D. joane Queen.   
By a Concubine of the house of Lacarra, he had  

D. Henry, bastard, Marshal of Navarre.    

XXV.  
D. JOAN, sole daughter to D. Henry the first, married to Philip the fair, king of France, and reigned in Navarre, in the year 1274, the space of 31 years: of which marriage issued  

Children  
D. Lewis Hutin.  
D. Philip the long.  
D. Charles the fair.  
D. joane.  
D. Isabella Queen of England.    

XXVI.  
D. LEWIS HUTIN, King of France and Navarre, first of that name, in the year 1305: he reigned 10 years in Navarre.  
D. MARGVERITE daughter to Robert of Burgundy.  

D. joane of Navarre.   
His second wife was Clemence, daughter to the King of Hungary.  

D. john an afterbirth, who lived but eight days.    

XXVII.  
D. PHILIP the long, king of France and Navarre, second of that name, in the year 1315: he reigned five years.  
D. JOAN daughter to Othelin Earl of Burgundy.  

Children  
D. joane Duchess of Burgundy.  
D. Marguerite Countess of Nemours.  
D. Marry, wife to the Dauphin Himbert.  
D. Blanch, a religious woman.    

XXVIII.  
D. CHARLES the fair, first of that name, king of Navarre and France, in the year 1320: he reigned about eight years.  
D. BLANCH, daughter to Othelin Earl of Burgundy, his first wife.  
D. MARRY of Luxembourg his second wife, mother to  

D. Blanch Duchess of Orleans.  
A son, which died in his infancy.   
D. JOAN, daughter to Lewis Earl of Eureux, by whom (some say) D. Blanch was borne.   

XXIX.  
D. JOAN, daughter to King Lewis Hutin, heir of Navarre, in the year 1328: she reigned with her husband 21 years.  
D. PHILIP Earl of Eureux, husband to D. joane, the third of that name, among the kings of Navarre: of which marriage descended  

Children  
D. Charles king.  
D. Philip Earl of Longueville.  
D. Lewis Earl of Beaumond. 

This D. Lewis married the heir of the house of Beaumond le Roger in Normandy, and were the stem of the Earls of Lerin.    
D. joane Countess of Rohan.  
D. Marry Queen of Arragon.  
D. Blanch Queen of France.  
D. Agnes Countess of Foix.    

XXX.  
D. CHARLES second of that name, son to D. Philip the third, in the year 1349: he reigned in Navarre 37 years, and was surnamed the bad.  
D. JOAN of France, daughter to king john, his wife: of which marriage descended these following.  

Lawful children  
D. Charles King.  
D. Philip died young.  
D. Pedro Earl of Mortaing, from whom descended D. Pedro of Peralta, Constable of Navarre, the stem of the marquess of Falses.  
D. Blanch.  
D. joane, Duchess of Britain, and Queen of England.  
D. Marry Countess of Denia: it is doubtful whether she were daughter to this Queen.   

D. Leon or Lionel a bastard, the beginning of the marquess of Cortes, Marshals of Navarre.    

XXXI.  
D. CHARLES third of that name, son to Charles the second, in the year 1386: he reigned 39 years.  
D. LEONORA of Castille his wife.  

Children  
D. joane Countess of Foix.  
D. Marry.  
D. Blanch Queen of Sicily and Navarre.  
D. Beatrix Countess of March.  
D. Isabell.  
D. Charles.  
D. Lewis.   
By a Concubine whose name is unknown.  

Bastard's  
D. Godefray Earl of Cortes.  
D. joane married to D. Inigod Ortis of Estuniga.    

XXXII.  
D. BLANCH, daughter to D. Charles the third, had to her second husband D. john of Arragon, and began to reign in the year 1425, and lasted 17 years: then after her decease  
D. JOHN, who was king of Arragon and Sicily, continued his reign unto the year 1479, who had by D. Blanch  

Children  
D. Charles.  
D. Blanch Queen of Castille.  
D. Leonora, Countess of Foix, and afterwards Queen of Navarre.   
This King john had a second wife, and other issue which is set down in the Line of Arragon.   

XXXIII.  
D. LEONORA, Countess of Foix, wife to Gaston the fourth, came to the Crown of Navarre, surviving her brother and sister, in the year 1479, and died the same year.  
D. GASTON Earl of Foix, called Prince of Viana, husband to D. Leonora, by who▪ he had  

Children  
D. Gaston, of whom and of Marguerite of France descended  
D. john, Viscount of Narbona.  
D. Pedro, Cardinal.  
D. James.  
D. Marry, marquess of Montferrat.  
D. joane, Countess of Armaignac.  
D. Marguerite, Duchess of Brittany.  
D. Katherine, Countess of Candalle.  
D. Leonora died a maid.  
Francis and Katherine.    

XXXIIII.  
D. FRANCIS, son to Gaston, surnamed Phoebus, and grandchild to D. Leonora, his father being dead before her decease, he succeeded her in the realm of Navarre, in the year 1479, and reigned four years: he died without any children.   

XXXV.  
D. KATHERINE, sister to Francis Phoebus, reigned after her brother in the year 1483: she married with  
D. JOHN of Albret: of which marriage issued  

Children  
D. john.  
D. Andrew.  
D. Henry king of Navarre.  
D. Charles, or rather Francis, who died at Naples in Monsieur de Lautrecs voyage.  
D. Katherine.  
D. Anne.  
D. Quiterie.  
D. Magdelaine.  
D. Isabell.  
And five other children which died young.   
During the time and reign of these Kings, D. john of Albret and D. Katherine, D. Ferdinand and D. Isabel his wife, kings of Castille and Arragon, seized on the realm of Navarre beyond the Pyrenees, and joined it to Castille.   

XXXVI.  
HENRY, the second, of Albret, successor to the rights of Navarre, second of that name, in the year 1517.  
MARGVERITE of France, sister to king Francis the first, his wife.  

joane, whom Bertrand Helie calls Charlotte.    

XXXVII.  
JOAN, daughter to Henry the second, succeeded in her father's rights, married to ANTHONY, Duke of Vendosme, of the noble house of Bourbon.  

Henry.  
Katherine.    

XXXVIII.  
HENRY the third of that name in Navarre, and the fourth in France, in the year 1572, and reigned 38 years.  
MARGVERITE of Valois, from whom he was divorced, having no children.  
MARIE de Medicis, daughter to the duke of Florence, his second wife, by whom he had  

Lewis, with divers other children.    

XXXIX.  
LEWIS now reigning, the second of that name in Navarre, and the thirteenth in France: he succeeded to his father's rights in the year 1610.    

Line of Arragon.  

I.  
There is mention made about the year 775, of Aznar the son of Aznar, and grandchild to End, Duke of Aquitaine, who had two sons.  

Galinde and  
Ximenes Garces.    

II.  
D. Galinde obtained some lands of the Sovereignty of Navarre, and had his dwelling and seat at jaca: This was the beginning of Arragon.  

D. Theuda, who was Queen of Navarre.  
D. Ximen Aznares.  
D. Endregot.    

III.  
D. Ximen Aznares, son to D. Galinde, the third Earl of Arragon.   

four  
D. Ximen Garces, brother to D. Galinde, fourth Earl of Arragon, in the year 803.  

D. Garcia Aznares his son.    

V  
D. Garcia Aznares, son to D. Ximen Garces, fift Earl of Arragon.  

D. Fortune Ximenes his son.    

VI  
D. Fortune Ximenes, sixth Earl of Arragon.  
D. Vrraca, as some say daughter to this D. Fortune, and others to Endregot above named, united the Earldom of Arragon to the Crown of Navarre, bringing it in dowry to the King D. Garcia Inigo, second of that name.   

VII.  
D. Garcia Inigo king of Navarre, and seventh Earl of Arragon, in the year 867.  
D. Vrraca above named, his wife.  

D. Fortune their eldest son: the rest are named in the Line of Navarre.    

VIII.  
D. Fortune king of Navarre, second of that name, and eight Earl of Arragon, in the year 885.   

IX.  
D. Sancho Abarca king of Navarre, and ninth Earl of Arragon, brother to D. Fortune, in the year 901.   

X.  
D. Garci Sanches, son to D. Sancho Abarca, king of Navarre, and tenth Earl of Arragon, in the year 920.   

XI.  
D. Sancho Garces, son to D. Garci Sanches, eleventh Earl of Arragon reigning in Navarre, in the year 969.   

XII.  
D. Garcia the shaking, son to D. Sancho Garces, king of Navarre, and twelfth Earl of Arragon, in the year 993.   

XIII.  
D. Sancho the Great, son to D. Garcia the shaking, thirteenth Earl of Arragon, in the year 1000 This king of Navarre erected the County of Arragon to a Realm, and gave it to his base son D. Ramir, as appears by the discourse by the History.    

First King of Arragon.  

D. RAMIR, first of that name, son to D. Sancho the great, king of Navarre, was the first king of Arragon, in the year 1034: and reigned 42 years.  
D. ERMISENDE, daughter to the Earl of Bigorre, by some named Guberge, his wife.  

Children  
D. Sancho Ramires.  
D. Garcia Bishop of jaca.  
D. Sancha Countess of Tolousa.  
D. Theresa Countess of Provence.   

He had by a concubine 

D. Sancho Lord of Ayvar, Atares, and Xavierre.      

II.  
D. SANCHO RAMIRES, king of Arragon, in the year 1076: he reigned 18 years, and usurped the realm of Navarre.  
D. FELICE daughter to the earl of Vrgel, his wife.  

Children  
D. Pedro king.  
D. Alphonso king.  
D. Ramir a Monk, and then a king.   
By a concubine, whose name is not extant,  

D. Garcia, Bishop of jacca.    

III.  
D. PEDRO, first of that name, son to D. Sancho Ramires, in the year 1094: he reigned 14 years.  
D. BERTHE, or IGNES, his wife, an Italian.  

They died both before the father.  
D. Pedro  
D. Isabella    

four  
D. ALPHONSO first of that name, brother to D. Pedro, in the year 1108, and reigned 26 years: he married D. Vrraca the heir of Castille, and died without children: after him Navarre was separated from Arragon.   

V  
D. RAMIR a Monk, son to D. Sancho Ramires, and brother to the last kings, was king of Arragon, in the year 1134, by election of the Estates: his reign was uncertain: for having for the most part led a Monkish life, he gave over the government of the realm unto his son in law, D. Raymond Berenger Earl of Barcelona.  
D. AGNES sister, or daughter, as some hold, to William Earl of Poitiers, his wife, mother to  

D. Petronilla, heir of Arragon.   
D. Petronilla, daughter to D. Ramir, did not reign, as some hold, but her son D. Raymond, whom she had by the Earl of Barcelona.  
D. Raymond Berenger, who governed the realm in quality of a Regent, and was called Prince of Arragon, who had by his wife Petronilla, among other children which are named in the line of Cattelogne, this son  

D. Raymond, who changed his name, and was called Alphonso.    

VI  
D. ALPHONSO, second of that name, called before Raymond, son to the Earl D. Raymond Berenger, and of the Princess D. Petronilla, in the year 1162: he reigned 34 years.  
D. SANCHA, daughter to D. Alphonso Raymond, king of Castille and Leon, and of D. Rica, she was mother to  

Children  
D. Pedro king of Arragon.  
D. Alfonso Earl of Provence, who had to wife 

D. Maria de Folcaquier, whence descended  
D. Raymond Berenger who was married to Beatrix daughter to Thomas Earl of Morienne, who had 

Marguerite queen of France.  
Leonora Queen of England.  
Sancha Queen of England & Empress.  
Beatrix Queen of Naples.  
joane, who had the county of Provence, as the Arragonois say.      
D. Ferdinand a Monk.  
D. Constance Queen of Hungary and then Empress.  
D. Leonora Countess of Tolousa.  
D. Sancha Countess also of Tolousa.  
D. Doulce a Nun.    

VII.  
D. Pedro 2 of that name, son to D. Alfonso the 2, in the year 1196: he reigned about 18 years.  
His first wife was of the house of Folcaquier, by whom he had  

D. Raymond Berenger.   
D. Marry daughter to the Earl of Mompellier, who had been married to the Earl of Cominges: by this second wife he had  

D. james king.   
By a Concubine not named  

D. Constance married to William Raymond of Moncado, Seneschal of Cattelogne.    

VIII.  
D. james first of that name, son to the king D. Pedro the first, in the year 1213: he reigned 43 years.  
D. Leonora of Castille, daughter to king D. Alfonso the 9 by whom he had  

D. Alfonso who died before the father.   
D. Violant daughter to the king of Hungary his second wife, mother to  

Children  
D. Pedro king of Arragon.  
D. james king of Maiorca, who married Esclermond of Foix, who brought him 

D. james a Monk.  
D. Sancho king of Maiorca.  
D. Ferdinand.  
D. Philip.  
D. Sancha.    
D. Sancho Archbishop of Toledo.  
D. Isabella Queen of France.  
D. Ferdinand.  
D. Violant Queen of Castille.  
D. Constance wife to D. Manuel.  
D. Sancha.  
D. Maria.   

Of D. Ferdinand 3. son to D. james of Maiorca, and of Isabella heir of Morec, issued 

D. james king of Maiorca.  
D. Frederic.     

And of his 2. wife of Cypress 

D. Ferdinand.     

D. james son to D. Ferdinand had by Constance of Arragon 

Isabella marquess of Montferrat.  
james heir of Maiorca.     
King james had also by D. Theresa Gil de Bridaure, whom he had married secretly,  

D. Pedro, Lord of Ayerbes.  
D. james, Lord of Xerica.   
D. Berenguela, a concubine.  

D. Pedro Fernandes, Lord of Ixar.   
Of the daughter of D. Sancho d' Antilla●, a concubine,  

D. Ferdinand Sanches.    

IX.  
D. PEDRO, third of that name, son to D. james 1, in the year 1276: he reigned 9 years.  
D. CONSTANCE, daughter to Manfroy, bastard to the Emperor Frederic 2 his wife, mother to  

Children  
D. Alphonso, King of Arragon.  
D. james, King of Sicily, and then of Arragon.  
D. Frederic, King of Sicily.  
D. Pedro.  
D. Isabel, Queen of Portugal.  
D. Constance or Violant, queen of Naples.   
D. Maria Nicolosa, a concubine, brought him  

D. james Perez.   
D. Anne Zapate, a concubine, mother to  

D. Ferdinand.   
By another concubine not named,  

D. Sancho.    

X.  
D. ALPHONSO, third of that name, son to D. Pedro, in the year 1285: he reigned six years, and died without children.   

XI.  
D. JAMES, second of that name, brother to D. Alphonso, in the year 1291: he reigned 36 years.  
BLANCH, daughter to Charles King of Naples, called the Lame, his wife, mother to  

Children  
D. james, who became a Monk.  
D. Alphonso.  
D. Pedro, Earl of Ampurias.  
D. Raymond Berenger, Earl of Prages.  
D. john, Archbishop of Toledo.  
D. Constance, wife to D. john Manuel.  
D. Maria, wife to D. Pedro of Castille.  
D. Blanch, a Nun.  
D. Violant, Princess of Tarentum.  
D. Isabel, wife to the Emperor Frederic the third.   
This King had first of all married D. ISABEL, daughter to D. Sancho King of Castille▪ but the Pope dissolved this marriage.  
D. MARIA of Cypress was his third wife▪  
D. ECLISENDE, sister to Othon of Moncado, his fourth wife.  
By a concubine, not named,  

D. james of Arragon, Earl of Luna.    

XII.  
D. ALPHONSO fourth, son to D. james 2, in the year 1328, and reigned 8 years.  
D. THERESA ENTENZA, Countess, heir of Vrgel, his wife.  

Children  
D. Pedro, King.  
D. james, Earl of Vrgel.  
D. Constance, Queen of Majorca.  
Some writ he had five other children which died.   
D. LEONORA of Castille, his second wife, mother to  

D. Ferdinand, marquess of Tortosa.  
D. john.    

XIII.  
D. PEDRO, 4 of that name, son to D. Alphonso 4, in the year 1336: he reigned 51 years.  
D. MARIA, second daughter to Philip 3, King of Navarre, his wife.  

Children  
D. Constance, Queen of Sicily.  
D. joane, Countess of Ampurias.  
D. Maria.  
A son which died young.   
D. LEONORA, or ELVIRA. of Portugal, his second wife.  
D. CONSTANCE, or LEONORA of Sicily, sister to King Lewis, his 3 wife, mother to  

Children  
D. john, King.  
D. Alphonso.  
D. Martin, who was King.  
D. Leonora, Queen of Castille.   
D. SIBILLE FORTIA, widow to Artolde Fosses, his 4 wife, by whom he had  

D. Isabel, Countess of Vrgel.    

XIIII.  
D. JOHN, 1 of that name, son to D. Pedro 4, in the year 1387, and reigned 8 years.  
D. MATTHEA, daughter to the Earl of Armaignac.  

D. james, who died.  
D. joane, wife to Matthew of Castelbon, Earl of Foix.   
D. VIOLANT, second wife to D. john, mother to  

Children  
D. Violant, wife to Lewis of Anjou, mother to 

Lewis.  
Rene.— 

john, Duke of Calabria.  
Nicholas, marquess of Pont.  
Marguerite, Queen of England.  
Violant, Duchess of Lorraine.    
Charles, Earl of maine.    
One son, who died young.    

XV.  
D. MARTIN, brother to D. john deceased, for want of heirs male by him, succeeded, by election of the Estates, and by will, to the realm of Arragon, to the prejudice of D. joane, Countess of Foix, and against her matrimonial conventions, and the promises made by her father and grandfather, to Matthew of Castelbon, her husband.  
D. MARIA de Luna was his first wife before he came to the Crown, by whom he had  

D. Martin, who was King of Sicily, and died before his father, without any children.   
D. MARGVERITE the Prades, his 2 wife, by whom he left no issue.   

XVI.  
D. FERDINAND▪ first of that name brother to Henry 3, king of Castille: he obtained the realm of Arragon by election of the Estates, all other pretendants being rejected, in the year 1412, and reigned about four years.  
D. LEONORA d' Albuquerque, a Princess of the blood of Castille, his wife, mother to  

Children  
D. Alphonso, King of Arragon.  
D. john, King of Navarre and Arragon.  
D. Henry, Master of S. james in Castille.  
D. Sancho, Master of Alcantara.  
D. Pedro.  
D. Marry, Queen of Castille.  
D. Leonora, Queen of Portugal.    

XVII.  
D. ALPHONSO, 5 of that name, son to D. Ferdinand, in the year 1416: he reigned 42 years.  
D. MARRY of Castille, his wife, but without children.  
By concubines not named, he had  

D. Ferdinand king of Naples.  
D. Maria marquess of Ferrara.  
D. Leonora Princess of Rossano.    

XVIII.  
D. JOHN second of that name, brother to king Alphonso fift, for want of lawful heirs, succeeded to the Realm of Arragon, in the year 1458: and reigned one and twenty years and six months.  
D. BLANCH of Navarre his first wife, in whose right he was king of Navarre, and had by her three children  

D. Charles, who died before his father, and had these base children, 

D. Philip Master of Montesa.  
D. john Bishop of Huesca.  
D. Anne duchess of Medina Celi.    
D. Blanch Queen of Castille.  
D. Leonora Queen of Navarre.   
D. joane daughter to D. Frederic Henriques Admiral of Castille, his second wife, mother to  

D. Ferdinand king of Arragon, Castille, Navarre, etc.  
D. joane Queen of Naples.   
By concubines whose names are unknown,  

Bastards  
D. Alphonso Earl of Vilhermosa.  
D. john Archbishop of Saragosse.  
D. Leonora Countess of Lerin.  
D. Ferdinand.  
D. Maria.    

XIX.  
D. FERDINAND second of that name, son to king john, in the year 1479: he reigned 37 years in Arragon.  
D. ISABEL Queen of Castille his wife, by whom the realms of Arragon and Castille were united.  

D. joane mother to the Emperor Charles the fift.  
The other children of D. Ferdinand and D. Isabel, are mentioned in the Line of Castille.   
D. GERMAN second wife to king Ferdinand.  

D. john, who died an infant.   
The Vicountesse of Eboli a concubine, mother to  

D. Alfonso of Arragon Archbishop of Saragosse.   
Of another concubine  

D. joane of Arragon wife to D. Bernardin de Velasco, Constable.   
Of D. Tota of Bilbao, a concubine  

D. Marry of Arragon a Nun.   
By a Portugal of the family of Pereira.  

D. Marry of Arragon a Nun.     

Line of Cattelogne.  
BERNARD, Earl, Duke and Marquis of Spain under Charles the great, confirmed by Lewis the gentle, governed Cattelogne about the year 795.  
D. GEOFFREY d' Arria Earl of Barcelona, under the French, in the year 839.  
D. ALMIRA his wife, a French woman, mother to  

D. Geoffrey the hairy.   
D. SALOMON Earl of Cerdagne, an usurper, in the year 8●8.  

First proprietary Earl.  
D. GEOFFREY the hairy obtained Cattelogne in propriety, under the Sovereignty of France, in the year 884, of Charles the Gro●●e.  
D. N. a Fleming, his wife.  

Children  
D. Rodolphus, Abbot of Ripol, and Bishop of Vrgel.  
D. Geoffrey.  
D. Myr.  
D. Seniofrid, Earl of Vrgel, who was father to 

D. Borel, Earl etc.  
D. Armingol, Bishop of Vrgel.    
One daughter.    

II.  
D. MYR, son to D. Geoffrey, in the year 914: he held the County 15 years: his sons were  

Children  
D. Seniofrid, earl.  
D. Oliban, called Cheurette, earl of Cerdagne & Besalu, father to 

Bernard, called Breake-yron, father to 

William the fat, earl of Besalu, father to 

Bernard Guillen, also Earl of Besalu.        
D. Myr, Earl and Bishop of Girone.  
D. Geoffrey, earl of Cerdagne, who had five sons. 

Raymond Geffroy, earl of Cerdagne, father to 

William Raymond, earl of Cerdagne, father to 

D. William jourdaine, Earl of Cerdagne.  
D. Bernard.  
D. William.    
D. Henry.    
D. Geffrey Guinard, Archbishop of Narbone.  
D. Berenger Geoffrey, Bishop of Girone.  
D. William Geoffrey, Bishop of Vrgel.  
D. Geoffrey, Earl of Bergade.    
D. Oliban, Bishop of Vic, of Ossone.    

III.  
D. SENIOFRID, son to D. Myr in the year 919: he ruled under the government of his uncle the Earl of Vrgel, and alone, about 38 years.  
D. MARIA, Infanta of Navarre, daughter to the King D. Sancho Abarca, his wife, by whom he had not any children.   

four  
D. BORELL, son to D. Seniofrid, Earl of Vrgel, succeeded his cousin D. Seniofrid in the County of Barcelona, by right of intrusion: yet some pretend an insufficiency in D. Oliban, brother to the deceased, in the year 967.  
D. LEODEGA●DE his first wife, mother to  

D. Raymond Borel.   
D. ARMERUDE, or as some writ, Engelrade his second wife.  

Children  
D. Ermengauld, Earl of Vrgel.  
D. Borella, a Nun.    

V  
D. RAYMOND BOREL, son to the Earl D. Borel, in the year 993, and held the Earldom 24 years.  
D. SANCHA his wife, mother to  

D. Berenger Borel.    

VI  
D. BERENGER BOREL, son to D. Raymond, in the year 1017: he ruled 18 years.  
The name of his wife is uncertain.  

Children  
D. Raymond Berenger.  
D. William Berenger.  
D. Sancho Berenger, a Priot.    

VII.  
D. RAYMOND BERENGER, son to D. Berenger Borel, in the year 1035: he ruled 41 years.  
D. RADALMURS his first wife.  

