THe defence of peace: lately translated out of latin in to englysshe,  
¶ with the kings most gracious privilege,   

AN excellent and a noble work, which the Author thereof hath entytled the defender & maynteyner of peace (because it doth most perfectly treat, and clearly dyscusse that question, where about great controversy, and contention hath been now long time aswell, of the just power and authority of the Emperor, as of the usurped power of the bishop of Rome, otherwise called the Pope (a work very profitable to dyvynes, laweyers, and generally to all those, which loven and exercysen the study of good letters, or learning, which said work was written or made, more than two hundred years ago, unto Lodowyke Cesar (which came by lineage of the most noble family, and kindred of the dukes of Bavary) but now first Imprinted and published or sent forth abroad in the englysshe tongue by William Martial.   

¶ The lover of truth, speaketh to the book.  

GO forth book, all good men gladly shall the retain.  
With loving embrasynges, and turn the oft in hand,  
Whose mind is fixed, right and truth to maintain.  
And wrong and falsehood stiffly to withstand.  
Those persons I waraunt aswell pleased shall be all.  
As wood Rome shall grunt, at the rubbing on the gall.    

¶ The translator to the reader, Good and gentle reader,  
There hast thou the book entitled in latin, Defensorium pacis, in englysshe the defence tuition or maintenance of peace, undoubtedly full worthy so to be called, as the thing self in the use thereof shall full well and manifestly declare and show. Above two hundred years passed, there was a variance, strife, and controversy, betwixt the proud bishops of Rome, that 
john the .xxii. Benedicte the twelve. Clement the. vi.  then were, & the most gentle prince & Emperor Lewes of Bavary. The bishops of Rome (as ancient histories do make mention) were commonly, & for the more part, before that time, yea & ever sins have been, stout & stubborn, proud & presumptuous usurpers, & murderers, traitors & rebellyons, (contrary to their allegyaunces) not only against their own natural sovereigns lords, princes, kings, & Emperors, but also against all other princes, & peradventure not without the aids, consentꝭ, motions, & counsels, of other foreyn & strange bishops. Now because this good Emperor Lewes moved no less with pity towards his loving subjects, then with a true love & zele towards the word of god, & his most godly honour, would not permit & suffer the said bishops of Rome to consume, waist, & devour (after the accustomed manner of their wicked & ungracious predecessors) therefore (I say) arose betwixt the said Emperor and the said bishops a grievous & an intolerable tragedy. For in the defence of the most just cause of whose imperial majesty, it liked the noble and virtuous clerk Marsilius of Padway, to compyle and indite this same defence of peace. Now as touching the translation of Marsilius out of latin, & in teaching him to speak englysshe, being an Italyan, whether it be done so well as it might or should have been/ I will not say, but I heartily pray the gentle reader, to take it in good part, and to correct and amend it where need is. To dispraise the doing of it, I iugde it no high point of learning. And to translate it but meanly, I think it some learning. This dare I be bold to say, that from the injust and lyenge carpours, and privy detractors, there cometh nothing in to light, neither by preaching, ne yet by writing, that savoureth or hath any taste of virtue or learning, I would gladly that such whysperers and blowers in men's ears, would preach, write and set forth sermons, and books of virtue and good learning and in the same (aswell without making of feigned and untrue escuses) as without their old accustomed crafty iugglynges truly declare and publysshe the word of god & show themselves, to be such in their hearts (as of right, and duty, by the word of god) they should ever have been, & as with their mouths, by their writings, and by their Seals, they have professed, and sworn/ & not (as the old proverb is) to goldsmiths of their own occupations, injustly, falsely, and secretly, in corners to slander and belly men. Now good gentle reader I do advise and council thee, to do, as I will myself, that is to say, in nothing to believe them, what soever they say, before such time & until they have done as above is said, & also until they have openly and sufficiently improved and confuted us. But to make few words, I will promise and assure the of one thing (good reader) and admonysshe and warn the of another, and so far well. In this book I dare say, thou shalt find wherewith to make just and invynsyble answers, yea & wherewith utterly to confute all and every the objections, fantastycall arguments, reasons, & perswasyons, that by the papystycall sort can be made, for the setting forth, and extolling of the usurped power & authority of the bishop of Rome, been they never so false, crafty, & subtile. And of this I do warn thee, that in the translation of this book diverse things been omitted, and left out, as matters, not so much profitable, as long and tedious, as in the latin book at large more pleynly appeareth/ the residue I commit to thine own diligence, which in reading this book may in nowyse lack. And thus farewell, & pray for the long live & prosperous preservation of our most gracious sovereign lord king Henry the eight, of his most virtuous Lady queen Anne, and of the Lady princes Elyzabeth daughter and heir to them both.  
¶ Thus endyth the preface of the translator to the reader.   