D. Pedro Raymond.  
D. Berenger Raymond.   
D. ALMODIA, a French Lady, descended from those Lords which ruled then in Languedoc, by whom the house of Barcelona got the rights it hath had to Carcassone, and other lands in that country: by her D. Raymond had  

D. Raymond Berenger, Earl.  
D. Lucia, Countess of Paliars by her marriage with the Earl of Ar●al.    

VIII.  
D. RAYMOND BERENGER the Young, and third of that name, son to D. Raymond Berenger 2, in the year 1076: he held the Earldom of Barcelone six years.  
D. ALMODIA, daughter to Robert Guichard, Duke of Ponglia, his wife, mother to  

D. Raymond Arnould.    

IX.  
D. RAYMOND ARNOULD, son to D. Raymond Berenger, and 4 of that name, in the year 1082: he ruled 48 years.  
D. DOULCE, Countess of Provence, daughter to Cont Gilabert, or Gibert, his wife, mother to  

D. Berenguela, Queen of Castille.  
D. Raymond Berenger, Prince of Arragon.  
D. Berenger Raymond, Earl of Provence.  
One daughter, married to Amery, Vicont of Narbona.  
Another daughter, married to Count Roger, some call him Bernard de Foix.    

X.  
D. RAYMOND BERENGER, fift of that name, son to D. Raymond Arnould, in the year 1131: he ruled 31 years.  
D. PETRONELLA, daughter to the king D. Ramir the Monk: by which marriage the realm of Arragon and the Earldom of Cattelogne, or Barcelone, were united, they had  

Children  
D. Raymond, who was afterwards called Alphonso, king of Arragon.  
D. Pedro.  
D. Sancho.  
D. Adoncia, Queen of Portugal.  
One daughter, married to the Earl of Vrgel.   
D. RAYMOND, afterwards Alphonso, son to D. Raymond Berenger the fift, king of Arragon, and Earl of Barcelone, in the year 1162: his posterity is in the line of Arragon.    

Line of Portugal.  
HENRY of Besanson, or of Lorraine, was first Earl of Portugal, about the year 1090, by his marriage with D. THERESA, daughter to D. Alphonso the sixth, king of Leon and Castille, to whom that country was given in dowry: Their children were  

D. Alphonso Henriques, King.  
D. Theresa Henriques.  
Another daughter, married to D. Ferdinand mends.   

First King of Portugal.  
D. ALPHONSO HENRIQVES succeeding his father in the Earldom of Portugal in the year 1112, took upon him the title of King about the year 1139, and held that country 72 years.  
D. MALFADA MANRIQVE de Lara, his wife.  

Children  
D. Sancho, King of Portugal.  
D. Vrraca, Queen of Leon.  
D. Theresa, Countess of Flanders.  
D. Malfada.   

Bastard D. Pedro Alphonso.    

II.  
D. SANCHO, first of that name, son to D. Alphonso, in the year 1184: he reigned 28 years.  
D. A●●ONCIA, or DOULCE, daughter to D. Raymond Berenger, Earl of Barcelone, mother to  

Children  
D. Alphonso, King.  
D. Ferdinand, Earl of Flanders.  
D. Pedro, Earl of Vrgel in Arragon.  
D. Henrique.  
D. Theresa, wife to D. Alphonso of Leon.  
D. Malfada, Queen of Castille.  
D. Sancha, a Nun.  
D. Blanch.  
D. Berenguela.   
By D. Maria Airs, a concubine, he had  

Bastards  
D. Vrraca.  
D. Martin of Portugal.   
By D. Maria Peres of Ribera, another concubine,  

Bastards  
D. Theresa Sanches.  
D. Gil Sanches of Portugal.  
D. Constance Sanches.  
D. R●y Sanches of Portugal.    

III.  
D. ALPHONSO, second of that name, son to the King of D. Sancho, in the year 1212: he reigned 11 years.  

D. Sancho.  
D. Alphonso.  
D. Ferdinand.  
D. Leonora, Queen of Denmark.   
By a concubine, a Moor,  

D. Alphonso Martin's.    

four  
D. SANCHO, called Capello, second of that name, son to D. Alphonso the second, in the year 1223: he reigned in troubles unto the year 1257; for then by reason of his incapacity, D. Alphonso, his brother, was called to the government of Portugal.  
D. MENCIA LOPES, his wife, by whom he had no children.   

V  
D. ALPHONSO, third of that name, brother to D. Sancho, of a Regent and Governor he made himself king of Portugal, about the year 1257, and reigned two and twenty years.  
MAHAULT, or MATIIDE, Countess of Boullen, his lawful wife, mother to  

D. Ferdinand, or Peter.  
D. Robert.   
This king D. Alphonso, to be supported in his designs to reign by the favour of Castille, left his lawful wife Mahault Countess of Boullen, and married, in her life time, with the daughter of D. Alphonso, called the Wise, king of Castille.  
D. BEATRIX, a bastard, his wife, by whom he had  

D. Denis, king.  
D. Alphonso.  
D. Blanch, a nun.  
D. Constance.   
By a concubine, or by divers, he had  

D. Leonora.  
D. Ferdinand Alphonso of Portugal.    

VI  
D. DENIS, son to D. Alphonso the third, in the year 1279: he reigned 46 years.  
D. ISABEL of Arragon, daughter to the king D. Pedro, his wife, mother to  

Children  
D. Constance, Queen of Castille.  
D. Alphonso, king of Portugal.  
D. Pedro, Earl of Portalegre.  
D. Alphonso Sanches, a bastard.   
Some writ, that the lawful children of D. Denis and D. Isabel, were,  

Isabel.  
Constance.  
Alphonso.   
By concubines,  

Bastards  
D. Alphonso, author of the family of Albuquerque.  
D. Peter, who gave himself unto learning, and made a book of the great houses of Spain.  
D. john.  
D. Ferdinand.  
A daughter married to D. john de la Cerde.  
Another daughter, a Nun.    

VII.  
D. ALPHONSO the fourth, son to D. Denis, in the year▪ 1325: he reigned thirty two years.  
D. BEATRIX of Castille, his wife, mother to  

D. Pedro, King.  
D. Maria.  
D. Alphonso.  
D. Denis.  
D. john.  
D. Leonora, or Fluira, Queen of Arragon.    

VIII.  
D. PEDRO, 1 of that name, son to D. Alphonso 4, in the year 1357: he reigned 10 years.  
D. BLANCH, daughter to D. Pedro king of Castille, whom he put away, and then married  
D. CONSTANCE, daughter to D. john Manuel, mother to  

D. Lewis, who died an infant.  
D. Ferdinand, King.  
D. Marry, wife to D. Ferdinand of Arragon.  
D. Beatrix died young.   
By AGNES de Castro, a clandestine marriage,  

D. Alphonso.  
D. john.  
D. Denis.  
D. Beatrix, Countess of Albuquerque.   
D. Theresa Gallega, a concubine.  

D. john, who was King.    

IX.  
D. FERDINAND, son to D. Pedro, in the year 1367: he reigned seventeen years.  
D. LEONORA TELLS the Meveses, his wife.  

D. Beatrix, queen of Castille.   
By a concubine he had  

Isabel Countess of Gijon.    

X.  
D. JOHN first of that name, base son to the king D. Pedro: he got the realm by his sword, and also by election, in the year 1385, from D. john king of Castille and D. Beatrix his wife. He was before master of Auiz. He reigned 49 years.  
D. PHILIP of Lancaster, an English woman, his wife, mother to  

D. Blanch.  
D. Alphonso.  
D. Edward king.  
D. Pedro duke of Coimbra, who married D. Isabel of Arragon, and had 

D. Pedro Constable, who thought to be king of Arragon.  
D. john king of Cypress.  
D. Isabel queen of Portugal.  
D. Philip a Nun.  
D. james a Cardinal.  
D. Beatrix, wife to the Lord of Ravestaine.    
D. Henry duke of Viseo.  
D. Isabel duchess of Bourgondie.   

D. john Master of Saint james, father to D. Isabel, who was queen of Castille.  
D. Ferdinand Master of Auiz.   
Besides these lawful children, the king D. john had by D. Agnes a concubine,  

D. Beatrix Countess of Arundel.  
D. Alphonso Earl of Oren and Barcellos, and duke of Bragance.    

XI.  
D. EDWARD son to D. john the first, in the year 1433: he reigned five years.  
D. LEONORA of Arragon, daughter to D. Ferdinand the first, his wife, mother to  

Children  
D. Alphonso king.  
D. Ferdinand Duke of Viseo, who married D. Beatrix, daughter to his uncle D. john Master of S. james, and had 

D. Leonora queen.  
D. Dominike.  
D. Emanuel king.  
D. Isabel, Duchess of Bragance.    
D. Philip a daughter.  
D. Leonora, wife to the Emperor Frederic the third.  
D. Katherine.  
D. joane queen of Castille.    

XII.  
D. ALPHONSO fift of that name, son to D. Edward in the year 1438, and reigned 43 years.  
D. ISABEL, daughter to his uncle D. Pedro Duke of Coi●bra, his wife, mother to  

D. john, who died young.  
D. joane.  
D. john king, whom some call Ferdinand, and make him father to john which reigned, and add a third son,  
D. Henry.    

XIII.  
D. JOHN, second of that name, son to D. Alphonso the fift, in the year 1481: he reigned fourteen years.  
D. LEONORA, daughter to D. Ferdinand Duke of Viseo, mother to  

D. Alphonso, who died before his father.   
By D. Anna de Mendosa, a concubine,  

D. George, Master of S. james and Auiz.    

XIIII.  
D. EMANVEL Son to D. Ferdinand duke of Viseo, by right, and also by the nomination of king john, was king of Portugal, in the year 1495, and reigned 26 years: he married first:  
D. ISABELLA, eldest Daughter to D. Ferdinand and D. Isabella Kings of Castille and Arragon, mother to  

D. Michael who lived little.   
D. MARIA, Sister to the said D. Isabella his second wife, by whom he had  

D. john king.  
D. Isabella Queen of Castille, and Empress.  
D. Beatrix Duchess of Savoy.  
D. Lewis, father to D. Anthony the Bastard chosen king after Cardinal Henry his uncle.  
D. Henry Cardinal.  
D. Alfonso Cardinal.  
D. Catherine.  
D. Ferdinand.  
D. Edward husband to Isabella, daughter to john or jaime, duke of Bragance, & had 

Marie duchess of Parma.  
Catherine duchess of Bragance, wife to john second son to Theodosius.  
Edward an after birth died in the year 1576.     

D. Anthony, he died soon after he was borne.   
D. LEONORA, sister to the Emperor Charles the fift, mother to  

D. Charles, he died an Infant.  
D. Marry, who being 56 years old, died at Lisbon in the year 1578.    

XV.  
D. JOHN, 3 of that name, Son to D. Emanuel king of Portugal in the year 1521; he reigned thirty and six years.  
D. CATHERINE, sister to the Emperor Charles, his wife, mother to  

D. Alfonso.  
D. Marry Princess of Castille.  
D. Catherine.  
D. Beatrix.  
D. Emanuel.  
D. Philip.  
D. john Prince, father to D. Sebastian, & husband to D. joane, daughter to the Emperor Charles.  
D. Anthony.    

XXI.  
D. SEBASTIAN Son to the Prince D. john, in the year 1557, he reigned one and twenty years, and died in Africa, leaving no heirs.   

XVII.  
D. HENRY, Cardinal, Archbishop of Ebora, son to the King D. Emanuel, in the year 1578, he reigned about a year and a half.   

XVIII.  
D. PHILIP 2, king of Castille united the Realm of Portugal to Castille by force, after the Cardinal's death, in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty, and held it eighteen years.   

XIX.  
D. PHILIP the third doth now hold this Realm.    

❧ Archbishop's of Toledo.  

Eugenius, first Archbishop.  
Pelagius.  
Patrwius.  
Turibio.  
Quince.  
Vincent.  
Paulacius or Paviat.  
Natalis.  
Audens.  
Astur.  
Isicius.  
Maioran.  
Castin.  
Melancius.  
Campeius.  
Cintuacinus.  
Patron.  
Paramacius.  
Peter 1.  
Celsus.  
Montanus.  
julian 1.  
Bacchand.  
Peter 2.  
Eufemius.  
Excipius.  
Adelphius.  
Aurasius.  
Heladius  
justus.  
Eugenius 2.  
Eugenius 3.  
Illefonsus.  
Quiricius.  
julian 2.  
Sesebert or Sicarius.  
S. Felix.  
Gunderic or Guttiere.  
Sinderic.  
Opas.  
Vrbain. 

In the time of the Moors.  
Peter,  
Cixilas,     

After the Conquest of the City of Toledo from the Moors.  
Bernard Abbot of Sahagun.  
Raymond.  
john 1.  
Celebrun.  
Gonsal 1.  
Martin.  
Roderigo Ximenes.  
john 2.  
Guttiere 2.  
Pascal.  
Sancho 1.  
Sancho 2, Infant of Arragon.  
Gensal 2, Cardinal.  
Guttiere 3.  
Gonsal 3.  
john 3, Infant of Arragon.  
Ximene de Luna.  
Gill Carillo d' Albornos, Cardinal.  
Blaise.  
Blasco.  
Gomez Manrique.  
Pedro Tenorio 4.  
Pedro de Luna 5  
Sancho de Roias'.  
john de Contreras 4.  
john de Cerezuela 5.  
Guttiere Gomes, de Toledo.  
Alfonso Carillo de Acugna.  
Pedro Gonsal de Mendosa, a Cardinal  
Francis Ximenes a Cardinal.  
William of Croy.  
Alfonso Fonseca of Azeneda.  
john Tavera, Cardinal.  
john Martin's Siliceo, Cardinal.  
Friar Barthelmew Carranza de Miranda.  
76. Archbishops.    

Moors.  

Governors under the Miralmumins or kings of Africa.  
Musa in the year 714  
Tarif.  
Abdulazis' took the royal diadem at Sevill.  
Aiub, who restored the ancient Bilbilis, and called it Calataiub.  
Alabor.  
Adam.  
Abderrahamen.  
jahea.  
Adaifa Alcazazin.  
Hieman.  
Autuman.  
Alhatan.  
Manes.  
Mahumet.  
Abderrahamen.  
Abdimelic.  
Abubacar.  
Redoan.  
Toaba.  
joseph.    

Sovereign kings at Cordova over the other Princes Moors, in Spain, and did no more acknowledge the Miralmumins of Africa.  

Abderrahamen 1. year 757  
Hizen his son. 787  
Haliathan, son to Hizen. 794  
Abderrahamen 2. 819  
Mahumet. 839  
Almundir. 874  
Abdalla. 876  
Abderrahamen Almansor 3. 889  
Hali Hatan 2. 939  
Aizen 2. 956  
Zuleima. 989  
Mahumet 3. 993  
Hali. 1001  
Cacin. 1003  
Hiaia. 1007  
Abderrahamen. 1007  
Mahumet 4. 1007  
Hizen 3. 1009  
joar. 1011  
Mahumet 5. 1014    

After these there were great alterations and changes among the Moors in Spain, sometimes free, sometimes under the kings of Maroc and Fez: in the end the realm of Granado was erected, the which continued above two hundred and fifty years under the kings which follow.  

GRANADO.  
Mahumet Aben Alhamar. 1236  
Mahumet Mir Almus his son. 1272  
Mahumet Aben Alhamar Aben Azar. 1302  
Mahumet Azar Aben Levin. 1309  
Ishmael. 2319  
Mahumet Son to Ishmael. 1322  
joseph Aben Amet. 1334  
Mahumet Lagus. 1354  
Mahumet the Vermilion reigned two years, but Mahumet whom he had expelled returned Mahumet Guadix. 1379  
joseph his Son. 1392  
Mahumet Aben Balua. 1396  
joseph. 1407  
Mahumet Aben Azar. 1423  
Mahumet the little. 1427  
joseph Aben Almao. 1432  
Mahumet Aben Ozmen. 1445  
Ishmael. 1453  
Muley Alboacen. 1462  
Mahumet Boabdelin the little. 1482  
Muley Boabdelin. 1485   
This king being expelled from Granado by Mahumet above named retained Malaga, Basa, Almerie, Guadix, and some other places, which were taken from them by the kings D. Ferdinand and D. Isabella, some by force, some by composition, Boabdelin, remaining sole king of Granado, whereof he was dispossessed by the same kings.   

The Titles and families of all the Dukes, Marquesses▪ and Earls of Spain.  
THe duke of Lerma and of Cea, 
They are called Grandes to whom the king gives leave to stand covered before him. All dukes be Grandes.  marquess of Denia and Villamisar, Earl of Ampudia, of the Council of state, cupbearer to king Philip 3. and master of his horse, commander Maior of Castille, captain general of the horse of Spain and of the holy church of Toledo, Adelantado, or Lord Precedent of Casorla, the head of the house of Roias' and Sandoval: he holds his estate in Castille the old, and his house in Vailledolit, and in Denia.  
2 The duke of Frias, Marquis of Berlanga, earl of Haro, Lord of the house of the seven Infants of Lara, Constable of Castille, justice Maior and high Chamberlain, he is the chief of the Velascos: his house is in Burgos, & his estate in Castille the old, in the mountains of biscay, and the hills of Soria; he is of the Council of State and Precedent of the Council of Italy, he had a daughter which was married to the duke of Bragance.  
3 The duke of Medina of Riosecco, Marquis of Modica, earl of Melgar, Vicont of Esterlin, Admiral of Castille, head of the Enriques: he holds in house in Vailledolit, and his estate in the Province of Campos, Catalonia and Sicilia.  
4 The duke of Alva and Guesca, marquess of Coria, Earl of Saluatieria, Vicont of Saldic●s, & lord of Valde Comeia, the chief of the family of the Toledoes: he holds his house in Salamanca, and his estate in Castille the old, towards Portugal, and the realm of Granado, he is Constable of Navarre, and a knight of the order of the Golden fleece.  
5 The duke of Infantado, Marquis of Cenete, and Santillana, earl of Saldanes, Lord of the royalty of Mansanares, and head of the Mendosas: he hath his house in the city of Guadalajara, and his estate in the kingdom of Toledo, and in the mountains of Castille the old, and in the Province of Alava, he is of the Council of State.  
6 The duke of Medina Celi, Marquis of Cogolludo, Earl of Port Sancta Maria, chief of the family of Los Cerdas: his house is in Medina Celi, and his estate in the Realm of Toledo, & Sevill, he is of the blood Royal of Castille.  
7 The duke of Medina Sidonia, Marquis of S. Lucar of Barameda, Earl of Niebta, head of the family of Guzman's: he holds his house in Sevill, and S. Lucar, and his estate in the country of Sevill.  
8 The duke of Escalona, Marquis of Moya, earl of Estevan, he hath his house in the city of Toledo, and his estate in the realms of Murcia, and in la Mancha, he is chief of the Pachecoes, he was married unto the sister of the duke of Bragance.  
9 The duke of O●una, Marquis of Pegnafiel, earl of Vrena, head of the family of Girones: he hath his house in Pegnafiel, and his estate in the realm of Sevill and in Castille.  
10 The duke of Bejar, Marquis of Gibraleon, earl of Benalcacar, head of the Zunigas, and of the family of Soto Maior: he holds his house in Sevill, and his estate in the realm of Sevill and in Castille the old he is of the blood royal.  
11 The duke of Albuquerque, Marquis of Biedma & Cuellar, earl of Ledesina, head of the family of the Cuevas: he hath his house in Cuellar, his estate in Estremadura, and in Castille the old.  
12 The duke of Alcala de los Gasules, Marquis of Tarisa, earl of Hornos and Villamartin, chief Precedent of Andalusia, he is of the family of the Enriques and Riberas: he hath his house in the city of Sevill, and his estate in Andalusia, he hath married with a daughter of the Marquis of castle Rodrigo, Verrey of Portugal.  
13 The duke of Sesa and Terranova, Earl of Cabra and Baena, head of the Cordovas' & of Aguilar: he holds his house in Cordova and Granado, and his estate in the kingdom of Naples, & in the realm of Cordova: he is of the Council of state, and chief steward to the Queen.  
14 The duke of Najara, earl of Trevigno & Valencia, of D. john, he is head of the family of the Manriques de Lara: he hath his house at Najara, and his estate in the Province of Rioje, and in the realm of Leon.  
15 The Duke of Maqueda, Marquis of Elche, head of the Cardenas: he hath his house in Toledo, and his estate in the realm of Sevill.  
16 The duke of Feria, Marquis of Safra, head of the family of the Figeroas: he hath his estate in Estremadura, and his house in Safra.  
17 The duke of Arcos, Marquis of Lara, earl of Marchena, head of the house of Pansies: he hath his estate in Andalusia, and house in Sevill.  
18 The duke of Gandia, marquess of Laiba, head of the family of the Bor●as: he hath his estate and house in the Realm of Valencia.  
19 The duke of Sogorue and Cordova, marquess of Comares, lord of Lucena, of the blood royal of Arragon, and of lafoy Cerde: he hath his house in the city of Valencia, and the Duchy of Sogorue in the realm of Valencia, and that of Cordova, in Cattelonia, and his greatest estate in the realm of Cordova.  
20 The duke of Soma, earl of Panamos, admiral of Naples, his of the family of the Cardonas: he hath he is house at Belpuche and his estate in the Realm of Naples.  
21 The duke of Villahermosa, earl of Ribagorsa, head of the house of Arragon: he hath his house at Saragosse, and his estate in the realm of Arragon.  
22 The duke of Veraguas Admiral of the Indies, of the house of Toledo: he keeps his house in the city of Saragosse, and his estate in the realm of Arragon:  
23 The duke of Pastrana, prince of Eboli, of the family of Siluas in Portugal: he hath his house and his estate in Pastrana.  
24 The duke of Franca villa, Prince of Melito▪ of the house of the Mendosas: he hath his house in Franca villa, and his estate in the realm of Naples.   

Marquis' that be Grandes.  
1 The Marquis of Astorga, Earl of Trastamara, Lord of the house of Villa Lobos, head of the family of the Ossorios: he hath his house in the city of Astorga, and his estate in the realm of Leon, and in the province of Campos.  
2 The Marquis of Aguilar, Earl of Castagneda, of the house of the Manriques of Lara: he holds his house in Carrion and in Aguilar del Campo, and his estate in the mountains of Leon, and in the province of Campos.  
3 The Marquis of Mondejar, Earl of Tendilla, one of the house of the Mendosas: he holds his house in Mondejar, and his estate in Alcaria.  
4 The Marquis of Tavarres, master of Montesa, of the house of Borias: he may give the habit of Montesa in Arragon and Valencia, and hath his estate and house in the said realms.  
5 The Marquis of Pliego, Lord of the house of Aguilar, of the family of Figeroas: he hath his house in Cordova, and his estate in the said realm, and in base Andalusia.  
6 The Marquis of Los Velez, Adelantado or Precedent of Murcia, of the family of the Fa●ardos: he hath his estate and house in the realm of Murcia.  
7 The Marquis of Villa Franca, of the house of the Toledoes: he keeps his house in Villa, franca, and his estate in the realm of Leon and Naples.  
8 The Marquis of Sancta Cruz, of the family of the bassanes: he hath his house in Viso, and his estate in the realm of Toledo.  
9 The Marquis of Frichilla, and of Malagon, he is brother to the duke of Bragance: he hath his estate in Castille, and is of the blood royal of Portugal, and lives in the city of Ebora, in the same realm.   