THe preface of Licentius Euangelus priest, v●●o the Apologye or answer made by Marsilius of Padway, for the defence of Lodowyke, (which descended of the most noble lineage of the dukes of Bavary) Emperor of the Romans, against the false & untrue histories of certain persons.  
When I do consider diligently and closely in my mind, Chrysten reader, the most grievous and ieoperdous or daungerful troubles of those times, in which is so much sin and mischief as may be, and sin taken or accounted for no sin, me thinketh a man may reasonably without any offence apply this prophecy of Dseas, & say cursing or evil speaking, lying, man slaughter, theft, and adultery do flow as rivers, and blood hath touched blood, there is no troth there is no mercy or pity, there is no knowledge of god any longer in the earth. We all be bocled and made ready to wickedness, as a horse to ronning, or a lion to his prey. Who now hath pity or compassion of the poor man? who is moved or stirred any thing with the Injury of the widow, or orphan being through false guise and deceit deprived of their right & goods? where is now any place of judgement without corruption, or in which true & upright justice is ministered? what laws be not now more applied to getting of money & lucre, then to equity and good conscience? where or of whom (yea I speak even of the heads and prelatis of the Church) in choosing or making rulers, overseers & officers of their diocese: is not now a days more respect and regard had of such things as are better to augment and increase their yearly Rents, riches, and substance/ then to keep and retain innocency & virtue? and to be short riches giveth honours, riches giveth frendshyppes, riches giveth benefices, riches giveth power, and authority, riches causeth to be regarded and greatly esteemed. The poor man be he never so good and godly, be he never so virtuous and with out corrupt manners, be he never so prudent & wise, lieth every wherein the dust. If the rich man speak never so foolishly, all men magnyfie and praise his speech or saying, even to the clouds/ but let the poor man speak never so wisely, no man giveth attendement to him, or doth after his saying, meekness, humbleness, lowliness, sobrenes, discretion, and good advisement/ in whom soever it be, is naught set by, but despised now a days. And on the other side bold presumption, foolish hardiness, and unshamefastnes asmuch made of, and is marvelously prosperous, and florysshing. Truth in whom soever it be/ is now had in comen and open hatred/ but on the other side, glozing, flattering, curryenge of Favell/ is principally and chyefly made of, and had in price. When was ever good mind or virtue, less cared for? When was the thirst of most pestilent and poisonful covetousness greater? Do we not all from the highest to the lowest, from the greatest to the smallest, follow covetousness? Who now doth defend the innocent man being weak and feeble, from the injury of the mighty men & of great power? What judge is now a days so uncorrupt, but that he loveth gifts & rewards? When was ever swearing or oaths less had in reverence or regarded? When was perjury more boldly used, and accounted small or none offence? What prevarycacyon, or playing of both hands, what fraud or gyle/ what falsehood is there so great, which is not gaily coloured and painted, by the subtylite (I will not say duplicite) of the lawyer's selves, If hope of gylefull money do glystre or shine from any where, the laws now plainly being turned to mockage? Be they not daily made mocking stocks, and trifles for money in judgement/ wrythen and wrasted and made little worth/ mocked and despised after the lust and pleasure of every lawyer, or pleder of causes? who is now a days/ which is a sueter in the law/ but that he can die sooner, than he can see an end of his suete? O these are worshipful and goodly laws in deed/ these are excellent and gay places of judgement which succour the poor wretches, desiring aid and help of them, after such fashion & manner/ that it had been moche better to have lost all that/ what soever it is, for the which they have begun suete in the law/ then to have fallen in to so cumbrous, and endless labyrynthes or mazes of the judgements, from whenso there is no way to get out again/ if a man be one's entrede in to them. Forsooth I have seen myself certain men which have been lords and owners of no little money/ by such delays, stays and stoppages made in the law, brought to so great poverty/ that they have be constrained of necessity to beg and ask their food from door to door/ and certain other to end their lives in hospytalles and spytle houses/ which before they began to sue, and try the law, had in their possession, substance worth four or five thousands/ Is this (as it is called) to decide and determine causes, and to end suetes and stryves? is this to provide lawfully for the quietness and profit of the Cytezens or commynalte. But no we passing over the courts and places of judgement, what other thing beside is there/ other sober, mesurable/ discrete and belonging to temperance/ or else according to equity & good conscience, which we now a days do exercise or give our mind unto? When was evermore wasteful excess and superfluity of all manner of things? When was covetousness more fervent and hot? When more ungracious wantonness, and outrage of fornications and adulteries. When more stiff & obstinate pride. When more shameless ambition, or desire of honour/ & vaynegforye, or praise? When more unfaithful and false gyle or deceit. When more lewd plenty of open robberies. When more cruelty, or thryste to murder & shed man's blood. when was ever the fury or woodness and rage of wars & bataylles, or the noyaunce and mischievousness of other perelles and dangers, more strong and present? To what thing (Chrysten reader) thinkest thou, that we aught to blame this so diverse, so manifold, so continual treble of all things in the world? 
The despysinge and setting at naught of gods word: is the cause of all the present evils in the world.  or whereof judgest thou all this to belong/ whereof else, but that we have grievously offended and hurt the truth of the Gospel. Is not this truth more hated of us/ which be (as we would be accounted and taken) her own children brone in her own house/ then it is hateful to any barbarous heathen men/ be they never so cruel & beastly? For of what authority or reputation is this troth among us/ or what majesty can she defend and save to herself now any longer. Nay rather what thing is now a days more despised, and set at naught/ what thing is more trodden underfote than it: we have quenched and put out the light of the world, in ourselves, and yet do we marvel, if like blind beasts we do stumble and fall every where in to all evils and wretchedness? Yea more over (which is a more grievous thing) many of us not only stumbling, but utterly perysshing for lack of knowledge and understanding, do not perceive that we do perish/ but rejoice and be proud of our hurtis, and calamytes, and wracks, likewise as if we had the victory/ I am truth, and the light of the world (saith Chryste) who soever followeth me, walketh not in darkness. Behold, we despise openly the truth, which is Chryste/ and yet for all that, we run aways, and forsakers of the truth are nothing ashamed to pretend royally the name of Chryste, calling ourselves Chrystyans/ if Chryste be truth as he is in deed: what is a chrysten man/ Is he not by profession the disciple of truth? But what other thing might truth teach, but it own self? and what other thing could the scholar learn having truth to his teacher/ then truth itself? Is it not convenient and according so to be? May the fire be unhote? or can that thing which the fire hath touched not take heat and wax warm of the said fire? So Christ for as much as he is troth, how is it possible that he hath not taught his disciples truth. Therefore we the sons of men/ how long will we be heavy hearted leaving and forsaking the truth, and following man's judgement/ that is to say vanity and leasing? the doctrine of which truth is this following. blessed are the poor men in spirit, for theyres is the kingdom of heavens. blessed are the meek persons, for they shall possess the earth. blessed are they which waylen and mornen, for they shall be comforted. blessed are they which hungren and thyrsten after rightwiseness, for they shall be filled. blessed are the merciful persons, for they shall obtain mercy. blessed are they/ which are clean in heart, for they shall see god. blessed are the peaceable persons, for they shall be called the sons of god. blessed are they which suffren persecution for rightwiseness sake/ for to them belongeth the kingdom of heavens. What of all these things do not seem to us utterly unsavoury/ or else plain folysshenes no we a days? To be poor in spirit, meek, merciful, peaceable/ to be innocent and harmless/ to mowrne/ to hungres and thirst after rightwiseness and to suffer persecution for the love of it/ what is more out of use then these terms or words/ what more strange or unwonte now a days? Who doth not now a dayeshysse out/ who doth not stamp out these things as it were the dreams of mad men/ and stark foolish trifles? say these words to Latomus, say them to Egmondamus, say them to Hochstratus/ which be but freres only (because I will not name the most holy Father's gods vycars/ and these most reverend Fathers hatted and mytrede) they shall by and by cast the forth as being a certain superstycyous person, and an heretic/ turning this saying of Chryste as it were an horn against the. Go behind us thou adversary, for thou art a sclaundre to us. I beseech the for the love of that truth/ Chrysten reader in whom doth that true poverty of spirit breath now a days. who showeth it forth in his living? who be they of us now a days/ which be not rather swollen and puffed up with the spirit of our own wit and judgement, condemning other in comparison of ourselves/ as though we our selves were more holy than they? who be they among us/ which if they be never so little offended or hurt/ but the mountenaunce of one hear, are not even stark wood and mad angry and wroth with our neighbour? who of us doth not thirst and greatly desire riches, honours, pleasures, even to the contumely and reproach of rightwiseness. A man shall not lightly find mercy or pity now any where among us? more than a good smell and sweet savour in a soil of dirt and mire/ I pray you who of us now (I do not say) are clean in heart? But who doth not abhor and hate this cleanness of heart/ more than the gentiles or heathen people in the old time did hate any unlucky or abominable augury/ that is to say the flying or singing of birds/ whereby was betokened evil hap or mischance to follow them? where is now any place left any longer for peace here in earth? Is she not utterly exiled and banished? who of us now doth sustain or suffer even the least displeasure or evil will of any man/ which is of power or might/ for the rightwiseness of god? but rather which of ourselves do not trede under the foot/ doth not suppress, & doth not as much as in us lieth/ to quench and destroy this ryghtwysenes of god/ that we might advance and tear up our own ryghtwysenes, and that we might not be subjecteth (as the apostle Paul saith) to the justice of god? if those afore rehearsed things were taught of Chryste, which is the light of the world/ it is no doubt but that the night and hills darkness hath taught these things/ which are diamerterly or clean contrary to those other. It is therefore no marvel, it is no noveltye or strange thing, if we suffer punishment/ worthily for our despising of the light of the Gospel/ if we be daily tossed more and more, and my serably suffer shypwrake, in the most thick darkness of men's superstycyous, 
we be worthily punished for the despising of the light of the gospel.  as it were in most grievous tempests or storms/ if we be empoverysshed, oppressed and consumed with wars/ if we be obsessed and beset or compassed about on every side with roberyes, if we be vexed with new strange filthy, and abominable syckenesses and diseases such as hath not been herd heretofore/ if we suffer great famine or hungre/ if we be oppressed of tyrants/ if we be greatly troubled and vexed with monsters and wonders: if we be noyed with the sudden incursyons and assaults of the wild and cruel beasts/ if we be destroyed with the breaking forth, of floods and waters/ if we be swallowed in and consumed with the gapynges and openynges of the earth. Finally and to conclude, which way soever we turn our eyes and our mind/ we shall see or perceive nothing but all cruel, all noisome and hurtful, all vengeable, all miserable and wretchedfull. The child wrangleth/ troubleth and striveth against the aged man/ the man of low degree: against the noble man or of high estate and degree/ all things are dysparpled and scattered/ all things are loose, and out of their place/ all things troubled and out of order/ all things are like and semen to decay and fall. And the things which are to come hereafter, are feared and not without cause to be more grievous and dreadful/ then these which be present. For such pains such punysshementes/ such vengeance doth the truth despised/ require to be done to us/ such plagues requyrens the dyscyplyne and learning of light refused and set at noughts/ Because we do mock and scorn the poverty of spirit: we have also now cast away and lost the hope and promise of the kingdom of heavens/ setting all our heart and desire upon earthly thyngs. Because we have ceased to be meek: we do also now worthily not so moche possess the earth, as we do fight for it with murders and cruel bloody bataylles. Because we thirst after unryghtwysenes, & now every where do oppress the ryghtuouse person. Therefore worthily and through our own deserving/ we do in a manner no where find any token or print of justice remaining. And we do each overtourne and destroy other with doing injuries & wrongs one of us to an other. Because we refuse and forsake doing mercy to other/ we ourselves also sometime worthily do miss and lack the same toward us. Because we now embrace, and love in our heart/ nothing that is pure and clean: according to our deserving/ we also do not attain or get the most pure beam of truth/ but being cyrcunuented and beguiled with falsehood and lies/ we are fallen away utterly from the faith and the Gospel. For what other thing is it, (I beseech the good Chrysten reader) to fall away from the Gospel: then to use (as it is done daily) in the stead of the leuite softness or gentleness of Chryste, arrogancy and presumptuous pride, in stead of virtue and good living, to use wantonness/ hatrede in the stead of charity, war in the stead of peace, domination/ rule or lordship in the stead of humbleness and lowliness/ & to usurp the Empire of the hole world/ and yet nevertheless all this notwithstanding, to stand in our own conceits, and to think ourselves to have right faith/ and to be Chrysten livers? Did Christ in any place teach/ that earthly empires and lordships in this world, were to be coveted or desired? did he not teach rather all manner ways/ that these things were to be avoided and eschewed, (which doctrine it is evident and surely known, to have been perfectly observed and kept of his true disciples) when he said? you can not both serve god, and also mammon or riches/ who soever in old time did believe in him, duly and as they ought to do: doubting nothing at all, this thing to be true, of their own free wills did forsake, and cast from them all their goods and possessions, as being heavy and weighty burthayns/ and so then being at liberty and light, followed the lord of life/ the other, which professed themselves to be guides of the blind persons, laughing them to scorn for their thus doing. In the which thing/ in this most perilous time we dread nothing at all, ourselves to follow the Pharisees, more than the apostles saying that it is most expedient and chyefly profitable to the church, to have all fat and rich things, all rents & profettes to themself/ craftily and subtelly 
Men of the church now a days at rather the followers of the pharisees than of the apostles.  pyking out, and gathering together of all the holy scripture. A few names of rich men/ by which we may any manner way hold up strength, and maintain our own sentence and sayings, passing by purposely for the nonce/ without eyes fast shytte and closed (as it is wont to be said) syxe hundreth places, that maketh for the contrary part/ and yet shall there be no little diversity (if a man will dylygentlye mark and take heed) between their manner of rychenes and ours. first I fear least we have not got our riches and goods, like moche holylye and rightfully, as Abraham. Isaad, jacob, job, and such other did get their substance/ which gat not that/ which they had any other ways/ than by labours and husbondrye, without the hurting or damaging of any other man. But as for us (I fear) lest we have made our selves rich (without any pains or travail taken of our own part,) by other men's labour: you oftentimes with the grief, smart and sorrow also of other men. Beside this, those afore rehearsed persons/ did never esteem these things for riches, neither when they were plentiful to them, they did set their heart upon them/ so as we do/ which do strive and keep war among ourselves/ one with an other, for these things more fiercely/ than for our very life. I fear therefore (I say) lest there be very great diversity between them and us/ if any man would ponder and diligently consydre the manner of the getting, the use, and the affection of both parts/ and that our sentence opinion, or judgement, can nothing at all therefore be helped or defended/ by the examples and deeds of them: which were as far away or else more from this our covetousness (whereby we now gape greedily after riches) as their time or world/ is unlike & far away from this out time or world, in temperance, mesurablenes, contynency or clean living/ when did they so rage's among them selves with murders and daily slaughters for these things only, as we do/ when did not they use these riches or goods as Instruments of benefycence and lyberalytie, even toward strangers of other nations/ and those whom they did not know? where as we most commonly use them, as helpers and aids other to do Injuries & wrongs/ or else to exercise voluptuousness and wantonness: when did not they so have their riches according to the saying of Paul) as though they had not had them? contrary wise we, when do we not live so addicted, utterly given, or bond unto them, that we are found and perceived to be possessed of them/ rather than to be possessors/ to be bond servants unto them/ rather than the lords or masters of them? in so much that we do esteem no manner benefits of Chryste done to us/ to be of so great valour/ but that we are very ready to forget them, for the cause and love of this wretched and wicked mammone (these things are odyouse to be spoken/ but it is a more odyouse thing, that those things may truly be cast again us/ and laid to our charge: and we can not truly avoid them/ or clear ourselves of them) do we think, that Abraham would have been loath, or evil willing to have lost his riches, were they never so great, for god's sake, for whose love he was so well willing/ and content to forgoo his only begotten son/ whom undoubtedly he had more pleasure in, than in all the substance of the world? Do to now, we 
we do foolishly and madly to defend our covetousness, by the examples of our holy Fathers.  which foolishly seche defence and maintenance to our covetousness of the examples of those holy men/ Let us compare our mind with their mind toward these fylthes/ and let us than say, (if any shame at all be in us) such holy men were rich/ therefore it is lawful for us, day and night/ by right or wrong, hoke or croak/ to climb and labour up to riches/ by the example of them/ who of us of so many rich and gainful benefices/ which we contynuelly with meruaylouse great care and diligence do heap and sowdre together at Rome/ would be content to forgoo and lack but one half bushel of beans, for the love of Chryste? But those holy men would have slain even their only begotten sons, with most obedient mind, for the hope of his grace and favour. They at his bidding, forthwith without any delay/ forsook their country and all their kinsfolk/ we clear contrary to his commandment, do couple and join, together field to field, house to house, without any measure or end/ and we have go so far forward, (which I pray god to turn to good) that we have left more narrow spaces/ & rooms, and less lands to the lay men, than we have taken from them/ and yet besides this we do not rest, afore that we fly upon the resydewe also which is left to them, and until we have brought all the people with their wife's and children in seruytute & bondage to us/ and when we shall have done this, we will defend and maintain it to have been done laufullye by the example of Abraham and other holy men like to him/ Shall not this be (I pray you) a proper & goodly comparison or similitude. From whom did those men at any time take away wrongfully/ but the mountenaunce of one chekyn? We daily because of our own profit and advantage, do overthrow and destroy hold howsholdes/ and yet nevertheless we covet to be accounted the salt of the earth, (full worthily forsooth) in comparison of the people. Chryste in many places denieth other his disciples or else himself also to be of this world, saying these words. If the world doth hate you: know you that it hath hated me afore you/ if you had been of the world: the world truly would have loved that which was belonging to itself/ now because you are not of the world/ But I have choose you from the world/ therefore the world hateth you. Behold here, how that man, whom Chryste hath choose/ is not of 
They are not of this world whom chryst hath elected.  this world/ and therefore Paul saith. if I did please the world/ I should not then be the servant of Chryste/ And yet we now fight with all manner Armies and hosts, for worldly dominion/ and rule none otherwise, neither after any lighter fashion, than did any heathen men, in their life time, other Alexandre, or julius (from the names of whom we do no whytte refrain) Yes this to be meek, according to Chrystes teaching and commandment? is this to be poor in spirit? is this to be merciful? is this to hungre and thirst rightwiseness? Is this to be consenting and at agreement shortly with thine adversary by the way? is this not to resist evil? is this, when one striketh the on the right cheek to hold forth also unto him thy left cheek? Yes this (I say) when one is willing to take from us our coote, to deliver unto him also our gown? is this to love our enemies/ and to do good to them which doth hate us? dare we be bold to deny that Chryste taught his disciples these things or may we do so without most evident crime of prevarycacyon? what is more manifest/ what I pray you is more known than those things. But that we may avoid this, and escape out by some craft and subtylyte/ we do say. these things are not to be understand thus after the lyterall or grammatical sense/ You moreover/ we fiercely pronounce him to be an herttyke forthwith/ who soever shall judge or think that the true sense & meaning of scripture is rather to be defended and maintained/ then the coacte sense imagined of us/ Affyrming that he ought to cleave and lean to the exposition & declaration of holy Fathers, (that is to wit of M. dunce, of Thomas, of Sylnester/ of Catharinus & such other of the same sort) saying than/ that it is not lawful to give credence to the scripture of hit self/ in any thing. But that we must every where embrace the sense which the exposytor maketh/ for the most true sense: what other thing is this, I pray you/ than to be compelled against our will/ to give credence to men (and that to certain of them but veray tryflers) and not to give credence to god? Nay rather what other thing is this/ than to anulle and make void the law of god and to bind the chrysten people to the lust and appetite or pleasure of man/ and openly so to far and do in this behalf/ as though the church could no longer know any certain Gospels/ have no certain apostles and prophets? for now the wickedness of some men is bold to affirm and say (which to think 
The wykydnesse of some papists.  is abominable sin) that the church should have been moche better/ without the gospels/ & therefore that it had been expedient/ that they had neither been written/ neither received at any tyme. O tongue worthy to be tamed/ and held under with brenning fire/ and brimstone/ Chryste saith to his apostles/ Going in to all the world preach you the gospel to every creature/ the wicked man saith it had been better that the gospel had never been sprung up or been begun. This, 
To give Christ buffet, or blow.  this is to give Christ a buffet or blow upon the cheek. This thing (I think no man doubteth of/ but is evident to all men/ that there is nothing almost now left or remaining in the holy scripture/ which hath his own true natural & ꝓpre cense or understanding left or saved to hit self/ we have wrested & applied all things in the scripture/ to our own pomp/ to our own ambition, to our own power/ fede my sheep/ follow me/ give for the & me/ thou being once converted/ confirm & strength or comfort thy brethren/ here be. two. swords/ to the will I give the keys of the kingdom of heavens/ whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, it shall be bound also in heavens. etc. Which of all these sayengis, is not now so applied that it serveth rather our sensual appetites & lustis/ then the intention & purpose of Chryste? And albeit, the sense or meaning of all these is open and veray manifest, and clear to be perceived and seen, even of blind men/ if a man will consydre the hole history of the gospel. Yet nevertheless, we contend, and say stiffly/ that they are so to be taken and understanded, as it shall be most for our profit, and make best for or purpose, to abuse them. In like manner who of us can suffer now/ or abide it, that these sentences following, be otherwise understanded, than according to our mind and pleasure/ who taketh not his own cross, and followeth me, he is no worthy or meet disciple for me/ do you not gather treasures to yourselves, in the earth/ where thieves may dig them out, and moughtes and worms may eat and consume them. And princes and rulers of the gentiles useth dominion over them/ and those which be greater: exercyseth power and authority upon them/ it shall not be in like case among you: but who soever is willing to be greater among you/ let him be your minister. And who soever is willing to be chief among you/ he shall be your servant/ even likewise as the son of man hath not comen to be ministered unto/ but to mynystre unto other/ we can not in any wise by these sentences fortyfie and strength the prymacye and authority of the bishop of Rome, 
The bishop of Rome.  (whom we do defend) unless that we can by craft and subtlety so lay a colour upon them, and cover them over with hard plaster to keep under the truth/ that it may not freely and at liberty put forth or show itself, at any tyme. For else, without this, it shall appear more clearly than the son, that humylytie and lowliness is there commanded of Chryste to us priests, when he saith it shall not be so among you: & on the contrary part, superyoryte (as they call it) of bearing rule, to be utterly forbidden. Are these words, there shall be no lordis or masters 
I pray the good reader, attend & take heed how goodly these things agree together.  among you so as the kings & rulers of gentiles use dominion and exercise authority upon their subgettes/ asmuch for to say (I beseech you) as this? Be thou Peter with thy successors heir for ever of the Empire of Rome. O exposition (because I will say no thing more grievous) worthy to be condemned, and as the proverb is, to be marked with a little rod or dasshe made with a pen in token of dysalowing. Furthermore, that which followeth, I came to mynystre, & not to be ministered unto, to serve, not to be served (you god wot) is asmuch to say as this. The Emperors and kings or rules of the earth, let them fall down on their knees, and with great veneration kiss the feet adorned & garnished with precious stones, of thee, and thy successors, sitting solemnly in a seat or chair of astate, more gorgyouse than any kings seat. Moreover, that saying he that will be cheiffest among you, shall be your servant/ and he that willeth to be greater than other among you: let him be your cloister/ sygnyfeyth or betokeneth nothing else, but this/ we only have power and authority to command/ and all the residue of the church must nedely obey. O Peter, if thy master meaned this by his words/ why then didst thou, when thou was made the chief capitain & head of thy brethren/ say these words thine own self. Be you subgettes to every man for the love of god/ whether it be to the king/ as to a more excellent person/ or to dukes as persons sent by him. But here a certain one of our most holy father's/ grievously rebuketh & saith with loud voice/ that thou Peter didst not speak these words to thyself/ but only to thy subgettes. O how conveniently, and meetly hath he found this starting hole to help himself with all. As who should say/ that what soever Peter taught he did reach it only in words (as we do no we a days) and not rather & much more did teach it, by his works or deades/ & by contynuell example/ following in this point also/ the custom and manner of his master Chryste/ of whom the evangelist Luke saith/ Jesus' began to do/ and teach/ Likewise Paul also saith. Be you the followers of me? as I am the follower of Chryste/ for which cause/ the same Paul also commandeth the doer or worker of the word, not him which is only the hearer or teacher of it/ except that peradventure it beseemed Peter to teach only and not to do/ and so by a custom begun and brought up by him it becometh other his successors to do the same/ I knowledge plainly (such is the dullness of my wit) that I do not perceive or understand this theology or divinity. Beside this, why did than the same Peter go to Samarye with Iohn 
¶ Nota. Peter by the commandment of the Apostles went to Samaria.  when he was bidden so to do of the other apostles, or why were not than the apostles, ashamed to abuse the prerogative and prehemynence of their head and ruler to this mynysterie or service/ or why I pray you, doth he himself not show forth nor take upon him any such manner pretogatyve, and authority, and dignity at all, above other in his epistles saying. I one of the fellow bishops myself, and equal with them/ beseech the bishops, which are among you. I pray the good reader, canst thou perceive any where in these words/ any tutle or point belonging to prymacye? what could be spoken more meekly, or in more lowlywyse? what more symplye or plainly. first in calling himself fellow bysshyp, he challengeth to himself/ or taketh upon him, none excellence or prehemynence above other/ but maketh himself fellow like with them. When he besecheth them, in so doing, he challengeth to himself no rule, no dominion, no prymacye, no power or authority upon them. And forsooth, if we will hearken and give credence unto Peter, to Paul himself, and to other/ which speak to us in the holy scripture of god, both profyttes and apostles, rather than to our own dreams and fantasies/ certainly we shall perceive and find, that they do call themselves no thing else but ministers, & their power nought else but a mynysterye/ having their minds far away from all kind, you apparaunce of honour: not only from the ambitious desire of prymacye, superyoryte. Doth not our lord and master himself, (for this is often times to be rehearsed) say, I am not comen to be served/ but to mynystre, and serve. And shall it not be sufficient to the servant to be as his lord and maystre is, but doth he desire to be greater than his master, what needeth it to make any more words. With our scholyes, gloss commentes, and interpretations, we have taken away & 
That with our gloss well near all divine scripture is clean taken away.  destroyed well near all the whole scripture of god. Srypture is not peraveuture overtourned and destroyed/ but being as it were dumb, in a manner speaketh no more/ neither may do any more under us tyrants, then may the child: which is under the rod or correction of his governor or master: that is to say, nothing but only that, which shallbe very liking and pleasant to us/ as domynyons, prymacyes, chief rulers, kingdoms. Notwithstanding that in the mean season (our trifling and vain imaginations and fantasies taken away (she doth put us in mind and remembrance of nothing more, chyefly in every place/ than that we should despise and set at naught all these things/ crying out plainly, and openly: that empires, riches and gold, are vile stayle and transytorye things. Peter said to Simon magus the enchauntour/ offering gold to him/ keep thy gold to thyself to perdition. The wise man saith in his book entyled Ecclesiasticus. Gold is the wood or tree of offensyon/ wo be to them/ which coveteth & followeth it. And yet we (good lord) what hokes, what wiles/ what nets, do we not make contywally now a days, to catch this so evil or mischievous a thing? what do we not enterprise or take in hand boldly and swiftly for the love of money power and authority/ what place of the scripture do we not adulterate/ counterfeit/ and cortupte. By these few words (lohere be. two. swords) we have writhen and wrested the sword/ and empire of the world out of the Emperors hand/ and stoutly & manfully god save us, challenged it to the church/ Albeit that Chryste himself doth say & affirm/ that his kingdom is not of this world/ and Paul also his sworn orator and Ambassadoure crieth out, saying. Our weapons & armour are not carnal/ but strong, 
Our armour or weapons are not carnal  and mighty in god. And because that no point of boldness/ and presumptuous pride should be wanting in us/ we have ourselves made a foundament and head of the universal church. Hereof came up those strange names (which in old time were not known any thing at all of the holy men) general vicar/ greatest bishop/ and many such other/ yet far more strange than these/ of which 
Names of dignity.  we do not rede in all Peter's epistles, that ever he usurped or took any one to himself/ Paul knoweth no head of the church, but only Chryste. But we make ourselves a head both of the church, and also of the empire/ how great tragedies & troubles, we have for this cause raised up hitherto/ to the church, how many of us have striven after a lay manner with Emperors about this name and title It were to long an history, to rehearse/ among which emperors, Lodowyke 
The injuries and contumelyes done by the Popes of Rome to Lodowick of Bavary the emperor.  of Bavaria/ that noble and renommed emperor, the beauty and worship of the most honourable stock of the dukes of Bavary, and which was inferior to none of the princes in his time, in gentle courage of mind in mercy and pity, in devotion or holiness, in all virtues to be used/ other in peace or in war, & to conclude, in all qualities or properties which are commendable, in any emperor/ whose defencyon we have put to here following (for the which we would that he should be beholden to a Germaine borne rather than to an other of an out nation) was so proudly, & presumptuously handled and entreated, and also so dyspytefully, and contumelyously. first of Iohn the. xxii. of that name/ and after that of Benedicte, the. twelve. & last of all of Clement the sixth, being all three bishops of Rome/ that it is not possible to have hanled any man in more proud or dyspytefull manner. And that for no grievous offence/ as baptista Egnatius himself also doth confess (albeit in other things he is well near to to great a favourer of the bishops of Rome) but for this only/ that he durst be bold to take upon him the name of an Emperor, without the assent and agreement of Iohn. This seemed to the holiness of that bishop of Rome a reasonable cause and sufficient. Wherefore he should not only interdict so excellent and so noble a prince from the Sacraments & alldyvyne service▪ ●ut also denounce & publysshe him (though he were fautles (to be an heretic, by preachers sent forth a broad by him in to all places for the same purpose. And moreover for the intent and purpose to raise & stir up rebellion of his subgettis against him/ he did absolve all that were sworn to him by any manner of oath, whatsoever it were/ from their said oaths & their allegiance. And beside this, vexed him with war & battle/ choosing Cardynalles and abbots for to be the chief & principal capitains in the same 
Cardynalles and Abbottis capitains in war.  war. And Clement also did procure Charles king of Boheme, adversary to the said Lodowyke/ to be named and made Emperor of the princes electors/ to the end, that so much the more discord and murder might be kendled among the Chrysten princes/ which is the only craft and subtile practise/ whereby they have always hitherto maintained thus their power & authority/ which hath caused so moche blood to be shed: & so many loose their lives in the world. If any vicar of Chryste may be of such manners and conditions, truly I can not see/ why any manner tyrant of the world, may not also be the vicar of Christ. But if he aught not to take vengeance/ if he aught to pray even for his persecutoures, and to do good also to them/ which hate him, if he aught to refuse/ and exchewe earthly kingdom/ if he aught to abstain from all manner covetousness, if he ought to walk after the spirit/ and not after the flesh: than I can not see, but that there is exceeding moche difference and diversity, between the aforesaid manners/ and the ordinance of Chryst. Neither it is unknown to me what displeasure here I purchase to myself, whiles I stir and trouble in this pomp of their abusion and abominations. But in the mean season farewell they, I say farewell they, who soever they be, you though they be priests: whose favour I can not retain, except that I will renounce and forsake the truth which truth itself hath said and told before this that the world should come when the one brother should deliver the other brother unto death, and the father the son, and when moreover the sons should rise up against their fathers, and put them to death. So far it is away, that other I may or aught to be friend to any man/ which is not himself friend to the truth: that I aught not to believe any man/ or to give place to him, be he never so near of natural kin unto me, not neither yet to any angel of heaven, if he preached any thing contrary to the 
An angel is not to be believed speaking against the gospel.  gospel. saying than that this truth (which only giveth true peace and charity to men) do the fearfully warn her scholars away every where, in so many places and by so many manner of ways from worldy kingdom, rehearsing and iterating so oft: My kingdom is not of this world and you be not of this world/ And except a man renounce all that he possess. Item it is more easy for a Camel to enter in through a needles eye, than a rich man to enter in to the kingdom of heavens/ Moreover you can not both serve god and Mammon all at one's. Also the perable of the rich glutton buried in hell) & of that other rich man dreaming of the enlarging of his barns. Also that most sharp and sore commyncacyon or thretening against rich men/ woe be to you rich men, which have here your consolation and comfort. Woe be to you, which be full fed: for you shall be hungry/ woe be to you, which do laugh now: for you shall wail and weep Are not these so many sayingis of Chryste the son of god, evident tokens enough How he would have his disciples and servants minded to ward these earthly thyngs. And yet this notwithstanding, Benedicte the. twelve. when at Mylane at Verona, at Vicentium, at Mantua, at Rhegium, at Cararium, at Padway, at Ferrarye, at Mutiny, at Argent/ he did instytute and make the Mayres and governors of the said places, in the Emperors Lodowykes absence, his own vicar's or deputies, (commanding a certain tribute to be paid yearly of them) 
Because Christ is king in heaven/ therefore the pope is Emperor or head ruler in earth/ is not this a goodsy reason. Two solutions.  by his craftefull apostolic spoiling Lodowyke of the possession of Italye? he said that all the power & rule of the Empire was his own/ for asmuch as who soever is the successoure of Peter, is the only vicar or deputy in earth, of Ihesu Christ the king of heaven. Is this I pray you to walk after the spirit? or is this not to entangle themselves in secular and worldly business? according to the commandment of Paul writing these words to Tymothe, Let no man that warreth no god's part/ entangle himself with seculate business/ that he may please him. etc. But here is ready at hand for us two solutions or answers the one that the bishop of Rome is not bound to the words of Paul, for as much as the inferyor person hath no power or authority over or upon the superior/ the other, that to himself alone belongeth both the swords to which solution the third is put unto in the stead of an Auctarye to make heaped measure/ and it is this/ that all things is the said bishops/ because that Chryste did say these words. All power and authority is given to me both in heaven and in earth. Of these words we have gotten forth to ourselves absolute and perfit power/ hereof have we taken to ourselves both the swords hereof, we do attribute to ourselves authority above all the counsels, you and also above the very gospels/ hereof have we challenged empire, and we have caught and snatched to ourselves domination and rule/ never to have end or rest/ upon the kings and emperors/ albeit that Chryste hath taught us clean contrary things/ that 
Men of the church should be ministers & not lords.  is to wit, that we should not gather treasure here in earth: but in heaven/ that we should bear our cross: & not to bear a threfolde cowne on our head of gold garnished with precious stones/ that we should mynystie and serve: not be fords and rulers/ This is the manner and fashion of our living now a days/ thus the scripture is expounded after our mind and pleasure. Thus now we learn and rcceyve & take the sense or meaning imagined by men, in the stead of the true sense and meaning of the scripture/ and the spirit of men, in the stead of the spirit of god, we hearken to man, we believe man, we do obey man. But as for Chrystes words: who of us now any where doth hearken, or who doth believe? And yet he said my sheep knoweth my voice, and I again of my part do know them. A stranger they do not here, but run away/ if than the sheep of Chryste here the voice of him only, and fleeth or runneth away from a stranger: how can we (I pray you) prove ourselves to be his sheep: which in this most wretched time, not only do not here his gospel: but moreover do hate it and would have it clean destroyed and tydde out of the world/ saying that the church should be better (o abominable impyetye) without the word or gospel of Chryst/ which in every place teacheth us so often, that his words only his commandments alone, are to be observed and kept/ saying/ he that hath my commandments, and keapeth them/ he it is that loneth me/ contrariwise, what other thing doth he more sharply lay to the jews charge and rebuketh them for more grievously, than for this that they regarded not his words, nor would do after them/ when he saith/ if you shall abide in my words. you shall be truly my disciples/ and you shall know the truth, and the truth shall deliver you again a little after/ he that is of god: heareth the words of god/ but therefore you do not here/ because you are not of god/ if thou seche diligently & ransake the holy scryture (good crysten reader) from the beginning that man was created: thou shalt find that all those which are therein rehearsed to have pleased god/ did always teach men the word of god, and not their own. When I pray thee) did ever 
That neither the prophetts neither the apostles, did speak or teach to men, any other thing/ than the word of god.  Moses, when Heliseus, when Helias, and so forth in order unto the last prophette, say after this manner? These things do I Moses say/ these things do I Helias say/ and not rather at all times. These things saith your lord god? when did ever Peter? when did Paul preach other their own gospel, or else of any man, and not the gospel of Ihesu Christ? doth not Paul plainly & openly witness and record, that the gospel which he did teach, was not of man/ but of Chryste? & he boldly curseth him: who ever he be (you although it were an angel from heaven) which would presume to teach any other gospel, than that of Chryste? Beside this these four golpelles which the church doth only allow Ezechiell did see before (the spirit of god showing them unto him) about. vi. C. years before Christ was incarnate/ expressing perfytefy the Prophesy of the. iiii. gospels, by the similitude or likeness of. iiii. sensible creatures of the which the first was of a man, the second of a lion, the third of an ox, the fourth of an Eagle, in each one of the which. iiii. lykenesses, is figured one mystery of Chryst. In the likeness of man, was figured the bodily nativity of him/ in the shape of a lion: was signified the roaring or great sound of the preaching of the gospel, or the mystery of his resurrection/ In the figure of an ox was betokened his ever lasting priesthood, in the similitude of an Eagle: was figured the mystery of his divinity and godhead to be uttered & showed to the church, which should be spread abroad through out all the world. Shall the church lack or want the gospels of them whom the holy ghost self/ gave evangelists & gospelers to his own church? Matthew when he was a publycane and called to his offyce, of Chryste self (who can doubt hereof) written & set forth first the gospel in the Hebrew language, for the jews which were converted to Chryste, Marcus gospel, is the gospel of Peter/ to whom specially chryst did say, fede my sheep. And so like wise, the gospel which Luke written: is the gospel of Paul, the doctor of the gentiles/ which attained & understood the secrecies and pryvyties of god, which is not lawful to any man to speak/ of the which paul praise is given to the same Luke, in the gospel through out all congregations/ Iohn which deserved to here of Chryste hanging on the cross these words. Behold thy mother: at the continual and fervent request, and instant desire of all the bishops of Asye, & their Ambassadors written the gospel last of all. iiii. And yet he durst not enterprise or take that work in hand, afore such time, that they had purchased the mercy and favour of god, by fasting openly bidden or commanded to the people, and by prayers also/ Shall we think peradventure, that the church (if it had pleased them) might have forsaken and left this gospel, which to be written, they obtained with so many intreatynges and desires, with so many ambassages, moreover with processyons & fastyngis openly commanded? wherefore let him (who soever he be) the more scasely & more seldom object against us, that these gospels were received of the church as though it had been in their choice or liberty also, not to have received them/ & to have rejected & refused the word 
The church had not so authority to approve the gospels that it had lie likewise in their power to dysalowe the same  of truth. Therefore that the church hath approved and allow these gospels, is not thus much to say, as the church hath given authority to them, which authority, if it had pleased them, the same church might also have taken from them, as the workers of Plato and Aristotyle hath been hitherto approved and allowed, by the consent of all learned men, and yet no man lightly would be bold to die for the truth, of the same works. But to say, that the church hath approved and allowed the gospels, is nothing else, but that the church hath inseperablye cleved to the undoubtable truth of the said gospels, as it were to the word of Chryste speaking presently afore our face/ for the which truth, she aught also to die, if that she will be saved. Should the church presume, & be bold, 
How the sentence of them is to be under standed that say, that the church hath approved & allowed the gospel.  to take unto herself such authority and censure over the word of him, by whose mercy she is saved: as that she might dyssent & dysagree from any (even the lest) title thereof, and not rather aught to honour and worship it all manner ways? But it is not thought sufficient now a days, to ascribe this overmuch liberty to the church, that she may judge and give sentence of the gospel of Chryste, in to whether part she please other approving, or dysproving, but there been also certain which affirm, that it had been best the gospel never to have be made or written. And than ergo it should be best that thing not to have been written at all, which no man (except he be to tomoche wicked, doth deny, to have be written by the inspiration of the holy ghost, to the erudition and consolation 
Take heed & mark this wicked blasphemy.  of the church? And ergo the evangelists were then both pernycyouse, & noisome & hurtful to the church? And ergo the apostles/ which first taught the world this gospel so hurtful, were no teachers to the church, but destroyers of the truth? And ergo Christ himself, which gave them in charge & commandment to preach it, did not command that which was best, but which to have forbidden had been best. O good god, what a monstrous thing is this to say, that it had been expedient, for the utilyte & profit of the church, that no gospels had ever been written? And I pray you for Chrystes sake, what manner a church should it have been of chrysten men, without the word of Christ? upon which word alone as upon a sure stone, it is grounded and builded. Should we think, that it should have been a church, or else rather some synagogue of Satan, without the gospel of Chryste? why hath the church self instytuted and ordained, no Mass to be celebrated, no sermon to be made, without the gospel? why do we rise up reverently, according to the manor and custom, when the gospel is red or song, if there be no profit thereof, at all in the church? Behold, what manner tragical troubles and great business or strife is raised and stirred up now a days, and all for the intent that we might make one wretched man equal and pete to Chryste, in power and authority/ which we do not hope, that it may be brought any other ways to pass, except we under the pretence of the name of the church, do challenge and ascribe to him authority also to forsake or put down the gospel, if he listed. But Chryste saith he that is of god: heareth the words of god therefore you hear not because you are not of god/ if this saying be true: than who soever doth not here the gospel, that was showed by the inspiration of god, (which thing no man will deny, but the devil himself as I have said heretofore who soever affirmeth or saith that it is pernycyous and hurtful to the church he is not of god, but of the devil his father, whose desires he coveteth to perform and fulfil/ if you shall abide and continue in my word: (saith the same Chryst our saviour) you shall truly be my disciples, and shall know the truth, and the truth shall deliver you/ who soever therefore shall not continue & abide steadfastly in his gospel: shall not be the true disciple of Chryste/ of whom than? of Antechryste? Neither he shall know the truth/ what shall follow than? he shall work the lesynges or lyenges of his father the devil/ neither shall he be delevered by the truth/ what shall he suffer than? he shall be set on the left hand, with the kyddes, that is to say with wicked men. But now not forgetting our beginning, to return again to the principal and chief point of our matyer or purpose: saying that the truth, that is to say the belief of the word of god, only doth deliver from death, and incredulyte or lack of belief doth destroy/ why do we doubt yet, but that we do sustain and suffer these present evils, and that we shall daily suffer more grievous calamities, for that we have on every side cast out and bannysshed this truth? Our lord said by the mouth of jeremye the prophet, I have planted the a choose vineyard, all true seed, how fortuneth it than, that thou art turned to me in to a crooked and evil one, thou vineyard of a strange kind? Behold, he hath planted all true seed in his choose vineyard/ But we have turned the true seed, in to evil and noughtye/ therefore also, we be not the choose vineyard of the lord/ but a strange one and of an other kind/ why so strange and of an other kind? because we do adulterate and corrupt his word/ he said, you shall not put any thing to the word which I speak to you: neither shall you take away any thing from it. But we nothing dreading or fering this his threatening, in the stead of his holy word we compel his church being oppressed, to receive our sense and judgement/ affirming with asseveracyon: that, which we speak, to be the word of the lord: nothing remembering, that fearful saying of the prophet/ woe be to you, which are wise in your own eyes, & which are prudent in the sight of yourselves/ woe be to you which call evil good, and good evil/ making darkness light, and light darkness. But what other thing do we, applyeng the scripture to our own will/ and lust, or appetite/ than make our own words light/ and the words of god darkness. Therefore jeremye worthily upbraiding and rebuking us, saith these words/ the prophet & the priest, be polluted/ and in my house I have found the wickedness of sin of them, saith the lord. Therefore the way of them shall be as a slypper ground or place in darkness/ for they shall be driven and shall fall in it/ for I shall bring evils upon them, the year of their visitation, saith the lord/ Peter also hath given us warning of the same, saying 
Petri. 5.  these words/ it is time now, that the judgement begin at the house of god/ and if it shall begin first at us, what shall be end of them which hath not given credence to the gospel of god? But they speak these things to us all in vain/ and no more fruit cometh thereof, as touching our part: than should come, if one told a tale (as it is commonly said) to deaf men/ for we are utterly hardened and stiff minded against the truth/ and as it were the deeffe serpentis called Astoides we obstynatly stop our ears, to speak out the voice or sound of scripture, enchanting, and charming us to our porfyte. Farewell crysten reader, and sorrow thou, & sigh with me, (saying that in a manner there remaineth nothing else that we may do) for the decay of the ecclesiastycall discyplyne and good order, which daily appeareth, and waxeth worse and worse. The year of our Lord. M. CCCCC. xxii.  
¶ To god only be honour and glory.   

Against the usurped jurisdiction of the bishop of Rome, the book of Marsilius of Milan, treating of the Emperors & the pope's, power which book is entitled. Defensor pacis/ & is divided in to. three parts, which the Author thereof calleth dictions. And this said book was written & dedicated to the most valiant emperor Lodowyke of Bavaria (which had been handled after ungodly manner, & suffered many injuries done to him by three bishops (called pope's of Rome) about the year of our lord god. M. CCC. xxiiii.   