Marquesses which be not Grandes.  
1 The Marquis of Ayamonte, of the family of Sunigas: he hath his estate & house in Sevill.  
2 The Marquis of Benesa, of the house of Auellenada.  
3 The Marquis of Viana, of the family of the Pimentelles: he hath his house in Vailledolit, and his estate in Galicia.  
4 The Marquis of Cameraca, of Saviote, and Earl of Riscla, he was Adelantado of Casorla: he is of the house of Cobos and Mendosa.  
5 The Marquis of Cortes, he is of the Toledoes: he hath his house in Cortes, and his estate in the realm of Navarre.  
6 The Marquis of Monte-maior, of the house of Siluas.  
7 The Marquis of Guardia, Earl of Sancta Euphemia; he is the chief of the family of the Mexias: he hath his house in Salamanca, and his estate in Andalusia, and in the realm of jaen.  
8 The Marquis of Montes Claros, of the house of the Mendosas: he hath his house in Guadalajara, and his estate in Alcaria.  
9 The Marquis of Las Navas, he is chief of the house of Auilas: he hath his house in the city of Auila, and his estate in the mountains of Auila.  
10 The Marquis of Posa, he is of the family of Roxas: he hath his house in Posa, and his estate in Castille the old.  
11 The Marquis of Stepa, of the house of the Centuriones at Genova: he hath his estate and house in the realm of Sevill.  
12 The Marquis of Tabara, he hath his estate in Castille the old, & his house in Vailledolit.  
13 The Marquis of Villanova del rio, of the family of the Enriques: he holds his estate in Extremadura, and his house in Sevill.  
14 The Marquis of Villa nova of Barca rota, he is chief of the family of Fuerto cabreroes: he holds his house in Sevill, and his estate in Extremadura.  
15 The Marquis of Ladrada, of the family of Los Cuevas: he holds his estate in the realm of Toledo.  
16 The Marquis of Canete, of the family of Mendosa: he hath his house in the city of Cuenca, and his estate in the said province.  
17 The Marquis of Falces, head of the Peraltes: he hath his house in Navarre, and his estate in the said kingdom.  
18 The Marquis of Fiomesta, of the family of the Benanid●s and Enriques: he hath his house in Fiomesta, and his estate in the province of Campos.  
19 The Marquis of Valle, son to Fernando Cortes, who conquered Nova Hispania: he hath his house in Sevill and in Mexico, and his estate in Nova Hispania.  
20 The Marquis of Aunon, he is of the Herceras: he hath his house in Madrid, and his estate in Alcaria.  
21 The Marquis of Ardale, Earl of Teba, of the house of Guzman: he keeps his house in Malaga, and his estate in the realm of Sevill.  
22 The Marquis of Beret●a, of the family of the Cardenas: he hath his house in Herena, and his estate in Estremadura.  
23 The Marquis of Villa Manrique, of the house of Suniga: he hath his estate & house in the realm of Sevill.  
24 The Marquis of Motta, of the house of Vlloa: he holds his estate and house in Castille.  
25 The Marquis of Alcanices, of the family of the Henriques: he hath his estate and house in Castille.  
26 The Marquis of Auila Fuente, of the house of the Sunigas: he holds his estate and house in Castille.  
27 The Marquis of Molina.  
28 The Marquis of Fuentes.  
29 The Marquis of Villada, Maior domo, maior or chief Steward, to the king: he is one of the Grandes.  
30 The Marquis of Laguna, chief steward to the Queen: he is a grand.  
31 The Marquis of Sarraluo.  
32 The Marquis of Caracena, of the family of the Carrillos' and Toledoes.  
33 The Marquis of Cuellar.  
34 The Marquis of Saint , of the house of Mendosas, his Marquisate is in Savoy, and his house and estate in Castille: He is a gentleman of the king's chamber, and Lieutenant general of his guards and of all the horse in Spain.   

Earls which be Grandes.  
1 The Earl of Miranda, Marques of Baneza: he is head of the Auellanedas, and is of the family of Sunigas and Bassanes: he holds his house in Peneranda villa suya, & his estate in Castille the old, and the mountains thereof: he is of the Council of State, and Precedent of the chief of Castille.  
2 The Earl of Benavent, the head of the Pimentels: he holds his house in Vailledolit, and his estate in the province of Campos: he is the greatest Earl in Spain.  
3 The Earl of Alva de Lista, of the family of the Henriques: he hath his house in Zamora, and his estate in Castille the old, and Estremadura: he is of the Council of State, and chief huntsman to the king, and of his chamber.  
4 The Earl of Lemos and Andrada, of Castro and Villalua, Marquis of Sarria, and Lord of Vlloa, he is head of the house of Castros, and gentleman of the king's chamber, he is precedent of the council of the Indies: he hath his house in Lemos and Sarria, and his esate in the realm of Galicia.  
5 The Earl of Oropeza, he is of the house of Toledo and Pachecos: he hath his house at Talavera, and his estate in the realm of Toledo, he had one daughter and heir, who was married to a brother of the Duke of Bragances.  
6 The Earl of Sancta Gadea, he is head of the family of the Padillas, he is a gentleman of the king's chamber, and Adelantado mayor of Castille: he hath his house and state in Castille.   

Earls which be not Grandes.  
The Earl of Salinas and Ribadeo, of the house of Auellaneda & Mendosa: he hath his house in the city of Burgos and his estate in biscay, & the mountains, who (for that his predecessors did help much in the winning of Toledo) have this privilege, to dine on twelve day with the King, and the apparel, which the King wears that day, is his, with his best horse, and a Cup of gold. This house fell by marriage to R●y G●mez de silva, Duke of Pastrana, who was second brother to him that died in Flanders, and Uncle to him that holds the state at this day, he is precedent of the Council of Portugal.  
2 The Earl of Aguilar, head of the Arrelanos, and Lord of Los Cameros● he hath his house in the town of Nilda, which is his, and his estate is in Rioja, and the Mountains of Sona.  
3 The Earl of Aranda, Lord of Almuerin.  
4 The Earl of Alcaudette, of the house of the Cordovas': he keeps his house in Alcaudette, and his estate in the realm of Cordova, he is also of Aluaida, of the house of Milan.  
5 The Earl of Altamira, of the house of Roxas, and Moscoso: he hath his house in Altamira and his estate in Galicia.  
6 The Earl of Citona, of the house of Moncada and Heredia.  
7 The Earl of Buendia, Lord of Duenas, of the house of Acugna: he hath his house in Acugna, and his estate in the Territory of Campos.  
8 The Earl of Ayllon, of the house of Leon and Cordova.  
The Earl of Belohite, of the house of Yiar: he holds his estate in Valencia and Arragon.  
10 The Earl of Castellar, he is the chief of the Sayavedras: he hath his house in Sevill, and his estate in the same realm.  
11 The Earl of Castro Xeris, of the house of Mendosa, and Manriques: he hath his house in Castro Xeris, and his estate in the realm of Leon.  
12 The Earl of Chinchon, head of the house of the Bobadillas: he hath his house in Madrid, and his estate in the realm of Toledo.  
13 The Earl of Cifuente, he is the head of the Silu●s: he hath his house in Toledo, and his estate in Alcaria.  
14 The Earl of Corunna, of the house of Mendosa: his house is in Guadalajara, & his estate in Alcaria.  
15 The Earl of Fuen salida, he is the head of the Ayalas, his house is in Toledo, and his estate in the same realm.  
16 The Earl of Gelues, he is chief of the house of the Portugals, he hath his house in Sevill, and his estate in the same realm.  
17 The Earl of Gomera, which is in the Island of the great Canary, he is of the house of the Ayalas.  
18 The Earl of Gajan.  
19 The Earl of Olivares, he is of the house of Guzman: his house is at Sevill, and his estate in Andalusia.  
20 The Earl of Ier●a, of the family of the Carios.  
21 The Earl of Costania in Valencia.  
22 The Earl of Coruino.  
23 The Earl of Fuentes of the house of Heredia: he hath his estate in Arragon, and his house at Fuentes.  
24 The Earl of Luna, he is head of the Quignones and Villafanes, he hath his house and estate in the realm of Leon.  
25 Earl of Medellin, of the house of Puerto Carreiro: he hath his house in Medellin, and his estate in Estremadura.  
26 Earl of Monteagudo, he is of the house of Mendosa: he holds his estate in Raca of Arragon, and his house in Almasa.  
27 Earl of Monterey, of the house of Azuedo: he hath his house in Salamanca, and his estate in Galicia.  
28 Earl of Osorno, he is of the Manriques, his house is in Vailledolit, and his estate in Castille the old.  
29 Earl of Onante, head of the Guevares: he hath his house in Onante, and his estate in the province of Guipuscoa.  
30 Earl of Oliva, of the house of Gentillas'.  
31 Earl of Morata, of the house of Luna.  
32 Earl of Orga, he is of the house of Ayala and Mendosa: and some say he is the head of the Mendosas.  
33 Earl of Puebla, of the house of the Cardenas: he hath his house in Llerena, and his estate in Estremadura.  
34 Earl of Paluia, of the house of Puerto Carriero, he holds his house in Eccia, and his estate in the Realm of Cordova.  
35 Earl of Pliego, of the house of Carillo and Mendosa: he hath his house in Guadalajara, and his estate in the mountains of Cuenca.  
36 Earl of Puno in Rostro, he is head of the Sarrias: he hath his house in Madrid, and his estate in the Realm of Toledo.  
37 Earl of Paredes, of the house of Manriques: his house is in Paredes, and his estate in the province of Campos.  
38 Earl of Ribadavia, of the house of Auellaneda: he hath his house in Vailledolit, and his estate in Gallicia.  
39 Earl of Ciruela, of the house of Velasco.  
40 Earl of Sastago and Pina, of the house of Arragon: he hath his house in Saragosse, and his estate in the realm of Arragon.  
41 Earl of Saint Estevan, the head of the Benavides: his house is in the city of Vuida, and his estate in the realm of Arragon.  
42 Earls of Navarre, of the family of the Toledoes, & by his wife, by whom he had the estates, of the blood of Navarre, & of the Beaumont's: he hath his house and estate in the realm of Navarre.  
43 Earl of Bargas, he is head of the house of Capatas, his house is in Madrid.  
44 Earl of Puebla of Montaluan, of the family of the Tells, Girones and Pachecos: he holds his estate in Estremadura.  
45 Earl of Baileu, he is of the Ponsos' of Leon: his house is in Baileu, and his estate in the realm of jaen.  
46 Earl of Nieva, of the house of Valasco: he hath his house in Nieva, and his estate in Rioja.  
47 Earl of Saluatierra, of the house of Ayala: he holds his estate in Castille the old.  
48 Earl of Cosentaina, of the house of Corella: his estate & house is in the realm of Valencia.  
49 Earl of Galuas', of the house of Los Cerdas.  
50 Earl of Delda, of the family of the Colomas: his estate & house are in the realm of Valencia.  
51 Earl of Ficallo, of the house of Gandia and Borias: his county is in Portugal, but his estate and house in the Realm of Valencia.  
52 Earl of Cuba, he is of the Henriques of Almanca: he hath his county in Portugal, and his estate and house in the realm of Castille.  
53 Earl of Villamediana, he is of the family of Taxis.  
54 Earl of Barraja.  
55 Earl of Mayalde  
56 Earl of Mirabel.  
57 Earl of Galue.  
58 Earl of Villaflor.  
59 Earl of Cassarubios.  
60 Earl of Los Arcos.  
61 Earl of Salasar.  
62 Earl of Villalonso.  
63 Earl of Risco.  
64 Earl of Malpica.  
65 Earl of Torrejon.  

Viconts; Admirals and Adelantadoes.  
Vicont of Peralta.  
Vicont del Buli.  
Vicont of Altamira.  
Vicont of Chelba.  
Admiral of Castille.  
Admiral of Arragon.  
Admiral of Valencia.  
Adelantado Mayor of Castille.  
Adelantado Mayor of Andalusia  
Adelantado of Galicia.  
Adelantado of Canaria.  
Adelantado of Carsorla.  
Adelantado of the house of Mendosa.   

Mastership's of Orders of Knights.  
The great Mastership of Saint James.  
The Mastership of Alcantara.  
The mastership of the Calatrava.   
These three are annexed to the Crown, and the king is perpetual Governor and Administrator of them.  
These be the Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Admirals, and Adelantadoes, which are in the realms of Castille, Leon, Arragon, Navarre, Galicia, Valencia, and Cattelonia, and the other estates of Spain, except Portugal. Some have precisely set down the revenues of every one of these Noblemen in their relations, as if they were immutable; but, being subject daily to increase and decrease according to the disposition and frugality, of the persons that enjoy them, I have wittingly omitted it: But thus much I dare boldly say, that the nobility of Spain are exceeding rich in their yearly fevenues, and, if I be not much deceived, they are the richest subjects in revenues of any country of Christendo me.  
FINIS.    

❧ A Table of the most memorable things contained in this History of Spain: wherein the Reader is to be advertised of an error escaped in the body of the Book, in numbering of the pages, from 971, from whence to 972. he shall find them donbled: Which observed, will set him right on that he seeks for by this Table.  

ABderramen stem of the Kings of Maroc, 165  
Abderramen usurps the Sovereignty of Spain, 175  
Aben Mahomet, a Moorish king under the protection of the King of Castille, 369  
Accord betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians, 36  
Accord betwixt the k. of Castille & his mother, 277  
Accord betwixt the kings of Castille and Arragon, for the divorce of Queen Elinor, 339  
Accord betwixt the Kings of Navarre & Arrag. 366  
A concord betwixt the King of Castille and Granado, 394  
Accord betwixt Alphonso king of Castille, and his rebellious subjects, 400  
Accord betwixt the Estates of Navarre, and Pe●ro of Arragon, 403  
Accord betwixt the kings of Maroc & Castil, 427  
Accord betwixt Castille and Portugal by marriage, 443.  
Accord betwixt Granado and Castille, 454  
Accord betwixt Castille and Navarre, 582  
Accord betwixt the kings of Castille & Arrag. 588  
Act of the Master of Auiz to make the Castillans' odious, 603  
Accord betwixt the king of Castille and the Duke of Lancaster, 614  
Accord betwixt the Noblemen of Castille, 636  
Accord made with the Earl of Giion, 648  
Accord made by the king of Castille with D. Henry of Arragon, 690  
Accident happened to the Prince of Portugal, and his death, 941  
Accord betwixt the k. of Castille and Navar. 740  
Accord betwixt D. john king of Arragon, and his son D. Charles, 761  
Accusations propounded by the Confederates, 781  
Accord betwixt king john of Arragon and Leonora his daughter, 812  
Accord for the government of Spain, 924  
Act of constancy of D. Alphonso Perez de Guzman, 438  
Act of Alphonso of Aguilar against the children of the Earl of Cabra, 819  
Act of choler done by the D. of Infantasgo, 1001  
Adrian doth a generous act 121  
Adelatamiento of Casorla given to the Church of Toledo, 365  
advise of D. Nugno de Lara, 397  
Adultery punished, 550  
Admonition of the son to the father, 1134  
Advertisements of a Philosopher a Moor, to the king of Castille, 572  
Admonition of the Admiral of Castille to Cardinal Ximenes, 949  
Approbation of the Order of Saint Jerome by the Pope, 586  
Admonition of the king of Castille to his sister the Queen of Navarre, 623  
Admiral of Castille surpriseth Simancas, 819  
Admiralty in Castille, and the jurisdiction, 993  
Aera of Caesar abolished in Arragon, 542  
Affection of a mother, 227  
Agility of the Numidian horsemen, 143  
Africa a town in the Realm of Tunes taken by the king. 706  
Air in Sardynia corrupted by nature, 22  
Admiral of Bonivet enters Guipuscoa with an army, 966  
Alario chief of the Goths, 130  
Alanes and Vandals defeated by the Goths, 151  
Koran of the Barbarians, 163  
Alphonso king of Ouiedo and Leon leaves the Crown to become a Monk, 199. he repent that he became a Monk, 200. he is besieged and taken by his own brother, ibid.  
Alphonso king of Leon, a lover of justice, 226  
Alphonso k. of Leon dispossessed by his brother, 241  
D. Almodia poisoned by her son-in-law, 244  
D. Alphonso king of Navarre seeks to assure himself of Castille, 270  
Almudebar taken from the Moors, 272  
D. Alphonso king of Navarre defeated by the Moors and slain, 282  
Alphonso Raymond king of Castille crowned Emperor of Spain, 285  
Alphonso king of Castille being young, given in guard to the Inhabitants of Auila, 310. he marries Elinor of England, 314  
Alphonso King of Portugal, taken prisoner by the king of Leon, 322  
Alphonso king of Castille invades Leon and Navarre, 331  
D. Aluar de Lara spoils the Queen Regent of her authority and estate, 351  
D. Alvaro of Sandy taken prisoner by the Turks, 1092.  
Aluar de Lara taken prisoner, 354  
Alphonso of Portugal leaves his lawful wife, 389  
D. Alphonso king of Castille disinherirs the children of D. Fernand his eldest son, 413  
Alain Leontine a damnable traitor, his end, 428  
D. Alphonso de la Cerde saluted k. of Castille, 440  
Alphonso de la Cerde and D. john of Castille contend for the Realm of Castille, 440  
Alliance renewed betwixt Castille & Arragon, 458  
Alcaudete taken by the king of Castille, 458  
Alphonso de la Cerde quits his interest to Cast 434  
Alava united to the crown of Castille, 488  
Alboacon king of Maroc dispossessed by his son, 519  
Alcavala, a kind of Impost. 527  
Don Alphonso Fernand Cornet unworthily put to death, 534  
D Alphonso the king of Castile's uncle delivered out of prison, 633  
Aluar● de Luna and his beginning, 670  
Alphonso king of Arragon leads an army into Corsica, 686  
Alphonso de Luna made Constable of Castille, 687  
Alphonso k. of Arragon favours a new Schism, 688  
Aluara de Luna Constable of Castille, insolent, covetous, and treacherous, 714  
Alvaro de Luna Constable of Castil executed, 744  
Alphonso king of Arragon invested in the Realm of Navarre, 724  
Alphonso of Faiardo punished for his rebellion, 759  
Alphonso the king of Castils brother acknowledged heir to the Crown, 782, he is in captivity with the Confederates, 794  
Aluar Gomez disloyal to the K. of Castille, 783  
Alphonso of Hoieda first discoverer of the main land at the Indies, 889  
Alphonso of Arragon and his posterity 831  
Alliance betwixt France and Castille, 855  
Alhama taken by the Castillans, 884  
Alhambra of Granado yielded to the King of Castille, 940  
Alliances betwixt the house of Austria and Castil, 954.  
Amilcar slain by the Spaniards, 35  
Ambition makes Mandonius and Indibilis disloyal, 68  
Ambassador ill advised and importunate, 101  
Ambition the mother of heresies, 160  
Ambition of Almodia furious and unrestrayned, 225.  
Ambassadors sent from Navarre to Castille, 478  
Ambassadors speech to the king of Arragon, 591  
Ambassadors from France to the k. of Castille, 631  
Ambassadors from the King of Granado to the K. of Castille, 645  
Ambassadors discover the counsels and actions of Princes, 658  
Amadeus of Savoy called Pope Felix, 733  
Ancients used Religion to keep the people in awe, 51.  
Antiquity of Toledo, 251  
Ambition a vice in great men, 1132  
Answer of D. Henry of Navarre to the Conspirators of Castille, 397  
Andrew of Clairmont beheaded at Palermo, 660  
Ambassadors from the king of Castille to the Souldan's of Egypt, 968  
Ambassador of king Fernand stayed in Bearne, 905  
Answer made by Pope Paul to the Duke of Albas' complaint, 1075  
Apparitions believed by the Spaniards, 149  
Apparition of S. Isidore, 251  
Arms of the ancient Spaniards, 16  
Arts in Spain damnable in old time, 30  
Army of Spaniards against the Romans', 78  
Argimond a traitor punished, 144  
Arabians first attempt upon Spain, 150  
Arabian western Moors descended from Ishmael, 161  
Arabians tributaries to the Romans, 164  
Arabian tongue common in Africa, 166  
Arabians & Moors all one in this History, 168  
Arabians 5. years about the conquest of Spain, ibid.  
Arms of Barcelona and Arragon, 191  
Arabian Physicians in great request, 205  
Arts flourish among the Arabians in Spain, 236  
Arragon and Navarre united, 243  
Arragon and Cattelonia united by marriage, 288  
Arragon exempt from the Sovereignty of Castil, 317  
Advice given by the Emperor Charles unto his son, 1126  
Advice to D. john touching the war of Granado, 1147.  
Army of Turks in Cypress, 1159  
Advice of k. Philip to King Sebastian, 1199  
Army against the Moors in Spain, 339  
Arms of Navarre, 342  
Arabians in Spain reject the Miralmumins of Africa, 353  
Archb. in quarrel for the Primacy, 376  
Articles sworn by the King of Navarre, 477  
Arragonois defeated by the Navarrois, 457  
Articles of the Order of the band, 489  
Armies are unprofitable that have too great multitudes, 510  
Archb. of Toledo forced to leave Spain, 535  
Army of Don Pedro king of Castille, 574  
Act of D. Leonora Tells de Meneses, 597  
Archbishop of Toledo turbulent, 630  
Articles concluded at the assembly at Tholousa in Guipuscoa, 634  
Archbishop of Toledo regards not the public good, 633. he is detained prisoner, 640  
Arragonois reject D. joane and chose Don Martin to be king. 650  
Articles of marriage broken by the Estates of Arragon, 660  
Arbitrators to choose the king of Navarre, 675  
Artillery when first used in Spain, 669  
Articles concluded for the pacification of the troubles in Castille, 782  
Archb. of Toledo betrays the king his Master, 784  
Arragonois defeated by the French, 808  
Articles of marriage betwixt Fernand of Arragon, and Izabella of Castille, 818  
Arzilla and Tanger in Africa taken by the king of Portugal, 829  
Archb. of Toledo disloyal and seditious▪ 871  
Arms of French in Spain, 873  
Arzilla besieged by the Moors, and the town taken, 887  
Army of Spain annoy the Venetians, 895  
Articles of yielding of Pampelona to the Duke of Alba, 904  
Army of French enters into Navarre, 909  
Arms given to the Province of Guipuscoa, 910  
Arrogant answer of D. Pedro Giron, 926  
Articles betwixt the Emperor and k. of Tunes, 991  
Army of Charles the 5. going into Provence, 996  
Army of Turks prepared against the Portugals, 997  
Army of Christians against Gerbe, 1086  
Army of Turks in Minorca, 1082  
Army sent against Pegnon de Veles, 1113  
Arrians persecute the faithful 125  
Archbishop of Toledo drawn in question by the Inquisit on. 1125  
Army sent with the D. of Alva into Flanders, 1129  
Abdalla King of Marroc, Fez and Taradant, 1195  
Allegations made by King Philip touching his title to Portugal, 1209  
Advice of the divines of Alcala of Henares ibid.  
Army of D. Anthony put to rout 1214  
Articles granted by King Philip to the realm of Portugal, 1219  
Army of French and Spanish at the Island of Saint Michael. 1221  
Asdrubal takes advantage of his enemy's negligence 42. he prepares to go into Italy. 43. his passage broken, 44. he circumuents Nero, 50. he makes no co● science to deceive his enemy, 51 he thinks to repair his losses by a battle, 98. he is defeated by Scipio, 59 he passeth into Italy. 60. he is defeated there, 61.  
Astapians barbarously murder their wives and children, 68  
Assembly of the Estates every year in Spain, 326  
Assembly in Portugal for the election of a King 607  
Asores the bound betwixt Granado and Castille 644  
Assembly at Madrid 796  
Assembly of the Estates disliked by Cardinal Ximenes at the arrival of King Charles, 957  
Assault given against Diu. 1021  
Archduke Albert made governor of Portugal. 1226  
Army of Spain going to the Terceres, 1227  
Angra at the Terceres taken by the Marquis of Santa Cruz, 1226  
Atanlphe the Goth slain by his own men, 131  
Attempt of D. james King of Maiorca vain, 525  
Attempt rashly made by the Constable of Castile's followers, 722  
Atabalipa defeated and taken. 980  
Aurang taken by the Romans, 62  
Authors of a Sedition punished for the whole multitude, 70  
Authors of rebllion always smart for the rest, 78  
Authority of the justice Maior of Arragon, 618  
D. Anthony's proceeding after King Henry's death 1208. he is declared defender of the realm of Portugal, 1211, he is received into Lisbon, 1215 he raiseth a new army, ibid. he writes to King Philip. 1217. his estate after the defeat of the French at Sea. 1225  
Amdassadors from japon into Spain, 1230  
Ambassadors sent into Spain from the Duke of Savoy, 1231   