¶ Of the sumarye and general intention of the things which shall be treated and spoken of in this work, and of the cause of the intention, and purpose, and of the division of the book,  
¶ The first Chapytre,  
TRanquyllyte is the thing doubtless which is to be desired of every 
Tranquyllyte is the mother of arts & sciences.  realm and comynaltie/ as in which both the people goth forward & increaseth. For the utility or profit of nations is kept & maintained. For this is the beautiful mother of good arts and occupations. This tranquillity, multyplyeng and increasing the kind of man by repetable succession: enlargeth their possessions and goods, & beautefyeth their manners. And he is known to be ignorant of these so great things: who soever is perceived, not to have sought after this said tranquillity/ By these words and 〈◊〉 now afore recited. Cassiodorus in his first book of 
Cassiodorus  epistles, hath expressed the utilities, profits or fruits, that groweth, of the tranquillity or peace of civil regymentes/ to the intent, that he by these best fruits 
The suffycyencye of manneslyfe is the best fruit that cometh of peace.  expressing and declaring the best thing, that belongeth to may (that is to wit the suffycyencye of his life) which no man may attain without peace & tranquylytie/ he might excyte, provoke, and stir up, the wills and desires of men to have peace, and this tranquillity among themselves, one with an other wherein he spoke conformably to the saying of blessed job, which in the. xxii. chapiter said/ have thou peace, & by it thou shalt have very good fruits. This peace Christ verily the son of god decreed therefore to be the sign or token & the 
In the birth of Christ, tidings of peace was brought by angels unto men  messenger or shower of his new and strange birth, when in his said birth he would by the oracle and voice of heavenly angels this song to be song Gloria in altissimis do et in terra pax hominibus bone voluntatis. That is, Glory and praise be to god in heavens: & in earth peas be to men of good will. For this cause also, the same Christ very oftentimes wished peace to his disciples/ wherefore it is written in the gospel of Iohn. jesus came and stood in the mids of his disciples and said/ pax vobis/ that is peace be to you. He also giving them monition 
Chryst whysshed peace to his disciples  to observe and keep peas one with an other: and said as it is red in Mark/ pacem habete inter vos/ that is have or keep peace among you. And not only he taught them to keep peace among themselves, one with an other. But also he taught them to wish the same peace unto other men/ wherefore it is red this in 
The apostles wisheth peace. Peas was the inheritance of christs disciples.  Matthew. And when you enter in to the house: salute it saying, peas be to this house. This same peace also was the inheritance which Christ, when the time of his passion & death approached: by his testament left to his disciples, when he said to them in the .ix. of Iohn/ peas I leave unto you/ my peas I give unto you. And after the manner of chryst, the Apostles also as being his very heirs & followers, wished this said peace unto all those persons, to whom by their epistles they did direct the documents and monitions or counsels of the gospel as men that known right well the fruits of peace to be most good, as it hath been alleged of job, and by Cassiodore more largely declared. But because of contrary causes, contrary effects naturally and necessarily are brought forth/ therefore of discord, which is contrary unto tranquillity, there shall grow unto every real me or cyvyle regyment most evil fruits and hurts, as men may sufficiently see, and well near to every man is evidently known/ by the realm or cyvyle regyment of Italye/ for whiles the inhabytauntes thereof lived together peaseably: 
Example of the kingdom of Italye.  they received of long time pleasantly the afore rehearsed fruits of peace. And by these & in these fruits they prospered and went forward so greatly that they have subdued all the habytable parts of the world, unto their dominion and empire. But after that discord or strife was once risen or sprung up among them: their kingdom or community and empire hath been vexed with manifold and sundry manner incommodyties and evils/ and hath been subdued and brought under the empire and dominion of other strange and hateful nations. And moreover again the country of Italy is by the reason of strife and discord so torn on every side, and in a manner loosed & utterly feblysshed, that it is no hard thing or mastrye, for any man that list to win it, & is any thing of power at all, to enter thereunto: And that it hath thus chanced or come to pass, it is nothing marvel worthy, for as Salustius witnesseth, where he maketh mention of Catylyne. By unity & concord: small things grow & increase, through discord and debate: very great things fallen away and goen to naught, By the reason of this said discord verily the Italyens, being seduced and led in to 
The hurts or evils that grown of discord.  the bypath of error: are deprived and bereft of their sufficient living. And in the stead of quietness and rest, which they sought for: they do contynuelly suffer and abide more and more grievous labours and pains. And in the stead of liberty, they are continually subdued and brought under the hard and cruel yokes of tyrants/ and so in conclusion are made more miserable and wretched than other nations and peoples which live a cyvyle and honest life, and are comen to that point that their patronymyke name, which was wont to give glory imunytie and liberty to all that called on the said name: is now upbraided and cast in their teeth of other nations, and turned in to the cause of suffering ignomynye and dishonour. Thus than the wretched Romayns are carried headlong in to these darknesses, by the reason of the discord strife and debate among themselves, And likewise as that man or sensible creature, is known to be out of frame which is troubled with sickness/ even so is the disposition order, comen weal, and cyvyle regyment of Italy known to be out of temper, fashion and crooked, by the debate and strife that is among them. Of the which said discord or intranquyllyte albeit that there are many primitive causes, and that not a few, yea and such as well near all that are possible to happen or chance after the wont manners and fashions, the chief of all phylosophere Aristotell in his civil science or polytykes hath describe: yet is there for all that be side them a certain special and very privy or hid cause, through which the empire of Rome hath of long time been vexed and diseased, any continually is vexed/ which cause, as a sickness exeedingly contagyons, is as ready to creep or spread in to all other cyvyle communities and realms. You moreover through it gredynes hath already assayed to invade a great many of the said realms and communities. And this cause or the beginning or kind of it neither Arystotell neither any other of the philosophers being in his time, or afore his time, could see or espy or perceive. For the cause that I do mean is a certain perverse and lewd opinion, that is and hath been in men (which we shall open and declare here after) which opinion occasionally was taken of a meruaylouse effect or work, which long after the time of Aristotell was brought forth or wrought by the most high cause (that is to wit by god) contrary to the possybylite of the inferior nature/ and contrary to the wont operation or working of the inferior causes in the world. For this sophistycall opinion cloaked with the viscene and face of honesty, and profit/ is utterly pernycyous to the kind of man/ and if it be not stopped or letted: it shall at length and conclusion gendre and be the cause of intolerable noyaunce and hurt to every realm & country. Thus than (as we have said) the fruits of peace and tranquillity are very good/ and of discord or 
The hurts that cometh of strife or intolerable.  strife which is contrary to it there cometh intolerable hurts and damage. Wherefore we aught to desire peas/ and when we have it not/ to seche for it/ and get it/ and when we have gotten it, to keep it/ and with all our enforcement to eschew and put away the contrary, strife and discord/ And hereunto all brethren, & so much more colleges and communities, are bound to help each other, both by 
Chrysten men are bound to those things, which appertaineth to peace.  affection of godly charity, and also by the bond or law of human society/ which thing Plato also teacheth us/ as Tulle witnesseth in his book be officiis, which said/ we are not born for ourselves only/ but part of our birth our country doth challenge/ and part also our friends/ after which sentence of Plato. Tulle forth with addeth these words following/ and after the mind and opinion of the stoic philosophers and all other things which are gendered on the earth, are created to the use of men: but men are gendered for men's sake (that is to wit one to help an other) In this thing we aught to follow the gyding of nature/ and to bring forth common utilities. And because it is no little common utility, but moreover also great necessity, to open the sophyme of this said singular cause of discord, which threateneth to all realms and communities no little noyawce or harms: every man is bound to give watchful care and diligent labour hereunto, that is wyllling and able to see the common profit/ for except this sophyme be opened and declared, this pestilence or mischief in no wise may be eschewed or avoided/ neither the pernycyous effect of it can be perfetely cut away from realms or cyvyle communities. And no man aught to be 
Let no man for fear spare to speak the truth.  negligent in this behalf or to refuse this said care/ through fere or slothfulness, or through any other spirit of malygnytie/ for as saint Paul saith in the second epistle to Tymothe, and in the first and second chapytre. God hath not given to us the spirit of fear or dread, but of virtue or Boldness & of love/ of boldness (I say) and of love, to publysse and spread abroad the truth wherefore the apostle in the same place consequently saith in this wise. Be not therefore ashamed of the testimony the truth, for the Bearing of which testimony, chryst said that himself came in to the world/ when he said in the. xviii. 
Chryst came into the world to bear witness unto the truth.  of Iohn/ herfore was I born, and for this have I comen in to the world: that I might bear witness to the truth/ that is to say to that truth which guideth or leadeth mankind to eternal salvation. After the example therefore of chryst to teach the truth whereby the aforesaid mischief of Realms and civyle regymentes may be ceased, namely from the sort of chrysten men/ to teach the truth (I say) which guideth or leadeth to the wealth of civil life/ & also is not a little available or helpful to the eternal salvation: he is more bound to give his diligence, to whom the giver of graces hath more largely inspired the perceiving or understanding of these things. And who soever hath cunning and 
They that are witty and full of know lage are bond to defend the truth.  habilite to do this, and leaveth it undone: he as being unkind, offendeth greatly/ as witnesseth I aims in the. iiii. chapiter of his canonical epistle, when he saith/ who soever knoweth, how to do good, and doth it not, it is sin to him for this wicked mischief, the common enemy of mankind, can not by any other mean, be perfitly cut up/ neither the pestilent & pernycyous fruits which it hath hitherto brought forth can otherwise dry up, except the iniquity of the cause or rote thereof be first openly showed, and reproved/ for by this way, and none other, may the coactyve power of princes and governors safely begin and go about, finally and utterly to overcome and destroy the froward and stiff maynteyners and defenders of this malice. I therefore, which am a patavy an born, regarding and obeyenge the aforesaid monitions and counsayls of Christ, of saints, and of philosophers/ of the spirit of intelligence or understanding of these things (if any grace hath been lend to me) and of the spirit of confidence, & boldness ministered to me from above (from whence as james witnesseth in his first chapytre of his canonycall epistle) cometh all goodness/ when he saith/ every best gift & every perfit gift is from above, descending from the father of lights, for the reverence of him that hath given it to me/ and for the love of publysshing and showing openly the truth/ & for the fervent charity and love that I have to my country and brethren/ that is to wit for pity and reservation of them that are oppressed/ and for the revocacyon and calling back again of them that are the oppressors, from the bypath of artoure/ and for the excitation and stirring up of them/ which suffereth these things to be done, and yet aught, and are also of power to resist, and withstand them/ having also a singular respect unto the as unto the mynystre of god, which shall give to this work that end, which he desireth in outward being. O most noble Lodowyke emperor of the Romayns, in whom by old and in a manner by a certaynespecial right or title of blood & eke by thy singular heoroycal nature, 
The praise of Lodowyke the emperor  & excellent virtue, is graffed and fast rooted a desire and love to cut up heresies from the rote, and utterly to destroy them, to advance, to keep and defend the catholic verity, and all other virtuous dysciplyne and learning/ to kyllvyces/ to promote and set forward the studies and exercises of virtues/ to quench debates and stryves/ to spread abroad and to nourish every where peace or trans quyllyte. I have after the time of diligent and intent searching made, put the sum of these sentences following in writing/ because I do suppose and judge, that by them some help may happen or come to your diligent majesty and grace which intends and setteth his mind, to provide for the above written faults, and other that do happen may happen and chance/ and also for other public and common utilities. It is my purpose therefore, god helping, only to declare, and show openly this singular and special cause of strife/ for it should be superfluous to iterate and recount the number and nature of those causes, which hath been assigned by Arystotell/ but of this cause, (which neither Arystotle could see, neither any other man after Arystole which might see it, yet hath taken upon him the determination of it) I will so open the covering, and set it forth to the ease of men: that from henceforth it may easily be excluded from all Realms & cyvyle communities/ and that when it is excluded: virtuous princes and subgiettes may the more without fear or dread live in quiet and tranquillity/ which is the thing desiderable purposed in the beginning of this work and necessary to all those that ought to enjoy cyvyle felycytie/ which felycytie seemeth to be the best of all things that is desired and may happen to man in this world, and also to be the end of all the Acts or operations done by men. And this matyer now rehearsed purposed or intented of me I wylldyvyde 
what the author wolwryte in the first diction.  by three dyctyons. And in the first of the said. iii I will prove my purposes by sure ways found out by men's wit/ and by demonstrations made of such propositions, which are evidently known & undoubted to every man, whose mind is not corrupted by nature, custom, or else through some crooked affection. And in the second diction, such things as I shall suppose been proved by 
The argument or matters of the second diction.  demonstrations: I shall confirm with the substacyall and perdurable testymonyes of eternal verity/ & by the auctoryties also of the saints, which hath been the interpreters or exposytours of the same truth or scripture/ and also of the other approved doctors of the chrysten faith/ to the intent that it may be substancyall enough of itself, neding none other extrynsecall probation/ That done, I shall afterwards also impugn the falsyties, which are contrary to my determinations/ and shall open and dyssolue the cumbrous sophystycall argumentis of the adversary part, and utter the deceit that is hid in them/ In the third dyction I shall infer certain conclusyons or veray profitable documents, 
The contents of the third diction.  to be observed both of Lyvyle governors and subgiettes, which conclusyons haven evident certainty of the things afore determined in the other two dictions. And every one of these. three dictions I shall divide by chapitours/ & each chapiter I shall depart and divide in to certain parts, other more or fewer in number, after the quantytie of the chapiter/ And of these said devysyons of this work, one profit that shall come thereof shall be the easynes or readiness of finding out the things that shall be sought for/ for the finding of which, the reader of this work shall be remitted and sent from the hyndermore dictions & chapitres, to the former/ of which also shall follow the second utility, that is to wit the abbreviation and shortening of this volume and work/ for when it shall happen or chance us in our latter sayings to take any verity or true proposition other for itself, or for any other things to be proved by it, the probation or certainty of which verytie hath been sufficiently showed in the former say enges or chapitours: without any superfluous iteration of any probation of the said verytie, we shall remit and send the reader to the dictyon and chapytre, & also to the part of the chapiter, in which the probation or certainty of such verity was showed/ that so by reason thereof, he may easily find the certainty of the thing, that he secheth for.   

¶ Of the principal questions to be determined in this book/ and the distynccy on and assignation of the diverse sygnyfycations of this word Regnum.  
¶ The second Chapytre.  
ANd now at the beginning or first setting upon the things purposed & intented of us, we will show & declare, what is the tranquillity or intranquyllytie of a Realm or community/ & first of the. two. what is the tranquyllitie/ for this being not known: it can not be choose, but that we must needs be ignorant, what is intranquyllytie. And for as much as both these, that is to wit tranquillity, and intranquyllyte, seemeth to be dispositions of a city or Realm, (which thing let it be supposed of Cassiodorus, and it shall also by and by be declared of us) we will consequently show and declare, what is a city or Realm or community, and for what end it is ordained. Whereof also the descriptions of tranquillity, and of his contrary intranquyllyte, shall the more largely appear/ we therefore willing according to the order premysed & afore written, to describe the tranquillity of a city or Realm: jest by the reason of the equyvocation & manifold significations of the nouns in our purpose, any ambygnyte or doubtfulness might happen: we aught first to know, that this word Regnum in one of his sygnyfycations, betokeneth a pluralytie or multitude of 
The first signification of regnum.  cities or provinces contained under one regyment & governance. And after this acception or taking, this word Regnum dyffereth nothing from Civitas in the kind of Civil governance: but rather the one dyffereth from the other in quantity because regnum is greater and larger in quantytie than Civitas/ and so regnum may be Englysshed a realm or kingdom and civitas a city. In an other 
The second.  signification this word Regnum betokeneth a certain manner or kind of civil regyment or temperate governance, which Arystotell calleth Monarchiam temperatan/ and after this acception of this word, Regnum may be as well in one city alone, as in many cities even so as it was about the first beginning of Civil communities, when for the most part there was in each one city one governor. which was called Rex, that is a king. The third signification and the most famous of this word, is composte or made of the first and the second signification joined together in one. The fourth signification or acception of this word, is a certain common thing to all kinds of Temperate regyment and governance. whether it be in only one city, or else in many cities/ after which signification Cassiodorus used this word Regnum in his oration or speech, which we have made the beginning of this our book. And in this signification also we will use this noun, in the determinations of our purposes/ Now than we owing to describe tranquillity, and the contrary of it intranquyllytie: Let us suppose with Arystotell in the first and the fift books of his politics, in the second and third chapytres, that a City is as it were a certain natural living and sensible creature/ for in like 
what city or commuitieiss.  manner as a beast or any sensible creature, which is well disposed or ordered according to nature, is made of certain proporcionate parts ordered or set in an order among themselves, and each of them communycating their works to 
A similitude.  the other among themselves, and also to the hole even so after the same fashion, a city or community is made of certain such manner parts, If it be so, that it be well ordered and instytuted according to reason/ such manner comparison therefore, as is of a beast or a sensible creature, and of this parts unto hell thee, even after such manner comparison shall it seem to be of a community, and of his parts, unto tranquillity. And that this illation is true/ we may take a sure probation of that/ that all men comprehend as touching both of them/ that is to wit both of health/ & tranquillity. For health all men iugen to be the best disposition of a sensible creature/ according to nature. And so also they juge 
What saint or health is. What tranquillity is.  tranquillity to be the best disposition of a community/ which hath be begun and instytuted according to reason. And health (as the most cunning natural Philosophers do say descrybing it) is a good disposition of a sensible creature, by which every one of his parts may perfitly work the operations convenient and agreeing to their nature/ according to which Analogy, tranquillity shall be a good disposition of a realm or community, by which every one of the membres or parts of the said community may perfitly do the operations convenient and fit for them/ according to reason and to their institution. And because whosoever dyffyneth things well/ doth at one time give knowledge of both contraries. Intranquyllyte shall be a crooked or evil disposition or order of a realm or community/ likewise as infirmity or sickness is a 
What intranquyllyte or discord is. What infirmity or sickness  crooked or evil disposition of a beast or sensible creature/ by which other all or some of his parts are letted to do the operations and works convenient and sitting for them/ other I say to work them utterly or any whytte at all/ or at the lestwyse they are letted to work them perfitly/ Of tranquillity therefore & of the contrary intranquyllyte let it be thus spoken of us fyguratly. Of the original and first beginning of the cyvyle community.   

¶ The third Chapytre.  
How for as much as we have said, that tranquillity is the good disposition of a community to the working of the parts thereof consequently we must consydre what is a city or community/ and for what end it is ordained principally/ and which, and how many be the principal parts thereof/ moreover what is the convenient operation of each one of those parts. Furthermore of the causes, and order of the said parts among themselves/ for these things are veray necessary to the profit determination of tranquillity/ and of his contrary intranquyllyte. But yet for all that afore we do treat of a city, which is a perfit community/ and of the diverse kinds or manners thereof: we aught first to bring in and declare the original beginning of cyvyle communities, and their regymentꝭ & manners of living/ from which as being less perfit, men did proceed to perfit communities/ and to the regymentes & manners of living used in them/ for both nature, & also art or craft, which counterfayteth & followeth nature do always 
Sure knowledge of a thyngeiss had/ when the causes of it are known.  proceed from the less perfit things, to the more perfit. And men do not think, that they have the sure knowledge which is called science of any thing any otherwise/ but only when they shall have known the first causes & the first pryncyples of it, even to the very original causes of it which are called elementa. We therefore proceeding according to this manner, aught to know & perceive, that cyvyle communities/ according to diverse regions and sundry times began of a little thing/ and so by little and little taking increase, at the last hath been brought to compliment or perfection/ likewise as we have said that it happeneth or cometh to pass in every operation or work of nature or craft/ for the first and 
which was the first community.  the least combynacyon or community of all human communities, & out of which all other communities or socyeties hath sprung was the copulation & socytie of man & woman/ as the chief of all philosophers Arystotell saith in the first book of his Polytykes/ and the first chaptre/ and the same appeareth also more largyle of his oeconomykes/ wherein he treateth of the governing and ordering of an house or howsholde/ for of this combynacyon or copulation of man & woman verily men and women were brought forth and multyplyed, which first replenished only one house of whom mother such manner combinations or copulacyons being made so great propagation and increase of men was made that one house could not be sufficient to receive them. But it was necessary to make many houses the pluralytie or multitude of which houses being joined together/ was called in the Latin tongue vicus or vicina in Englysshe a street/ & this was the first community of men/ as it is written in the place afore alleged. But as long 
What is a street.  as men were but only one house: all their acts & deeds, namely such acts which we shall hereafter call cyvyle acts, were set in order by him that was most ancient and most aged among them/ as being most discrete & wise/ but yet without any law or custom: for because laws and customs could not yet be found out or devised. And not only the men that were together all in only one house/ were governed after this manner/ but also the first community called a street, was governed well near after the same manner/ though in some things they were governed after a sundry manner/ for albeit that the governor or good man of only one house might forgive or punish the domestycall injuries & trespasses done within his house, all manner ways even after his pleasure/ & as he list himself/ yet for all that it was not lawful for him to do the same/ that was the presydent and ruler of the first community called a street/ for in this community it was necessary, that he/ which was most ancient and aged: should dispose and order rightwise and profitable things/ by some reasonable ordinance or law in manner natural/ because it seemed so convenient unto all men by a certain equity without any great searching forth only by the common judgement of reason and a certain duty of the human society and fellowship. And the cause of this diverse and sundry manner of regyment or governance in one house and in an hole street? is and was for that that if of only one house, and of the first oeconomye or domestycall famylye, one brother had slain or otherwise hurt or offended an other brother/ without any danger or jeopardy thereof happening or following the governor or good man of the house might lawfully if he would, not have punished the trespasser with extreme ponysshement/ that is to wit with death/ partly because the injury or offence seemed to be done only to the father/ which did forgive it/ & partly because of the fewness & small number of men that were at that tyme. And also because it was less loss and heaviness to the good man of the house, to lack one son/ then to want two/ which thing also our first father Adam seemed to do. when his first begotten son 
Adam punished not chain that slay his brother: because of the pancite & small number of men at that tyme.  Chain slay his brother A bell/ for there is not properly cyvyle justice of the father to the son/ as it is written in the. u book of Etykes/ where treatise is made, of ryghwysnes. But in the first community called a street, neither it was lawful neither is lawful to do so/ because of the dysagrement & unlikeness of the aforesaid things/ you moreover except vengeance or equality of the injuries done should have been or be made by the most senior or ancient/ there might have happened, or now might happen by the reason thereof fighting and separation of neighbours. But after that streets we multyplyed, and the community made larger, (as it must nedely be, ever as men and women were multyplyed by propagation, yet were they governed still of one man/ other through defaute & lack of many wise men: or else for some other certain cause/ as it is written in the third book of the Polytykes; & the. ix. chaptre/ but yet of him which was counted most aged, or best of all other/ howbeit by ordinations less imperfect than those, by which they were ordained or governed in a street. And yet had not those first communities so great a distinction or order of parts, or so great a sum of necessary crafts, and of rules of the manner of living, as was afterwards successyvely found one after an other, in the perfit communities. For in the old time otherwiles the same man was a prince or goveruour, & an husband man 
The same man a governor, and an husband man or a keeper of sheep.  or keeper of sheep. As Abraham, and many other more after him/ which thing for all that neither is expedient neither might well be, in perfit communities. But after that in process of time communities were augmented, the experience of men also was augmented/ Craftes, occupations/ and more perfit rules and manners of living, were found and devised/ and the parts of communities also were more largely distyncte, departed, and, dissevered one from an other/ and in conclusion those things, which are necessary to life, and to a good life: by the reason and experience of men, were brought to perfection/ and a perfit community was instytuted and begun/ and called in the latin/ civitas/ in the Englysshe a city or a common weal/ with the distinction of the parts of the same the determination whereof we shall forthwith take in hand/ of the original beginning of a cyvyle community, let thus much as we have spoken, be sufficient at this tyme.   

¶ Of the final cause or end of a city or cyvyle community/ and of the distinction in general of the parts thereof.  
¶ The fourth Chapytre,  
A City, after the mind of Arystotle in the first book of his polytykes, 
A city is a perfit community.  and the second chapytre is a perfit community having in itself all things necessary to the suffycyencie of life, and ordained not only for men to live in, but principally to live well in. In the which defynytion Arystotle sygnyfieth the perfit final cause of a city. For men living cyvyllie, do not only live (which thing beaftes also or bond men doth) but also they live well/ that is to wit, giving their mind to liberal and honest works/ as been the works of the virtues, both of the practive & also of the speculative soul. Now 
The end of cities or common weals is a good life or to lyvewel  then after we have thus determined a city to be ordained for living and well living, as for the final end of it, we must now first treat of living or life, and of the manners thereof. For it is the thing (as we have said) for whose cause a city was instytute or begun/ & it is the necessity of all things, which are and be done by the community of men, in the said city/ let us therefore ground upon this, as upon a pryncyple of all things here after to be proved, being naturally had and believed, and willingly granted of all men: that all men having their wits and being not otherwise impedyte or letted/ naturally 
what all men desire having their wits.  doth desire a sufficient life. And moreover also doth refuse & eschew noisome or hurtful things/ which thing also is not only evident of men: but also of all other kinds of beasts or sensible creatures, according to the mind of Tully in his first book/ de officiis and the third chapytre, where he saith thus. first of all to every kind of sensible creatures this property is given of nature, to save and defend themselves/ their own body, & life/ & to eschew those things which semen to be noisome and hurtful unto themself/ and to purchase and get all those things, which are necessary and needful to the preservation of their own life/ which thing also every man may perceive evidently, by sensible experience, in the kind of sensible creatures. But the life and good life convenient and sitting for men: is after two manners. There is one life: which 
The worldly life and the heavenly life.  is wont to be called a temporal or worldly life/ and there is an other life: which is wont to be called an eternal or heavenly life. And because the hole university of Philosophers could not by demonstration or reason prove this second life/ that is to wit the eternal life, neither it was a thing evidently known of hit self/ therefore they busied not themselves, neither gave any great force to each these things, which are necessary for the getting and obtaining of the said life. But of life and living well, or good life after the first manner that is temporal and worldly/ and of the things which are necessary for it: the glorious & proud Philosophers comprehended and perceived by demonstration the matyer in a manner complete/ wherefore for the obtaining of this life, they concluded that a cyvyle community was necessary/ without which said cyvyle community this sufficient life in no wise can be obtained or had/ Among which Philosophers, he that is the principal, that is to wit Arystostle, in his first book of the Polytykes, and the second chapiter said that all men are desirous of a cyvyle community/ and naturally have an appetite unto it herefore/ which thing albeit that sensible experience doth teach: yet that notwithstaynding, we will induce and bring in the cause of it, which we have said, more dystynctely saying▪ that because a man is born naturally made of contrary elements, by reason 
what is the cause of man's corruption.  of the contrary actions and passions of which said elements, in a manner continually somewhat of his substance is corrupted: And again because he is born naked, and unarmed and undefenced apt to suffer & be corrupted and destroyed of the excess of the air, wherein he liveth: and of the other elements, (as it hath been showed in natural philosophy) he had need of crafts and occupations 
wherefore mamnedeth arts or crafts.  of diverse kinds and manners to avoyed, and put by the aforesaid incommodyties or annoyaunces/ which arts and crafts, because they may not be exercised but of great multitude of men, neither they may be had, except the said multitude do communicate & keep society among themselves one with an other it was necessary, that men should congregate themselves together for the winning of that that is commodyouse and profitable, & for the avoiding of harm or evil, by the said arts or crafts. But for as much as among men so congregated & gathered oftentimes chanceth contentions, bralles and stryffes, which, except they be strengthened and ordered by the rule of justice, might 'cause fyghtes, bataylles, and separation of men/ and so in conclusion might be cause of the destruction of the city, It was necessary in this communication & common society of men to ordain a rule of justice/ and one to keep and execute the said justice. And because this keeper, defender, and executer of justice ought to ponysshe iniuryouse trespassours, and to keep of other men, other being within the same community, or in any other out community, which either trouble any singular persons, or go about to oppress the community, it was necessary that the city should have somewhat in itself, whereby it might resist these said persons Moreover because a community hath need of some commodities reparations, and custodyes of certain things, & that not always one/ but in the time of peace of one manner, and in the time of war, of an other manner. It was necessary, that in the said community there should be purueyours of such manner things/ that when it should be expedient or necessary, some succour and help might be ready to the common necessity/ But beside these things which we have now spoken of, which only are succurring and helping to the necessity of this present life: there is an other thing which they that live in a cyvyle community have need of as being necessary for the state of the world to come, promised unto mankind by supernatural revelation of god, the which thing is also profitable 
why the honournnge of god is necessary to men.  for the state of this present life/ And this I mean to be the honouring, and worshipping of god, and the giving of thanks unto him, both for the benefit received of him in this world, and also for those that are to be received in the world to come. For the teaching whereof, and for to direct men in the same: it was necessary, that the city or cyvyle community should determine assign 
Doctors or teaches are necessary to cities or cyvyle communities.  and appoint certain doctoures or teachers. Of all these things and eke of the other aforesaid, we shall exquisitely and perfitly speak in the treatises following/ both what they be and of what nature. Men therefore (as I have said) were congregated for a sufficient life, being able to get unto themselves these necessary things afore rehearsed, and communycating themselves one with an other/ And this congregation so made perfit, and having in itself 
The beginning or cause of a city.  allthing necessary to a sufficient life, was called Civitas/ a city. The final cause whereof, and of the pluralytie or multitude of the parts thereof: hath been somewhat showed of us already/ and in the chapytre following more largely and dystynctely shall be treated and spoken of. And for because that diverse things are necessary to them that desire to live well/ which all can not be procured and done by men of one order or offyce: it was necessary that there should be diverse and sundry sorts, ordres & offices of men, in this cyvyle community/ which might exercise and procure such diverse things, which men needed for the suffycyencye of their life. And these diverse and sundry ordres or offices of men, are nothing else than the pluralytie, multitude and distinction, of the parts of a city. Than what a city is/ and for what final cause such a cyvyle communication and society was begun and made/ and also of the division of the parts of the said community: to have thus fygurallye passed through. Let it be sufficient at this tyme.   

¶ Of the distinction and assygnation of the parts of a City or cyvyle community/ and of the necessity that such parts should be, and also that they should be dystyncte and separated one from an other for an end possible to be assigned by man's invention.  
¶ The, five, Chapytre,  
AFter that we have now spoken generally of the parts of a City, in the perfit operation of which parts, and common conversation of themselves each with other, being not letted of any extrynsecall thing, we have said the tranquillity of a city or cyvyle community to stand consyste and rest: to the intent that by the more large determynation made of them, as well of the works and ends of them, as of the appropryate causes of them, the causes of tranquillity and of his contrary intranquyllytie may the more largely be showed, declared, and opened, now beginning again to speak of the said parts, let us say/ that the parts and offices of a city or cyvyle community are of syxe kinds or sorts/ as 
The six partesor offices of a city or civil community.  Arystotle said in the. seven. book of his Polytykes and the. viii. chapiter/ that is to wit, husbandry or tilling of the ground, handecrafte, chivalry, merchandise, sacrifice, and judgement/ Which said parts or offices are exercised of six sundry sorts of men/ that is to wit of husband men/ of Artyfycers, of men of war, merchant men, of priests, & of judges of necessary and profitable 
husbandry crafts men, knighthood merchandise preesthode, lawyers.  things/ Of the which syxe parts, three/ that is to wit preesthode, Chyvalry & judgement are simpliciter ꝑtes of a city/ which also in cyvyle communities they are wont to call the honourable or worshipful of the city. But the other at called parts after a large manner of speaking/ as because they are offices necessary to a community or city according to the mind of Arystotle in the seventh book of the Polytyks & the .viii. chapiter. And the multitude of these men, is wont to be called the common sort or rascal of the city. these syxe than at the most famous parts of a City, community or Realm, unto which all other parties may conveniently be reduced. The necessity of which said parties albeit that it hath been spoken of, and showed somewhat in the chapytre afore go: Yet will we speak of the same again more dystynctely/ supposing this first as a thing proved evidently, that a city is a community begun to the end that men might live, and also live well in it. And of living well or good life, we have determined 
A city or cyvyle community was Instytute to the end that memmyghte live well in it.  afore, that it may be after two manner of fashions/ one way it may be understand of the life of this would, that is to wit of the temporal or worldly life and an other way it may be understand of the life of an other world to come that is to wit of the heavenly life. Of which two manners of life or living, which are desired of man as ends: we shall assign the necessity of the destination of the parts of a cyvyle community or city. The life of man, or to live after the fryst manner, that is to wit worldly or temperally, otherwiles is taken for the being of men living/ as it is said in the second book de anima divere 
worldly life.  vuientibus est esse, that is life to living things is their being, after which manner life is nothing else then anima/ otherwiles life or to live is taken for the act, or for the action or passion of the soul or life. And again both of these may be taken two manner of ways/ for other they may be taken or understand 
Vita is taken for anima.  in eodem esse naturali, orelles in consimili esse, which they do call esse specificum. And though life taken after either other of these said ways, as well life proper to man, as the life common to him & to other synsyble creatures, doth depend and hang of natural causes: yet the present consideration of life or of action or passion of the soul is not of it, in that it cometh or is caused of them/ for such manner consideration is had or made in that part of natural philosophy, which treateth de planets et de animalibus/ but our present inquisition or consideration at this time is of them, after as they do take or receive complement and perfection of craft & reason, by which the kind of man liveth. And therefore we must attend and note well, that if a man aught to live & to live well, it is necessary and needful, that his accyoris be done and well done/ and not only his actions: but also his passions/ I say well done/ that is to say inconuenyent 
when a man liveth well.  temperament. And because we have not received of nature perfitly and in every point those things, by which these temperaments are made complete and perfit. It was needful to man, beyond or over the natural causes, by reason to form & fashion or make some things/ by which the operation and conversation of his actions and passions both as to wching the body, and also the soul, might be made complete & profit. And these are the kinds of works and workers, proceeding, caused and brought forth of virtues, arts and sciences, both practive and also speculative. Furthermore of the action of man, 
Two manner of actions & passions of men.  and also of his passions: some comen and are brought forth of natural causes, without knowledge reason and understanding/ as been those which are done or caused through or by the contrarytie of the Elements, whereof our bodies at composte & made, by the reason of the permixtion or mingling of them together one with an other. And of this kind, all the actions or operations of the nutrytyve part or power, may conveniently be said to be. Of the same sort also be all the actions, that the Elements do cause which do contain our bodies, or wherein we do live, by the alteration of their qualities/ of which kind are also the alterations which are caused of the things entering in to men's bodies/ as of meats, drinks, medicines, poisons, and other things like unto these. And there be other actions and passions caused of us, and in us, by our intellectyve and appetatyve powers of the which certain are called actiones 
Actiones immanentes.  immanentes, that is intrinsical or inward operations: because they do not pass forth in to any other subject or body from the doer or worker of them/ neither they are exercised by any the exterior organs or membres being moved as to wching to motion local/ as been the thoughts of men/ and also their desires or affections. Other there be, and they are called actiones transeuntes outward 
Actiones transeuntes.  operations/ because that other one way or other of these aforesaid, they are contrary in their manner and fashion to the actions last spoken of/ that is to wit to the inward actions which are called actiones immanentes/ for the tempering therefore of all these actions and passions, and to make them complete & perfit in that thing to which nature can not bring them: diverse kinds of crafts and occupations hath been found and devised, And of other virtues also 
why crafts were divysed.  as we have heretofore said, and men of diverse offices hath been instytuted ordained and appointed to exercise them for the supplyeng of man's Indygence and need/ which ordres of men are none other thing, than the parts of a city afore rehearsed and reckoned up/ for to temper and to save the acts and operations of the nutrytyve part of the soul (which once crassing, it could not be choose but that the sensible creature, whether it be man or else any other be'st must needs utterly be corrupted and destroyed, both as to wching to the syngulares/ and also as to wching to the hole kind) husbandry or tilling of the 
husbandry.  fields, and the keeping and ordering of beasts and catall, was Instytuted and ordained. Unto the which two kinds conveniently may be reduced all the kinds of hunting of beasts, living in the land or in the water, or flying in the air/ as of four footed beasts/ fishes and fowls, and also all other beasts, by which norysshement or food is got by any communication or change/ or else is dyghte and made ready to be daten: to the end that by the said norysshement, in conclusion, that thing may be restored which is loft and consumed of the substance of our body/ and be conserved and kept in his immortal being to continue evermore: so farforth as nature hath granted man to 
why arts mechanycall were found or devised that is to wit such crafts which are wrought both with wit and hand.  be immortal. But to measure and temper the actions and passions of our body, which are outwardly caused of the Elements, whereof we be made/ and of their impressions: there was found and devised the kind of mechanycall arts as Arystotle in the. seven. book of his Polytykes calleth them/ as been the making of all manner cloth for the use of man's body, with all things appertaining thereunto/ which all Aristotle comprehendeth under this one word lavificium/ Coryers' craft, shoemakers, and tailors craft. And all kinds of Carpenter's craft/ and certain other mechanycall crafts doing service to other offices of the city medyatly or immedyatlye/ and not only those that temper the actions or passions of these. two. senses touching and tasting: but also of the other senses or wits/ which arts are more for pleasure and to live well, than for the necessity of man's life/ as painters craft, with such other like/ of the which Arystotle in the third book of his Polytykes and the. iiii. chapiter saith in this wise And of these mechanycall arts or crafes: some must needs be of necessity/ and other some appertain and are ordained only for pleasure/ to the decking and adorning of our life/ under which kind also is comprehended the practise of lechecrafte.  
ANd to measure and temper the excesses of the acts or operations, which ardon or caused of the motive powers local by knowledge or understanding, 
Consules et judices.  and by appetite or desire (which acts we have called afore actus transeuntes, outward Acts, and which are possible to be done to the profit or good, or else to the dysprofyte, injury, or hurt of an other person dystyncte from him that is the do't or worker, for the state of this present world/ then was necessarily ordained in a city a certain part or offyce, by which the excesses of 
why judges & rulers were instytuted & ordained.  such manner actis should be corrected or amended, and be brought to equality/ or due proportion. For else if there should not have been ordained such an offyce by the reason of these excesses there might be caused fighting/ and of it separation of the Cytyzens/ and so in conclusion might follow corruption or destruction of the City, and the pryvacyon of a sufficient life. And this part is called of Arystotle pats iudicialis or pryncypans/ and consultiva/ that is to say the part or offyce of judges or Rulers/ with other that do service or help unto it/ to which part or offyce it belongeth to direct, Rule, and order the things concerning the common rights and utilities. But for as much as a sufficient life can not be led the Cytyzens being oppressed or brought in to servitude or thraldom by extrynsecalloppressours of their communities, and again because it was necessary, that the sentences of the judges should be executed against injurious and rebellyous persons within the said community by coactyve power: it was needful to ordain in a City an other part, which is called/ Pars 
chivalry or the craft of Arms.  miliataris or propugnativa/ that is to say the offyce of men of Arms and defenders of the City/ to which part also many of the mechanical Crafts do service/ for a City is ordained because that men might live and live well, as it was said in the chapiter afore go/ which thing is impossible to be done: the Cytyzens being brought in to servitude or bondage & thraldom. For this thing that is to wit to be in servitude: the most excellent of all the Philosophers affirmeth to be against the nature of a City or cyvyle community. Wherefore 
Bondage or thraldom is contrary to a city or cyvyle community.  in the. iiii. of the Polytykes and the. iiii. chapiter, assigning and showing the necessity of this part he saith these words following. The. u part of a City is defenders or men of arms/ which part is no less necssarye to a city: than any of the other parts afore rehearsed if they will defend their liberty against them, that do invade them/ & not be brought in to thraldom/ for it is imposyble that the community which is worthy to be called a city, should be by nature thrall or bond/ for a city is of itself sufficient/ but that thing/ which is thrall or bond: can not be sufficient of itself. And the necessity of this part because of rebellyous persons intrynsecall or within the same community which must be compelled to obey rulers is had of Arystotle in the. seven. book of his Politykes & the. viii. chapiter. But we have left out his words here/ for cause of shortness or speed/ & because we will bring them in, in the. xiiii. chapiter of this diction & the. viii. part of the same chapiter/ moreover because in the years of this world 
The treasure of a city.  sometime is fertilytie & great plenty of fruits/ & otherwiles there is sterilytie & scasete again because a city is sometime peaceably disposed, and at unity or concord with the other cities or communities being near unto it: & sometime other wise disposed towards them: and also because there are common exortunyties or commodities of a city, whereof it hath need: as the making & reperation of ways and bryges/ with the setting up and reperations of other buildings/ and such other like commodities, which it is not mere but were to redyous and long for to rehearse here. It was needful for the procuring of these said commodities, in convenient time to ordain in a city, the pte or offyce called ptem the saurisantem of Rich men gathering treasure, which of Arystotle is called pars pecuniativa/ for this part gathereth and keepeth money/ corn/ wines/ oils/ and other necessary things/ & procureth and secheth from all places such things/ as are profitable to the community: to succour & help them in their necessity & need hereafter to come/ unto which also certain of the other parts do service. And this part Arystotle calleth partem pecuniativam: because that in the keeping of money seemeth to be the treasure of all things for that that all things are turned & changed in to money. Now it rests for to speak of the necessity of 
Preesthodeor the offyce of priests.  the power and authority or preestis or preesthode/ of the which necessity, all men were not so agreeable in opinion, as of the necessity of the other parts of a city And the cause hereof was, for that that the very and pryncypal necessity of this part could not be comprehended or perceived by demonstration, or proved by 
The necessity of priests can not be comprehended by demonstacyon  reason/ neither it was a thing evident of itself/ yet that notwithstanding, all gentle nations agreed in this, that it was convenient to instytute the offyce of preestis, for cause of the worshipping and honouring of god/ and of the profit following thereof, for the state of this world, or of the world to come. For veray many of the laws or sects do promise to well doers reward, and to evyldoers pain or punishment, which reward and punysshementes shall be dystrybuted by god in the world to come. But beside the causes of making laws which causes are believed without demonstration or proof: Philosophers consydred and noted veray conveniently an other (in a manner) necessary cause, even 
The necessary causes of divine laws.  for the state also of this world, of the tradition or giving of divine laws or sects. Among whom was Resiodus, Pythagoras, and veray many other of the old Philosophers. And this cause was the goodness both of the monastycall and also of the cyvyle acts of men, of which acts the quiet or tranquillity of communities & finally the sufficient life of this present world in a manner doth hole depend/ For albeit that some of the Philosophers, which were the fynders out or devisers of such manner laws or sects, have not thought or believed the resurrection of men to come/ and that life which is called the life eternal or everlasting/ yet that notwihstanding they did feign or imagine, and brought the people in belief, that there is such a life/ and that in it there are delectations or pleasures/ and sorrows or pains, according to the qualities of men's works or deeds done in this mortal life/ that by the reason hereof they might induce men to the reverence & dread of god, and to desire of eschewing vices & of loving & exercising virtues/ for there be certain acts, which the law maker can not rule & strayghten by man's law/ for as much as it can not be proved that any man hath such actis, or else that he is without them/ which actis for all that can not be hid or unknown to god, whom they did feign to be the maker of such laws & the commander of them to be observed & kept under the commincation of eternal pain to evylldoers, and of eternal reward to well doers/ wherefore they said of dyversemen, which had been virtuous whiles they lived in this world: that they were placed or set in the firmament of heaven. And hereof peradventure came the names to certain of the stars and constellations or figures celestial. And 
The Imagis or figures of stars or constellations.  of those that wrought ungraciously, whiles they lived in this world they said of some, that their souls entered in to divers bodies of brute bests/ as that in to the bodies of hogs entered the souls of them which had been glotons, and intemperate in things appertaining to tasting/ as meats, drinks, and such other things. And that in to the bodies of goats entered the souls of them which 
The souls of men to enter in to the bodies of urute beasts.  had been lecherous, and intemperant in things appertaining touching, and fleshly lust/ and so semblable the souls of other men, in to the bodies of other beasts/ according to the proportion and likeness of men's vices unto the damnable and vile properties of the brute beasts. After the same manner also they assigned diverse kinds of torments ordained for the wicked or evil works of men/ as for example, to intemperant Tantalus perpetuallhongre and thirst having water and fruit present and near unto him, whereof he may neither 
The fable of Tantalus.  eat ne drink, because ever as he maketh any profre towards them, they do flebacke from him, farther than that he may reach to them. They said also that there is a certain place of such torments, both deep and full of darkness: which they called Tartara/ in englysshe it may be called hell/ descrybing such manner torments, after the most terrible and hateful fashions that they could 
Tartara hell  imagine/ by reason of the fear of which torments: men eschewed to do evil and vycyouse works/ and were excyted to do virtuous works of charity, mercy or pity/ and were also well disposed and ordered themselves and other men And by the reason of these things many contentions and injuries were ceased in the communities/ by reason whereof, both peace and the tranquillity of cities and the sufficient life of men for the state of this present world, was withlesse dyffycultie, and the more easily kept/ which was the thing finally intented of those wise men, by the making of such manner laws or sects. The offyce therefore of the heathen priests among the gentiles was the giving & teaching 
The priests of the gentiles  of such manner precepts/ for the teaching whereof: they ordained in their communities temples in which their gods were worshipped/ and did appoint thereto teachers of the said laws or traditions, whom they called Sacerdotes priests/ because they meddled and had the ordering of the holy things appertaining to the temples/ as of the books/ of the vessels/ & of such other things which 
what manner men were instytuted to be priests among the gentiles.  served to the honouring and worshipping of gods. these things verily they ordered semyngly and syttyngly according to their faith, custom and usage/ for they did not instytute and admit all manner of men to be priests/ but only they instytuted certain virtuous and approved Cytyzens to be priests which had been of the offyce of chivalry, or of the offyce of judges/ Cytyzeyns' I say which had forsaken or given over secularie or worldly business/ and which were no we excused from cyvyle offices and works, because of their great age. For of such manner men than being separate and free from passions and to whose sayings the more credence was given because of their age, & the gravity of their manners. It was seemly & according that the gods should be honoured 
Of what manner men god is to be worshipped.  or worshipped, & the holy things of them to be handled and ordered and not of handy craftis men, hired labourers, or other which had exercised vile and filthy offices/ wherefore Arystotle in the. seven. book, and the. ix. chapiter of the Polytykes saith these words following. For neither an husband man, neither an artyfycer or handy crafts man, is to be made or ordained a priest. But for as much as the gentiles, with all other laws and sects of men, which are no we or have been in times passed, besides the catholic Chrysten faith, or besides the belyfe of the holy fathers, which was afore the chrysten faith/ and to speak generally, for as much as all that are or hath been without or beside the tradition of those things, which are contained in the holy Canon, called the Bible, had not the right opinion of god, which aught to be had of him 
The laws or sectis of the gentiles had not right opinion of god.  in that they followed the wit of man, or false prophets, masters and teachers of errors/ and therefore also neither their opinion was right of the life to come neither of the felylytie or misery of the same, neither of the true & veray preesthode instytuted and ordained therefore/ yet nevertheless we have spoken of their usages and ceremonies, to the intent that the difference of their preesthode from the true preesthode, that is to wit from the preesthode among Chrysten men/ and to the intent also that the necessity of the part or offyce of priests to be had in communities may the more evidently appear.   