B  
BAdaios taken from the Moors by the King of Leon, 322  
Baesa and Almery taken from the Moors. 295  
Baesa Castle besieged by the Moors. 361  
Badurio K. of Cambaia slain by the portugals, 997  
Balegres Island, called Gimnasies▪ 9  
Barbarians divide the conquest of Spain, 130  
Barbarians easy to corrupt, 101  
Barbarians impatient of servitude kill themselves, 103  
Bamba made King of the Goths against his will, 149, he is poisoned by Eruing. 150  
Bargain made in sport enter tayned by force. 205  
Barcelona taken and ruined by the Moors. 219  
Baiona taken by the King of Navarre, 281  
Barc●lona yielded to King John of Arragon. 831  
Barbarossa beseegeth the Castle of Nice, 1006  
Barcelona sets up the banners of Castille, 777  
Battenes at Famagosta. 1161  
Battle betwxt the Romans and natural Spaniards, 78. an other battle betwixt them, 88 betwixt Pompey and Sertorius, 111. betwixt Caesar and Pompey, 116, of Voglad and death of Alaric. 137. of jonguera lost by the Christians. 194. of Simancas, and great victory of the Christians. 201. of Calacavasor, 215, Battle betwixt the Moors, 222, of Obrigue won by Alphonso Henriques first King of Portugal, 292, of Valpeirre. 303. of Muradall. 341, Battle at sea before Caillery, 480, of Salado. 512 betwixt the Genevois and Venetians, 543, at Aliubarota, 608, betwixt the Christians and Moors, 665. of Figueroa. 702, of Olmedo, 730, of Olmedo, 738 of Albuhera, 874, of Ravenna, 993, betwixt the Castillans and portugals, 858, of Villa Lara. 962, betwixt the Christians and Barbarossa in Africa, 990, of Lepanto. 1169, of Alc●zer in Africa, 1202. at the Terceras betwixt the French and Spanish. 1222  
Basa Guadix and Almery yield to Castille. 935  
Baseness of King Ramir occasion of new tumults. 211  
Baseness of Henry called the unable King of Castille 760  
Bazain at the Indies taken by the Portugals. 997  
Batteries made by the Turk at Malta. 1116  
Beginning of nations fabulous for the most part. 1  
Beginning of the Saguntines. 7  
Beteca called Valdalusia of the Vandals. 133  
Beggar counterfeiting punished from heaven. 142  
Bernard first Earl of Barcelona subject to the French, 179  
Bernard of Carpio neglects, his rebellion. 188  
D. Bermond a religious King and a lover of justice 229, he breaks the peace with Castille, and is slain in Battle. 231  
D. Bela of Nagera troubles the state of Castille, 205  
Beginning of the town of Saint Deminike, 265  
Berenguel● of Leon Governess of Castille 347  
Behaviour of D. Sancho the gross, King of Navarre in his age. 367  
Beginning of Granado. 372  
Beginning of the house of Guzman and Dukes of Medina Sydonia. 437  
Bertrand of Guesclin betrays King Henry, 575  
Beginning of the house of Medina Cely, 606  
Beginning of a sect called the White coats. 663  
Beginning of the King of Castile's hatred against the Constable, 731  
Bertrand de la Cue●a th● Queen of Castile's Minion, created Earl of Ledesma, 767. he is made D●ke of Albuquerque 782  
Beginning of the house of Foix, 811  
Beginning of the Jesuits, 962  
Beovya a castle of importance, abandoned by the French, 967  
Beginning of Francis Pizarro and james of Almagro, 984  
Beruardin de Mendoza drowned with some Galleys, 1094  
Beginning and progress of the Inquisition in Spain, 1119  
Biscaine tongue first used in Spain, 3  
Birth of Mahomet▪ 142  
Bishops in Spain learned and religious, 199  
Bishops at Toledo in the Moors time, 173  
Bishops at Compostella profane, 213  
Bishops sea restored to Saragossa, 272  
Bishop of S. james exempt from all subjection but to the Pope, 265  
Bishop of Pampelona a favourer of seditions, 405  
Biscay sold to the king of Castille, 483  
Bishop of Burgos chosen by himself, 568  
Biscay belongs to the house of Alencon, 585  
Bishop of Lisbon slain by the mutines, 603  
Birth of the Infant Don Henry of Castille, 689  
Bishop of Pampelona slain by the Constable of Navarre, 838  
Bishop excluded in the Country of Biscay, 863  
Bishop being a murderer, is himself murdered, 872.  
Birth of the Infanta Catherina of Castille, 314  
Bishops banished from Biscay, 919  
Birth of Charles of Austria, who was king of Spain and Emperor. 962  
Birth of john Prince of Portugal, 971  
Birth of Charles Prince of Spain, 1013  
Birth of D. Sebastian of Portugal, 1039  
Bishops newly erected in the Netherlands, 1093  
Birth of the Infanta D. Izabella, who was Queen of Castille and Arragon, 740  
Biscayne's defeated for wa●▪ of discipline, 695  
Birth of Fernand of Arragon husband to Izabella, 744  
Birth of D. Alphonso of Castille, 745  
Boldness of Martius proves successful by the enemy's negligence, 49  
Bon●face delivers Africa to Genseric, and the Vandals, 133  
Book found in Spain, 378  
Beauty of Henry the new king of Castille, 567  
Book of the holy Scriptures translated into the Portugal language, 681  
Bounty of the Duke of Milan, 710  
Body of Queen Izabella laid in a Friar's weed, 874.  
Bounty of Gonsalo Fernandes the great Captain, 883.  
Booty taken at the Indies, 916  
Bona in Africa taken by Andrew Doria▪ 993  
Bounty of the Emperor Charles to Prince Doria, 1105  
Booty taken from the Moors, 1144  
Bridge of Alcantara built by trajan, 120  
Brothers kings in one kingdom and agree well, 183.  
Brothers of Navarre at discord, 243  
brethren executed unjustly, 458  
Braganza a terror to the Moors, 922  
Breach betwixt Pope Paul the fourth, and the king of Spain. 1074  
Burdens laid upon the Spaniards by Lucullus, 96  
Burgos made a Bishopric, 265  
Buildings of Fernand king of Portugal, 600  
Buildings of Charles the third king of Navarre, 668  
Burgos in the Confederates power, 780. it yields to king Henry. 805  
Buason king of Fez defeated and slain, 1193   

C  
CArthaginians called into Spain by the Gaditains. 12  
Cadiz, and the ancient names, 20  
Carthaginians desire rather to be great then just, 32. they continue the conquest of Spain, 35. they are defeated at sea by Scipio, 40. they are twice defeated, 45. being grown proud of a victory they are defeated by the Romans, 48. they dissemble their loss, 57 they resolve to unpeople Spain of soldiers to prevent revolts, 60. they are quite defeated by the Romans', and chased out of Spain. 65  
Carthage the new taken by the Romans, 54  
Care and diligence of a good General, 57  
Castulo yielded to the Romans', 44  
Castulo and Illiturgis, rebellious towns, 65. taken both by the Romans', 66  
Cato defeats the Spaniards. 82. his severity in the Spaniards relapse, ●3. he demantles the towns, ibid. he seeks to corrupt the Celtiberians, 84. he disposeth of the revenues of Spain, 85  
Cairo built by Muhavias', 163  
Cape S. Vincent why so called, 175  
Cattelonia why so called, 178. under the Sovereignty of France, 189. given in propriety to Geoffrey the heir, 191  
Care of a Prince most commendable, 200  
Castille exempt from all subjection upon a foolish bargain. 208. united to Navarre, 229  
Casilde, a Princess of the Moors baptised, 226  
Calatrava taken from the Moors, 280  
Castille and Leon divided, 286  
Calatrava given to the Monks of Cisteaux, 304  
Cathedral church at Toledo built by Don Rodrigo the Archbishop 302  
Castille and Leon united, 364  
Catelonia freed from the sovereignty of France, 369  
Castillans in arms against Navarre & Arragon, 386  
Cattelans & Arragonois in Greece & Thrace, 455  
Castillans defeated by the Arragonois, 552  
Castellans burn the coast of Genova, 502  
Carmona yielded to D. Henry of Castille, 580  
Castille acknowledgeth the Pope, 595  
Castillans defeated by them of Ebora. 604. defeated again at Troncosa, 607. defeated by the Moors. 702  
Castille preferred before Arragon, 751  
Cattelans speak freely to their King, 763. they ●ue in vain for their Prince, ibid. they complain of the king of Castille, 774  
Calaorra taken by Gaston of Foix from the Spaniards, 787  
Castle of Burgos yielded to Q. Izabella, 855  
Castle of Zamora yielded to K. Fernand, 860  
Castro Nugno yields to king Fernand, 870  
Canaries made subject to the K. of Castille, 899  
Castillans spoil the realm of Navarre, 929  
Caia a small stream dividing Castille from Portugal, 938  
Cadiz united to the crown of Castille, 947  
Capitulation betwixt king Fernand and Mahomet the Little. 940  
Causes of the D. of Alua's discontent, 950  
Causes of hatred betwixt the Spaniards and Flemings, 1126  
Causes of the rebellion of the Moors of Granado, 1138.  
Carc▪ mos speech to D. Antonio, 1216  
Celts pass into Spain, 10  
Celtiberians take arms for the Romans, 40  
Ceremonies of the Barbarians when they are suitors, 95  
Celtiberians defeated by Fuluius Flaccus, 109  
Caesar disarms Afranius and Petreus, 114  
Session of the rights of Roussillon to the house of Anjou, 509  
Ceremony at the K. of Navars' coronation, 625  
Ceremony in taking possession of Navarre, 693  
Ceremony of the Order of the golden fleece, 696  
Ceremonies used at the taking of any towns from the Moors, 904  
Caesar Borgia Cardinal, Bishop of Pampelona, 953 he is made Duke of Valent●nois, 963  
Ceremonies at the swearing of the Archduke Philip and D. joane Kings of Castille. 967  
Christian religion among the Goths, 129  
Christians persecuted in Africa, 166  
Christians follow the Moors in their arms for spoil, 168  
Charlemain made heir of Ouiedo, and afterward rejected, 181  
Change of the Estate of Castille, 195  
Christians defeated by the Moors, and the heir of Castille slain. 266  
Change of Religion among the Arabians in Spain 301.  
Christians persecuted by the Moors in Spain, ibi.  
Chief convents of the Knights of S. james, 318  
Christians in pay with the Moors against the king of Castille, 361  
Children of King Thibaud the second, 391  
Charles of Anjou made k. of Naples & Sicily▪ 412  
Charles Prince of Salerne defeated, and taken by the Arragonois, 421  
Charles of Valois tefuseth to quit his right to Cattelonia, 432  
Christians defeated by the Moors, 556  
Charles king of Navarre a leper, 606  
Christians defeated by the Moors, near to Montexicar, 674  
Change of Bishops in Spain, 723  
Choler of the king of Castille, 732  
Christians being victors are vanquished, 736  
Charles Prince of Viana calls himself King of Nauar●e, 754▪ he is imprisoned by his father, 793 he is delivered out of prison, and poisoned by his stepmother, 764  
Charity of K. Fernand and Queen Izabella, 881  
Christians defeated by the Moors, 914  
Chancery transported from cite Real to Granado, 877.  
Charge of Bishops in Castille, 883  
Chancellor of Arragon accused to have sought to dishonour Queen German, 920  
Cheures Governor to Charles Prince of Spain, 925  
Charles king of Spain chosen Emperor of Germany, called the fift, 960, his departure out of Castille forced, ib. his entry into Pampelona, 973 his coronation at Bolonia, 979. his going with an army to Tunis, 987. his coming into Sicily, 993. he goes with an army into Provence, 994. his voyage to Alger, 1002. his constancy and piety, 1005. he solicits K. Fernand his son, 1034 he resigns the government to his son Phil. 1041 he resigns the Empire to his brother, 1076 he passeth into Spain to a solitary life, 1077. his death. 1081  
Christian slaves seize upon the castle of Tunes, 990  
Christians land with an army at Gerbe, 1086  
D. Charles Prince of Spain grievously sick 1094 he is unpleasing to his father, 1126. he was unable for women, 1133  
Charles Archduke of Austria sent into Spain, 1137  
Circuit of all Spain. 14  
Civil war in Arabia, 165  
Cid Ruis Dias returns into Castille, 250  
Civil wars in Castille, 351  
Civil wars corrupt the best men, 736  
Clause in D. Alphonso's will prodigious, 281  
Clement of Launoy Viceroy in Naples, 429  
Clergy of Toledo deliver the city to K. Henry, 803  
Clergy of Spain f●eed from paying the tenth penny for their benefices, 946  
Clergy of Spain help the king with money, 1111  
Conjectures that the Celtes were mingled with the Iberians, 4  
Course of the river of Ebro, 15  
Course of the rivers of Tagus and Guadiana, 16  
Contempt of military discipline follows a victory, 42  
Council of Carthage neglect Spain, thinking to get Italy, ibid.  
Courage of Lucius Martius keeps the Romans' from despair, 48  
Confidence of P. Cornelius Scipio son to Publius Scipio slain in Spain, 51  
Con●bates upon furious ambition, 67  
Concord the ground of liberty, 75  
Contrebia taken by the Romans', 90  
Colony of Libertines, 94  
Conspiracy of Spaniards at Numantia, 95  
Corduba built by Marcellus, 96  
Combat betwixt Aemilianus & a Spaniard, 96  
Covetousness drew Lucullus into Spain, 97  
L. Comodus Verus a persecuter of the church, 121  
Council of Illiberis, 121  
Counsels of Sardica and Syrmium, 125  
Constantine a tyrant, 131  
Council at Toledo, 136  
Council at Taracona, Saragoffa, and other places, 137.  
Conspiracy of the son and mother-in-law against the father, 141  
Council of Toledo, 143  
Council of Sevile, 144  
Continuance of the Goths kingdom in Spain, 154  
Council of the Mahometists at Damas', 164  
Conquests of Alphonso the first, and 3. King of Ouiedo, 173  
Confusion and civil war among the Moors, 223  
Counsels called in Navarre. 228  
Combat of one Knight against another, 246  
Conquests of the King of Arragon upon the Moors, 249  
Controversies for ecclesiastical matters decided by arms, 255  
Cowardice of the sons in law of Cid Ruis Diaz, 263.  
Covetousness of the Genevois infamous, 266  
Conversion of Moise a jew, 268  
Confirmation of a peace betwixt Navarre and Castille, 293  
Cordova yielded to the king of Castille, ibid.  
Confirmation of the Order of Calatrava, 311  
Convent for the Knights of S. james built, 318  
Colleges, commanderies, and Hospitals belonging to the Knights of S. james, 319  
Council of S. john de Latran under Innocont the third, 348  
convents of the Order of S. Dominicke, built by the King of Castille, 355  
Contentions in Arragon, 356  
Confines of Murcia and Valencia, 380  
Cordova surprised by the Christians, 370  
Contumacy of D. Alphonso king of Portugal, 390  
Council at Lions under Pope Gregory the tenth, 399,  
Complaints and requests of King Alphonso to the Pope, but in vain, 409  
Courade poisoned by Manfroy, 412  
Conference of Deputies for the Kings of France & Castille, 429  
Conditions of peace betwixt the King of Arragon and Charles of Naples a prisoner, 432  
Compromise betwixt the Christian Princes of Spain, 447  
Coronation of Philip of Eureux king of Navarre, 478  
Conditions betwixt the king of Castille, and the Prince of Wales, 569  
Conditions of peace propounded by the King of Portugal to Castille, 638  
Conditions propounded by the duke of Beneuent, 646.  
Council of a jew against jews, 658  
Council of Constance, 677  
Combats not to be allowed among Christians. 979  
Conquest of the Canaries, 680  
Controversy betwixt England and Castille for precedence, 707  
Conditions of peace betwixt Castille, Navarre and Arragon, 712  
Constable of Castille sent from the court for six years, 721  
Council to arm a multitude dangerous, 325  
Confederates besieged in Olmedo, 729  
Condemnation of the confederates, 731  
Constable restored to favour, and made Master of S. james, 731 he is charged, and in danger to be slain 741, his possessions, 745.  
Complaints of the Arragonois oppressed, 581  
Complot betwixt king john and Gaston of Foix, to ruin the right of Navarre, 770  
Conspiracy against the Queen of Castille and Bertrand de la Cuena, 779  
Continuance of the war in Cattalonia, 786  
Confederates in Castille contemn the Pope's authority, 779. they appeal from him to a general council, 800  
Contention for the Bishopric of Siguenza, 801  
Courtesy well rewarded, 804  
Confession of joane Queen of Arragon at her death, 810  
Contempt of justice in Castille, 821  
Constable of Castille murdered bp the people, 832  
Contention betwixt king Fernand and Queen Izabella, 847  
Consultation touching the reunion of the royal revenue, 880  
Confederates to the Duke of Viseo executed, 910.  
Contention betwixt the Arch bishop of Toledo, and the Queen of Castille, 915  
Columbus his first coming to the Kings of Castille 918. his first voyage to the Indies, 945. he is made Admiral of the Indies. 948. his third voyage to the Indies, 956. he with his brother are sent prisoners into Spain, 960. his fourth voyage to the Indies. 970. his death, 880  
Counsels are dangerous for the Church of Rome, 883.  
Covetousness of a Spaniard controulled by an Indian, 906  
Conspiracy against king Fernand, 912  
Contention for the Mastership of S. james, 924  
Contention for the town of Arevalo, 924  
Court of Parliament violated, 948  
Complaints against Cardinal Ximenes, 949  
Controversy for the Earldom of Ribadeo, 952.  
Coronation of the king of Castille, the first of that name, 960  
Conference of Deputies touching the Realm of Navarre, ibid.  
Combat betwixt two Arragonois, 968  
Council given to the Emperor by the Bishop of Osma, 974  
College of Jesuits built at Ebora, 977  
Conference for the limits of Navigation betwixt Castille and Portugal. 978  
Conditions imposed upon the Elector of Saxony. 1016  
Constancy of the Elector of Saxony. 1018  
Contreras a rebel at Peru. 1034  
Commendation of the Emperor Charles. 1081  
Council of Trent. 1094  
Controversy betwixt the French and Spaniards for precedence. 1095  
Commissioners appointed to order the Moors. 1127  
Considerations of the Council of Spain. 1133  
Councillors about D. john of Austria. 1147  
Convoy defeated by the Moors of Granado. 1152  
Christians defeated by the Moors. ibid.  
Commander of Castille dissuaded D. john from fight with the Turk, 1164. he is sent to succeed the Duke of Alba in the government of the Low countries. 1178  
Cruelty of a Grandfather. 10  
Cruelty and treachery of Lucullus. 96  
Cruelty, avarice and infidelity of Valens against the Goths. 129  
Cruelty of Fab. Maximus against the Spaniards. 101  
Cruelty of Agila against the Christians. 140  
Cruelty of Victeric to young Luiba. 144  
Cruelty of King D. Alphonso. 414  
Cruelty of Sancho King of Castille. 435  
Cruelty of D. john of Castille, 438  
Cruelty breeds fear, but not love in subjects. 504  
Cruelties committed upon the jews. 632  
Cruelty and covetousness to the Indians made religion odious to the unbelieving. 945  
Cruelty of the son to his father and brethren. 1020  
Cruelty of the Marquis of Mendeiar. 1144  
Cruelty of the Xereffe Mahumet. 1190  
Cruelty of the Marquis of Santa Cruz to the French. 1224  
Custom to anoint kings taken from the Hebrew. 188  
Custom to make women drink first in Spain, 218  
Custom ancient and religious to purge themselves by oath. 246  
Cuenca taken from the Moors. 320  
Curse of the father upon the son. 417  
Custom of Alava. 487  
Cusco revolts from Gonsaluo Pizarro. 1030  
Conquest of the Island of the Terceras, 1227   