¶ Of the final cause of a certain part of a city or cyvyle community, that is to wit the offyce of priests/ which cause may be proved by the tradition or imdyate relation and scripture of god: but it is impossible to be proved by man's reason.  
¶ The, vi, Chapytre,  
How it remaineth, to speak of the final cause, wherefore the very and true offyce of priests hath been instytude in the communities of chrysten men/ This final cause was to moderate and govern man's acts and appetites as well inward as outward by knowledge, to the end that they so moderated and temperated by knowledge, mankind is ordained to the best life of the world to come. And therefore we must attend and consydre well, that albeit the first man Adam was created principally for the glory of god as other creatures were: yet for all that he was created after an other singular manner & a special divers fashion from all other kinds of corruptible and mortal creatures/ for he was created and made to the Image & symytude of god, to the end that he should be apt to receive & be part 
Adam was created to the image of god  taker of eternal felycytie after the state of this present world he was made also in the state of innocency or of original justice, and also of grace (as some saints do probably say and certain also of the cheyfe doctoures or teachers of holy scripture) In which state verily if he had continued neither he neither any of his posterytie should have needed the institution or destynction of cyvyle ꝑtes or offycis/ because the nature should have brought forth to him all things meet convenient 
what manner was the fall or offence of Adam, and what manner one the punishment thereof  & pleasurefull to the suffyciencie of this life, in paradyse terestryall or in the gardyne of pleasure without any manner pain or weariness of him. But because he corrupted and destroyed his innocency or original justice and grace by the eating of the forbidden fruit, and therein transgressing and breaking of the commandment of god sodaynelye he fallen in to sin, misery and pain/ the pain I say of the pryvacyon and loss of eternal bliss and felycytie unto which he with all his posterytie was finally ordained by the benefit & goodness of almighty god. He deserved also by the transgressing of the said commandment: to propagate all his succession in fleshly lust, in which also and with which every man afterwards hath been conceived & born/ by the reason hereof 
Original sin.  contracting or gathering a spot or sin, which in the law of chrysten men is called original sin/ only Chryste. jesus excepted, which without all manner sin, fleshly lust or pleasure was conceived by the holy ghost and 
Chryste was free from original sin  born of Mary the virgin/ which thing was wrought and done, when one of the three persons in deite, that is to wit the son, being veray god, in the unyte of his person, and as (dyvynes do speak) in unitate sui suppositi, took unto him the nature of man. And through this transgressyon of our first parents all the succession and posterity of mankind was made sick, and is born sick, as touching the soul/ which afore the said transgressyon was created in the state 
Man was made sick in soul by original sin.  of perfit sayntie and health/ and of innocency and grace. And through the said trespase was also bereft and deprived his best end, that is to wit eternal felicity: whereunto he was ordained. But because it is properly belonging unto god: to have mercy & pity upon mankind his creature, and made to his own Image, and whom he had afore ordained to blessed and eternal life. It pleased him, and was his will, which never doth any thing in vain, neither faileth in necessary things: to exhybyte and show the remedy of man's fall/ by giving certain precepts of obedience to be observed of man which as being contrary to the transgressyon, should heal the sickness of sin, that came of the said transgressyon. And in giving of those precepts he like unto a cunning Physycyan or leche proceeded after a very good order from the more easy or lighter things, to the harder things, for first he commanded to men the ceremonies, and manner of making sacrafyces, which were called holocausta/ that 
Ritus holocastorum.  is to say of brenning the hole beasts in sacrafyce, and of offering up the first fruits of the earth, and the first begotten of all sensible creatures, as one would say to prove the repentance and obedience of man/ which ceremonies the old fathers kept and observed to the reverence of god, faith/ obedience/ a giving of thankꝭ to him: even until the time of Abraham. To whom according to that we have aforesaid: he gave an other more hard and grievous precept of circumcision/ (that is to wit of cutting every male child in the 
Circunsytion.  top of his prevey member) as if god would seem, again to prove the repentance and the obedience of man. And these precepts were observed & kept by some 
The law of Moses.  men, even until the time of Moses'/ by whom god gave afterwards to the people of Israel a law/ beside the aforesaid things he ordained greater and more precepts, both for the state of this present world, and also of the world to come: and ordained also the priests and the levites to be ministers of the said law. 
Sacerdotes aclevite.  And the utility or profit that came to the observers and fulfyllers both of all those precepts, and also of the law of Moses: was this a certain purgation and cleansing of sin, both original, and also actual and willingly committed/ and 
The utility of the law of Moses.  a certain escaping and preservation from the eternal a temꝑali penasensus alterius seculi sensible pain of an other world/ How beit by the observation of them, men did not merit eternal felicity or bliss. But because our most merciful god had ordained mankind to his said bliss, willing to reduce and restore him after his fall unto the same again after a convenient order, last of all by his son Ihesu Christ being veray god, and very man in unitate suppositi, (that is to say in the unity or fyngularyte of parsonage) he gave the law of the gospel containing the promises and precepts of things to be believed the preceptis of things to be done, of things to be eschewed/ and the counsaylles appertaining to the same. By observation and fulfilling whereof men are not only preserved from a sensible pene, as they were by the observing of the formore precepts, but also (such is his gracious ordinance) by such things (in the blood of Chryste) they do merit or deserve of a certain congruytie or convenyencie eternal felycytie. And therefore it is called 
The law of grace.  the law of grace or favour/ partly, because through the passion and death of Christ, mankind is redeemed from sin, and from the pain of the loss of eternal bliss, which he was bound to, by reason of the fall or sin of our first parents/ and partly, for that by the observation of this law and by the receiving of the Sacraments instytuted with it, the grace of god is given to us/ and after it is given: it is coroborated and confirmed in us/ and when it is lost it is by the same means recovered and got again/ so that by the merits of Chrystes passion of a certain congruytie, as we have said our works or deeds 
why our works are called merytoryous  are made merytorye of eternal felycytie. And by the merit hereof, that is to wit of the passion of Chryste, not only those that have bensyns the time of the said passion, have received grace, whereby they may merit and deserve eternal life: but also the observers and keepers or fulfyllers of the first preceptis, and of the law of Moses, through the same blessed passion have got the grace of eternal beatitude, which they had not afore but remained in a place, which men do call Limbus patrum until the commyuge of Chryste, & his passion/ death/ 
Until the coming of Christ the fathers remained in Limbo.  and resurrection/ by whom they received the repromyssyon and promise of god long before given or made unto them. Albeit that the promise of such manner grace/ was given to them in the first precepts of the prophets, and of the law of Moses, under an obscure and dark manner, in shadows and figures/ for all things chanced to them in figure/ as saint Paul saith in the first chapytre to the Hebrews. And this deduction, process and order used of god, was veray convenient, for beginning at the less perfit thing: from it he proceeded to the more perfit/ and in conclusion to the most perfit of all things being convenient for the salvation of man. Neither is it to be thought herefore, but that god if he had would might forthwith at the beginning have given the perfit remedy of man's fall, and have restored him again/ but he did use such an order 
why man was not restored forthwith after his fall.  as we have said, because it so pleased him/ and so was convenient to be done, man's trespase requiring it/ lest if he had been over ready & easy to have forgiven man: it might have given occasion unto man to have trespassed more largely again. And to be teachers of this said law/ and ministers of the Sacraments according to the same law: certain men were instytuted in the communities, which were called priests/ and deacons or levites/ whose office is to teach the precepts & counsaylles of the Chrystyane law of the gospel/ in those 
The offyce of priests & deacons.  things which are to be believed to be done/ & to be eschewed/ to the end that we mayegette and obtain the blessed state of the world to come/ and avoid the contrary state of the same world, that is to wit eternal misery. The end therefore or the final cause of the instytution of the offyce of priests: is teaching 
The end or final cause of the offyce of priests.  and giving instruction to men of such things, which according to the law of the gospel/ it is necessary for them to believe, to do/ and to leave undone: for the getting and obtaining of eternal bliss and salvation/ and the avoiding of everlasting damnation and misery. And unto this offyce conveniently appertain all dyscyplynes found out and dyvysed by man's wit, both speculative and practive, which do moderate, temper and govern the Acts of of men, as well the inward as the outward Acts, proceading of appetite and knowledge/ by which dyscyplynes a man is well disposed and ordered in his soul, for the state as well of this present world/ as of the world to come/ for all these dyscyplynes well near we have of the tradition of the marvelous philosopher, and of other glorious men. Yet have we left out the rehersayle of them here for breyfnes/ and for that that the necessytic of such manner dyscyplynes appertey ne not to our present consideration. But we aught to understand by this chapiter, & the other next following after this that there are other causes of the offycis of a city, as touching to every kind of them, in that they are offices of a city and other causes of the same, in that they are qualities of man's body or mind: for the final causes of them in that their qualities of the body or soul of man/ 
The final causes.  be the works which proceed or are brought forth immediately of them/ as of the ship wryghtes craft, the final cause is the ship/ and of chivalry, the final cause is the use and occupyenge of armour or fighting/ and of preesthode the final cause is the preaching of the law of god, and the administration of the sacraments according to the same law/ and so conformably in all other offices, and ꝑtes of a city or cyvyle community. But the final causes of them taking them as they are offices determined and instituted in a city, are the commodities and sufficyencies which do make perfit the actions and passions of men & do proceed, or are brought forth and caused by the works of the said qualities/ which suffycyencies can not be had without the said qualities/ as for example, of fighting or batayle, which is the act, work, and end of chivalry: liberty is caused or brought forth, and also is kept in a city/ which liberty is the end of all the acts and works of chivalry. So likewise of the work or end of the carpenters 
Liberty is the final cause of war.  craft, that is to say of a house: there cometh or is brought forth to men or to the city, defence from the impressyons of the air which are noisome/ as from excessyve heat/ cold/ moistness/ or dryness/ which defence truly is the final cause, wherefore the offyce of carpenters craft was ordained in a city or cyvyle community. And after the same manner of the observation of god's law, which is the end of preesthode: cometh forth or groweth unto men eternal felycytie. And after the same manner also we aught to juge of the other partis or offices of a city. And after this same manner or like: the other kinds of causes of the said offices are dystyncte and dissevered one from an other of them/ that is to wit the material cause/ the formal cause/ and the effective cause of them/ as it shall appear of those things which hereafter doth follow. Of the number than of the parts of a city, and of the necessity and also the distinction of them for cause of the final suffycyencies to be gotten by them let thus much as hath been spoken of us be sufficient.   

¶ Of the other kinds of causes both of the being, and also of the separation and distinction of the offices & parts of a city/ and of the division of every kind by two manners appertaining to the present purpose.  
¶ The. seven. chapiter.  
How after the premisses: it followeth consequently to speak of the other causes of the offices or parts of a city/ and first we shall speak of the causes material and formal/ and than afterwards we shall make inquisition & search of the effectuell cause of them. But for as much as in things which receive perfection, the matier is existent or hath his being afore the form: Let us first speak of the material cause/ And here we do say, that the proper matyer or material cause of diverse offices, in that the said offices do name or signify to us the qualities of the soul: are men by their nativity or generation inclined to diverse crafts or dysyplynes. For in as much as nature doth not fail in necessary things, as being always most careful and diligent about the most noble creatures, which verily is mankind above all other corruptible things, of which said kind of man (being made perfit by divers Arts or dysyplynes) as of the matier or substance, It is necessary to constytute a city, and to dystyncte & dysever parts in it which are necessary to the getting or obtaining of the suffycyencie of this life: (as it hath been showed in the. iiii. &. u chapytres of this dyccyoy) nature herself began this distinction of the said parts, even about the generation of men/ bringing forth some men in their natural dyspocysyons apt and inclined to husbandry/ and other some to chivalry/ & other men to the kinds of other Arts and dysyplynes/ but yet diverse men to diverse dysyplynes/ And she hath not inclined only one man to one kind of Art or dysyplyne: but she hath inclined many men to one and the same kind of craft or dysyplyne/ 
Of what manner men judges aught to be made.  as the necessity of the suffyciencie of man's life did require/ She brought forth some therefore Apt to prudency/ because the part of the judges or of counseylours in a city aught to be made and instytuted of wise men. And some men she hath brought forth apt and meet to strength and boldness: because of such manner of men is made the part of warryours, or men of Arms in a city. And so likewise she hath made other men apt & meet to the kinds of practive and speculative habits or sciences/ which are necessary & convenient to live and to live well, to the end, that by this diversity of the material inclinations of men to diverse kinds of habits or sciences and crafts: she might perform and make up that which was needful to the distinction or diversity of the parts of city or cyvyle community. But the material causes of the offices of a city, as touching to that, when they do name or betoken, to us the parts 
The ꝑtes of a city at men profitable to the comen weal.  of a cyvyle community: is in a manner evident already. For they are men habytuated or endued with diverse kinds and manners of arts & dyscyplynes, of whom diverse ordres and parts are ordained in a city for cause of the final suffycyencies which groweth & cometh/ of their arts and dyscyplynes/ and after this manner the parts of a civil communities are ꝓperly called officia quasi obsequia because the said parts considered as they are so ordained and instytuted in a city: are ordained to the obsequy of man, or to do man pleasure or service. And the formal causes of these said offices considered as they are abytes or permanent qualities of the mind of man: are none other but the very qualities selves/ for the said qualities are forms of the havers of them making complete and perfit the inclinations of men, which are in them given by nature. Wherefore in the. seven. book of the Polytykes and the last chapiter it is written every craft & dyscyplyne intends to supply and perform that, which is wanting unto nature. But the formal causes of the offices considered as they are partis instytuted in a city are the preceptis of the mounet or effective cause taught or imprinted in them, which are deputed and assigned in a city to exercise certain determynate works. And the motyves or effective causes of the offices considered as they do name or signify to us qualities of the soul, are the minds & wills of men by their cogitations and desires/ other severally, or jointlye, indyfferently. And of certain of the said offices: the moving and the exercise of the organs or instruments of the body, is the motive or effective cause, beside the minds and wills of men. But the effective cause of the said offices considered as they are parts of a city or cyvyse community is the human law maker commonly for the most part/ albeit that in old time, veray seldom, and in very few the immedyate cause effective of some one or more of them was good without any determination of man/ as it shall be said in the. ix. chapiter of this diction, and in the. twelve. and. xv. shall appear more largely of them. But as touching to preesthode or the offyce of priests: there is a certain diverse and dystyncte manner of the institution thereof/ of which it shall be spoken sufficiently in the. xv. and. xvii. chapytres of the second diction. Of the parts therefore of a cyvyle community, and of the necessity of the institution of them, by the other. three kinds of causes, let this determination at this time suffice.   

¶ Of the. two. general kinds of Regymentes/ that is to wit de Regimine temperato et viciato of the temperate governance & the corrupt governance/ and of the division of them in to the more special kinds contained under them.  
The, viii, Chapytre,  
Now for as much as in the premyssꝭ we have somewhat showed, but yet must show more certainly and evidently, that the institution & distinction of the parts of a cyvyse community is made or done by some cause motive or effective, which in the last chapytre afore go, we have called the law maker, & because the the same law maker doth ordain, separate, & dyssever these parts, one of them from an other, working in like manner to the nature of a beast or sensible creature, that is to wit first forming instytuting one part in a cyvyle community, which in the. u. chapiter of this diction we have called parten principantem sive iudicialem: the part or offyce of governors or judges/ and by this part doth instytute the other parts, as it shall be declared more largely in the. xv. chapiter of this diction it is convenient therefore for us, first of all to speak somewhat of the nature of the said part/ for in as much as it is the first and principal or cheyfe of all other as it shall appear of those things which hereafter followeth/ the declaration first had of the cause effective of this part: we shall conveniently from it enter to the declaration of the institution and active distynction of the other parts of a city or civil community. And of the part principatyve, Regymentꝭ or governaunces there are two sorts/ the one is a regyment well tempered/ the other is a corrupt or intemperate regyment/ I call that kind of Regyment, a right and well ordered comen weal after the mind of Arystotle in the third book of his Polytykes/ and the. iiii. chapiter, in the which the head governors governeth to the common profit, that is to say not right or evil ordered by the consent and will 
Regimen temperatum. Aegimen vitiatum.  of his subjects. And I call that regyment vicyate, corrupt intemperate or ill or dered in which it is other wise than so Again of these. two. kinds, either of them is divided in to. iii special kinds. The first, that is to wit regymen temperatum: is divided in to these. iii in Regalem monachiam/ in aristocratiam/ et politiam. And the other that is to wit Regimen viciatum: is divided in to. iii contrary kinds/ which are called Tyrannica monarchia/ olygarthia/ and democratia. And every one of these said special kinds hath again certain diverse whereof to treat or speak exquysytely it belongeth not to our present business & purpose/ for of these Arystotle hath spoken suffycyentlye in the third & fourth book of his Polytikes. But to have more large knowledge of these said kinds which knowledge is somewhat necessary & needful for the declaration of those things which hereafter do follow/ let us describe each one of the said special kinds of ruling and governance according to the mind of Arystotle/ saying first that Regalis Monarchia is a temperate Regyment or rightful governance, 
Monarchye Regal. Tyranny.  in which there is but only one governor ruling according to the comune profit and with the will and consent of his subjects. And tyranny the contrary to it is a unitate, intemperate and unryghtfull regyment in which only one man governeth and ruleth having respect all together to his own proffyte or pleasure/ and contrary to the will of his subjects. Aristocratia 
Aristocratia.  is a temperate regiment in which only the best, or worshipful men of the City govern and rule, according to the will and constute of the subjects, and to the comune utility and profit, Oligarchia which is contrary to Aristocratia: 
Oligarchia.  is a viciate or corrupt manner of Rule and governance, when some of the Rycheste or most mighty men govern and rule having respect all together to their own profit, and contrary to the will of the subjects/ politia all 
Politia.  be it that in one sygnyfycatyon it is a certain common thing to all kinds or sorts of Regymentes or governaunces: yet nevertheless in one signification it betokeneth/ a certain special kind of Temperate governance and power in which every Cytyzene or each manner person of the cyvyle community is somewhat part taker of the pryncipatyve state, by course according to the degree faculty, condition, and estate of the person that is to say, when the multitude governeth to the common profit also and by the will and consent of the cytyzens Democratia the contrary to it: is a kind of rule or governance, wherein the rascal communes, 
Democratia.  or the multitude only of poor men and needy doth govern and rule/ contrary to the will and consent of the other cytyzens/ and not utterly to the comen profit according to convenient proportion. Now which of these well tempered Regymentes is best, and which of the vytyate or intemperate regymentes is the worst, Also to speak of the order of other Regymentes in goodness or evylnes, it belongeth not to this present consideration. But yet to have spoken thus moche of the division of regymentes in to their special kinds, and of the description of them: Let it be sufficient at this tyme.   

¶ Of the manners of instituting regal monarchy/ and of the assignation of the perfection thereof/ & of the manners also of instituting other Regymentes, polities or governaunces both temperate and vitiate.  
The, ix, Chapytre.  
these things thus determined: it rests consequently to speak of the manners of making and instituting the part or offyce of princes, governors and rulers/ Exipsorum namque natura meliori veldeteriori provenientibus hinc civili regimini tamque actionibus arguere oportet causam agentem, a quam tam ipsi quam pars principans peripsos ad politiam utilins debeant pervenire. But because we do intend in this book to speak of the causes and actions, by which the part or offyce of Princes or governors aught to be created, we will afore speak of the manner and cause by which this part hath been already created, though seldom/ to the intent that we may discern this manner or action and the cause immedyate of it/ from the manners or actions and the immedyate causes of them, by which such manner part regularly and for the most part aught to be created/ which actions with their immedyate causes we may also convynce or prove by human demonstration or syllogism/ for comprehensyon or perceiving of the manner whereof we speak formaste: can not be had by sure or undoubted demonstration. And this manner or action and the immedyate cause of the said action, by which the part of princes and governors, & the other parts of a cyvyle community, hath been allredye form or created and instytuted, and namely preesthode: was the will of god immedyatelye commanding it by the termynate oracle or speech 
The will of god is the cause of Regal preesthode.  of some singular creature, or else peradventure by it own self alone immediately after which manner god instytuted and oppoynted the governance and rule of the people of Israel unto the person of Moses, & of certain other judges after him. And he instytuted or appointed preesthode also in to the person of Aaron/ and of his successors. Of which said cause truly, and the free Action of it, to teach or show why this thing was so done or otherwise, and that thing not so done: we can say nothing by demonstration/ but we know it by simple credulytie or belief without reason. But there is an other institution of governors, which is caused of man's mind immediately: though it cometh of god as of a far cause, (and as they call it tanque a causa remota) which granteth also all worldly power or governance (as it is had in the nineteeen. of john and the Apostle saith openly in the xiii. to the Romans/ and saint Augustyne also in the. u book De civitate dei and the. xxi. chapiter) but yet he doth not this always immediately but for the most part and well near every where he instytuteth and maketh the said powers or governors the minds of men, to whom he hath granted the Arbytryment of such manner institution. And of this cause: what it is/ or by what manner action, it aught to instytute such manner things It may be assigned and showed by human certytude or demonstrative syllogism taken of the utility or hurt of the comen wease. That manner therefore of Instytuting princes and rulers, which can not be certyfyed by demonstration, being overhypped, we will first treat and speak of the manners of the institution of governors done by the will of man immedyatlye and afterwards we will show, which of the said manners is the most sureand most simple manner or way of instytuting princes or governors/ Afterwards of the best nature of that manner, we shall argue or prove the motive or effective cause, of which cause only it aught & may be brought forth or caused/ of which things consequently shall appear also the cause/ which aught to move the best institution and determynation of the other parts of a city. And last of all, we shall speak of the unity of a prince or governor/ by reason of which unity. It shall appear also, what is the unity of a city or Realm. Now than persecuting these 
Monarchy.  things purposed/ first of all we shall reckon up the manners of the institution of Regal monarchy, speaking of the original beginning of them/ for this kind of governance seemeth in a manner cousyn or natural unto us, and very near or next to domestycall iconimie or the governance or ordering of an household/ as it appeareth of those things, which hath been said in the third chapiter. And the determination of this/ it shall appear consequently of the manners of proportion of the other divisions or sundry kinds of governance and rule. The manners or institutions of regat monarchy, be five in number after the mind of Arystotle in the third of the Polytykes and the. x. chapytre. The first manner is, when the ruler or governor is ordained or appointed to some one determynate 
1  work, but yet concerning the regyment or governance of community/ as unto the guiding or capytayneshyp of an host, other he with the succession of the same kynted: or else for the time of life of only one person/ after which manner Agamennon was instytuted capitain of the host by the greeks. And this offyce is called in the communities of these days, capytayneshyp or conestableshyp. And this capitain or ruler of the host or army, meddled not with any judgement in the time of peax, but yet whiles the host did war or during the time of Batayle he was lord having power and authority, to kill or otherwise to punish transgressoures. The second manner is, that manner after 
2  which certain men are Rulers or governors in Asia/ having dominion or rule after their predecessoures by succession/ but yet governing more to the profit 
The manners of governors in Asia.  of himself than to the common profit. And this verily is a kind of Regal monarchy/ yea and such a kind that as concerning the successoure there can be none better, but yet it is somewhat Tyrannycall: because the saws of it are not made utterly or only to the common profit/ but all together to the profit of the king or governor. The third manner of Regal governance or power is, when one man is made governor by election, not by succession of hynted, 
3  or because his fathers or auncytries were governors afore him/ but yet governing according to the law, which is not made to the common profit only/ but more to the profit of the governor, and is in a manner a tyramnycall law For which cause Arystotle in the aforesaid place calleth it electam tiramnidem. i Tyranny made by election/ he calleth it tyranny: because of the domynation of the law/ & he calleth it electam because it is not against the will of the subjects. The fourth manner is when any man is made prince or governor by election, with all that succeed of his kindred or blood, according to the laws, which are made utterly 
4  to the common profit. And this manner of instytuting governors: they used about the heroical times, or times of the noble men which were called heroesas he saith in the same chapytre. And those times were called heroical, other because than the constellation brought forth such manner men, which were believed to 
Heroical times.  be heroes (that is to say divine or godly people) for their exceeding virtue or else because such manner men were made princes or rulers & none other, for their exceeding virtues & benefytis/ as because they gathered the multitude, which lived 
Who were heroes.  sparpled one from another in to civyle community/ or else because by manlynes & boldness or strength in fight and batayle, they did dylyver their region or country from the oppressors of it/ or else because peradventure they bought the region, or else got it by some other convenient manner/ and divided it among the subjects/ and to speak all at one word, for their excellence above the other multitude in virtue, or else for the greater benefits done or given of them than of any other, they were instytuted or made princes or governors with all their posterytie or successors of blood/ as Arystotle said in the. u book of his Polytykes and the. x. chapiter/ and under the kind of monarchy peradventure Arystotle comprehendeth that kind unto which any man is elected or choose only for his own hole life/ or for part of his life/ or else he causeth us to understand that by this, and by that which is called elect tyranny for it taketh part of either of them. The. u manner is and hath been that by which the prince or governor is made lord of all those things which are in the community/ dysposing 
5  and ordering all manner people and things so after his own will, as the steward or orderer of a house dysposeth and ordereth all things which are in his own house, as he fist himself. But yet that these sayings of Arystotle may be made more evident & open, & also that all the other manners of instituting other governors may be reduced to a chapytre or to a general sum/ we shall say, that all manner power or governance either it is over them that willingly are subjects or else over them that are subjects against their will/ the first of these. two. is general to all well tempered powers or governaunces/ the second to all viciate or intemperate and unryghtfull governaunces/ And each one of these. two. general kinds is divided in to. iii special kinds/ or manners/ as it hath been said in the. viii. chapiter of this diction. And because regal monarchy is 
There are. two. sorts of princes or governors the one over voludtarie subjects/ the other over involuntarie subjects.  one of the special kinds of well tempered governaunces/ and peradventure the most perfit of them all, therefore now making recollection of the premisses let us begin our speech or process at the manners of it/ saying that Rex or Monarcha that is to say a king other is instytuted by the election of the inhabytauntes or cytyzens/ or else he hath the power and authority of governing rightfully and duly without their election/ if he be prince or governor without their election, other it is because either he did first enhabyte the region, or else his predecessoures of whose lineage he descendeth or else because he bought the land and jurisdiction/ or else won it by rightful batayle/ or else gat it by some other lawful manner or way/ as for example, by a gift made thereof to him, for his good service done. And if it be so that the king or prince that governeth hath been instytuted by the election of the inhabytauntes, it is convenient that it be done by some of these manners following, for either he is instytuted governor with all the posterytie & successors of blood, or else not/ if he be instytuted governor, but not with all his posterytie/ this may be done many manner ways/ for either he is made governor for all the life time of one man only: or else for the life time of one man and also of some one or else more than of one of his successors/ or else he is not instytuted for the hole life time of any man neither of him that is first, neither of any of his successors/ but only for some determynate part of time, as for the space of one year, or of. two. or for longer or for shorter space/ & again he is instytuted either to exercise all manner judycyall offyce: or else to exercise but only one judycyall offyce/ as to be the guide or capitain of the host and so forth.   

¶ Of the dystynctyon or diversity, and the assignation of the significations of this noun lex/ and of the most proper signification of this word, & which is intended & meant in this book.  
The, x, Chapytre,  
FOr as much as we have said, that election is the most perfect and the best form or manner of instituting governors and rulers: it shall do very well to serache forth the effective cause of it/ that is to say who ought to be the electoures, or doers of this election/ or of whom it aught to be made, as touching the compliment of the goodness thereof/ that is to say, if it should be a perfect good election/ for of this, it shall also appear, which is the factyve or effective cause of the elected governor, and likewise of the other parts or offices of the Lyvyle Commynalte. But for as much as the Prince or governor aught to measure and rule the Lyvyle acts of men, (as we have showed in the. u chapytre of this dictyon) and that by or according to a rule, which is and ought to be the form or formal cause of the Prince of governor in that he is governor: it is necessary first to serache out, whether there be any such manner rule/ then afterwards what it is, and wherefore, or to what end it is ordained/ for peradventure the same is the effective cause of this said rule/ which is the effective cause of the Prince or governor. ¶ we therefore supposing this a thing evident lie known by experience in all perfect Commynaltes, that there is such a rule, which men do call an ordinance or custom, & by the comen name a law. first we shall show, what this rule is/ & afterward we shall show the final cause/ wherefore it is necessary to be had/ and last of all we shall determine by demonstrative syllogism, to what person or persons, and by what manner actyon, it belongeth/ to ordained and make this said rule/ which thing shall be nothing else, but to serache out the law giver, or the cause effective of the law unto which cause, we suppose, that the electyon of Princes and governors also doth belong/ and we will prove that it is so, hereafter by sure and substancyall reasons or demonstrations. Of which things it shall also appear, and be open or evident, what is the matter or subject of the aforesaid rule, which we have called the law/ for the matter or subject of it (to use the school terms) is the Princes or governor/ to whom it belongeth for to measure and streyghten or rule the Polytyke or Lyvyle acts of men. Now therefore proceeding to the determination of these said things, least peradventure by the reason of the manifold significations of this word lex, any Ambignite or error might happen to any man: it shall be convenient & according, first to show the diverse intentions or significations of this noun lex. For this word being of the number or sort of him. Which be called equinoce dictiones/ that is to say, words 
This word lex hath many significations.  having many diverse significations/ in one of his significations betokeneth a natural sensitive inclination to some action or passion. And in this signification the Apostle used this word in the. seven. chapiter to the Romans when he said/ I see an other law in my membres/ repugnant and stryving 
Lex is put for an inclination.  against the law of my mind/ and in an other acception or signification, this noun Lex law is said of every practive habit/ and generally of all manner form of any thing to be wrought, which form is in the mind/ out of which as out of the example or pattern and measure all the forms or fastions of things made by craft, are brought forth or caused. And after this manner signification of this word, it is said in the .xliii. chapiter of the prophet Ezechyel. Hec ergo lex domus, iste autem mensure altaris. This therefore shall be the law of the house & these shall be the measures of the altar. In his third signification this word lex is taken for a tule containing monitions of the imperated or volutarye actions of men, as they be ordained to glory or to pain in the world to come. And after this sygnyfication: the law of Moses was called a law as touching to some part of it, and so also the law of the gospel as touching to itself hole is called a law. Wherefore the Apostle speaking of these two laws to the Hebrews: saith thus. The preestode being translated/ it is necessary, or it must needs be, that a translation is made of the law/ So also the doctrine of the Gospel is called a law in the first chapytre of saint james epistle, where he saith thus/ But who sooner shall look in to the perfect law of liberty, & shall continue in it. etc. that man shall be blessed in his deed. And in this acception or signification of this word all sects also be called laws/ as for example the sect of Machomete, or of the Persians', either as touching to themselves hole/ or else as touching to some parts of them. Albeit that among all these, only the law of Moses, and the law of the Gospel/ that is to wit the chrysten law, done contain the verity. And after this signification also Arystotle called sects laws: when he said in the second of his philosophy/ How great 
Lex is put for a sect.  virtue or strength custom is of: the laws done show/ and again in the. twelve. of same/ Reliqua veto fabulose iam adducta sunt ad persuasionem multorum ad leges et conferens. i The other things were imagined and brought in for to persuade many men to the laws or sects, & to their profit. Fourthly this nownelawe and most famously betokeneth the knowledge or doctrine or universal judgement of the things which are righteous and profitable in a cyvyle commynalte, and of the contrary things. And this word lex taken in this signification may be considered two manner ways/ one way as touching to it 
Law may be taken two man of ways.  own self, as by it only is showed, what is right or wrong/ what is profitable or what noisome or hurtful/ and thus the science or doctrine of the right/ is called the law/ An other manner of way it may be considered, after as a precept is given of the observation or fulfilling of the said law, under a pain or reward to be dystrybuted to the fulfyller or to the breaker of it, in this present world/ or else after as it is given by the manner of such precept or commandment/ & this word considered after this manner/ is most properly of all other significations called a law/ and this word taken in this signification/ Arystotle doth define, in the. x. book of his Ethikes and the. ix. chapytre when he saith thus. The law hath power to compel, which is a speech made by some wisdom and reason/ that is to wit by polytyke reason, which can order and dispose of the righteous and profitable things, and of the contrary things/ and the law hath coactyve power, for as much as there is a precept or commaumedement given, that the law should be observed, which precept men be 
How the laws is acoactive precept.  compelled to keep and observe/ or else because the law is given by the manner of such precept. Wherefore not all the true cognitions or knowledges of the things, that be ryghtuouse or profitable in a cyvyle commynalte, are laws oneles such a coactyve precept or commandment be given of the observation of them/ or else it be so, that they have been given by the manner of a precept. Albeit that such true knowledge of the said things, is necessarily required to a perfit law. Yea moreover otherwiles falss knowledgs or judgements of rightwise & profitable things, are made laws when there is a commandment given that they should be observed/ or else if they be given by the manner of a precept/ as it appeareth in the regions of certain barbarous people, which do 'cause this to be observed as a ryghtuouse thing, that a murderer or manqueller shall be quiet and absolved from cyvyle blame and the cyvyle pain or punishment, so that he do pay money or some other thing of value, for such manner offence, and yet for all that this thing is plain utterly right/ and so consequently the laws of them are utterly unperfect. For the case put & granted that the said laws have a due form, that is to wit a coactyve precept of their observation/ yet for all that they do want or lack due condition that is to wit, due and trueordynacyon of rightful right. And under this acception or signification of this word lex/ are comprehended all the rules of civil rights and utilities which rules have been instytuted by the authority of man/ as customs, statutes, ordinances or acts made by the commons'/ decretals/ and all other like rules, which as we have said are grounded upon the authority of man/ But yet we aught to know, that as well the law of the gospel as the law of Moses, and peradventure the other sects dyversely considered, and compared in the hole or in the part of them unto the Acts of men for the state of this present world or of the world to come: otherwiles doth belong or hath belonged hitherto, or shall belong to the third signification of this word lex/ and otherwiles to the last signification of the said world/ as it shall be opened and declared more largely in the. viii. & the. ix. of the second diction. Certain of that said laws or sects as touching or according to the truth, and other certain of them after or as touching to a false imagination or fantasy and a vain promise. Thus then there is a certain rule or a law of the Cyvyle acts of men/ and what it is: it appeareth evidently of these things, which we have no we said.   

¶ Of the necessity of making laws taking this word in his most proper signification/ and that it is expedient, no Prince or governor be he never so much virtuous & righteous: to govern without laws.  
The, xi, Chapytre,  
How that we have thus divided this word Law in to his acceptions or sygnyfycations: we will show the final cause where 
The necessity of making laws is declared.  fore it is necessary, that Laws be hadde-taking this word in his last and most proper signification. The most pryucypall cause is the Cyvyle right and the comen utility or profit/ the next cause to this: is a certain securyte of the Princes or governors/ specially of and namely of those, which are governors by inheritance and succession of blood/ and also the diuturnite or long continuance of their governance and power or authority/ That it is necessary to have laws for the former cause, that is to wit for the Cyvyle right and comen profit. I prove it thus/ for it is necessary to ordain that thing in a comen weal or cyvyle commynalte, without which Cyvyle judgements can in no wise be well given, and by which they be given duly, and so as they aught to be, and by which also they be preserved from defalte as much as is possyple to the Acts of men. But such manner thing the law, when the governor is appointed to give cyvyle judgements according to it/ ergo the institution or making of a law is necessary in a comen wealth. The first proposition of this syllogism is in a manner evident and known of itself/ and very near unto the first pryncyples (as they are called) which can not be proved by any thing more evident, than they be themselves/ the certainty whereof also aught, and may be taken of the. u. chapiter of this diction, and the. seven. part thereof. The second proposition of this demonstration shall be made evident by this/ saying that to the completement of a judgement in goodness, (that is to say, to this that any judgement be perfectly good) is required right and uncorrupt affection of the judges/ and also true knowledge of the things that be to be judged/ the contraries of which two things done corrupt cyvyle iudgementis. For the crooked wrong & lewd affection 
judgꝭ be corrupted through evil affection.  of the judge, as hatted/ love or covetousness: puerteth the desire of the judge. But all these things be kept away from judgement & judgement is preserved from these/ when the judge or governor shall be appointed or assigned to give iugementis, according to the laws/ because the law is without all perverse affection/ for it is not made only for the friend, or for the enemy, or for him that doth good, or him that doth hurt/ but it is made unyversally or generally for him who soever he be that doth Cyvylye well or cyvylye evil/ for all the other things are but accidental to the law & without the law, but they be not so without the judge/ for the persons which be set to be judged may either be friends, or enemies profitable or noisome persons to him, that sitteth as judge by giving or promising somewhat either good or evil to him. And so likewise in all such intentions, which may 'cause in a judge affection perverting or corrupting his judgement/ For which consideration, no manner judgement (as moche as possible is) ought to be committed and put all together to the arbytrement or will & pleasure 
Derye few things be to be commyted to the pleasure of the judges.  of the judge/ But ought to be determined by the law, and sentence or judgement to be pronounced and given of them, according to the same law. And this was the sentence of Arystotle in the third of his Polytykes & the. xi. chapiter, wherein purposing to search out, wherther it is better for a comen weal to be governed of the best man without any law, or else of the best law he saith in this wise, that thing is better to govern, or to be judge, which hath no passion at all, that is to say no manner affection which may pervert the judgement, than that thing which hath passions in hit self by nature, but the law is without all such manner passion or affection, and the mind of every man must needs have passions in it, he saith of every man, excepting no man be he 
Man's mind is not without synyster affections.  never so virtuous, which sentence he repeating again in the first book of his rhetorics and the first chapytre saith thus. Omnium quidem maximum quer●tur scilicet nihil asque lege judicandum relinque debet arbitrio iudicantis. etc. That is to say, of all things it is most necessary that no thing be left to the arbytryment or pleasure of the judge, to be judged without a law, Quia judicium legislatoris. 
No thing is to be judged without a law.  etc. for the judgement of the law maker (that is to say the law) is not made for any pertyculer person, but it is of things to come and of general things, but the office and the judge sitting in judgement do judge of things present & of determynate or partyculer things (& to these, that is to wit, to the governor and iugde) is oftentimes annexed love or hatred & desire of their own singular profit/ so that they can not yet sufficiently see the truth or right in judgement: but doth regard, and hath respect in judgement to their own proper pleasure and profit, or else their own displeasure and dysprofyte/ and this also he saith in the same first book and the second chapytre, when he saith thus, we do not give like manner judgements, when we be glad or merry, and 
judgements are given after divers manners.  when we be sad or sorry, when we do love and when we do hate again/ the judgement is corrupted otherwiles by reason of the ignorance of the judges, all though they be of good affection or intention which evil or defaute: is taken away and is supplied by the law: because in it is determined in a manner parfyghtly, what is right/ and what is wrong/ what is profitable, and what is noisome or hurtful/ as touching to every one of the cyvyle acts of men. But this thing could not be sufficiently done by any one man alone/ nor yet peradventure all the men of any one time could not be able to find out and devise or to keep and hold in remembrance all the cyvyle acts, which are determined in the law/ you moreover all that ever the first fynders out/ or devisers and 
The law which at the beginning is imperfect, is finysshed & made perfit by the addictions of them that come after.  also all the men of the same time which observed and marked the cyvyle acts of men, did say of them was but a very small thing & an unperfyghte/ which afterward was made perfyghte and finished by the additions of those men, that came after their time, which thing it is easy enough to perceive, by the experience that we have had/ as in that that some things have been added to the laws, and some things taken away from the same/ & other whiles how the laws hath been changed in to the contrary, according to the diversity of ages and also according to the diversity of the state of times even in one & the same age/ and hereunto Arystotle beareth witness in the second book of his polytykes and the third chapytre when he said thus/ this thing we aught to know that we aught to have respect and to look unto long time and to many years 
Long deliberation is to be taken before that any sentence or law be pronounced.  aforegone/ in which years we must know whether these things have done well, or else no/ that is to wit, these things, which aught to be instytuted and ordained as laws/ the same he saith also in the first book of his thetorykes and in the first chapytre. Afterwards he saith, giving of laws are made of things, which hath been considered and had in deliberation a long season. And this thing is confirmed by reason, for the making or giving of laws, requireth and needeth prudence and wisdom/ as it appeared heretofore of the description of this word law, and wisdom requireth long experience/ and experience requireth 
Prudence requireth long experience.  long time/ wherefore in the. vi. book of the Ethikes and the. viii. chapiter, it is written thus. A token of this which we have said, is this/ for many young men are geomatritions and mathematycans & wise or having knowledge in such things/ but not therefore even by and by prudent/ & the cause hereof is, because that prudence is of singular or pertyculer things: which are made known by experience/ now a young man wanteth experience/ for it is long 
what maketh an expert man.  continuance of time: that causeth or maketh experience/ And therefore that, which one man alone findeth out or may know by himself alone, as well in the knowledge of things which are righteous and profitable in a cyvyle community, as in other sciences: is very little or else no thing/ Again also that, which 
Arts are not made perfit by one man alone.  the men of one age or time can observe or mark: is but an unperfyghte thing, in comparison of that thing, which is observed or marked of men of many divers ages or times/ and therefore Aristotle treating of theinuencyon and finding out of the troth, as touching to every art or dyscyplyne and science, in his second book of Philosophy and the first chapiter, saith thus/ as concerning the invention of any art or science devised by one man's wit only, little or no thing of the assured truth in the same science can be found by him/ but that that is gathered together in the same science by the wits of many men, may draw to some quantytie of truth. But after the translation out of the arabical tongue this text is more open and plain/ the meaning whereof is this/ & each one of them, that is to wit, of the devisers and fynders out of any manner art or dyscyplyne perceived other very little, or else nothing of the verytie or truth. But when all those things shall be gathered together, which all men hath comprehended, & observed or marked: than the whole shall amount to sum quantity or greatness/ which thing may be most evidently perceived by the science of astronomy/ so than by the help that men have had among themselves each one of other, and by the addition of the things afterwards found, unto the things 
How or where of crafts hath taken their perfection.  afore found: all crafts and dyscyplynes hath received they: perfection/ which thing Arystotle fygurallie by an example declareth in the same place, about the invention or finding of music, when he said/ if Timotheus had not been we should not have moche melody, or we should lack a great part of music/ but if Phryne's had not been: Tymothe should never have been so perfyghte in melodyes: 
Who were the first inventors of music.  that is to wit if he had not had the things invented afore by Phrines/ which words Auerois expounding in the second comment saith thus/ And that which Arystotle saith in this chapiter: is evident and manifest/ for no man may or is able by himself, to invent or find out the practive or speculative sciences, for the more part/ for they are not made complete or perfyghte: but by the help which he that was before-hath left to him that followeth or cometh after. And the same he saith in the last chapytre of the second book of the Eleuches of the invention of Retoryke, and of all other sciences how soever it be of the invention of Logyke/ which Aristotle ascribeth perfyghtlie and holy to him 
Arystotle boasteth himself alone to have been the first inventor of logyke.  self alone, without the invention or help of any other man that was afore his time wherein he seemeth to have been syngulare among all other/ but this he saith in the. viii. book of the Etikes & the first chapiter. Two men joining themselves together, may or are able to do and to perceive more/ understand thou, than one man alone. But if it be so, that two men may do and perceive more: much more than more than two, both together. and also successyvelie, may do and perceive more than one man alone/ and this is it which Aristotle saith concerning this present purpose in the third of the politics and the. xi. chapiter. But peradventure it shall seem to some man against reason that one man should perceive & discern better, judging with. two. iyes and. two. ears/ or else that he should work better with his. two. feet and. two. hands: than many men with many eyes/ ears/ feet/ and hands/ for as much therefore as the law is an iye made of many eyes/ that is to say, a comprehension or knowledge examined of many comprehensyons, 
The law was signyfyed of the old wise men by the eye.  to the avoiding of error about the cyvyle judgements/ and judging right or well: it is the more sure way and less ieopardouse, that such judgements be done according to the law, than according to the arbrytrement or will and pleasure of the judge/ And for this cause it is necessary, that a law be made and set/ if common weals should be very well ordered as touching to the cyvyle rights and utylytyes of them/ for by the law, the cyvyle judgements are preserved from the ignorance, and from the perverse or crooked affection, which else might be in the judges/ And this was the second proposition and the minor (as they call it) of our demonstrative syllogism, by which from the beginning 
Why & wherefore laws at necessary.  of this chapytre, we have go a bout to prove, that it is necessary, that laws be had in a common weal/ but how, and in what manner a strife or cyvyle cause and controversy risen, which is not determined by the law, aught to be defined and determined or judged/ it shall be showed in the. xiiii. chapiter of 
Let the judge determine nothing without a law.  this diction. To conclude than, laws are necessary for the excluding of the malice, and error or ignorance of the judges, from cyvyle judgements or sentences/ And for these considerations Arystotle counseled, that to no judge or governor should be granted arbrytrement or free liberty, to judge or command of cyvyle matters without a law, in such things, wherein the law might have determined/ wherefore in the. u book of the Etikes and the sixth chapytre Arystotle treating of justice and injury: saith in this wise/ for this cause we do not suffer a man to govern and rule, but according to reason/ that is to wit, according to the law/ And he assygneth the cause here afore alleged/ that is to wit, the perverse and crooked affection which may happen or chance to be in him. Also in the third book of the politics and the. seven. chapytre he saith thus By the answer to the first doubt or question/ it is evident & open, that none other thing aught so much to govern and rule: as the laws which are well made/ that is to say, as they which governeth & ruleth according to the laws. The same also he saith in the same. three book and the. twelve. chapiter in this wise/ who soever therefore biddeth or willeth the law to govern and rule: he seemeth to bid or will, god and the laws to govern/ but he that biddeth or willeth, a man to govern: understand without a law after his own pleasure: he joineth or putteth to also a beeste/ and he showeth the cause why he so saith a little after, saying/ Propter quod sine appetitu intellectus lex est, as who should say, that 
A goodly sentence.  the law is understanding and knowledge or reason without appetite or lust/ that is to say without any affection/ and this same sentence he repeateth also in his first book of retorykes and the first chapytre, where he saith thus/ it is most convenient therefore, that the well made laws do determine all things, what soever doth happen or chance/ and to commit very few things to the arbrytrement of the judges: and he assygneth there the afore alleged causes/ that is to wit the exclusyon or avoiding of the malice or ignorance of the judges, from the cyvyle judgements/ which said malice or error and ignorance can not chance to be in the law likewise as they may in the judges/ as it hath been showed here before. And Arystotle speaketh more largely than thus, openly in the. iiii. book of his politics and the. iiii. chapiter, saying in this wise/ where the laws do not govern and rule: that is to say where the princes and rulers do not govern according to the laws: there is no common weal/ understand thou temperate, or well ordered/ for the law aught to be governor and ruler over all. Now it rests or remaineth to show, that all princes and governors aught to govern according to the law, and not without or beside it/ and namely most of all other, these princes or kings, which are made governors with all their issue or offspring/ that their kingdom or power may be more sure from all manner jeopardy or peril: and also may endure and continue the longer/ which was the secondary final cause of the necessyre of laws to be had, assigned of Hus in the beginning of his chapiter/ and first it may be proved by this/ because to govern and rule according to the laws, preserveth the judgements of the said governors from the default, which might happen by the reason of the ignorance or perverse affection in them/ by which laws they being guided and well ordered in their own selves, and toward their communes or subjects: do less suffer seditions and so consequently do less suffer solutions or destructions of their kingdoms, which might happen or chance to them, doing lewdlie according to their will and pleasure/ as Arystotle saith openly in the. u book of his polytykes, and the. x. chapytre. Regnum (saith he) that is to say a kingdom: is very seldom or little destroyed of those things, which are extrynsecall & without itself/ but of itself and of intrynsecall causes it chanceth 
What thing destroyeth kingdoms.  very oft to be corrupted and destroyed/ and that. two. manner ways/ the one is when sedition riseth between them which are partyners of the kingdom. The second way is when they begin to rule and govern tyrannously, desiring and wyffing to be fords of many, and contrary to the law/ But peradventure some man will object against me, and say that the best man or a very good man is without ignorance, & perverse or crooked affection. But let Hus make answer and say: that this cometh to pass very seldom/ and though it chance one very good man to be without passions: yet is he not so much without them as the laws is/ as we have showed heretofore by the authority of Arystotle, by reason/ and sensible experience/ that every man's soul or mind hath other whiles some synystre affection/ which thing we may believe by that which is read in the. iiii. chapiter of Danyel/ where mention is made, that there came. two. priests of a wicked mind & purpose, against Susamna/ that they might put her to death & they 
The history of Susanne.  were old men, & priests, & the judges of the people that year/ which all this notwithstanding yet gave false testimony & witness against her, because she would not consent & apply herself to their wicked & filthy concupisbence & lust. Now therefore, if they that were priests/ & aged men (of whom a man would little think it) were corrupted through catnall concupisbence, and how moche more than through covetousness and other vices: what is to be thought of other men? doubtless that no man▪ be he never so virtuous: can be without perverse or corrupt affection, and ignorance: so as the law is. And therefore it is most sure way, that the cyvyle judgements be directed by the law: than to be committed to the arbytrement or will of the judge, be he never so virtuous a man. But to the case put and admitted (which for all that is a very seldom thing, and in a manner impossible) that there were a prince or governor so heroical and passing virtuous, that there could be neither passion, neither ignorance in him: yet may it be that his sons shall be subject to some synystre and evil affection, whereof the ruling according to their wilful affection, without any certain law or order, may ensue moche inconvenience to the which if you will reply, saying that their father being so good a man as is before supposed peradventure will not deliver his power or authority to them/ I answer that such saying is not to be beleaved or regarded/ partly, because it lieth not in him to deprive them of his succession or inheritance of his kingdom. for as much as it is due, and belongeth to the successors or issue of that kindred: & partly, because although it were in his power to translate the regal power unto whom soever he list: yet would he not dysheryte his own sons, were they never so lewd and ungracious as the thing whereof commenlye he hath no knowledge/ wherefore Arystotle in his third book of politics and the xi. chapiter, answering to this objection: saith in this wise/ it is not easy to believe this: that is to wit, that the father will dysheryte his own sons of his kingdom and power/ for it is an hard thing: and of greater virtue than belongeth to the nature of man/ wherefore it is expedient to the princes or governors, to be rather ruled and determined by the law/ than to give cyvyle judgements after their own will and pleasure for in doing according to the law/ they shall do nothing, that shall be otherwise than well, or worthy reprove/ by the reason whereof, their kingdom and power shall be made the more sure from all danger and also more continual and durable. And this was the cause the counsel of the most excellent philosopher Arystotle, unto all princes and governors (whereof for all that they take little head) in his fifth book of the politics and the. xi. chapiter, when he said thus The fewer things that they have power over (understand thou without a law) so much the longer time every kingdom or power must needs continue/ for they that is to wit, the princes and governors selves/ are the less lordely/ and are made more demure in their manners/ and also are the less envy at of their subjects/ and by and by after he bringeth in the testimony of a certain wise king or governor called Theopompus/ which gave from him part of the 
Theopompue.  power and authority granted unto him/ wherefore we have judged it convenient, to bring in here the text and very words of Arystotle: because of the syngularyte and excellent virtue of this prince, such as never in a manner hath been herd by the space of many hendreth years, to have been in any other prince. The words of Arystotle are these. And afterwards Theopompus measur ●●ge, that 
The example of Theopompus.  is to say mynysshing or bringing more to a mean his power, which peradventure seemed to exceed measure: added the offyce or authority of them which were called Ephory, in deed mynysshing the power: that is to wit his own power/ but yet making the regal power more, and increasing it in time/ that is to say making it more durable/ wherefore after a certain manner he made it not less/ but more so as men say, that he answered to his wife, when she asked the question of him, whether he were not ashamed, to leave the regal power less to his sons: than his father had left him/ no verily saith he/ for I leave it now to them much more durable O heroycallvoyce of Theopompus, proceeding of his metuaylous great wisdom/ and greatly to be noted of them which without the laws will use fullness of power over their subjects/ which sentence many princes and governors nothing marking or taking heed of it/ have had a fall, and have been destroyed. And we ourselves have seen 
It is not lawful for a prince to grieve his subjects with any exaction contrary or beside and without the law.  now in our time for lack of taking heed hereof, not the least kingdom of all in a manner hole like to be destroyed: whiles a certain prince or governor thereof, would have charged his subjects, and laid upon their necks a certain vnwonte exaction, and contrary to the law. So than of these things which we have said it is evident open/ that laws are necessary in common weals. if they aught utterly to be well ordered, & the kingdoms or regal powers to continue long and endure.   