D  
Damas' the seat of the Caliphes'. 164  
Desire of revenge brutish. 3  
Description of Spain. 13  
Description of Sardinia. 22  
Description of the Celtiberians. 28  
Defeat of the carthaginians. 44  
Defeat of Spaniards. 79  
Defeat of Celtiberians. 91  
Despair of the Numantins. 108  
Death of many learned Spaniards. 119  
Defeat of the Emperor Valent army, and his miserable end. 130  
Defeat of Alaric. 131  
Defeat of Attila. 133  
Desire of revenge in a woman damnable. 134  
Defeat of Sueves and death of Richiaire. 135  
Death of Ricarede and his virtues. 144  
Decree of the ninth Concile of Toledo. 148  
Decree made against the jews. 152  
Death of Mahomet. 162  
Defeat of Moors, 174  
Deeds of charity done by D. Ramir King of Leon. 203  
Death of the seven brethren of Lara very lamentable. 214  
Defeat of the Castillans and death of their Earl. 218  
Declining of the Moors Monarchy in Spain, by their divisions. 220  
Death of D. Sancho King of Navarre. 230  
Detention of D. Garcia of Navarre in Castille. 237  
Death of D. Garcia Sanches King of Navarre. 237  
Deeds of alms done by the King of Castille, 239  
Debate for the Primacy of Spain. 252  
Death of Cid Ruis Dias. 263  
Death of D. Alphonso the sixth. 268  
Death prodigious of D. Vrraca of Castille, 280  
Dexterity of D. Alphonso king of Castille. 288  
Debate among Bishops to enlarge their Dioceses. 290  
Death of the Emperor D. Alphonso. 301  
Death of D. Sancho the desired. 304  
Death of D. Raymond Berenger Earl of Barcelona. 310  
Defeat of Christians near to Alarcos. 329  
Deeds of D Sancho the Strong. 330  
Deceit of Mary Queen of Arragon commendable. 333  
Descendants of the house of Champagne. 334  
Death of D Fernand of Navarre. 337  
Death of D. Fernand son to the king of Castille. 339  
Death of D. Sancho King of Portugal. 344  
Death of D. Alphonso the noble, king of Castille. 347  
Death of D. Henry king of Castille. 352  
Death of D. Aluar and D. Fernand de Lara. 355  
Death of D. Fernand king of Castille. 381  
Death of D. Alphonso Infant of Arragon. 393  
Death of the Infant D. Fernand de la Cord. 410  
Death of D. jaime king of Arragon. 411  
Death of D. Sancho king of Castille. 438  
Death of Fernand king of Castille. 458  
Death of D. Pedro of Castille and D. john his uncle very strange. 463  
Defeat of Pisains and Sardynians before Caillery. 467  
Death of Mary Queen of Castille. 466  
Death of D. Denis king of Portugal. 469  
Defeat of Navarrois by Guispucoa, 477  
Death of D. Fernand heir of Castille. 495  
Defeat of Arragonois and Navarrois by the Castillans. 499  
Defeat of the garrison of Logrogne by the Earl of Foix. 500  
Death of Ximenes de Luna Archbi, of Toledo. 506  
Defeat of the Castillan army and death of the Admiral. 509  
Death of Philip king of Navarre. 517  
Decree against the king of Maiorca. 521  
Defeat of the king of Arragon's troops by his rebels. 523  
Debate betwixt Toledo and Burgos for precedence. 527  
Death of D. Alphonso king of Castille. 528  
Detention of the Prince of Navarre in France. 591  
Death of D. Fernand king of Portugal. 602  
Delivery of the Prince of Navarre in favour of the king of Castille. 605  
Death of young Galston of Foix. 606  
Death of D. Pedro king of Arragon. 619  
Demands of Portugal to Castille. 639  
Demands of the biscain's to the King of Castille. 640  
Death of Pope Clement at avignon. 649  
Death of john king of Arragon. 650  
Death of the Archbishop of Toledo. 663  
Demands made by D. Henry of Castille to the Estates. 666  
Death of the two sons of Navarre. 667  
Death of Pero Lopes of Ayala a valiant Knight. 670  
Death of D. Martin king of Sicily. 673  
Death of D. Fernand king of Arragon. 678  
Death of Charles king of Navarre. 689  
Death of D. john king of Portugal, 704  
Defeat of the Master of Alcantara by the Moors. 709  
Death of joane Queen of Naples and her testament. ibid.  
Death of Edward king of Portugal. 717  
Death of D. Blanch Queen of Navarre. 722  
Death of two Queen's sisters being poisoned. 722  
Demands made by the confederates to the king of Castille. ibid.  
Death of D. Henry Infant of Arragon. 730  
Devise of the Prince of Navarre. 741  
Defeat and death of the Infant D. Pedro duke of Coimbra. 746  
Discovery of the Canaries. 641  
Discovery of the coast of Africa by Protugals. 747  
Desire of rule affections of a noble mind, 753  
Designs to trouble Castille. 761  
Desire of command an untamed fury. 734  
Death of D. Pedro Giron Master of Calatrava, 795  
Desire of riches takes away all Civil respects. 802  
Descent of Portugal. 773  
Death of the Infant D. Alphonso of Castille. 805  
Deeds of charity done by the Earl of Haro. 821  
Death of D. john de Pacheco Master of Saint James. 840  
Decrees of the Estates in Castille executed. 884  
Discovery of Manicongo. 906  
D●spaire sometimes bringeth help. 933  
Death of john king of Portugal. 951  
Death of Pope Alexander the sixth. 873  
Death of Isabel Queen of Castille. 874  
Description of Oran. 877  
Death of many noblemen in Spain. ibid.  
Death of Philip king of Castille. 881  
Demands uncivilly made by king Fernand to him of Navarre. 902  
Darien a neck of land at the Indies. 906  
Death of Gonsalo Fernandes of Cordova. 920  
Defeat of Turks at sea by the Spanish galleys. 930  
Death of king john and Queen Catherine of Navarre. 933  
Demands of the towns of Spain. 945  
Demolitions in Navarre. 996  
Death of Fernand Magellanes. 977  
Death of D. Manuel king of Portugal. ibid.  
Death of the Empress Isabel. 1000  
Death of Mary of Portugal wife to king Philip. 1003  
Design of the Emperor against Germany. 1014  
Defeat and taking of the Elector of Saxony. 1016  
Death of Vasco Nugnes Governor at Peru. 1028  
Dexterity of Pedro Guasca Governor at Peru. ibid.  
Death of Queen joane the emperors mother. 1040  
Death of D. john the third king of Portugal. 1052  
Description of Malta. 1114  
Degrading of a Priest by the Inquisition. 1123  
Designs of the Prince of Spain's descovered. 1130  
Death of the Prince of Spain. 1131  
Death of Elizabeth Queen of Spain, 1132  
Death of the Marquis of Poza. 1136  
Defeat of Christians. 1146  
Death of Marc Antonio Bragadin. 1162  
Death of D. Sebastien not believed of many. 1203  
Decree of the Governors against D. Antonio. 1212  
Death of Queen Anne of Castille. 1214  
Death of Philip Strossy. 1223  
Distinction of Spain within the Country. 15  
Division of Spain according to the ancients. 23  
Division of Spain according to the war. ibid.  
Discretion of Colonels to pacify a mutiny. 69  
Dissembling of Pompoy before Numantia. 103  
Division of the Government of Spain. 120  
Distinction of the East and West Goths. 129  
Dissension betwixt the Emperor's Lieutenants was the loss of Spain and Africa. 133  
Diversity of religion kills all charity. 138  
Division among the Goths. 140  
Discourse of Mahumet not very credible. 145  
Disloyalty of Paul a captain to Bambas. 149  
D. Diego Porcello stem of the Princes of Castille. 195  
Division among Christians gives an entry to infidels. 213  
Disposition of a woman inclined to revenge. 214  
Dishonost desire of a Countess of Castille. 218  
Dignity of chief justice of Arragon. 272  
Disposition of D. Alphonso king or Castille. 147  
Division among the Nobility of Navarre and Arragon. 284  
Disposition of D. Raymond Berengers will, 310  
Disposition of the spoil after the battle of Muradel. 342  
Disposition of king Thiband. 373  
Division in Arragon. 445  
Distrust of D. john of Castille and treachry of king Fernand cause of great troubles. 457  
Disloyalty of the king of Castille. 497  
Disposition of the will of D. Frederic king of Sicily. 503  
Disposition of D. Pedro king of Portugal. 549  
Division of Castille before it was conquered, 561  
Disposition of Charles king of Navarre. 592  
Disposition of D. john king of Castille. 597  
Disposition of the noblemen of Portugal. 602  
Disposition and qualities of Alvaro de Luna Constable of Castille. 745  
Divines delude the Constable of Castille. ibid.  
Diego Hurtado de Mendoza restored to his right of Guadalaiara. 765  
Disorders in the government of Castille. 826  
Division betwixt the father and the son. 897  
Difference betwixt Ferdinand king of Arragon and Philip and joane kings of Castille. 880  
Disposition of john king of Navarre. 884  
Distribution of the spoil at Oran. 894  
Difference betwixt a vassal and a subject. 905  
Drink given to king Fernand by the Queen his wife. 913  
Division among Councillors in a state dangerous. 929  
Discipline of them of Peru at the war. 982  
Diu attempted in vain by the Portugals. 996  
Disposition of the Alarabes of Africa. 1003  
Diu besieged by the king of Cambaca. 1018  
Disposition of D. Charles Prince of Spain. 1132  
Disobedience and insolences in Christian soldiers. 1146  
Disposition of king Sebastian. 1160  
Difficulties in pursuing the victory of Lepanto. 1171  
Tomitian the second persecutor of the Church. 120  
Donation falsely fathered upon Constantin. 14●  
Docility of the Gothike nation. 129  
Donations titles and previledges of Monasteries uncertain. 210  
Donations to Churches. 230  
Dominike of Osma Author of the jacopins Order. 345  
Donation made by Alphonso de la Cerde to the king of Navarre. 478  
Discord betwixt the Governors and Estates of Portugal. 1208  
Drought prodigious. 13  
Dragut besieged by Doria at Gerbe and escapes 1038. he comes to Malta and is slain there. 1115  
Duke of Briton slain at the Pope's coronation. 452  
Dukes, Marquises and Earls not hereditary in Spain. 484  
Duke of Beneuent seeks to purge himself to the king of Castille. 646  
Duke of Bragances practices discovered by his secretary, 906. he is beheaded at Ebora. 907  
Duke of Viseo slain by the king of Portugals own hand. ibid.  
Duke of Valentinois sent prisoner into Spain, 873 he escapes out of prison, 883. he is slain at the siege of Viana. 886  
Duty of a well advised captain. 894  
Duke of Alba enters into Pampelona, 905 he submits himself to the Cardinal Ximenes. 952  
Duke of Gandia becomes a jesuite. 964  
Duke of Alba sent viceroy into Italy, 1041. he complains of the Pope's actions, 107, he goes to assail Rome, 1079. he is sent into Flanders, 1129. he sends to treat with the Queen of England, 1170. he enters into Portugal. 1211  
Duke of Guise sent with an army into Italy. 1076  
Duke of Medina Celi sent to govern, the Low countries, 1170, he refuseth the government. 1171  
Duke of Albas' exploits in Portugal, 1212. his death. 1226  
D. Diego Prince of Spain borne. 1174  
Discourse betwixt D. Anthony and Carcamo. 1216  
Description of the Terceras. 1218  
Death of Diego Prince of Spain. 1226  
Deputies sent from the Estates of the united Provinces into England. 1232   

E  
EArles and Lieutenants governing Spain. 117  
Earl of Cattelonia murdered. 189  
Earls and Governors of Castille murdered. 195  
Earl of Castille detained prisoner in Leon. 207  
Earl of Barcelona slain by the Moors. 219  
Earl of Attois sent into Navarre to punish the rebels of Pampelona. 405  
Earl of Oren the Queen of Portugals mignon slain. 603  
Earl of Gijon seizeth upon Ouiedo. 648  
Earldom of Roussillon cause of war betwixt France and Arragon. 839  
Earl Cifuentes defeated by the Portugals. 853  
Earldom of Rouffillon restored to Fernand. 949  
Earldoms erected in Portugal by king Manuel, 958  
Earthquake in Spain. 874  
Earl of Egmont sent into Spain. 1119  
Ebora made an archbishopric. 1002  
Edict to raze towns standing in the mountains. 121  
Edict to ruin the christian churches. 123  
Edict made by Hali Hatan against the christians most cruel. 211  
Edict against Commanders of places that should resist the king. 497  
Edict against the jews. 946  
Edict against the Genevois traffiking into Spain. 938  
Edict against the Moors. 1127  
Effects of immoderate choler. 886  
Eglise yielded to the Arragonois. 467  
Elephants held to be common enemies. 95  
Election of the Pope given to the Cardinals at Rome. 239  
Election of Pedro de Luna to be Pope. 649  
Election of worthy men to manage great affairs. 658  
Election preposterously made. 725  
Election of the Master of Saint james in the king's power. 886  
Election of Pope Pi●s the fifth. 1125  
Emulation for honour. 55  
Emerita now Merida built by the Barbarians. 117  
Emerald of inestimable price. 295  
Emperor Maximilian and king Fernand reconciled. 895  
End of reading of histories. 2  
End of Decian the persecutor. 123  
End of tyrants miserable. 124  
End of Count jaliun, his wife and children very miserable. 155  
End of the Vandals reign in Africa. 138  
Entry of the Moors into Gaul. 172  
Envy and jealousy passions in great men. 195  
Interview of the kings of Castille Arragon and Navarre. 387  
Envy and treachery among the Moors. 224  
Interview of the kings of Castille, Arragon and Portugal. 446  
Interview of the kings of Navarre and Castille. 540  
Enterprises of king Charles of Navarre detestable. 605  
Interview of the Emperor Sigismond and the king of Arragon. 678  
Interview of Lewis the 11. and the king of Castille. 773  
Enterprise of the Master of Saint James. 835  
Interview of the king of Castille and the Princess Isabel his sister. 837  
Interview of the kings of Castille and Portugal at Guadalupa. 778  
Interview of D. john king of Arragon and D. Fernand his son. 869  
Interview of Queen Isabel and the Duchess of Viseo touching a peace. 874  
End of the Arabians Monarchy in Spain. 941  
Enterprises upon the Africains moors. 956  
Interview of the kings of France and Arragon. 882  
Enterprise of Oran by Cardinal Ximenes. 891  
Enterprise of K Fernand against the French K. 919  
Enterprises of King Charles and his mother unnecessary. 957  
Interview betwixt Elinor the Emperor's sister, and D. Maria of Portugal her daughter. 1077  
Interview betwixt the French king and the Queen of Spain his sister. 1123  
Interview of the Pope, Emp. & French king. 1000  
Enemies to the Prince of Spain. 1130  
Englishmens goods arrested in Spain. 1137  
Enterprise upon Tunes. 1173  
Entry of king Philip into Lisbon. 1220  
Equity of Hercules the Egyptian. 5  
Equity of the king and Queen of Castille. 913  
Error of Osius. 125  
Estates without arms are lame. 154  
Estates of Arragon make war, peace and leagues. 363  
Estates of Monson for the war of Valencia. 368  
Estate of Castille miserable. 449  
Estates of Arragon, where the right of representation was put in pactise. 480  
Estate of Sardynia. 514  
Estates in Arragon, 618. they require reformation of the king's house. 620  
Estates at Burgos for a peace. 633  
Estates at Toro and their remonstrances. 689  
Estates of Navarre at Tafalla. 883  
Estates of Arragon swear to Prince john. 889  
Estate of joane Queen of Castille mother to the Emperor Charles. 935  
Estate of Lisbon under D. Antonio. 1213  
Estates of Portugal held at Tamar. 1219  
Eustace of Bellemarch Governor of Navarre. 404  
Excess seems light in a confusion of State. 69  
Exploits of Fuluius Nobilior. 89  
Exploits of Quintus Fab. Maximus. 100  
Execution of Spanish prisoners. ibid.  
Exploits of Brutus the Consul. 104  
Execution upon rebels. 107  
Exploits in Spain by Ca jul. Caesar. 112  
Exploits of Henry or Euric king of Goths. 136  
Exploits of Leonigilde the Gothe. 141  
Exploits of the Arabians in Spain. 167  
Example of Conjugal love most rare. 207  
Exploits and conquests of D. Sancho Earl of Castille. 219  
Extremadura and where it lies. 233  
Exploits of D. Fernand king of Castille against the Moors. 237  
Exploits of Cid Ruis Dias in Andalusia. 247  
Excess of Cid Ruis Dias, and his banishment out of Castille. ibid.  
Expedition to the holy war in Syria. 262  
Expedition against the Mahometists. 271  
Exercise of Bishops in that age. 277  
Exploits of D. Alphonso the 8. against the Moors. 278  
Expiations for the sins and usurpations of D. Alphonso king of Castille. 283  
Exploits of D. Sancho of Portugal against the Moors. 322  
Exploits of Christians against the Moors. 340  
Exploits of the king of Castille. 346  
Expedition of Moors into Spain. 507  
Exploits of the king of Castille and Arragon. 546  
Expedition of D. Henry against his brother the king of Castille, 565. his second entry into Spain. 573  
Exploits of the castilians in Navarre, 594  
Exploits of the new King of Portugal. 608  
Exactions upon the Clergy, 629  
Excuses of the Queen of Navarre, 623  
Exactions cause of tumults in Guipuscoa. 634  
Exploits of war betwixt the Castilans and Moors 670  
Exploits of the King of Arragon in Castille, 695  
Exploits of the Moors in Andalusia, 735  
Exploits of war betwixt Navarre & Castille, 787  
Expedition into Africa against Tanger, 777  
Execution at Sevile, 659  
Exploits of the Earl of Lenn in Navarre, 879  
Executions of the inquisition in Spain, 885  
Exploits of Gonsalo Hernandes of Cordova surnamed the great Captain, 954  
Excuses of the Catholic King for not maintaining a peace with France. 873  
Exploits of Pedro Navarre at Arzilla. 887  
Extremities of the Spaniard at the Indies 891  
Exploits of Gaston of Foix, 901  
Exploits of Vasco Nugno of Bilbao at the Indies, 906  
Exploits of King Manuel in Africa, 922  
Exactions of Pope Leo hindered by Cardinal Ximines. 946  
Excess committed by the Duke of Infantasgo. 947  
Exploits of the Spanish army in Bearne, 973  
Excess of Bouguillo Provost of the Court, 961  
Extortions of the E. upon the Germans. 1035  
Excess of a disordered soldier, 1143  
Exploits of the Marquis of Velez. ibid.   

F  
FActions in the senate of Carthage, 36  
Fable of Scipio's birth, 55  
Facility and courtesy of Gracchus to the Barbarians, 91  
Fable of Goliena, 220  
Family of Toledo in Castille, 252  
Family of Haro Lords of Biscay, 291  
Family of Aualos. 315  
Factions in Castille. 351  
Factions in Germany for the Empire, 389  
Family of Henriques in Navarre, Lords of Ablitar, 401  
Family of Beaumond in Navarre, 478  
Family of Pacheco in Castille, 550  
Farfanes Christian Affricains, 625  
Family of Aualos come out of Navarre, 664  
Factions in Castille after the King's death, 668  
Family of Estuniga and Suniga come out of Navarre. 680  
Factions in Guipuscoa and Biscay, 737  
Factions of Beaumond and Gramont, 753  
Factions in biscay, 822  
Famine in Perpignan, 847  
Family of Peralta, 882  
Faction of Beaumond in the Court of Navarre. 904  
Faction against Cardinal Ximenes, 926  
Famagosta besieged by the Turks, 1159, yielded unto them, 1162  
Fayal and the other islands yielded to King Philip, 1228  
Fertility of Sardinia. 21  
Fertility and riches of Spain, 25  
D. Fernand Gonsales first Earl of Castille, 200, he is surprised in Navarre & detained prisoner. 205  
D. Fernand King of Castille assigns portions to his children. 223  
Fernand King of Leon puts away his wife, 325  
Feast of Triumphus Crucis in Spain after the victory of Muradal. 343  
Fernand called the holy proclaimed King of Castille. 353  
Fernand Dias de los Cam●ros a concussionar and a rebel. 359  
Fernand of Castille takes possession of Leon. 364  
D. Fernand brother to the King of Castille refuseth the realm of Castille. 669, he pretends a title to the Crown of Arragon, 675, he is chosen and crowned at Saragossa. 677  
D. Fernand of Portugal a prisoner in Barbary. 713  
D. Fernand K. of Arragon promiseth the Moors liberty of conscience. 905. he favours Amand of Albret against the French King. 929. he is hurt at Barcelona. 947, he proves uncharitable, 950, he is desirous to get the realm of Navarre, 962, he retires into Arragon, 881, he enters Naples. 882. his last will, 882. his last will, reform by the advice of his counsel, 921, his death. 922.  
Fernando Cortes voyage to the Indies, 876, he is deprived of his government of Mexico, 1006, Fernand Infant of Spain borne, 979  
Fez won by the Xeriffe Mahomet, 1189, he abandons it to the Turks, 1192  
Fire from whence the Pyrenees took their name, 15  
Fight at sea betwixt Lelius and Asdrubal. 72  
Fire kindled in the Queen of Castile's hair by the Sun beams, 778  
Fight at sea betwixt the French and Genoveses, 863  
Fleet of Christians at Messina, 1163  
Flatterers cause. D, Sancho to rebel against the King his brother. 203  
Force of an army should be of natural subjects, 46  
Forces against Sertorius in Spain, 110  
D. Fortune King of Navarre makes himself a Monk. 198  
Foundations of Monasteries by the Princes, of Spain, 217  
Fort of Navarret built, 328  
Forces of the Knights of Saint james, 310  
Foundation of Bilbao, 444  
Form of the King of Navarres oath to his subjects 626  
Fontarabie besieged and the siege raised, 856  
Fort built by the Spaniard on the firm land at the Indies. 890  
Forts demanteled in Navarre, 932  
Forts built in Africa, 916  
Fontaraby taken by the French 966, recovered by the Spaniards. 972  
Forces of the Emperor Charles at his going to Tunes. 987  
Forces of Barberoussa in Tunes, 988  
Fort built at Diu by the Portugals 997. besieged by the Turks. 998  
Fort built by the Spaniards in the Island of Gerbe, 1088. besieged and taken by the Turks. 1093  
Fort built at Tunes taken by the Turks. 1174  
Forces sent into Ireland by the Pope and king of Spain. 1219  
Friends far off are flow to succour. 38  
Friend tried at need. 109  
French invade Gaul. 130  
French defeated in Spain. 139  
Froila murders his brother. 174  
French drawn into Spain by the Moors divisions. 176  
French defeated at Ronceval. 181  
Fraud of the king of Navarre ill executed. 287  
French king savours the king of Navarre. 300  
Frederic of Arragon seizeth upon Sicily. 439  
French defeated by the Cattelans in Greece. 456  
French succours frutlesse for Castille. 615  
Frederic Duke of Benavent a prisoner. 647  
Frederic duke of Arione dies in prison. 698  
Frederic of Arragon Earl of Luna a prisoner in Castille. 708  
French spoil Guipuscoa. 856  
Frederic Henriques confined into Sicily. 887  
Francis Phoebus entereth into Navarre, and is poisoned. 898  
Francis Ximenes of Cisneros Archbishop of Toledo, 956. he is made a Cardinal, 884. his conscience, foresight and magnanimity, 892. he is made Governor of Castille▪ 924. his providence for the peace of Spain, ibid. his wisdom to maintain his Authority, 927. he is an enemy to the Genoveses, 940. he is ambitious and impatient of injuries, ibid. he maintains his authority resolutely, 944. he is poisoned, 952. his speech to the Infant D. Fernand, ibid. his death and disposition. 958  
Frauget yields Fontaraby basely to the Spaniards, and is degraded. 973  
Francis the French king taken at Pavia. 974  
Francis Pizarro murdered at Peru. 1027  
Francis Drakes first voyage to the Indies. 1172  
Fury of barbarians brutish. 108  
Funerals of john king of Portugal. 706  
Fulminations of Pope julio against Lewis 12. 903  
French defeated at sea by the Spaniards. 1223  
Forts built at the Terceres. 1226   

G  
GArdines of Valencia. 27  
Gaditains call the Carthag, into Spain. 32  
Gala father to Misinissa. 45  
Gaditains' offer to yield unto the Romans'. 68  
Galba a victor defeated by his rashness, 98. he is sent to suppress the rebels in Spain. 119  
Galicia made a kingdom. 191  
Garcia Earl of Castille murdered. 229  
Garcia king of Galicia dispossessed, 241, he is made a prey to his enemy by reason of his tiranies. 242  
Garcia Almoravid head of a faction. 405  
Gaston Earl of Foix succours the Navarrois. 500  
Guards set about the Pope's palace. 664  
Garcia Mendez of Badaios slain at Burgos by the mutinous multitude. 802  
D. Garcia de Toledo in disgrace. 1124  
Galere taken from the Moors. 1151  
D. Geoffrey governor or Earl of Barcelona. 186  
Genealogy of Ouiedo and Leon. 195  
Genealogy of Castille. 200  
Genealogy of Leon. 216  
Generosity and bounty of king Almevon to D. Alphonso the sixth king of Castille. 246  
Genealogy of Castille and Leon. ibid.  
Genealogy of Portugul. 327  
Genevese of the Gibiline faction against the Arragonois in Sardynia. 501  
Girone besieged by the French and taken. 428  
Girdle inchauted. 535  
Girone a principality for the eldest son of Arragon. 542  
Gijon yielded to the king of Castille, and the Earl banished. 654  
Gibraltar taken by the Castillans. 771  
Gibraltar so called of Tariffe a Moor. 154  
Genova divided into factions. 1178  
Gold and silver forbidden among the ancient Maiorquins. 21  
God doth only raise and ruin Estates. 50  
Government of Spain given to two Praetors. 80  
Government of Spain under the Emperors, 117  
Governor slain by a peasant for his exacting. 118  
Gospel preached in Spain in Tiberius' time, ibid.  
Goths invade the Roman Empire, 126. they come out of Asia into Europe. 127  
Goths, Geteses and Gepides all one. ibid.  
Goths made Arrians by the Romans. 129  
Governors ambitious and disloyal. 135  
Goths defeated in Africa by the Romans. 139  
Goths kingdom in Spain ruined. 154  
God not pleased with rebellion, though the Prince be a tyrant. 202  
Gothike service changed in Spain. 254  
Gothike Characters abolished in Spain. 256  
Governors appointed in Arragon for the young king's person. 346  
Governors among the Moors make themselves absolute Lords. 354  
Government of Castille divided betwixt the Queen mother and the Duke of Pegnafiel. 669  
Government of a woman cause of contention. 719  
Gonsalo the great captain breaks his faith and promise, 996. he is made duke of Terranova & Sessa, 874. his is honoured by king Lewis 12. 883  
Gouleta taken by the Emperor, 988. taken again by the Turks. 1174  
Governors made by D. Sebastian going into Africa. 1200  
Governors of Portugal after Henry's death, 1207  
Grecians Authors of lies. 2  
Gracchus victory against the Celtiberians. 92  
Gregory Bishop of Ostia Protector of Vines, 265  
Grecians defeated by the Cattelans, 455  
Green cross the badge of the Knights of Calatrava, 676  
Granado yielded to the Kings of Castille, 940  
Greediness of the Flemings governing K. Charles 945.  
Greatness of the King of Spain's dominions, 1095  
Gunpowder an ancient invention, 8  
Guadalquibir, the Spring and course, 16  
Guipuscoa a member of the realm of Navarre, 201.  
Gifts to Elinor of England Queen of Castille in favour of her marriage, 315  
Guipuscoa yielded to the king of Castille, 335  
Guipuscoans enemies to the Navarrois, 500  
Gifts of Henry the 4. king of Castille, 753  
Governors draw king Philip into Portugal, 1210 they seek to dissolve the Estates, ibid.   