¶ Of the effective cause of the laws of man/ both of that cause, which may be proved by demonstrative sillogysme: and also that cause, which can not be proved by demonstration/ which thing is naught else, but to search out the law maker.  
The, twelve, chapytre,  
How it followeth consequently, to speak of the effective cause of laws/ which cause may be showed by demonstration/ for of that institution of laws, which is possible to be made or hath been made imedyatly by the work or revelation & oracle of god, without man's arbytrement or will (after which manner we said a fore the law of Moses to have been instytuted, even also as touching to those precepts of cyvyse acts which are in it for the state of this present world) I intend not here to make assignation/ but only of that institution of laws, and of princes or governors: which is made, or brought forth and caused immediately of the will and arbytrement of the mind of man/ unto which assignation we no we beginning to enter in/ let Hus say, that to find out the law taken as it were materyallie and according to this third signification (that is to wit, the knowledge of the things ryghtuouse, and the things profitable in a common weal or cyvyle community) may belong and appertain to any 
The description of the law  manner cytezen or person of the cyvyle community/ albeit that this inquisition may be more convenyentlie done by the observation of them that may intend to such inquisition/ as of the most aged men, and having most experience of cyvyle acts, whom they do call predent or worldly wise men/ than by the consideration of artyfycers or handycraftes men, which must intend, and diligently apply themselves to their works and occupations, for to get the things necessary to the sustentation of their life. But because the true knowledge or invention of the things ryghtuouse, and of the things profitable in a cyvyle community, and of their contraries, is not a law according to the last and the most proper signification of this word, by which it is made the measure of the cyvyle acts of men, unless it be, when a coactyve precept shall have been given of the observation thereof, or else that it hath been given by the manner of such precept, by him, by whose authority the trangressoures aught and may be ponysshed/ therefore it is convenient and according, to tell or show, to what person or persons the authority belongeth of giving such manner precept, and of ponysshing the transgressors of it which thing is nothing else: but to make inquisition, and to search out who is the giver or maker of the law/ And let us say according to the troth, and to the counsel of Arystotle 
He means here of those laws which do pass by act of parliament.  in the third of his politics, and the sixth chapytre, that the law maker or the chief and proper cause effective of the law: is the people or the hole multitude of the cytezens inhabytauntes/ or else the byggest part of the said multitude, by their election or will by words expressed in the general congregation parlyament or assemble of the communes commanding or determining any thing to be done, or to be left undone, about the cyvyle acts of men, under a temporal pain or ponysshement/ the bigger part I mean the quantity considered in that community (upon which that law is given) whether the hole multitude aforesaid of the people in that community, or else the bigger parts thereof do this by theyr selfe imedyatly/ or else shall have committed it to some person or people, to be done of him or them/ which person or people are not, neither may be utterly and holly and generally the maker of the law: but they are only after a certain manner/ and otherwiles/ and by the authority of the principal law maker/ and consequently to this I do say/ that by the same principal authority, and by none other/ the laws, aught to take their necessary approbation/ Moreover I say, that of the same authority the laws, aught to take addition, or diminution, or their hole mutation/ interpretation/ suspension accordingly as the places and times, and other cyrcumstances doth require: to which any of these aforesaid things shall be meet or convenient, for the common profit/ and by the same authority also, the laws aught to be published or proclaimed after the institution of them/ left any man, other cytezen, or stranger, trespassing against them: might be excused by the ignorance of them. And a cytezen or communer (which in the latyn word is called civis) I call him, according to the mind of Arystotle in the third book of his politics, 
How the promulgation of laws is to be made.  and the first/ the third/ and the. seven. chapytres, which is in habylytie to be part taker in the cyvyle community of the public power & authority of counselling of judging/ & governing/ or bearing offyce/ according to his degree/ by which description, children are excluded & bondmen/ strangers/ & women/ from the name of cytezens or communers/ though after a divers manner/ for the children of cytezens 
The description of a cytezen. etc.  or communers & free men, are cives in potencia propinqua/ that is to say in a nigh possybylyte: wanting nothing but only sufficient age and discretion. And which is bigger part of the cytezens: we must consydre & judge according to the honest custom & usage of the cyvyle communytes/ or else we aught to determine it/ 
The authority of makige or giving laws.  according to the mind of Arystotle, in the. vi. book of his politics, & the third chapy●. Now therefore after we have thus determined what is a cytezen/ & what is the stronger and bigger party of cytezens or communers: let us now return to our purpose intended/ that is to wit, to show by demonstration, that the human authority of making laws appertayn to the hole multitude of cytezens, or communers, & free men or else to the bigger part of them assembled in the parliament which we shall go about to prove, first in this wise: for unto them belongeth the first & very principal human authority of the making & institution of human laws/ of whom only the best laws may proceed and be brought forth/ but such is the hole multitude or congregation of cytezens, or the bigger part of it, which representeth the hole multitude/ for it is hard or unpossible, that all the people in a common weal should agree unto one sentence/ & be all of one mind/ because of the imperfect nature of certain men, other of malice, or else through ignorance, dyscording and disagreeing from the common sentence or judgement/ for all whose unreasonable contradiction and gainsaying, the common utilities or profits aught not to be letted or left undone/ wherefore it may be concluded, that unto the hole congregation or multitude of cytezens or free men, or else to the bigger part of them gathered in the parliament: belongeth the authority of institution or making of laws/ The first proposition or (as they call it) the mayor of this demonstration, is in a manner evident enough of itself, and very near to those which are called pryncyples albeit the strength and uttermost certainty of it, may be taken of the. xi. chapiter of this diction/ and the second proposition called the minor, that is to wit, that by the hearing and commandment of the hole multitude only, the best law is instytuted or made I prove, supposing with Arystotle in the third of his positikes and the. viii. chapiter. that law to be best, which is given to the common profit of the cytezens/ wherefore he said in this wise those laws are right or good which equally and indyfferentlye have respect to the utility of the hole cyvyle community, and to the common wealth or good of all the communee, or inhabytaunce of the said community/ And that this may be done best only by the whole multitude 
The best law is that which helpeth to the common profit.  of the cytezens, or by the byggest part of it (which from hensforthe let it be supposed to be both one) I prove thus/ for the verity or truth of that thing is more surely judged, and also the common utility of it is more diligently considered and marked, unto which thing the hole multitude of cytezens giveth heed with all their wit or reafon, and also affection/ for the greater the multitude is the better it may perceive the default that is about the law which is purposed to be made or instytuted than may any patre, what soever it be, of the said 
How and of whom the law is to be given.  multitude. For as much as every bodily thing being hole/ is at the least wise greater in quantity and virtue: than is any part thereof by itself. Again the common utility of the law is more considered and regarded or taken heed of of the hole multitude/ for as much as no man wyttynglye doth hurt his own self, but there every man may consydre, whether the law purposed do more decline or lean to the profit of any certain person or persons, than to the profit of the other, or of the community/ And also may speak against it, to the contratie/ which thing could not be done, if the law were given or made by any 
In all this long tale he speaketh not of the rascal multitude, but of the parliament  person, or else a few certain persons, regarding and having respect more to their own proper utility/ than to the common profit/ And to this sentence helpeth well all those things/ which we have said and spoken concerning to the necessity of laws to be had, in the. xi. chapiter of this ●sent diction. Now again to the principal conclusion I reason thus. The authority of making or giving laws, belongeth only to that person or persons by whom they being made or given, are better or else utterly observed/ but such is only the whole multitude: ergo to the hole multitude only, belongeth the authority of instituting or making laws. The first proposition of this syllogism is a manner evident of itself, and very near to the pryncyples/ for the law should be void, & serve for nothing/ if it were not observed/ wherefore Arystotle in the. iiii. of his politics and, the. viii. chapiter, saith thus it is no good institution of laws: if there be laws well made or set, but not obeyed. And again in the. vi. book of the same politics, and the. viii. chapytre he saith thus/ it availeth nothing at all, to give sentences or judgements of rightful things/ if they be not put in execution/ and the second proposition of this sillogysme I prove for that law is better observed and kept of every manerman of the city/ which every man seemeth to have made by the hearing and by the precept of the hole multitude of the communes/ ergo. etc. The first proposition of this last sillogysme is in in a manner evident by itself. For in as much as a city is a community of free men, as it is written in the third book of the politics and the. iiii. chapiter/ every cytezen 
A city is a common society of free men.  aught to be free, and not to suffer or bear the servile dominion of an other man But this could not be brought to pass, if any one man or else a few persons of the cyvyle community, did give or make a law by their own private and proper authority over the whole multitude of cytezens/ for so they that did make the law/ should be lords of the other/ and therefore the other cytezens, that is to wit the more part, should be grieved and myscontente with such law/ were it never so good/ or else peradventure would in no wise receive that law/ but because they were contemned and despised, and because they were not called to counsel at the making of the law they shall speak against it and in no wise observe or obey it/ But the law which is made or given by the judgement or consent of the hole multitude although it were less profitable each one of the cyvyle commnnyte should easily observe and be content with it for as much as every man should seem to have ordained or made that law to himself/ and therefore he aught not to speak against it but rather to suffer it with a quiet mind. Now again to the principal conclusion I reason thus/ for that agyble or operable thing in the due institution whereof consisteth and rests the most part of the common suffycyencye of the cytezens in this life and in the evil institution whereof most common hurt is likely to ensue or follow aught only to be instytuted by the hole multitude in the cyvyle community but such manner thing is the law ergo the institution of it belongeth only to the hole multitude. etc. The first proposition of this syllogysme is so evident of itself that in a manner it is as undoubted as any pryncyple and it is grounded upon the immedyate verytes which hath been put in the. iiii. and. u chapytres of this diction for men came together and assembled to the cyvyle socyete for profit and the suffycyencie of life to be got and the contratie to be avoided. Those things therefore which toucheth the common or dysprofyte of all men ought to be known & heard of all men that they may get the profit and avoid the contrary. But such manner things are the laws as we said in the second proposition of this syllogysme for in the laws well made or in the well making of the laws consisteth a great part of all and the hole suffycyence of man's life/ and under unjust laws is naught else but the bondage and oppression and misery into llerable of the cytezens by reason whereof in conclusion chanceth destruction of the common weal/ And again this is as it were an abbreviation or some of the demonstrations afore go/ Duther the authority of making laws appertaineth to the hole multitude as we have said, or else to one man or to a few men. But to only one it doth not for a truth belong, for cause of those things which hath been said in the. xi. chapiter of this diction/ & in the first demonstration which we brought in for the same purpose, for he might by the reason of ignorance or malice or else both make an evil & unrighteous law/ by looking more to his own peculyer profit than to the common profit, by reason whereof it should be a tyramnycal law, & for the same cause also it belongeth not to a few men for they might do amiss in making the law as we have said to the syngulet or party culet profit of a certain few people & not to the common profit, as we may take example in those communyttes where a few mighty men doth govern & rule wherefore to conclude the making of the laws appertaineth to the university or hole multitude of cytezens, or to the bigger part of the said multitude, of whom it is far other and contrary wese/ than it is of one person alone, or yet of a few/ for in asmuch as by the law all men of the cyvyle community aught to be measured, according to due proportion, & for as much as no man wyttyngly doth hurt or will wrong to his own self therefore of necessity where all or else the most part shall will to make a law, it is not to be thought that they will make any but such as shall be convenient to the common profit of the cytezens or commons, that is to wit to themselves/ and by the same demonstrations only the less extremyte as they do call it, that is to wit this term making or giving of laws, changed: it may be proved that the approbation, interpretation, suspension of the law and other things purposed or rehearsed in the third part of this present chapytre doth appertain and belong to the authority of the law maker or parliament.   

¶ Of certain objections that may be made against the contents of the chapytre last afore go, and of the solution of the said objections and more large manifestation or declaration of the present purpose.  
The, xiii, chapytre,  
But peradventure some man shall doubt of these things which we have said, dysputing and reasoning that the authority of making of the institution of laws, doth not appertain or belong to the hole mustytude in a cyvyle community. first because that thing which is evil or crooked, & without wisdom or discretion, for the most part aught not to instytute or make a law/ for these. two. fawtes aught to be excluded from the law maker/ that is to wytmalyce and ignorance/ For the avoiding of which. two. fawtes in cyvyle judgements, we proved the law to be necessary in the. xi. chapiter of this diction/ but such manner one is the people or hole multitude of cytezens. For the most part of those men are evil and foolish, as it is written in the first chapytre of Ecclestastes. The number of fools is infinite/ again because it is very hard or impossible that many lewd & unwise men shall agree together in their sentences and judgements, which thing is nothing so of a few, and those virtuous men/ wherefore it appeareth to be more profitable that the law be made orgyven by a few men, than by the hole congregation and the superfluous multitude of cytezens or people in the cyvyle community. Again there are in every cyvyle community but few wise and cunning and well learned men in comparison to the other unlearned multitude. For as much than as the law is more profitable made by wise and well learned men, than by ignorant and unlearned men/ it appeareth that the authority of making laws appertaineth to a few & not to many or to all. Again that thing is in vain done by many, which may be done by a few/ saying than that the law may be made by wise men which are but a few in number as it hath be said of us/ the hold multitude or the greater pte of it should in vain be occupied about the making of it/ wherefore to conclude as it appeareth the authority of making laws doth not appertain to the hole multitude or to the bigger pte of them. ¶ Of that which we have supposed heretofore as a prynciple of things to be proved in this book/ that is to wit, that all men done desire the suffycyencie of life, or a sufficient life & doth eschew or avoid the contrary, that is to say insuffycyencie of life, we have proved by demonstration and concluded the cyvyle community of them to be necessary in the. iiii. chapiter of this diction/ for that that by such cyvyle society they may get and obtain this suffycyencie a foresaid and without they can not/ For which cause Arystotle also in the first book of his politykes and the second chapytre saith/ There is in all men by nature an appetite and desire to such manner community that is to wit cyvyle/ of which verity there followeth an other necessarelie, and it is had in the. iiii. book of the politykes and the. twelve. chapiter/ that is to wit that the part of the community which willeth and desireth the common weal to stand/ continue/ and to be preserved aught to be taken and had of more might and strength, than that part which willeth not the common weal to stand and to be preserved. For nature be kind and of herself desireth or willeth no thing for the most part that may be to her corruption or destruction/ for than such desire should be void or in vain/ you moreover who soever are not willing that the common weal should continue, are counted among bond men, not among cytezens or free men of the cyvyle communytye as are certain strangers/ wherefore in the. seven. book of the polytykes and the. xiiii. chapiter it is said thus/ All they been to be numbered amongst bondmen and no good cytezens which will live insolently, wanton, or lawless and it followeth imedyatlie after. And that there should be so many or so great a multitude of them in the governance of a common weal/ that is to wit of those that are insolent or care not to live cyvylie: that they should be bigger or stronger than all these/ that is to wit which are willing to live cyvylie, it is one of the things that are unpossible/ and why it is unpossible it appeareth and is evident for if it were so than should nature do amiss or fail for the most part/ if than the bigger multitude of men doth desire the preservation of the common weal and willeth it to stand, as it appeareth before to be well proved, then must it thereto of necessity will and desire that thing also without the which the common weal can not be preserved or continued/ and that is nothing else save a rule of righteous and profitable things given with a precept or commandment called the law/ and that because it is unpossible that a city governed of the best men according to virtue should not be ordered by good laws/ as it is written in the. iiii. of the polytykes and the. viii. chapiter, and we have proved it by demonstration in the. xi. chapiter of this diction. The bigger multitude therefore of a cyvyle community desireth and are willing to have a law or else there should happen to be defaute and want or imperfection in nature/ for the most part and most communely/ which thing to be unpossible let it be supposed of natural philosophy/ This thing also which is as they call it a comen pryncyple, I take beside the aforesaid evident and manifest veryties that every hole thing is more or greater than the part of it and this is true, both as touching quantity or bygnes, and also as touching active power or virtue and action/ wherefore it is evidently inferred or concluded by necessity, that the hole multitude of cytezens or the bigger part of it, which are to be taken both for one, may better discern & judge what is to be choose or taken, and what is to be despised or refused/ than may any part of it by itself what soever it be/ these things than supposed as open and evident veryties it is easy to make answer and put by the objections, by which some man would go about to prove and conclude that the authority of making laws appertaineth not to the hole multitude or to the bigger part of it in a cyvyle community but to a certain few people. To the first objection therefore, where it is said that to that thing which is lewd or evil belongeth not the authority of making laws: this proposition I grant/ and when it is added that such is the hole multitude of cytezens: this is to be denied/ for the pluralite or multitude of cytezens is neither evil or lewd neither undyscrete, in that respect, that they been many, or a multitude, for all or the most part of them are of right mind and reason and of right affection or apetyte to the governance of the common weal/ and to those things which are necessary to the preservation and continuance of the common weal, as to the preservation of good laws/ statutes, and costomes, as it hath been showed heretofore/ for though not every man or the greater multitude of cytezens is a fynder out or the deviser of laws: yet for all that every manner man may iuge of the things invented and purposed to him by an other man & discern what is to be added or mynysshed or else to be changed/ wherefore if in the mayor or first proposition by that which he calleth undyscrete be understanded or meaned that which by it own self can not invent or devise a law and aught not therefore as touching to the more parts or particular and singular people in it aught not to instytute a law than that proposition were to be denied as which is evidently false as witnesseth both sensible experience and also Arystotle in the third book of his politykes and the. seven. chapiter. first I say induction or sensible experience beareth witness for many men do iuge well of the quality of a picture or house or of a ship and of other things made by craft, which yet of themselves for all that could not invent or find out & devise such things/ And Arystotle also beareth witness to the same in the place afore alleged making answer to this present objection by these words following. For in certain things (saith Aristotle) not only he shall iuge neither yet iuge best which hath made or wrought them: but also other men, and he declareth this by example in many kinds of handycraftes, doing to understand the same also of other things/ Neither it maketh any thing against us where it is said that wise men which are but 
Not only wise men candiscern what things are to be done.  a few in number may rather or better discern the agyble or operable things which are to be instytuted and ordained than the other multitude: for though we do grant this to be true yet for all that it followeth not hereof that wise men can better discern the things which are to be instytuted and ordained, than can the hole multitude, in which both they & also the other less learned or less wise are comprehended/ for every hole thing is greater than is the part of it, both in working, and also in discerning or judging. And this was undoubtedly/ the sentence and mind of Arystotle in the. iii book of his polytykes, and the. seven. chapiter: when he said/ Quare just dominans maiorum multitudo/ that is to say, the hole multitude or university of cytezens or the greater part thereof which he means by this word multitudo aught of right to rule, concerning the greatest things which are in a common weal/ & he showeth the cause why/ for of the hole multitude: the commonty, the learned counsel, and the worshypfulles or headde officers, are but each of them a part of a commume weal and the substance, richesse, worship, wit, wisdom, judgement, discretion, of all them to gyther: is greater, than it is of any one of them by himself, or of any few of them, which do receive or take upon them the ministration of the greatest offices/ or dygnytes/ his intent is this/ to say, that the multitude of all companies and orders of the common weal being taken together/ & so consequently that the judgement of them together is more sure & without jeopardy: than is the judgement of any part by itself/ whether that part be the rascal or poor commons (which he signified hereby this word concilium) as husbondmen/ artyfycers/ & such other, or else whether it be pretorium, that is to say, they which in judgement are officers helping the prince or governor: as advocates/ men of law/ and notaryes, or scribes and regestres/ or whether it be honorabilitas, that is to say, the order or company of the best and most worshipful men: which are but very few in number, and which only are conveniently elected and choose to bear the greatest offices or dignytyes in the cyvyle communities, what soever part it be, taken severally by itself/ Again though we do grant (as it is true in very dead) that some unlearned men can not so well judge of the law or of any other agyble thing which is to be instytuted or ordained, as can so many learned men: yet for all that the number of unlearned men might be made so great: that they being so great a multitude might judge even as well of these things, you 
Even unlearned men also may discern of laws to be made.  or else better, than the learned men being but a few in number. And Arystotle said this same in the place afore alleged, willing to confirm and strength or fortyfye this sentence/ if the multitude (say the Arystotle) be not over dull, ygnorante, and servile, albeit that each one of them by himself can not judge so well as they that been learned or wise, and hath knowledge/ yet for all that all they together shall judge better/ or at the lest wise not worse/ And to that authority 
How this authority stultorum infinitus est munerus is to be taken and understanded.  taken of the first chapytre of ecclesiastes, that the number of fools is infinite/ we aught to say, that by this word stultorum, in englisshe fools, is to be understanded unlearned men/ or which giveth not their mind to liberal works which for all that hath understanding and judgement of things to be done, though not so much as they which give their mind to such things/ or else peradventure by fools, in that place, the which man signified or meaned infidels: as saint Iherome upon that place/ which infidels or myscreantes, you have they never so much cunning and knowledge in worldly sciences/ yet are they very stark fools/ according to that saying of saint Paul in the third chapytre of the first epistle to the Coryntheans/ the wisdom of this world, is foolysshnes afore god/ the second objection is of small strength/ for albeit that it is more easy for a few men, to agree in one sentence or mind, than many: yet is it not hereof concluded, that the sentence of a few, or of part, is better, than the sentence of the whole multitude, whereof the said few are a portion or part/ for these few could not, ne would so well discern and judge the common profit: as could & would the hole multitude of cytezens/ you moreover it were ieopardouse (as it hath appeared of the things aforesaid) to commit the making of the law to the arbytrement or judgement of a few men/ for peradventure they in making of the law would have more respect to the partyculer profit of some persons, or of some company/ than to the common profit/ which thing appeareth evidently in them 
The makers of the decretals had respect all together to their own synguser profit.  which were makers of the decretals of clerks or the clergy/ as we shall show also suffycyentlye in the. viii. chapiter of the second diction/ for hereof should begyven certain occasion, and a way opened to the regyment called Olygarchia/ likewise as when the power of making laws is granted to one man alone: an occasion is given to tyranny as we have brought in and alleged heretofore in the. xi. chapiter of Arystotle in the. u of the Etykes in his treatise de justicia/ The third objection may easily be put by, and answered unto, by those 
Oligarchia is declared be fore in the .viii. chapiter.  things which hath been said all ready/ for albeit that by wise men laws may be better made than by unlearned men/ yet for all that it is not concluded hereof, that laws be better made by only wise men, than by the hole multitude of cytezens/ in the which multitude the aforesaid wise men are also included/ but the hole multitude of all these gathered together, might, and would better dycerne the common utility or profit, and the common justice: than any of these parts taken severally by themselves/ yea though it were of never so great wise men wherefore they say not true, who soever saith, that the unlearned multitude doth hinder or let the election, and the approbation of the truth and common profit or good/ for rather they are a great help in this thing: when they are joined to them, that are more cunning, and which hath more experience/ for albeit that they can not by themselves and of their own wits invent and find out the true things, and the profitable things, which are to be instytuted and ordained/ yet for all that they may discern and judge the said things being invented by other men, and purposed or moved unto them, whether if any thing do seem for to be added/ or mynysshed/ or utterly changed/ or despised and refused in the said things put for the and moved to them/ for a man perceiveth many things, and also may do or help to the finishing or making perfit of many things, after he hath hard an other man speak: to the beginning or invention of the which things, he could not have come by himself, or by his own wit alone/ for the invention or first finding out of things/ is very hard/ wherefore Arystotle saith in the second book of Eleuches and the last chapytre/ it is a very hard thing, to find out the first beginning of the troth, in any 
The begynninges of things are very hard to be found out.  manner dyscyplyne or science/ but the beginning being once found out/ it is an easy thing to add or put to the residue/ wherefore to find out the beginnings or pryncyples of sciences, and of arts, & of other traditions: it appertaineth not but unto men of best and most sharp wits/ but to those things which are invented all ready/ men of more course or gross wit may add more/ which for all that are not to be called herfore undyscrete or fools, because they can not invent or find out such things by themselves of their own wits/ but rather they aught to be accounted in the number of good men/ as said Arystotle in the first of the etykes and the. iiii. chapiter/ That man is best/ which knoweth all things 
That man is best which of himself koweth what things are to be done.  of himself, and needeth no teaching/ and he again is a good man/ which doth obey him that saith well, and giveth him good counsel/ that is to say which hearkeneth to him: and doth not say against him without reason or a cause. And therefore it is convenient and very profitable, that it be committed to wise & expert men, by the hole multitude of cytezens/ to search or to find out and to examine the rules of the common cyvyle justice and utilities or dysprofytes and of such other like things, which rules are to be made laws or statutes/ so and after such manner that other of every one of the principal parts of the cyvyle community, which were reakened up in the. u chapytre of this diction and the first part thereof/ be certain elected or choose, but yet according to the proportion of every one of those parts/ or else that of all the cytezens gathered together all the aforesaid expert or wise men be elected/ And this shall be a convenient and a profitable manner of assembling or coming together for the inventing 
The manner of inventing or finding out laws.  or devising of laws, without the noyaunce or harm of the other multitude/ that is to wit of unlearned or less wise men, which should do but little help or furtherance in the searching out of such manner rules or laws, & should be troubled and letted from their own works and necessary occupations, which thing should be chargeable and painful both to each one severally/ and also to all in common/ but such rules being invented and diligently examined, which are to be made laws/ aught to be put forth for to be approved or reproved/ allowed or dysalowed, among the hole multitude of the cyvyle community being congregated or assembled together/ that if to any of the communes it shall seem, that any thing aught to be added to them/ or to be mynysshed and taken away from them/ or to be changed/ or to be utterly despised or refused/ that he may tell it, and show his mind/ for by the reason hereof the law may be the more profitably instytuted or made/ for as we have aforesaid, the cytezens which are less learned or wise, may otherwiles perceive somewhat that is to be amended about the law purposed/ which for all that could not have invented or found out that law. And because the laws to given by the judgement and consent of the hole and universal multitude/ shall be better observed and kept/ neither any man shall have any cause to speak or else to grudge against them/ and after that the said rules, which are to be made laws, are published and openly declared among the hole and universal congregation of the cytezens, and after that they which would speak or say any thing reasonably concerning the said rules have been hard speak and say their minds, than aught there again to be choose such manner men, & after the manner which we have aforesaid/ or else the aforesaid men to be confirmed/ which representing the stead & authority of, the hole multitude of cytezens, shall apꝓue or dysalowe the aforesaid rules sought forth & purposed, in the hole or in the part of them: or else the hole multitude of the cytezens together, or the bigger part of it shall do the same: if they list. After which approbation made: than the said rules are laws, and are worthy so to be called, and not before/ And these also only of all human precepts, after the publication or proclamation of them do oblygate and bind the transgressors of them to cyvyle offence or blame and to cyvyle pain. So 
When laws doth bind.  than, that the authority of the making or institution of laws, and to give a coactyve precept of the observation of them, doth appertain or belong only to the hole multitude of cytezens, or to the bigger part thereof, as to the effective cause/ or to him or to them, to which or to whom the said general multitude shall grant this authority: I think that we have sufficiently declared & showed it by the things now aforesaid.   