H  
HAnno's voyage along the coast of Africa, 34  
Hannibal sent into Spain. ibi. he is made Governor of Spain, 36. he marcheth towards Italy, 39  
Hanno defeated by Scipio, ibid. he is sent again into Spain. 61  
Hambroz the Moor betrays the Toledains, 180  
Hatred betwixt five Christian kings reigning in Spain, 326  
Habit of the knights of Alcantara. 355  
Haro Lord of Biscay much honoured by the king of Castille, 429  
Hatred betwixt D. john Nugnes de Lara, and Don Alphonso of Albuquerque, 532  
Hatred among Courtiers cannot be reconciled, but with the ruin of the one party, 701  
Hatred of the Portugueses and Castillans. 1210  
Hesperus of whom Italy and Spain are named, 5  
Hercules defeats the Curetes, 9  
Heaviness in Gn. Scipio's army without apparent cause, 47  
Hermingild a Christian slain by his father's commandment, being an Arrian, 141  
Henry of Lorraine the stem of the house of Portugal, 247. he is the fitst Earl of Portugal, 258.  
D. Henry takes upon him the title of king of Castille. 566. he is defeated in battle, 570. he is relieved again by the French, 572. he is settled king of Castille. 578. he is poisoned. 596  
D. Henry the 3. proclaimed king of Castille, 628  
Hermit an Impostor. 644  
D. Henry subdues his rebels, ibid.  
D. Henry Master of the Order of Christ first discovered at sea. 681  
D. Henry Infant of Arragon deprived of his lands in Castille. 684  
D. Henry de Guzman drowned near to Gibraltar, 711.  
Henry Prince of Castille won by the Constable's faction. 726  
Henry the fourth king of Castille gives his enemy's means to make war against him, 783. being destitute of all human help, he hath recourse unto God. 784. he is degraded in effigy, and his brother declared King of Castille, 781. his patience, ibid. he oppresseth his trusty servants, and dares not deal with his rebels, 796. he is forsaken by his subjects, 800, his indiscretion, 803. his false oath, 825. he takes no cares for the succession of the Realm, 841  
Hermandades of Castille, 828  
Hernando Alraco beheaded, 881  
S. Herme at Malta taken by the Turk, 1116  
D. Henry king of Portugal. 1204. his proceeding touching the succession, 1205. his death and disposition, 1207  
Hypocrisy of the Infant D Sancho, 417  
hypocrisy of the Inquisitors in Spain, 1123  
Horses in Spain, 27  
Hope and Despair breed like effects at the siege of Sagunt, 37  
Honour and liberty animate valiant men, 66  
Hospitality of king Almenon a Moor, 241  
House of Biscay, 313  
Houses of Religion built by Alphonso king of Portugal, being excommunicate, 391  
Hospitaliers enriched with the spoils of the Templars, 453  
Houses of strength retreats for thieves, ruins in Guipuscoa, 740  
House of Braganza in Portugal, 776  
House of Mendoza governs the Realm of Castille, 797  
Hospital of S. james built for Pilgrims, 917  
Hope of gain makes vice remain unpunished, 915.  
Hunger in the Emperor's army at Alger, 1005  
Humanity of Metellus to poor innocents, 100  
Huns chase the Goths out of their conquests, 129  
Humanity of the Goths to the vanquished Sueves, 135.  
Humanity of King Hazen to a Christian his prisoner, 214  
Huesca taken and the Moors defeated, 264  
Humanity and modesty of a Moorish king, 417  
Hugh judge of Arborea murdered by his subjects 618.  
Humanity of Christians to banished jews, 947  
Husbandry of Cardinal Ximenes, 937   

I  
IAen delivered to the king of Castille, 376  
jacobins first Inquisitors in Spain, 1120  
Iberians gave the name to Spain, 3  
Idleness makes soldiers insolent and mutinous, 68  
Idleness and ease enemies to virtue, 88  
S. james taken by the Moors, 21●  
S. james of Compostella made an Archbishopric, 278.  
D. james king of Maiorca dispossessed by his Nephew. 428  
D. james king of Maiorca slain. 525  
jew Collector of the king's revenues slain in Guipuscoa. 774  
jewels and plate taken from Churches by the king of Castille. 852  
jews and converted Moors oppressed upon slanderous reports. 992  
jews constrained to be baptised. 958  
Ignorance makes people subject. 30  
Ignalada surprised by the Prince of Arragon. 788  
D. john Nugnes de Lara defeated and taken prisoner. 444  
D. john of Castille brings the Moors into Spain against the king his brother. 438  
D. john Alphonso of Albuquerque poisoned. 537  
D. john of Abendagno murdered by the Lord of Biscay. 539  
D. john de la Cerde slain by the king of Castile's commandment. 546  
D. john of Arragon in the king of Castile's presence. 547  
D. john Master of Auiz aspires to the government of Portugal, 603. he is chosen king of Portugal, 607. he calls the English into Spain. 613  
D. john de Pach●co governs Prince Henry of Castille. 717  
john king of Arragon pawneth Roussillon to Lewis the French king, 769. he is proclaimed an enemy to the country, ibid. his clemency, 1830. his second marriage ominous to the realm of Navarre, 862. he gives the precedence to his son the king of Castille, 864. his death. 873  
john king of Navarre goes into Castille, 962. he is forced to retire into France. 903  
Saint john de Luz burnt by the Spaniards. 1006  
D. john de Luna flies into France. 1076  
john de la Valette great Master of Malta. 1116  
Islands about Spain. 3  
Illiturgis besieged by the Carthaginians, 44. taken by Scipio. 66  
Illora yielded to king Fernand. 917  
Impiety of Valens. 126  
Impatiency of Thi●aud Earl of Champagne to reign. 366  
Impiety of Manfroy Frederies bastard. 389  
Imprisonment and murder of D. john Nugue de Prada. 536  
Imprisonment of the Master of Auiz. 599  
Imprisonment of D Pedro Ma●rique. 712  
Imprisonment of Charles Prince of Viana. 763  
Impunity the nurse of all disorders. 836  
Impositions cause of troubles. 1001  
Imperial army landed at Alger. 1003  
Islands of Philippina discovered. 1113  
Imputations laid upon the Duke of Alba. 1216  
Indiscretion and rashness of Bostares. 41  
Infidelity of the Celtiberians. 46  
Integrity of Paulus Aemilius. 86  
Encounter of L. Bibius unfortunate. ibid.  
Invention of Saint james Sepulchre. 179  
Indiscretion of D. Guttiere Fernandes. 308  
Interest of the French king to the crown of Castille. 352  
Inhabitants of Pampelona refuse to do homage to the king of Castille. 387  
Injustice of D. Pedro king of Arragon to his brother. 419  
Insolences of the French in Sicily. ibid.  
Invasion of Castille by the king of Granado. 442  
Integrity of D. john Ramires of Areillan. 573  
Integrity of Leonora Queen of Castille. 601  
Intercession for D. Henry Infant of Arragon. 684  
Infants of Arragon lose all their land in Castille. 704  
Insolences of the Constable of Castille made known unto the king. 716  
Insolency of the commons punished. 725  
Ingratitude of Pope Calixtus. 755  
Insolency of the confederates in Castille against the Pope's Legat. 800  
Insolency of the Master of Saint James. 829  
Inquisition in Spain against jews and Moors, and the fruits thereof. 870  
Integrity of king Fernand and Queen Isabel. 899  
Inquisition in Arragon. 927  
Injury done to the king's Receivers. 931  
Indians gentle and tractable. 946  
invective made by the Constable Velasco, against Cardinal Ximenes. 926  
Entreaty of the Infant D. Fernand to Cardinal Ximenes. 954  
Insolency against the king's Officers. 961  
Inigo of Loycla and his family. 962  
Inquisition of Spain attempted at Milan. 1111  
Inquisition rejected by the Arragonois. 1120  
Inquisitors what they be. ibid.  
Imprisonment of the Prince of Spain. 1130  
Inquisitors sharp persecutors of Prince Charles. 1134. they are chief of the council of Spain. 1135  
Insolency of the Spanish soldiers in Granado. 1141  
Insolency of the Spaniards makes the Moors revolt. 1149  
joseph king of Granado poisoned. 655  
joane Queen of Navarre punished by the hand of God. 764  
joane Queen of Castille delivered of a daughter unlawfully begotten. 767  
joane Infanta of Castille, newly borne, declared heir of the realm. 768  
joane borne in Adultery the subject of all the troubles in Castille, 778. she is made sure to the king of Portugal. 850  
joane wife to the Archduke Philip, heir to Castille and Arragon, 963. touched in her senses. 882  
D. john of Austria opposite to Prince Charles, 1134 he comes to Granado against the Moors, 1146. his speech to the army at Lepanto. 1168  
Irone a chaste Virgin. 148  
Saint Iren taken from the Moors. 297  
Ishmael king of Granado slain by his subjects. 471  
Isabel Queen of Castille favours the Lords against the Constable. 743  
Isabel sister to king Henry, rejects the title of Queen of Castille, 805. she procures a peace in Castille, ibid. she is declared heir of the realm, 806. she marries with Fernand of Arragon, 817. her magnanimity, 852. she is sworn heir to the crown of Castille, 860. she is careful to do justice, 867. she poursueth the rebels in Estremadura. 875  
julian an Earl brings the Moors into Spain. 153  
judges chosen in Castille. 196  
justice and treasure the chief members of an Estate. 846  
justice established in Galicia. 884  
judgement of the Inquisitors against the Prince of Spain. 1131  
D. john affects to be king of Tunes, 1174. he is made governor of the Netherlands, 1180. he aspires to the crown of Eng. ibid. his death. 1181   

K  
KIngs of Spain at the first, what they were. 7  
Kingdoms erected in Spain by the Arabians and Christians. 24  
1. Kings in the battle whereas Attila was defeated. 134  
1. King forced by his children to leave his crown. 191  
1. King dispossessed becomes his son's Lieutenant, ibi.  
2 Knights of the Lily in Navar. 235  
1. Kings of Spain do not acknowledge the Emperor. 240  
2. Knight's Christians in pay with the Moors. 247  
1. Kings of Castille and Arragon spoil the heir of Navarre of his kingdom. 249  
2. Knights of Calatrava first instituted. 304  
1. Kings of Leon and Castille in quarrel. 321  
1. Kings of Navarre and Leon invade Castille. 330  
1. King of Castille invades Navar. 335  
1. King of Castille being young delivered into the hands of them of Lara. 350  
1. King of Leon enters Castille with an army against his own son. 354  
1. King of Sevile a Moor, tributary to the king of Castille. 363  
1. King of Arragon asketh pardon of the Pope. 370  
1. King of Navarre confesseth himself vassal to him of Castille. 387  
1. Kings of Moors dispossessed and chased out of Spain. 388  
1. Kingdom of Tremissen. 408  
1. King of Maroc passeth into Spain. 409  
King of Maiorca dispossessed by his brother. 422  
King of Arragon set the Infants of Cerde at liberty. 434  
King of Granado deposed. 455  
King of Arragon makes war against the Moors of Africa. 482  
King of Castille invades Portugal with an army. 505  
Knights in Castille executed. 553  
King of Navarre sends for his wife. 643  
King of Castille besieged by his own subjects. 683  
King of Navarres lands in Castille for feited and given away. 696  
King of Arragon defeated and taken prisoner at sea by the Genevois. 709  
Kings of Castille and Navarre visit the Constable. 724  
King of Castille puts the Constable to death, more through base fear then for the love of justice. 745  
King of Navarre and the Lords pacified and reconciled to the new king of Castille. 750  
King of Castille contemned of his subjects. 753  
King of Castille makes war against Navarre. 766  
King of Castille reproached with the adulterate birth of his supposed daughter. 781  
King of Portugal abandons Zamorra, 854 his base courage, 864. he despairs. 865  
King of Manicongo becomes a Christian. 950  
Kings of France and Arragon divide the realm of Naples, and dispossess Frederic. 966  
King of Navarre and his wife in factions. 885  
King of Tremessen defeated by the Spaniards. 1009  
King of Tunes taken by his son. 1010  
King of Tunes expelled by Vluccialy. 1160  
King of Fez defeated by the Xeriffes. 1185  
King of Fez and Marocat war. 1187  
King of Fez defeated and taken, 1188. he is set at liberty. ibid.  
Kings of Maroc elective. 1195   

L  
LAnguage of the Spaniards at this day. 30  
Lauron taken by Sertorius in the view of Pompey. 110  
Laws of king Sisebuth. 146  
Law made by the Goths not to marry the king's widow. 151  
Law of defying a town. 246  
Laurence Suarez betrays king Aben Hut, who had entertained him in his exile. 371  
Lands called Beetries in Biscay etc. 533  
Lands of the crown given in recompense of service. 622  
Lands confiscated being given away hinder the peace. 715  
Lamentation of Isabel of Castille. 942  
Landgrave of Hessen feared by the Emperor. 1116  
Lebrissa and the beginning. 8  
Leon taken by the Christians. 171  
League of Christian Princes and Moors in Spain against the French. 181  
Leon the Christians chief city taken by the Arabians. 213  
League betwixt the king of Castille and Prince of Arragon against Navar. 289  
Leira taken by the Moors. 292  
League against Navar. 320  
League against Castille, made by Arragon, Leon and Portugal. 327  
League betwixt the king of Arragon and the widow Queen of Navarre. 385  
Lewis the French king quits his right to Castille. 395  
League and marriage betwixt Navarre and Arragon. 491  
Leonora de Guzman mistress to the king of Castille, ill entreated by the widow, 531 she is murdered by the Queen's commandment, 532  
Leagues full of Infidelity. 573  
Leonora Queen of Navarre light and unkind, 622  
League against Aluar de Lara the Constable. 690  
League treated to the prejudice of the king of Castille. 643  
Leonora of Arragon restrained by the king of Castille. 697  
League made by the king of Navarre broken. 730  
Learning cherished by D. Alphonso king of Arragon. 756  
Leonora Pimentel, Countess of Plaisance of a noble courage. 820  
Lewis of Beaumond affects the realm of Navarre, 861. he is made Marquis of Huesca. 954  
League made against the Venetians. 879  
Learning and arms united, make a man complete. 1182  
Legionary soldiers invented by Card. Ximenes 928  
League against the Emperor Charles. 975  
Letters from king Charles to discharge Cardinal Ximenes. 957  
League betwixt the Pope and Emperor. 918  
Lewis Prince of Savoy dies in Spain. 996  
League made by the Princes of Germany and the French king against the Emperor. 1035  
League concluded betwixt the Pope, king of Spain and the Venetians. 1160  
Liberty dear to the Spaniards. 28  
Liberty of Christians among the Moors in Spain. 187  
Limits betwixt Navarre and Arragon. 287  
Lisbon taken from the Moors. 297  
Limitation of the Authority of justice Maior of Arragon. 524  
Lisbon spoiled and burnt by the king of Portugal, 585. besieged by the Castillans. 604  
Liberality of the new king of Portugal. 612  
Lisbon made an archbishopric. 621  
Liberty of religion granted to the Moors. 940  
Limits of the Spaniards and Portugals navigations made by the Pope. 950  
Libraty gathered by Diego Colombus. 881  
Lima called the city of kings. 1007  
Lisbon refuseth the king of Spain's letters. 1206 it yields to king Philip. 1214  
Love of subjects to their Prince. 205  
Loyalty and integrity of D. Pedro d' Ansures. 274  
Lope de Hiter● made Bishop of Cordova. 371  
Loyalty ill rewarded makes a good servant desperate. 509  
Loves of D. Pedro king of Castille. 533  
Love of the Earl of Lerin to the Prince Don Charles. 754  
Loves and vanities of Henry called the Unable, king of Castille. 760  
Lose life of joane Queen of Castille. 801  
Lords holding the party of Fernand and Isabel and their opposites. 846  
Love of a brother to his brother. 872  
Loxa besieged by the Castillans. 916  
Lord of Chaux sent for a third Governor into Spain. 943  
Log●ogne besieged by the French and relieved by the Castillans. 965  
Loss received by the pirates of Arger. 1129  
Lussus of whom comes Lusitania. 6  
Lusitanians defeated by Catinus. 86  
Lucullus retires from Palenza with shame. 97  
Lusitanians revolt and defeat the Romans. 109  
Lust of D. Alphonso king of Castille. 315   

M  
MAdrid sometimes called Mantua. 11  
Maiorquins' expert in slings, 21  
Manners of the Spaniards in general. 29  
Magnanimity of the Numantins. ibid.  
Masinissa a cruel Adversary to the Romans. 46  
L. Martius chosen general of the Roman army. 48  
Majesty joined with modesty in P. Scipio. 52  
L. Martius honoured by Scipio. 57  
Mandonius and Indibilis revolt to the Romans. 58  
Massiva Nephew to Mas●●issa prisoner to the Romans. 60  
Mago and Masinissa charge the Romans. 63  
Masinissa practised by Sillanus. 65  
Mago brother to Hannibal hopes to recour Spain, 72. he spoils the Gaditans, 74. he makes a vain attempt upon new Carthage. 75  
Manner of the Empurians living. 80  
Magnanimity & clemency of Brutus to rebels. 104  
Mancinus called to Rome to answer the ignominious accord made with the Numantins, 105. he is delivered bound to the Numantins. ibid.  
Martyrs at Saragossa. 123  
Manners of the Arabians. 161  
Mahumet his birth, and country, ibid. his doctrine published in Heraclius time. ibid. his death and children, 162. he was ignorant of all learning, 163  
Magnuza a Christian serving the Moors forceth Pelagius sister. 169  
Marriage secretly made severely punished. 179  
Martyrs under the Moors. 211  
Marriage for love, unfortunate. ibid.  
Marriage betwixt a Christian and an Infidel reproved of God. 220  
Marriage of D. Alphonso king of Castille with a Moor. 257  
Marriage of the daughter of Cid Ruis Dias. 262  
Maiorca taken by the Cattelans, 266  
Marriage of the Countess of Portugal detestable, 271  
Magnanimity of king D. Alphonso. 274  
Manrique de Lara slain before Huete. 312  
Marriage betwixt Lewis of France and D. Blanch of Castille. 336  
Marriage of D. Henry king of Castille forced, 351  
Marriage of the king D. Sancho Capello. 358  
Marriage of the Infant of Castille with D. Violant of Arragon. 378  
Marriage of D. Frederic of Castille with Blanch daughter of France. 395  
Manfroy vanquished and slain by the French. 413  
Marriage of Charles 1 king of Navarre. 475  
Mary of Naples Queen of Maiorca, unchaste. 502  
Maiorca conquered by the king of Arragon. 520  
Massacre of jews in Navarre. 476  
Mahumet king of Granado murdered by his subjects. 495  
Marriage of D. Pedro king of Arragon with the Infanta of Portugal. 523  
Marriage treated of betwixt D. Pedro king of Castille and Blanch of Bourbon. 533  
Malandrins pas●e into Spain. 566  
Marriage unlawful of the king of Portugal. 583  
Marriage of D. Martin of Arragon, with Mary heir of Sicily. 621  
Marriage betwixt the heir of Albuquerque and the king of Castile's brother. 628  
majority of D. Henry king of Castille. 614  
Marriage of D. Martin king of Sicily and Donna Blanch of Navarre. 667  
Marriage of D. Martin king of Arragon with D. joane of Prades. 673  
Marriage betwixt D. Alphonso of Arragon and D. Maria of Castille. 677  
Madera discovered. 681  
Marriage forced betwixt D. Henry of Arragon and D. Catherina of Castille. 683  
Marseilles surprised by the king of Arragon. 687  
Mahumet defeated and Granado taken by joseph Aben Almao. 702  
Magnanimity of Alphonso king of Arragon. 710  
Marriage of the Prince of Castille with the Infanta of Navar. 717  
Marriage of the king of Navarre with D. joane Henriques. 727  
Manner of reforming Nuns in Castille. 754  
Marquis of Villena becomes a pensioner to the French king. 77●  
Magnanimity of the Infanta D. Isabel. 795  
Magnanimity and justice of D. Alphonso of Cast●e. 802  
Marriage concluded betwixt Charles Duke of Guienne and D. joane of Castille. 824  
Marriage of john Prince of Portugal with D. Leonora of Viseo. 829  
Marshal of Navarre treacherously slain. 832  
Massacre of the new Christians. 834  
Marquis of Santillana surpriseth carrion. 839  
Marquis of Villena taken prisoner by his competitor, 841. he begins to adhere to king Fernand and Isabel, 854. he is reconciled unto them. 877  
Mahumetaine hermit a murderer. 925  
Malaga yielded to the king of Castille. 926  
Mastership of Calatrava incorporated to the crown of Castille. 934  
Marquis of Villena valiant and charitable. 937  
Marriage betwixt the Infant D. Alphonso of Portugal and Isabel of Castille. 938  
Mastership of Saint james in the king of Castile's hands as Administrator. 949  
Marriage of the king of Arragon with german of Foix. 880  
Mastiffs received pay among the Spaniards at the Indies. 916  
Magellanes and Fallero Portugals serve in Castille. 923  
Magnanimity of Cardinal Ximenes. 947  
Marquis of Aguilar Governor to D. Fernand. 955  
Maia a strong fort taken by the Castillans. 966  
Maiorquins vanquished and punished. 968  
Maxims of the point of honour at this day. 972  
Marriage of the Emperor Charles. 975  
Marriage of the Duke of Savoy with D. Beatrix of Portugal. 977  
Marriage of john king of Portugal with the Emperor's sister. 978  
Marriage of Philip Prince of Spain with the Infanta of Portugal. 1008  
Marriage of joane heir of Navarre to Antonio duke of Vendosme. 1025  
Marshal of Terms defeated by the Spaniards. 1081  
Marriage of the king of Spain with Elizabeth of France. 1082  
Marks of the antiquity of Spain. 1095  
Malta besieged by the Turks. 1114  
Manner of the Inquisitors proceeding in Spain. 1025  
Massacree of Moors that were in prison. 1146  
Marc Antonio Colonna persuades D. john to fight with the Turks. 1165  
Mahomet the son of Abdalla expelled by Moluc his uncle. 1197  
Marriage concluded betwixt Catherine Infanta of Spain and the Duke of Savoy. 1229  
Messina cause of the first P●nike war. 35  
Memorable defeat of Moors. 178  
Memory of D Sancho Abarca. 202  
Metropolitaine of Languedoc under the Primate of Toledo. 255  
Men of learning admitted into the council of Castille. 379  
Menault second king of the Canaries sells the Islands to them of Sevile. 680  
Merzalguibir a Port in Africa taken by the Castillans. 877  
Mexico at the Indies taken by the Christians 965  
Metz besieged by the Emperor. 1035  
Medina del Campo surprised by the confederates. 720  
Mendosas speech to the French king, and his answer. 1230  
Mines in Spain. 25  
Military exercises done by Scipio. 57  
Miseries of a place besieged. 108  
Mistaking the ruin of Pompey's army. 116  
Mildness and Christian bounty of king Sizebuth. 146  
Mignon of the Queen of Portugals draws Castille and Portugal into arms. 600  
Miseries of civil war. 639  
Mildness in a Prince without justice and severity, is hurtful both to himself and his Estate. 751  
Misfortune in the king of Portugals voyage, into Africa. 778  
Ministers of justice punished exemplarly. 936  
Minorca spoiled by Barbarossa. 993  
Marriage of the Duke of Savoy and the Infanta D. Catherina in Spain. 1231  
Mountain of Idubeda. 15  
Mountains called Hanibals Ladders. 16  
moors both in Caesar and Pompey's armies. 115  
Monarchy of the Goths in Spain. 146  
Moors defeated by D. Garcia K. of Ouiedo. 191  
Moors of Barcelona tributaries to the French, 778 defeated by D. Ordogno king of Leon. 194  
Moors drawn into Galicia by a Bishop's faction. 212  
Moors drawn into Spain by D. Alphonso king of Castille. 257  
Moors defeated by D. Alphonso. 275  
Modesty of greater force than arms. 278  
Moors spoil Toledo and Castille, 331. they invade Portugal. 332  
Moors of Sevile defeated. 361  
Moors expelled out of Minorca. 431  
Mother persuades her son to revenge his father's death. 434  
Moors raised from the siege of Siles and defeated. 508  
Monster borne in Cattelonia, slain by the parents and they punished. 520  
Moors take Algezire. 579  
Modesty of D Pedro Infant of Portugal. 706  
Moors of Granado drawn by the king of Navarre into Castille, 735. defeated near unto Arcos. 742  
Moors make furious sallies upon the Christians, 897. they are defeated and their king taken by the Castillans. 900  
Molucca's found in the Castillans' navigation. 950  
Moors Mudeiares enforced to change their religion. 961  
Moors persecuted in Spain. 964  
moors strong and fit for the war. 931  
moors curious and superstitious. 1009  
moors ill entreated in Spain. 1127  
moors unnatural, 1145. they are thrust out of Granado, 1149. they are defeated by D. john of Austria, 1152. after an accord made their retract. 1153  
Mutines resolve to submit them to Scipio's mercy. 70  
multitudes in armies not always of greatest effect. 340  
Murder of Garci Laso de la Vega. 484  
Murder of the Constable of France by the king of Navar. 541  
Murder of D. Agnes de Castro. 549  
Murder of D. Philip de Castro. 580  
Murder of the Archbishop of Saragossa. 675  
Murder committed by the Earl of Lerin. 884  
Mutiny under a show of religion. 918  
Muley Boabdelin submits himself to the kings of Castille. 936  
Mutinies at the Indies through envy, 918  
Murmuring of the Spaniards against Card: Ximenes. 928  
Multitude of Officers in the treasury hurtful to the state. 937  
Muley Hescen king of Tunes dispossessed by Barbarossa and restored by the Emperor, 984  
Muley Buason demands succours in Spain. 1025  
Murders done by the Moors of Granado. 1140  
Muley Molucs speech of D. Sebastian. 1200  
Mutiny at Naples. 1232   

N  
NAture and manners of the Spaniards. 27  
Navarre and Arragon united. 189  
Navartois defeated, and their king Don Garcia taken prisoner by the Earl of Castille. 206  
Navarre vassal to Castille, 286. invaded by the kings of Castille and Arragon, 316. he sends Ambassadors to Castille. 336  
Navarre under the protection of the French. 404  
Navigations and conquests of Spaniards in the Ocean. 870  
Navigations of the Portugals. 931  
Navarre united to the crown of Castille. 919  
Navy sent into Flanders for king Charles. 952.  
C. Nero sent Praetor into Spain. 50  
Negligence of captains punished sometimes at Rome. 103  
Nephew betrays his uncle through ambition. 704  
Nice the first General council. 124  
Nicholas Ouando Governor at the Indies. 976  
Nomination of Bishops belonged to the kings of Spain. 151  
Noblemen of France at the siege of Saragossa. 271  
Nobility of Castille defend their liberties. 321  
Number of the dead at the battle of Muradal. 341  
Nomination of the Bishop of Maiorca. 363  
Noblemen murdered by the commandment of D. Pedro king of Castille. 532  
Noblemen of Castille slain at Aliubarota▪ 609  
Noblemen at the king of Navarres coronation. 627  
Nobility of Castille defiled by their alliances with converted jews. 947  
Number of the Christian army going to Tripoli. 1084  
Nobility of the kings of Spain. 1095  
Number of the dead at the battle of Lepanto. 1169  
Numantia attempted in vain by Q. Pompeius' 103  
Numantins reduced to extremity. 108  
Nugno de Lara vanquished by the Moors and slain. 409  
Number of the French army at the Terceres. 1221   

O  
OBstinacy of the Barbarians. 104  
Oppa Archbishop of Sevile, an Apostate. 170  
Ouiedo built. 174  
Ouiedo called the towns of Bishops and made an archbishopric. 190  
Ouiedo sapprest in the king's titles. 199  
D. Ordogno king of Leon puts a way his wife. 204  
Offences die not unpunished. 218  
Order of the knights of Saint saviour. 273  
Orders for the nobility of Navarre. 287  
Order of Saint james instituted. 317  
Order of Calatrava. 319  
Order of the knights of Alcantara. 347  
Order of preaching Friars. 355  
Order of knights called de la Merced. 357  
Order Seraphical of Saint Francis. ibid.  
Order of the knights of Christus instituted in Portugal. 453  
Observation in Philip the Fair and his posterity. 459  
Order of Montesa in Arragon. 465  
Oath reciprocal betwixt the king and his subjects. 471  
Order of knights of the band. 489  
Obedience of the Noblemen of Castille to their king. 499  
Order betwixt Toledo and Burgos for precedence. 527  
Orders for Jews apparel. 580  
Order of Saint jerosme in Spain. 586  
Ordonances made by D. john king of Castille in his last testament. 629  
Orders for the government of the realm of Castille. ibid.  
Order for the government of Castille. 637  
Orders for the giving of spiritual livings. 641  
Officers called in question. 659  
Order of the golden fleece instituted. 696  
Outrage committed by a Moor in Sevile unpunished. 776  
Opinion of the biscain's concerning Bishops. 863  
Orders for the quiet of the realm of Navar. 891  
Order touching the government of Castille. 881  
Oran in Africa taken miraculously. 893  
Order of the Nuns called the Conception. 900  
Orders for the Indies. 930  
Outrage committed by the Earl of Vregna. 948  
Oran besieged by the Turks and valiantly defended. 1077  
Occasion of a victory lost by the Christians. 1086  
Order of the Christians army at Gerbe. 1087  
Oran besieged again and well defended. 1112  
Objections against the Prince of Spain. 1130  
Order of the Christians and Turks armies at Lepanto. 1168   

P  
PAssion in Amilcar the ruin of his country. 35  
Parle betwixt Masinissa and Scipio. 74  
Palantines among the Spaniards. 106  
Pampelone begun. 112  
Paliardise the ruin of the Goths kingdom. 157  
Palence restored to the king of Navarre. 230  
Patricide among the Princes of Cattelonia. 254  
Papacy disputed by arms. 276  
Parliament at Toledo for the Moors war. 339  
Pampelona in sedition, 346. divided into two factions. 405  
Parricids committed by Conrade. 412  
Pablo a jew converted, a learned Doctor and of a good life. 658  
Pampelona made one body. 689  
Pardon granted to the confederates. 731  
Parliament at Toledo. 880  
Pastors being negligent cause persecutions. 946  
Pampelona besieged in vain by king john, 910. it is abandoned by the Castillans, 962. it is taken by the Lords of Asperaut. 965  
Passage of king Francis a prisoner into Spain. 974  
Pardon for the Moors proclaimed. 1145  
Perpenna and his confederates murder Sertorious, 111. he is punished for his treason. 112  
Pelagius the first king of the Asturies, 168. he fl●es into the mountains, 169. he styles himself king of Ouiedo. 171  
Pelagius a religious man cruelly murdered. 194  
Peace betwixt Navarre and Castille. 289  
Peace betwixt Navarre and Arragon. 303  
Pero Nugnes a faithful vassal to his king. 309  
D. Pedro king of Arragon slain in France. 345  
D. Pedro of Arragon draws his brother. 401  
D. Pedro Sanches of Montagu, regent of Navarre, 402. he is murdered. 405  
Peace betwixt France and Arragon. 436  
Perpignan taken by the French. 427  
Peace betwixt Navarre and Castille, 501▪  
D. Pedro king of Castille, called the cruel, 531. he leaves his new wife 3. days after his marriage, 534. he marries a second wife the first being living, 536. murders committed by him, 538. he puts his brother to death, 546 his devilish cruelty 548. he spoils the Venerians at sea. 551. he murders two other of his brethren, 552. he murders Queen Blanch his wife, 554. his cruelty, covetousness and treachery, 557. his flight out of Castille, 567 he discontents the English, 571. he is slain by his base brother D. Hen. 575  
Peace broken by the Castillan with Arragon. 556  
Peace betwixt Castille and Portugal. 585  
Peace betwixt Castille and Navarre. 594  
D. Pedro of Portugal a great traveler. 691  
D▪ Pedro of Arragon slain at Naples. 714  
Pedro Sarmiento delivers Toledo to Prince H. 739  
Peace concluded betwixt Castille & Arragon. 768  
D. Pedro of Portugal chosen king of Arragon, 775 he is crowned at Barcelona, 786. he is defeated with the Cattelans, ibid. he is poisoned. 789  
Pedro de Velasco made Constable of Castille. 834  
Pero Gonzales of Mendosa Cardinal of Spain. 835  
Perpignan yielded to the French. 847  
Peace betwixt France and Castille. 870  
Peace betwixt Portugal and Castille. 875  
Pedro of Navarre made Earl of Albeto, 874. he is chief conductor of the war at Oran. 892  
Peace betwixt France and Spain. 879  
Pegnon de Velez fortified by the Castillans. 888  
Pedro Arias d' Auila viceroy of the firm land at the Indies. 917  
Pearls in abundance at the Indies. 918  
D. Pedro Giron raiseth new troubles. 955  
Peru discovered. 981  
Peace betwixt the Pope and king of Spain. 1080  
Peace betwixt France and Spain. 1081  
Persecutions in Spain for religion. 1083  
Pegnon de Velez how situated. 1112  
Pedro Aroio defeated and slain by the Moors. 1144  
Pegnon of Fregiliana taken by the great Commander. 1148  
Peace betwixt the Turk and the Venetians. 1172  
People of the Terceres brutish. 1218  
Pedro de Baldes defeated by them of the Terceres. ibid.  
Phenitiens spoil Spain. 8  
Philip Archduke of Austria and joane his wife driven into England by a storm. 880  
Philip Prince of Spain, sworn future king of Spain, 1007. he goes into Flanders, 1025. his marriage with Mary Queen of England. 1039. he is made king of Naples, 1040. he is desirous of a peace with the Pope, 1078. he returns into Spain, 1083. he sends succours into France, 1094 his marriage with his Niece, 1156. he sends his galleys to assist the Venetians, 1157. his resolution to war against the Turk, 1173. he disswads D. Sebastien from the voyage of Africa, 1198. his troops march towards Portugal, 1208. he enters into Portugal, 1217. his bounty in Portugal, 1220. he is acknowledged king in Lisbon. ibid. he goes out of Portugal. 1226  
Pyrenee mountains full of iron mines. 2  
Pirenees why so called. 14  
Piety of Isabel Queen of Portugal. 469  
Pisans abandon the Island of Sardinia. 480  
Piety of a son ill rewarded by D. Pedro king of Castille. 530  
Pizarro abandoned by his soldiers at Peru, 1031. he defeats his enemies, 1032. he is defeated and executed. 1033  
Pialy Bassa having taken Gerbe, enters Constantinople in triumph. 1093  
C. Plautius defeated by Viriatus. 99  
Pleasures corrupt both mind and body. 215  
Plague in Alphonso de la Cerdes camp. 441  
Places upon the frontier of Castille abandoned by bad counsel. 736  
Places yielded to the king of Castille. 930  
Placentia taken from D. Alvaro d' Estuniga. 932  
Places return to the obedience of the king of Navarre. 910  
Places belonging to the Portugals in Africa yield to king Philip. 1215  
Portugal whence it was so called. 18  
Poverty assures the people's liberty. 28  
Policy of the Roman and Carthag. captains. 43  
Pompey deceives the Numantins, 103. he is sent into Spain against Sertorius, 111. his wisdom to end the civil war, 112. he is made perpetual governor in Spain, ibid. he gets the farther Spain to be at his devotion. 115  
Policy of Flaccus Commissary of the victuals. 105  
Popilius Lenas' unfortunate in the war of Numantia. 104  
Pompey's son slain by Caesar. 116  
Power of Balancing that of kings. 146  
Pope Benedict an heretic. 151  
Posterity of Mudarra Gonsales. 218  
Portugal held in fee of the crown of Leon. 258  
Pope ratifies the election of the Emperor Rodolphus. 406  
Pope and D. Alphonso king of Castille met at Beaucaire. 407  
Pomp at the creation of the Earl of Barcellos. 551  
Policy cruel and detestable of Queen Leonora Tells. 558  
Pope Clement sends a Legate into Castille. 631  
Portugals slain at Aliubarota. 609  
Power of the realm of Granado. 644  
3. Popes at one time in the Church of Rome. 672  
Pope and Council condemn one an other. 679  
Possessions of D. john Infant of Arragon. 682  
Portugals forced to accept of dishonourable conditions. 713  
Policy of the Bishop of Segobia. 724  
Pope sends a Legate into Castille to treat a peace. 799  
Portugals enter into Castille with an army, 850 they are defeated. 857  
Power of the Inquisitors in Spain. 885  
Portugal army defeated at Albuhera. 874  
Pope gives the West Indies to the kings of Castille. 948  
Provost of the Court troubled in his charge and the fact punished. 888  
Pope in despair. 903  
Policy of Cardinal Ximenes to keep the noblemen in awe. 947  
Pope Paul the 4. willing to treat of a peace. 1074  
Pomp at an execution done by the Inquisitors. 1122  
Porto Carrero an indiscreet Governor of Gouleta. 1174  
Portugal wholly reduced under king Philip. 1215  
Pope Gregory allows of the conquest of Portugal. 1217  
Provinces out of Spain under the jurisdiction thereof. 14  
Preparation for iron. 29  
Prisoners taken in new Carthage. 54  
Practice of the Gaditains discovered & suppressed. 72  
Praetors refuse their charge in Spain. 93  
Preparations in Spain to resist Caesar. 113  
Prescillian the heretic beheaded at Treves. 126  
Primacy of the Pope. 148  
Priests forbidden to marry. 174  
Princes too superstitious. 177  
Practice of D. Garcia king of Navarre against his brother D. Fernand, 235  
Princes of Spain betray their fellow Christians, 249.  
Privileges granted to Toledo, 256  
Prelates of the French nation advanced to Churches in Spain, 261  
Provence given to the Earl of Barcelona, 267  
Practices of the Countess of Portugal against her son, 292  
Primacy of Toledo confirmed, 305  
Provence returns to the Crown of Arragon. 317.  
Process for the Primacy of Spain, 348  
Practices of the Castillans and Arragonois against Navarre, 418  
Priests allowed to keep Concubines, 450  
Pretension of Sovereignty over Navarre made by the King of Castille. 452  
Princes absence cause of liberty and disorder, 467  
Pruna taken by the Christians, 483  
Preparation of the Moors against Spain, 550  
Predictions of a Monk to the King of Castille, 552. 552  
Princes in continual jealousy, 564  
Prince of Wales writes to Don Henry of Castille, 570.  
Pretensions of john Duke of Lancaster, to Castille, 585. his preparation against the King of Castille, 587  
Profits of the Court of Rome stayed in Spain. 592  
Prodigy at Ebora, 603  
Pretension of Lewis duke of Anjou, 619  
Pretensions of the King of Arragon to the realm of Sicily, ib.  
Proceed of the Earl of Giion, 653  
Princes pretending to the Realm of Arragon, 675  
Privileges of the Earls of Ribadeo. 718  
Prince Henry of Castille made run away, 7●4  
Practices of Don Alvaro de Luna Constable of Castille, ibid.  
Presage of the Constable's end, 743  
Practice against the Master of S. james, 803  
Proceeding against the Archbishop of Toledo, 825.  
Practices of Leonora Countess of Foix, 832  
Practices of the Marquis of Villena in Portugal, 848.  
Princess careful of justice, 919  
Princes servants follow for profit and not for affection, 881  
Pretensions of Christian Princes against the Venetians, 889  
Proceeding of the Inquisition unjust, 940  
Proceed of Cardinal Ximenes allowed by the King, 949  
Practices of the Flemish Courtiers to keep the King from seeing the Cardinal, 956  
Proceeding of Pizarro at Peru, 1007  
Prejudice done to the French king at the Council of Trent, 1097  
Princes of Austria go into Spain, 1112  
Proceeding of the Inquisition to torture. 1122  
Practices of the Court of Spain, 1135  
Practices of a Goldsmith to end the war with the Moors, 1155  
Privileges of the Inhabitants of Fez, 1191  
Pretendants to the Crown of Portugal, 1205  
Punishment of mutines, 71  
Public charge affected for private profit, 93  
Punishment of a cowardly Captain, 104  
Punishment of a treacherous Governor, 136  
Punishment of Rebels, 149  
Punishment of a rash man, 267  
Poursuite for the abolishing of the Templars, 453  
D. Philip the King of Spain 〈◊〉 son sworn by the Estates of Portugal. 1226   

Q  
QValities of the mountain Spaniards, 28  
Queen of Navarre accused of adultery, 227 her innocency justified, ibid.  
Quarrels betwixt the Kings of Castille and Navarre, 235.  
Qualities of D. Vraca Queen of Castille, 271  
Queen D. Vraca unchaste, put away by her husband, 274  
Queen of Portugal expelled for her Insolences, 377.  
Queen Violant of Castille unchaste, 414  
Quarrels in Court, where D. Lope Dias of Haro is slain. 433  
Qualities of D. Pedro king of Arragon, 513  
Quarrels touching the successor to Castille, 532  
Queen mother of Castille unchaste, and slain by her father's commandment, 538  
Queen of Navarre refuseth to return to her husband, 631. she is entangled in the troubles of Castille, 633. she is sent to her husband against her will, 649  
Qualities and disposition of D. Henry the fourth king of Castille, 749  
Queen of Castille got with child by D. Bertrand de la Cueva, 766  
Quarrels betwixt the Earls of Beneuent and Lemos, 822  
Quarrels betwixt the Earls of Haro and Trevigno, 827  
Quarrels betwixt the houses of Mendoza and Pimentel, 839  
Qualities of the Princes Fernand & Izabella, 845  
Quarrel betwixt D. Frederick Henriques, and D. Ramir Nugnes de Guzman, 886  
Qualities of king Muley Albo●cen, 894  
Qualities of Christopher Columbus, 918  
Qualities of Manuel king of Portugal, 957  
Quarrel betwixt Pedro Giron, and the Duke of Medina Sidonia, 925  
Qualities of Colonel Vilalua, 933  
S. Quintin's taken by the Spaniards, 1080  
Queen Elizabeth conducted into Spain, 1085  
Question of precedence undecided at Rome, 1010  
Quarrel betwixt the Duke of Alba and English, 1137.  
Queen of England refuseth to hear the duke of Alba's Ambassador. ibid.   

R  
RAdages slain, and his army of Goths ruined, 130.  
Rabatins Christians in Africa, 166  
Don Ramir put out his brothers and his mother's eyes, 200  
Race of Cid Ruis Dias, 238  
Raymond Berenger Earl of Provence, father to 4. Queens. 356  
Rashness of the Earl of Lerin, 883  
Religion, a cloak for Tyrants, 7  
Religion is naturally reverenced, whatsoever it be, 12  
Religion of the ancient Spaniard's infamous, 28  
Religion received with great affection by the Spaniards, 30  
Resolution of the two Scipio's. 41  
Reward of virtue must not be sought by vicious means. 55  
Remembrance of great crimes makes men desperate. 66  
Resolution of the Astapians Barbarous, 67  
Retreat of two Romans' from Palentia, 105  
Resolution of Rhetogines the Numantine. 107  
Resignation of bishoprics reproved, 136  
Reward of a justful tyrant, 140  
Repentance of Le●uigilde. 143  
Religion the least care of Conquerors, 168  
Revenge upon the Toledans for their rebellion, 180.  
Rebel punished, 183  
Rebellion of the Governor of Biscay, 189  
Rebellion in the realm of Leon, 205  
Rebellion of the son against the father, 218  
Rewards and punishments maintain Estates, 223  
Religious deeds of Don Sancho the great, 228  
Revenge unworthy of a royal mind, 233  
Rebellions at Toledo draw the king of Castille to besiege it, 250  
Reparation of crimes by combat, 263  
Reconciliation of the Kings of Castille and Leon, 347.  
Realm of Navarre affected by the Kings of Castille and Arragon, 402  
Rebellion in Castille, 359  
Revenge of the death of Conradin of Suabe, 421  
Reformation of the king of Arragon's house belongs to the Estates, 431  
Revolt in Sardynia, 482  
Revolt in Castille, 485  
Rebels of Arragon favoured by the King of Castille, 523. they are defeated by the king of Arragon, 524  
Reformation of the jurisdiction of the justice Maior of Arragon, 524  
Revolt in Sardunia, 525  
Revenues of Churches taken without the Pope's permission, 564  
Records of Castille burnt, 594  
Rebellion of the Earl of Giion. 602  
Resolution for the Queen of Navarre to return to her husband. 643  
Red cross, the mark of the Order of Calatrava, 659.  
Religious houses built by D. Nugno Aluares Pereira, Constable of Portugal, 699  
Recompenses given by the King of Castille to the Lords that followed him, 792  
Renee of Anjou chosen King of Arragon, 808  
Reformations in Andalusia, 367  
Rebellion pacified in Castille. 936  
Refusal of justice cause of great troubles in Spain, 939.  
Reconciliation of the Cardinal Ximenes, with the Duke of Infantasgo. 947  
Reformation of the Infant Don Fernands' house by the Cardinal Ximenes, 953  
Rebels defeated in Castille. 962  
Return of the Emperor Charles into Spain. 967  
Rebellion in Maiorca, 968  
Religion a cloak for tyrants, 985  
Retreat of Barbarossa from Tunes, 991  
Rebellion of the Gantois, 1001  
Rebellion of Goulette, 1002  
Return of Prince Philip into Spain, 1035  
Resolution of Alvaro de Sandi in the fort of Gerbe, 1092  
Reasons of the Spaniards for their precedence, 1095.  
Reasons of the French for their precedence. 1098  
Retreat of the Turks army from Malta, 1118  
Resolution in Spain touching the government of the Low-countries, 1126  
Resolution of the Christian army at Messina, 1163  
Ricamed becomes a nurse of the Church, 143  
Riches of the Church of Toledo. 252  
Rights at the temple at jerusalem, 267  
Rioie and Bureva taken by the Castillans from Navarre, 321  
Richard of England chosen Emperor, 389  
Rigonr of Don Pedro king of Castille, 556  
Rigour of the Spanish Inquisition moderated, 885  
River of Plata found by john Dias de Solis, 907  
Rights of the Seigneurie of Venice to Cypress, 1158.  
Romans' seek to get footing in Spain, 35  
Resolution of a servant loving his master, 36  
Romans resolve to war against the Carthaginians. 38. they are defeated by the Carthaginians 44. they procure them enemies in Africa. 45. they besiege Auring, 62. they join with the Carthaginians in battle, 64  
Roman Captains chased out of their camp by their mutined soldiers, 69  
Roman Governors great exactors, 70  
Romans defeated by the Spaniards, 87. they are charged by the Celtiberians in a straight, 90. they are defeated by the Lusitanians. 97  
Rome taken by the Goths, 131  
Romans assailed by the Sueves in Spain, and by the Goths in Gaul, 133  
Royalty of the Goths elective, 146  
Roderic a vicious king of the Goths, 153  
Rhodes taken by Muhavias', 163  
Romans' chased out of Spain, 166  
Roderigo Dias de Bivar a valiant Knight, 238  
Rout and death of Don Sancho of Arragon Archbishop of Toledo, by the Moors. 409  
Robert Son to Charles King of Naples put to rout by the Sicilians. 440  
Rock of two Lovers, 674  
Ruy d' Aualos Constable of Castille charged with treason. 685  
Roderigo Borgia a Cardinal, 833  
Rout of the French army at Noyan. 965  
Rome taken and sacked. 975  
Roderigo Portondo slain by Pirates, 979  
Rome in danger to be sacked, 1079   

S  
SAgunt besieged, 37, taken by assault, 38  
Saguntins restored to their goods, 45, they send Ambassadors to Rome, 79  
Saxons and french invade Spain, 122  
Saracens why so called, 162, they invade Languedoc, 171  
Sancho Abarca King of Navarre slain by the Castillans, 202  
Sancho Emperor of Spain, 226  
Sancho King of Castille slain, 242  
Sancho Ramires king of Arragon slain at the siege of Huesca, 259  
Saragossa besieged and taken by D. Alphonso 271 scazed on by the King of Castille. 285  
Saluatierra taken by the Moors, 339  
Sancho King of Navarre aids the King of Castille, 340  
Sancho King of Portugal why called Capello, 358, he abandons his realm and retires into Castille 378, he is dispossessed of his realm, 390  
Sancho of Castille resolves to dispossess his Nephews of the realm, 410, he makes a league with the Moors to dispossess his father. 415, he takes upon him the Regency and refuseth the title of a King, 416  
Saragossa made an Archbishoprike, 461  
Sardinia invaded by the Arragonois. 467, it rebels again, 479  
Satisfaction made by the Emperor to the Duke of Infantasgo. 1001  
Salt water made fresh by a lymbicke. 1091  
Sancho d' Auila sent against D. Anthony, 1215  
Sarmiento fortifies the straits of Magellan, 1225  
Scipio sent into Spain, 39  
Gn. Scipio and P. Scipio slain and two Roman armies defeated. 47  
P. Corn. Scipio virtuous but an hypocrite, 51. he gins his charge with a great enterprise, 52, he entreats the Spanish hostages kindly, 54, he gives thanks to the Gods for his victories and commends his soldiers. 55. he pacefies a great mutiny. ibid. he seeks to win the Spaniards by his bounty, 56. he incourrageth his army to fight. 58, he hateth the title of a King. 59  
situation of new Carthage, 33  
Scipio relies not upon mercenaries as his father had done, 62, he deceives Asdrubal by his policy, 64, he beseegeth Illiturgis, 65, he rerelolues to vanquish or die, 66. he falls very sick, 68, he makes an invective against the mutinous soldiers. 70. he prepares to go against Mandonius. 72, he pardons the rebellious Spaniards and returns to Rome. 75  
Scipio Aemilianus sent into Spain reform the army. 106 he repairs Lucullus faults, 107  
Schism among the Knights of Calatr●ua. 526  
Schism in the Church, 595  
Scio taken by the Turk. 1128  
Suits of justice erected in Spain by Constantine the great. 24  
Severity in the ancient Romans commendable, 50  
Sedition a mischief which doth import Estates, 71  
Seventy against soldiers having left their guard, 100  
Sertorius war in Spain, 109, he is called by the Lusitanians. 110, he defeats Manlius and kills Domitius ibid. his life is set to sale, which makes him cruel. 111  
Sevile yields the primacy to Toledo. 148  
Sects in Mahomet's religion, 164  
Sedition in Galicia, 208  
Sevile a royal seat of the Moors, 213  
Seditions, revolts and usurpations amongst the Arabian Princes, 244  
Seditions and treacheries among the Moors in Spain. 253  
Sect newly sprung up among the Arabians of Africa. 294  
Sevile besieged and yielded to King Fernand, 380  
Selga a kind of tribute, 445  
Sentence given by the King of Castille againg Don Diego Lopes de Haro. 448  
Sedition in Granado against King Mahumet, 460  
Sentence given by the Pope against the Templars, 453  
Seals taken from the Arch of Toledo, 470  
Severity of the King of Castille, makes his Knights fly unto the Moors. 496  
Sedition against the jews in Castille, 630  
Sentence against the Earl of Foix. 661  
Sea of Toledo void four years, 663  
Sedition at Toledo, 738  
Seditions in Ca●telonia. 768  
Seditions raised by two Archishops' uncle and Nephew. 775  
Segobia delivered to the confederate Lords, 800  
Sevile ill entreated by the factions of Guzman and Ponce, 867  
Seditions revived in Navarre, 879  
Sedition in Granado. 920  
Siege of Granado. 939  
Servant faithful to King Fernand. 881  
Sentence against the Earl of Lerin, 883  
Sedition at Lisbon for religion, 688  
Sedition in Cardinal Ximenes camp caused by a rascal, 892  
Seditions among the Spaniards at the West Indies, 897.  
Sentence given by the Pope against john of Albret king of Navarre. 902  
Sedition at Vailhodolit against Cardinal Ximenes, 929.  
Sedition against the town of Villafratre, 949  
Secrets of Cardinal Ximenes discoured. 953  
Severity of Cardinal Ximenes, 955  
Sect of Jesuits confirmed at Rome, 963  
Sedition at Peru for the government. 1026  
Sentence inconsiderate and unjust, 1027  
D. Sobastian king of Portugal goes into Africa, 1176.  
Service rashly performed. 1195  
Settwall taken by the Castillan●. 1212  
Ships sent out of Castille to the Moluccoes, 993  
Shipwreck of the Emperor's fleet at Alger, 1004  
Sicily why called Sicania, 6  
Sicelius gave the name to Sicily. ibid.  
Singularity of the river of Guadiana, 16  
Simplicity of the Romans', 38  
Silence required in a great Captain, 53  
Sillanu● defeats the Carthaginians. 61  
Simplicity of the Spaniards. 91  
Sisenand Bishop of Compostella, a turbulent man, 210.  
Sicily and Naples held by the Normans, 411  
Sicilian Evensong. 420  
Seigneuries and rights of the house of Lara. 533  
Sincerity of Gonsalo, the great Captain, 882  
Sign of Cardinal Ximenes. 957  
Sienna loseth her liberty, 1041  
Shippewracke of the great Commanders fleet, 1148  
Ships of Spain cast away. 1181  
Skirmish betwixt the Christians and Moors at Gerbe, 1087  
Slaughter of Spaniards. 83  
Slaughter of Monks made by the Moors. 212  
Snakes in an army in the dead of Winter. 788  
Sovereigns should be judges, and not parties in their subjects quarrels. 481  
Soldiers should be always in action. 81  
3. Suns seen together in Spain, 174  
Sobrarbre and Ribagorsa united to the Crown of Arragon, 234  
Son dispossesseth the father, 1009  
South sea discovered by Vasco Nugnes of Balbao, 914.  
Son of Aly Bassa set at liberty by Don john, 1173.  
Spain unknown before the Carthaginians, 2  
Spaniard at the first gross and without religion, 3  
Spain why so called, 5  
Spain like to an Ox hide, 13  
Springs of the rivers of Ebro and Duero, 15  
Spain reduced to one government, 24. it is rampared by nature, 25  
Spaniards life simple and rude. 28  
Spanish tongue a corrupt Latin. 29  
Spain nourisheth the hatred betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians, 35  
Spaniards inconstant. 39  
Spain fit to supply arms 44  
Spaniards being mercenary abandon the Romans. 46. they are defeated by Scipio and yield to his mercy. 73  
Spaniards in old time glorious, ambitious, envious, and treacherous. 77  
Spaniards take arms against the Praetor. 80. they were always apt to rebel. 83. they complain of the covetousness of their Governors. 93  
Spain made one government, 94  
Spaniards opinion of S. james his body. 119  
Spain under Constantine divided into five Prounces. 124  
Spies in the king of Navars' Council. 367  
Speech of the King of Castille to his Council. 511  
Spoil of a jew condemned, 553  
Speech of the Bishop of Calaorra to the king, 781  
Speech of the Archbishop of Toledo, too audacious, 849  
Spaniards first voyage to Guiney, 865  
Spaniards defeated at sea by the Portugals, 874  
Speech of Kath●rine Queen of Navarre to her husband, 904  
Spaniards defeated and slain by the Indians, 918  
Speech of the Duke of Infantasgo, 927  
Spaniards slain in the river of Plata, 922  
Speech of King Francis touching his promise to the Emperor, 975  
Spaniards preserve their lives generously against the Africans. 1005  
Speech of the Prince of Spain to the Duke of Alba, 1134  
Speech of Queen Izabella dying, to the King, 1136.  
Spaniards of account slain at Galere, 1151  
Speech of Bragadino at Famagosta, 1161  
Strangers tyrannize over Spain, 4  
Statues sent by the Pope into Arragon, 662  
Stones very light fall from heaven, 713  
Statute of Cordova for the Nobility, 941  
Storehouses for munition in Spain, 936  
Studies of Inigo of Loyola author of the Jesuits, 963.  
Spanish soldiers detest the cruelty of the Marquis of Santa Cruz, 1224  
Succession of women in Arragon, 183  
Succession of the Realms of Castille and Leon by women. 233  
Submission of Don Pedro king of Arragon to the Pope. 333  
Superstitious acknowledgement of a great victory, 512.  
Submission of the king of Maiorca, 521  
Success of the war of Naples, 723  
Superstitions of the Spaniards, 820  
Suspicion of love betwixt the Princess of Navarre and the Bishop of Pampelona, 838  
Swisses come to the wars of Granado. 901  
Submission of the Landgrave to the Emperor, 1017  
Succours sent from Goa to Diu, 1022  
Succours sent to Malta, 1118  
Superfluity of the Portugals going to the war, 1200.  
Succours sent to the Terceres, 1226  
Sebastian, the first king of Portugal, 1197. bred up by the Jesuits. ibid. he is unfurnished of all things for the war of Africa. 1199. his army going thither. 1300. his error and resolution, 1201. his death, 1202. his body sent to the Portugals, 1203   

T  
TArget of silver a monument of Martius his victory. 49  
Tarassona taken from the Moors. 173  
Tarragona given in propriety to the Archb. of that place. 277  
Tables Astronomical of Don Alphonso king of Castille. 392  
Tariffe taken by the Castillans, 434  
Tarragona yielded to the King of Arragon. 771  
Taxes unjustly levied upon the people, abolished, 836.  
Tarassona yielded to the king of Arragon, 553  
Templars beginners of military Orders in Christendom. 267  
Testament of Don Alphonso King of Navarre. 281  
Testimonies of the pre-eminence of the Kings of France. 1098  
Testament of D. Henry king of Castille. 666  
Theft practised by the ancients. 4  
thieves countenanced by princes in old time, 9  
Thibaud Earl of Champagne obtains the realm of Navar. 368. he goes into Syria. 373  
Thibaud the second crowned king of Navarre, 385  
Theatins differ from the jesuits. 964  
Thirst never the like heard of in the fort at Gerbe, 1092.  
Tenths of fruits the revenues of Kings. 1184  
Tirians did first people Cadiz. 12. they were great seamen, and made profit of all things, ibid. they were descended from slaves. 32  
Tyranny of the Carthaginians advanced the Romans credit in Spain. 36  
Title of Don first used in Spain. 174  
Tyranny and usurpation justly punished. 187  
Tyrants always fearful, suspicious, and cruel, 195.  
Tithes granted to Laymen. 265  
Title of the house of Portugal, 292  
Titles of D. Sancho king of Castille, 426  
Tiscara strong place taken from the Moors, 463  
Tyrant offended, is never truly reconciled, 504  
Title of Prince first given in Castille to the king's eldest son, 615  
Title of Earl of Eureux ceaseth in the house of Navarre, 668  
Tyrants care not to be hated, so as they be feared, 692.  
Title of Princess first usurped by the eldest son of Portugal. 706  
Titles of Leonora of Navarre, 838  
Titles of king Fernand and Queen Izabella, 874  
Testament of Xeriffe Mahomet, 1195  
Towns in Sardynia, 22  
Torismond king of Goths slain by his brother's procurement. 134  
Toledo chief town of the Goths kingdom in Spain, 137  
Towns of Spain demantled, and the people disarmed by Vitiza, 152  
Toledo reduced under the Moors of Cordova, 188. yielded to D. Alphonso king of Castil, 251 it was called the Imperial city. 255  
Tortosa taken by the Arragonois. 296  
Towns built by Don Fernand king of Leon, 313  
Towns and castles taken from the Moors, 375  
Towns taken by the Moors, 494  
Towns in Castille which give voices in the Estates, 527  
Towns in Castille yield to the King of Navarre, 574.  
Town of Saint Vincent obtains new privileges 696.  
Tortosa yielded to King john of Arragon. 789  
Toledo revolted, and reduced again to the King's obedience, 804  
Towns of the Infantasgo given to the Marquis of Santillana. 824  
Toro delivered to the king of Portugal, 850. besieged by King Fernand of Arragon, 851. surpized by the Castillans, 866  
Tordesillas taken by the Confederates, 961, recovered again, 962  
Truth the subject of an History. 2  
treasure of Spain casually discovered, 11  
Truce betwixt the Sicilians and Carthaginians, 34  
Treachery of Hanno against the Senate of Carthage 35.  
Treachery of a Spaniard, 41  
Treachery of the Spaniards to the Carthaginians their allies, 64  
Truth breeds hatred in the wicked. 96  
Treachery and cruelty of Ser. Galba, 98  
Treaty made with Viriatus broken by Cepio, 101  
trajan a Spaniard, the third persecutor of the Church, 120  
Treachery of Stillico and defeat of the Impertial army, 131  
Traitors frustrate of their hope, 155  
Tribute paid by the Arabians to the Romans, 165.  
Tribute paid by a Christian Prince to Infidels most detestable. 177  
Treachery of a Moor punished. 181  
Treachery of a servant, 208  
Treason and impiety of a Christian Knight against his own blood and religion, 214  
Treason of a son against his mother, 227  
Trial by fire in Clergy matters, 255  
Treaty of peace betwixt Navarre and Arragon, 287.  
Troubles in the Moors Estate in Africa by superstitious divinations, 293  
Troubles in Castille by reason of the King's nonage, 308  
Treachery of D. Mariques de Lara against his Prince and Country, 309  
Traitors justly punished, 362  
Troubles in Arragon, 400  
Truce betwixt the Christians and Moors, 410  
Truce betwixt the French and Arragonois, 433  
Troubles raised by D. Henry of Castille, 441  
Tribute imposed by the Pope upon the Realm of Sicily, 455  
Troubles and quarrels where there is much idle Nobility, 481  
Treachery of Don Alphonso king of Castil against his own blood, 483  
Truce very beneficial to the Moors, 496  
Treaty of marriage betwixt D. Pedro of Arragon, and D. Maria of Navar. 503  
Troubles by the report of a woman, 508  
Treachery of the king of Arragon against the Earl of Transtamara, 556  
Treason of Don Roderigo of Vrris punished, 589  
Treachery of Queen Leonora Tells, 599  
Treaty of marriage to the prejudice of Castille, 637  
Troubles in Zamora, ibid.  
Troubles in Arragon, 667  
Truce with the king of Granado, 674  
Truce betwixt Castille, and the kings of Arragon and Navarre, 698  
Troubles in Castille by false reports, 703  
Truce betwixt Granado and Castille, 757  
Treason discovered but not punished, 780  
Treaty of marriage betwixt Izabella of Castille, and Fernand of Arragon, 809  
Treachery of the Earl of Lerin against the Marshal of Navar. 883  
Treaty of peace betwixt France and Spain, 972  
Treachery of mercenary Moors, 894  
Troubles raised by the Archb. of Toledo, 825.  
Tripoli in Barbary taken by Pedro Navarro, 897  
Truce betwixt France and Spain, 912  
Travels endured with great patience by the Spaniards, 916  
Treaty of Cambray, 979  
Tremessen rebels against the Emperor, 1008  
Tripoli besieged by the Christians, 1082  
Troubles in the Low-countries, 1126  
Treachery a devilish revenge, 1135  
Treaty of peace with the Moors of Granado, 1153  
Treachery of Mustapha at Famagosta, 1162  
treasure brought by Sir Francis Drake out of the south sea, 1181  
Tudele taken by the Earl of perch, 271  
Tumult at Badaios, 435  
Tumults in Castille for the government, 464  
Tumults at Lisbon for their King's marriage, 584  
Turks make profit of the jews banishment, 947  
Tumult at Malaga suppressed, 934  
Tunes taken by the Emperor, 991  
Turks repulsed at Diu, 999  
Turks and Moors fly from Oran, 1077  
Turks besiege the fort at Gerbe, 1090  
Turks army at Malta, 1116  
Tumult made in Spain by the Moors of Granado 1127.  
Turks come to secure the Moors in Spain, 1149.  
Turks go to besiege Fez, 1191   

V  
VAllia the Gothe, a friend to the Romans', makes war in Spain against the Barbarians, 132  
Vanity of human greatness. 155  
Valencia taken by Cid Ruis Diaz, 261  
Valour of Cid Ruis Diaz. 241  
Valour of Don Alphonso, the noble, king of Catile. 342.  
Vanity of the Emperor Frederick, 375  
Valentia taken by the Arragonois, 369  
Valenciens mutinous and seditious, 523  
Valencia subdued by the K. of Arragon, 524  
Vagabond troops spoil Cattelonia, 620  
Vailliodolit submits unto the king, 794  
Vanity of the King of Portugal, 857  
Viana surprised by the marshal of Navarre, 879  
Vasco de Gama sails to Calicut, 958  
Vasco Nugnes of Balbao beheaded at Darien, 919  
Valette a new town built in the Island of Malta, 1119.  
Virtue gives to every one his due reward, 57  
Virtue always envied, 110  
Virtue not always hereditary, 172  
Virtue reverenced even by enemies. 207  
Virtue of Don Ramir the bastard of Navarre, 227  
Virtues of king D. Alphonso the eight. 278  
Virtues of D. Charles Prince of Navarre, 741  
Velez Malaga besieged by King Fernand. 921  
Venetians defeated by the Spaniards, 916  
Veniero the Venetian General incensed against the Spanish soldiers. 1167  
Victory of great consequence for the Romans, 43  
Vice and corruption abounds, where strangers abide. 77  
Victory gotten by the Praetor Heluius. 81  
Victory of Scipio against the Lusitanians, 85  
Victory of Full, Flaccus against the Celtiberians, 89.  
Vlriatus Captain of the Lusitanians defeats Vitellius. 98. he is defeated by Q. Fab. Max. 99 he is favoured by the Senate of Rome. 101. he is treacherously murdered and lamented by his soldiers. ibid.  
Victory admirable and almost incredible, 143  
Vitiza a vicious king, his eyes put out by Roderick 153.  
Victory of the Christians against the Moors, 170  
Vices of Princes causes of sedition, 211  
Victoria in Alava built, 323. taken by the King of Castille. 336  
Victories of the christians at sea against the Moors, 515.  
Victory of the Castillans at sea, 659  
Viceroy of Valencia slain by the treachery of his own brother. 672  
Viana besieged by the D. of Valentinois, 883  
Victory of Ravenna unprofitable for the French. 903.  
Victory of D. Berenguela against the Turk, 939  
Victory of the Portugals at sea, 1024  
Vices common to young Noblemen, 1132  
Victory of the Christians. 1169  
Union of Leon and Castille, 231  
University of Salamanca, 375  
Union in Arragon against the King for their liberties. 422  
University of Palence, 338  
Uncle bawd to his niece, 533  
Unction of the king of Navarre. 626  
Union of all the towns of Guipuscoa, 636  
Vnchastnes of joane the 2. Queen of Naples, 686  
Union of the Provinces and Commonalties in Castille for the administration of justice, 789  
Union of Castille and Arragon, 876  
Union of Castille and Navarre by conquest, 905  
University of Coimbra erected, 977  
University of Tudele erected in Navarre, 1111  
Voyage of D. joane of Castille into Flanders, 955  
Voyages made to the Indies. 906  
Voyage of Lopes Suares de Meneses to the East Indies, 971  
Voyage of Fernand Magellanes to the Moluques, 976.  
Voyage of Sebastian deal Canon, 978  
Voyage of the Castillans to the Moluques untortunate, ibid.  
Voyage of Sir Francis Drake into the south sea, 1180.  
Usurpations of the king of Ca●ul upon Navarre, 238  
Usurpations of D. Alphonso king of Castille, 248  
Usurpations upon the Clergy in Castille, 622   

W  
War to deliver the oppressed, just, 4  
War made in Sicily by the Cathaginians, 34  
War in Spain betwixt the Vandals and Sueves, 133.  
War for religion betwixt the French and the Vice-Gothes, 136  
War betwixt two brethren Moors, 177  
War betwixt Navarre and Castille for an injury done to the Ambassadors of Castille, 202  
War betwixt the Moors, 212  
War betwixt Navarre and Castille, 237  
War betwixt 3. brethren, sons to Don Fernand King of Castille, 241  
War betwixt the mother and the son in Portugal, 276  
War betwixt Navarre and Arragon, 286  
War betwixt the king of Leon and his mother-in-law, 337  
War in Valencia against the Moors, 368  
War made by Castille and Arragon against Granado, 454  
War betwixt Navarre and Castille, 499  
War made in Castille by the rebels, 504  
War made by Portugal against Castille, 505  
War made by D. Henry king of Castille against the King of Portugal, 579  
War in Sardynia, 581  
War betwixt Castille and Navarre, 593  
War against the Earl of Giion, 648  
War made by the King of Castille against Arragon and Navarre, 694  
Warrant to apprehend the Constable, 745  
War of Veles against the Marquis of Villena, 864  
War betwixt the French and Spaniards, 954  
War renewed by the persecuted Moors, 964  
War against the Constable of Lerin, 886  
War betwixt France and Spain, 899  
War betwixt the French and the Emperor, 1005  
Wisdom of the Romans in matters of state. 85  
Wisdom necessary in a Prince to choose men of valour, 661  
Wonders of the mountain of Stella, 15  
Women in Spain warriors and valiant, 104  
Works of piety of D. Alphonso, 188  
Women Moors massacred, 1151  
War renewed with the Moors of Granado, 1154  
War denounced by the Turk against the Venetians, 1157   

X  
XEriffs Kings of Morocco, and their beginning, 1182.  
Xeriffe Mahumet Ben Hamet makes himself Lord of Turedant, 1183  
Xeriffs his sons seize upon Morocco by treason ibid.  
Xeriffe brethren, in quarrel betwixt themselves, 1185.  
Xeriffe Mahomet defeats his elder brother, 1186 they are reconciled. ibid.  
Xeriffe Hamet breaks the peace made with his brother, ibid.  
Xeriffe Mahomet's speech to his brother, 1187. his speech to the King of Fez, 1188. he is forced to fly out of Fez, 1191. he recovers Fez again, 1193. he is murdered, 1194. his testament, ibi.  
Xeriffe Mahomet son to Abdalla, being expelled, flies to King Philip for succour, 1198. he craves aid from Portugal. ibid.   

Z  
ZAmora taken and ruined, 210. made a Bishopric. 278  
Zeit a Moorish King baptised, 368  
Zamora in the power of the King of Portugal, 850  
Zahara surprised by the Christians. 902  
Zeal inconsiderate in Charles Prince of Spain, 1133.   
FINIS.   

Excuse these gross misprisions, and for the rest I put myself to your favourable construction. Fol. 325. lin. 48. for daughter, read wife. f. 859. l. 21. for, suffered the Portugals to take it, read, suffered it to be taken from the Portugals. In the marg. fol. 273. for delectable, r. detestable. fol. 1144. r. by the Moors. f. 889. l. 13. for, her husband, read, her son.