¶ Of the qualytes and dispositions or properties belonging to a perfit governor to the end that it may be known, what manner of person a prince or governor aught to be, and of what quality/ whereof also it appeareth, what is the convenient matter or subject (as they call it) of the laws of man.  
The, xiiii, chapytre,  
HOw after the premisses we intend breyfelie to declare what manner of person he aught to be, which should bear the offyce of a governor. There are. two. intrinsical habits or qualytes and, properties belonging to him that shall be a perfit governor/ which. 
What qualities he that shall be a price or governor aught to have in him.  two. qualytes can not be departed or dissevered the one from the other/ that is to wit, prudence, and moral virtue/ namely justice or righteousness. The one, that is to wit prudence, is necessary to the end that the mind and understanding of him may be directed in governing or exercising his offyce/ wherefore Arystotle in the third book and the third chapytre of his polytykes saith thus. Prudence alone is the proper virtue of a ruler or governor/ for as touching other virtues they seem to be common, as well to the subjects: as to the rulers or governors. The second or other quality or habit is necessary to the end, that his affection may be right that is to wit moral virtue/ and principally among all other justice or righteousness/ wherefore in the. u book of the Etikes and the. vi. chapiter Arystotle saith thus. The heed office or prince and governor is the keeper, maynteyner and defender of justice and right/ wherefore to conclude prudence is necessary to him that shall be a governor/ for by it he may be directed very well in to his proper work, that is 
The proper work of a prince or governor.  to wit, in the judgements of the cyvyle rights and utilities/ for in these cyvyle acts, wherein the act itself or the manner is not determined of the law/ the prince or judge is directed by prudence, in judging and also in doing execution of the act, or the manner, of both of them/ in which it might chance and happen him to do a miss, without wisdom or prudence/ for as it is read in Saluste 
Catifine with his complices were ponysshed of Cicero.  in the history of the batayle that Catilyne made against the Romayns, If Cicero, which was at that time consul, had ponysshed the complyces of Catiline being cytezens of Rome and noble and mighty men, which had conspired against the common wealth, and therefore were worthy death/ if he had (I say) ponysshed them according to the law, in the same place/ and time and after the 
Place, time, & order in execution may at some season upon good policy be altered.  same manner and order afore his days used and customed/ by all likelihood there would have risen by the reason thereof a cyvyle batayle among their own selves/ which should have destroyed the common weal/ there was such a split and stirred up in the people by these said conspyrers & traitors, against the counsels and the other heed officers & rulers. This jeopardy Cicero, which was consul or one of the two. chief rulers and heed officers of the city, escaped & avoided by his wisdom or prudence: when he delivered the said malefactors 
The wisdom of Cicero. Tullianum  to them that do execusyon or hangmen, & commanded them to be killed in the place of the prison, which peradventure therefore is called Tullianum. So than by wisdom, the counsels or purposes, and the manners of agyble things are directed/ wherefore Arystotle in the. vi. book of his Etikes and the. u chapytre saith thus. Prudencia est habitus verus cum ratione actibus circa hominis bona vel 
The description of Prudence.  mala/ prudence is an practive habit or quality/ by which a man worketh with true reason, as touching to those things which are good or evil to man. Understand thou, in that he is man/ & the cause hereof is, for those are agyble things: about which, and of which for the most part laws are made, according to which laws the prince or governor aught to dispose and order the cyvyle acts of men. And because it seemeth not possible always, to determine by the law all the manners and cyrcumstances, which may happen about the doing of the said acts, by reason of the great varyetye and diversity of them according to the diversity of regions and times/ as open experience teacheth, and also Arystotle witnesseth in the first book of the Etikes and the third chapytre when he saith in this wise. The honest things and the ryghtuouse things, whereof the moral philosopher maketh consideration, hath so great difference and error/ that they may seem to be such only by the law, and not by nature that is to say only because men will so statute and ordain of them/ and not because the nature of the agyble things is determynate: that is to wit, that this thing is right, and that thing wrong. And he expresseth the same more largely in the third book of his polytykes and the. twelve. chapiter: when he saith thus but because certain things may be comprehended in the laws, & certain may not/ therefore it is that we ask the question & make doubt, whether it is better to be governed of the best man or of the best laws/ for it is unpossible that a law may be given of those same things (understand thou of all those things) which may be matters of consultation and whereof men may take counsel together. And therefore it was necessary to commit the judgement of some certain doubtful things, which doth happen or chance in the cyvyle acts of men/ unto the arbytrement & discretion of the princes or judges/ that is to wit, such things, which other as touchyuge to themselves, or as touching to some manner or cyrcumstaunce of them/ are not determined by the law/ for in such things, as are determined by the law/ the prince or gonernoure aught 
The prince or governor aught to follow the law  to follow the determination of the law. And this was the mind or sentence of Arystotle in the third book of his polytykes and the. seven. chapytre when he said in this wise/ & the princes or governors, whether it be one, or else more than one, that governeth and ruleth/ aught to have power and authority in those things, whereof the laws can not sufficiently and exactly speak, or make mention expressly/ because it is an hard thing in a general speech (such as the law is) to comprehend every partyculer case that may happen/ which sentence he rehearsing again in the. twelve. chapiter of the same book, saith thus/ And there are also now governors or heed officers, which have power to judge of some certain things without the law/ for in such things whereof the law can not determine, the judge or governor shall give judgement/ as if the law couldenot have given precept very well of the said things/ for of such things, whereof the law may determine/ no man would doubt. Prudence therefore is necessary 
Prudence is necessary to a prince.  to a prince or governor, for the judging of such manner things/ which can not be determined of the law/ And this sentence of Arystotle, being very near to the pryncyples, which are evident of themselves/ who soever list, may certyfie it, by demonstrative syllogism or reason, by those things, which hath been said in the second chapytre of this diction. Again moral goodness or virtue, 
A prince aught to be just or right tuouse.  and specially justice or righteousness, is necessary to a prince or governor for if he be a perverse or an evil person as touching to his manners/ the common weal or cyvyle governance is greatly hurt by him, be it never so well instructed or appointed with laws/ for we have said, that it is hard, & not possible, to determine all manner cases that may happen, in the laws/ but some things must needs be committed to the arbytrement and will of the prince and governor/ in which thing he may hurt the common weal, if he be a man of perverse affection. And this was the sentence and mind of Arystotle in the second book of the politics and the. viii. chapiter: when he said thus. For they that are set in great power and authority, if they be vile and of no valour (that is to say) if they be crooked or naught in their manners) they do moche hurt/ and hath done moche hurt as have some done already to the city of the Chalcedomianes/ and because princes are preserved from doing of hurt by moral virtue, and namely justice/ therefore it is convenient (if we may call that convenient which is necessary) that noman, which shall be a prince or governor, do want moral virtue, and namely justice/ among all other virtues. To the which virtue of justice, it is convenient in him that shall be a governor, that a certain virtue be assocyated called Epicikeia/ by which virtue the judge is directed to equity, meekness, gentleness, and from extremytie, & cruelness specially and cheyfly, in those things/ wherein the law is insuffycyent and imperfect and getteth no plain determination/ wherefore Arystotle in the. u book of his etykes and the. x. chapytre saith thus/ this is the nature and offyce of the virtue Epicikeia (which as I esteem, the layers will call Equite) to amend the law in that part or be half, wherein it is imperfect, and maketh no express mention sufficiently as touching to any partyculer thing because it speaketh only generally/ for this Epicikeia or equity is a certain favourable interpretation or moderation of the 
what Epicikeiais and of his nature.  law in some case, which the law comprehendeth under the generalyte of rygoure/ in which thing the law is said for so moche to be unsuffycyent or imperfect/ because it hath not excepted the said case from the rule/ which for all that it would have excepted from the generalyte of the rule, other with some moderation, or else utterly/ if it had considered that such case should have so fortuned or chanced/ and again beside the aforesaid things, there is required 
There is req●red in a price love to ward the common weal.  in him, that shall be a prince or governor/ a certain singular love or benevolence towards the common weal/ and the cytezens/ For by the reason of this love or benevolence the actions or deeds of the prince or governor are intented or done the more dylygentlye, and the better, to the common profit of the hole multitude together/ and also to the pertyculer profit of each one by himself. ¶ And beside these said habits and dispositions (as they call them) or qualytes there is necessary to a prince or governor a certain extrynsecall instrument/ that is to wit a certain number of men of arms, by which he may execute his cyvyle sentences or judgements upon rebels and dysobedyent persons, by coactyve power/ wherefore Arystotle in the. seven. book of the polytykes and the. viii. chapytre saith thus. They that live together in a cyvyle community, it is necessary for them to have arma (that is to say a multitude of men of arms) to compel those that are rebellons and dysobedyent persons, to obey the heed officers or governors/ for else the laws and cyvyle sentences should be idle and serve for naught/ if execution of them might not be done and performed. And this armed power of prince or governor had need to be so great that it do exceed the power of any one subject under him or of a great many of 
How many & what manner men of arms aught to be about a prince & for what cause.  them/ and yet he aught not by the reason of so great armed power, to violate or break the laws/ and to rule imperyouslye or lordely, beside or contrary to the laws. And Arystotle in the third of the polytykes and the. xi. chapiter saith in this wise. A king or governor aught to have so great power, that he may be greater and more of might and strength than each one of the communes by himself/ or than many of them together. Wherefore I say there been three things which they aught to have, that shall take upon them the principal and most high offices. The first is, that they do love the present state of the common weal. The second is, that they have great power to execute those things, which their offyce requireth. The third is, that they have virtue and justice, by virtue, here he understandeth Prudence/ which is the bond and the maystres and teacher of all virtues/ wherefore Arystotle in the. vi. book of the Etykes and the last chapytre saith thus. In whom soever Prudence is, which is but one virtue/ in him is also with the said prudence all virtues/ and Arystotle in the said sentence did set Prudence and moral virtue both under one in the same part of the said devysyon/ because they are not separated or dissevered at any time the one from the other of the which mind and sentence it seemeth that he is in the same book and the same chapytre when he saith thus. It is manifest therefore and evident of the premisses, that it is not possible a man to be properly or pryncypallye good/ without Prudence. Neither a man to be prudent/ without moral virtue/ And Arystotle in the. u koke of the polytykes and the. ix. chapytre writeth the things, which we have here entreated of to be convenient and necessary to him that shall be a prince or governor/ peradventure in contrary order as they been necessarelye required to be declared. Of the premisses than it appeareth, what is the proper subject or matere & material cause of the laws of 
The proper subject of man's laws.  men. Truly a prince or governor which shall be sufficiently prepared with wisdom or prudence, & moral virtue, namely justice. Than what manner person a prince or governor aught to be/ and what things are convenient and necessary to him/ let it be determined in this wise.   

¶ How that prince in a community & kingdom is as the heart in a sensible creature/ & the without a king or prince no community or kingdom can stand/ & partly of a princes duty.  
The, xv, chapytre,  
THe heart of a sensible creature which is first formed: is more noble & more perfit in his qualytes & dispositions, than all the other parts of the sensible creature: for in it natura generans hath set & ordained a power and an instrument, by which the residue of the parts of a sensible creature are formed of convenient matere or substance & are also separated and dissevered & ordered each in comparison to other & are kept in their dispositions & qualytes/ and are also by it preserved from noyaunce or hurt, as much as nature doth suffer him to be preserved. And when they are fallen from their own nature/ by the reason of sickness, or any other impedyment/ they are repaired & restored to their own nature again by the virtue & power of this part. ¶ Proporcyonatly & much like unto these things we must consider in a cyvyle community being instituted conveniently according to reason/ for all the soul or mind of the hole multitude of cytezens or communes, or else of the bigger part thereof: is formed or aught to be formed in a cyvyle community one part first being proporcynated or like unto the heart in a sensible creature. In which part it setteth or ordaineth a certain virtue & power, or a certain form with active power & authority, to instytute the other parts of the cyvyle community. And this part whereof we do mean is the prince or head governor/ whose universal virtue or power in causalite, is the law/ and whose active power/ is the authority of judging/ of commanding/ & of executing the sentences concerning the cyvyle rights and utilities/ wherefore Arystotle in the. seven. book of his polytykes & the. viii. chapiter, said this part to be most necessary of all other parts in a cyvyle community/ & the cause hereof is, for that the suffycyencie which is had by the other parts or offices of a cyvyle community, all though the said parts or offices were not at all: might be sufficiently had by other means, and 
without a prince or governor a realm or common weal cannot continue  of other things, though not so easily. ¶ But without a prince or governor, a cyvyle community can not continue/ or long continue & endure, for it is necessary & can not be otherwise, but that offencyous & evil occasions shall chance (as it is said in the gospel of Matheve) which offendicles (as the scripture calleth them) are contentions risen among men for injuries done of them one to an other which if they should not be judged or measured by the rule of rightful things or justice, that is to wit by the law, & by the prince or governor, whose offyce is to measure such things according to the law/ there might chance haply by 
A prince aught to surmount all other in virtue & prudence.  the reason thereof fighting, & a separation of the men being congregated in a cyvyle community, & the privacyon or lack of a sufficient life. The pyrnce also in a cyvyle community aught to be more noble & more perfit in his dispositions or qualytes, that is to wit, in prudence & virtue moral: than the other parts of the cyvyle community And that for this reason, that the cause effective of a cyvyle community that is to wit, the soul and will of the hole community have given to this principal and first part and hath put in him a certain general virtue or power in causalyte, that is to wit, the law/ And also an auctorytye and power to work and to do execution of the said laws/ And as the natural heat of the heart as being the subject, by which heat the heart or the form thereof performeth all his actions/ is directed and measured in working by the form or virtue and power of the heart, and else it should not work to the due end: again also, as the heat, which they call communely the spirit, as being the instrument to perform and fulfil the actions or operations, is governed through out the hole body, of the same virtue or power, for else neither either of these heats should work unto the due end, for fire worketh worse than the organs or instruments, as it is read in the second book de generatione and deanima/ even so and in like manner the authority of ruling or governing given to any man being proporcionated & like to the heat of the heart as being the 
The coactive power of a prince or governor, is like to the heat or spirit in man or beast.  subject/ and even so the armed or coactyve power instrumental, being proporcyonate and like to the heat, which we have called the spirit/ aught both to be ruled and measured by the law, in the giving of judgements/ in commanding/ and in executing the cyvyle rights and utilities/ for else the prince or governor should not work to the due end/ that is to wit, to the conservation of the cyvyle community/ as it hath been said and proved in the. xi. chapiter of this diction or first part. Again, according to the said virtue or power, that is to wit, according to the law and authority given to him/ the prince or governor 
Men of wisdom are to be appointed of the prince to be officers and not hare brained fellows & men of small conscience & less discretion.  aught to instytute and ordain diverse and sundry parts or offices in the cyvyle community, of convenient matter/ that is to wit, of men having arts, habits or qualytes convenient, meet, or according for the said offices. For such manner men are the matere convenient of the parts or offices of a cyvyle community/ as it hath been said in the. seven. chapiter of this diction. For it is meet in a cyvyle community well instytuted, to appoint or assign such men to the offices of the common weal/ which have the operative or practive habits meet and convenient to the said offices/ And such as hath not the convenient habits and qualytes, as for example young unexparte men: to ordain and appoint them to learn such habits or crafts and sciences, unto which they are naturally moste inclined/ And this was the sentence and mind of Arystotle, 
A good law & little kept in some place  when he said in the first book of his Etykes & the second chapytre, in this wise what science or dyscyplynes aught to be in cities or cyvyle communytes/ & what manner sciences each man aught to learn/ and how moche or how farforth: this moral philosophy, that is to wit, the polytycall prudence or the prudence of making 
It belongeth unto princes or governors, to ordain and appoint, what art or science each one of the young men aught to learn for the common utility.  laws, doth ordain and instytute/ & so consequently doth he also, which ordereth the common weal according to the law/ that is for to say the prince or governor. This same also he said in the. seven. of the polytykes and the. xiiii. chapiter/ by these words/ he therefore that is law maker or that giveth the law aught to have respect to all the aforesaid things/ both to the parts of the cyvyle community/ and also to the actions of them. The same also he said in the. viii. book of the polytykes, and the first chapytre, when he said thus. That the law maker had need or aught to be very diligent, and to take very great heed as touching to the ordering and dyscyplyne of young men, no man verily will doubt/ For if this thing be not very dylygentlye seen unto in cyvyle communytes: it shall hurt much the common weal/ thus than of these premisses it appeareth that to the law maker or universal multitude in the parliament assembled by the princes commandment for the same purpose appertaineth and belongeth the determination 
He means of such offices as the prince or king will have in stytuted by act of perlyament else all other officers & degrees it lieth in that kings absolute power to appoint at all times.  or institution of the offices and parts of a cyvyle community/ & that the judgement/ the precept or commanding/ and the execution of the said determination, doth appertain to him, that is prince or governor according to the law. And also by the same demonstrations or syllogistical reasons this may be proved: by which we proved in the. twelve. chapiter of this diction or part that to the said universal multitude belongeth the authority of giving laws. Wherefore it is not lawful for any man, to take upon him any offyce in a cyvyle community at his own pleasure/ and namely strangers/ for not every man aught, neither reasonably may at his own pleasure turn himself to exercise the offices of a man of arms, or of a priest/ neither the prince or governor aught to suffer this/ for by the reason hereof might chance insuffyciencie, to the cyvyle community, of those things/ which must ●edes be procured by the other offices/ But the prince or governor aught to determine and assing the persons to such manner offices/ and also to determine the quantity and quality of the said parts or offices, as touching to number/ to power/ and such other 
Where soever he speaketh of such multitude he meaneth when it is assembled in the perlyament, remember this to avoid captyousnes.  things/ lest by reason of immoderate excess of any of them, it may happen or chance the common weal to be destroyed/ wherefore Arystotle in the. u book of the polytykes and the third chapytre, saith in this wise/ There are made destructions also of common weals/ by the reason of excessyve increase of any part or parts, contrary to due proportion. For as the body is made of his parts/ and the said parts aught to grow together each one according to their measure, that the due proportion and commensuracyon of the body may remain and be saved/ and unless it be thus: it is destroyed (as for example when the feet is. iiii. cubytes long, and the residue of the body is but. two. spans long/ other whiles also it may be turned in to the figure or shape of an other beast: if there should be made unmeasurable increase not only in quantity: but also in quality) so 
Let the prince restrain the excessive multitude of priests, and of poor folk.  likewise a cyvyle community is made of parts/ of which some one other whiles prevelie encreaceth excessyvely/ as for example the multitude of poor men in the common weals/ where the people doth rule and govern/ and the multitude of priests, in the chrysten law or sect and religion. The same thing also he said in the third book of the polytykes and the. seven. chapiter/ the text whereof I leave out here/ because of breyfnes/ Again his part, that is to wit, the prince or governor/ aught by his authority, according to the law, to command such 
Preestes and poor men, Let a prince or governor command honest & rightful things both by his work, & also by his words.  things which are ryghtuouse and honest/ and to forbid the contrary things as well by his work, as by his words/ rewarding them for their good deeds which do observe the legal precepts/ and ponysshe them for their evil deeds, which do transgress or break the said precepts/ by which mean he shall conserve every one of the parts of the cyvyle community in their due estate or being and shall preserve them from noyaunces and injuries/ and if case be, that any of the said parts, other doth, or else suffer wrong/ he that doth the injury or wrong, aught to be cured or healed, by the action or operation of the prince or governor, causing him to sustain or suffer pain or ponysshement therefore. For a penalyte or ponysshement is as it were a certain medicine of the crime or trespase/ wherefore Arystotle in the second book of the Etykes & the third chapytre saith thus. And that it is as we have said/ it may be perceived by the penalytes or pains, which are made and ordained herefore/ that is to wit, for the delectations and pleasures, which are taken or had in evil doing or in evil saying/ for the penalytes are certain medicines or remedies) and he that suffereth the injury or wrong/ shall be cured or healed by receiving or taking amendss/ and by this mean all things shall be brought again to convenient egallyte or proportion. Moreover this said part of the cyvyle community, 
The prince or governor helpeth the other parts of the cyvyle community.  that is to wit, the governor, conserveth the other parts of the cyvyle community/ and helpeth them in the exercising of their works both proper and also common. Proper works I call those which are caused or brought forth of the proper offices of the said parts. The common works I call the communications or common dealynges of the said parts among themselves, one of them with an other/ which works both proper and common, should be troubled and letted/ if the operation of the prince or governor did cease from the correction or ponysshement of violent persons. And for this cause the action or working 
The prince or governor aught never to cease from his offyce or duty doing  of the prince or governor aught never to cease in a cyvyle community/ likewise as the action or working of the heart in a sensible creature never ceaseth/ For albeit that the actions of the other parts of a cyvyle community may sometime cease without noyaunce or hurt to any syngulare person/ college/ or community: as for example, the operation of the men of war may cease in the time of peace, and so likewise of the operations of the other parts/ yet for all that the action or operation of this part, that is to wit, of the prince or governor, & of his virtue or power, may never cease without noyaunce or hurt/ for at all times and alhoures it is necessary, that the precept and the common custody of lawful things and forbidden things according to the law, do endure and continue. And when soever any unlawful or unjust thing is done: the prince 
Letthe laws always and continually endure.  or heed governor aught perfitly to measure and strengthen such things/ or at the lest wise to exercise those things, which are preparations to the tuling and strengthening of such things. Of the premisses may sufficiently appear the order of the parts of a cyvyle community, among themselves: in comparison one to an other/ for the princes or governors cause, and to him as to the principal of all: all the parts of a cyvyle commnnyte are ordered, for the state of this present world/ for that part is the first and principal of all in a cyvyle community, which aught to instytute and to determine the other parts/ and to concern them in the state and for the state of this present world, or for the cyvyle end/ but such manner part is the prince or he that is governor according to the law made by man, as we have concluded and proved already by probable reason and by demonstrative syllogysme: wherefore we conclude, that the prince or governor is the first and principal part of all other/ and that the other are or dread to him. Of the effective cause than of the election of the prince or heed governor/ and also of the institution of the residue of the parts in a cyvyle community/ and of the order of them among themselves one to an other/ let it be determined in this wise.   

¶ That is most expedient to the common weal, to have only one certain man to be prince or governor, himself with all his posteryte/ which they call communely the succession of kindred or blood,  
The, xuj, chapytre,  
THat it is most convenient & profitable for the comen weal to have a prince & governor which shall enjoy the crown by succession of blood with all his posteryte & offspring, & not by election as themperor is choose by electors in Germany is proved by. xi. strong & invincyble reasons. ¶ The first is, because it appeareth, that he which 
1  cometh to the kingdom or crown by inheritance & succession of blood shall be more diligent and careful to see unto the common weal, as being in a manner proper and heredytarie to himself, and which he shall leave to his heirs after him/ than shall that prince or governor, which is not sure & out of doubt, that his own heir shall govern after him/ wherefore in the second book of the polytykes and the second chapytre about the mids of it Arystotle saith in this wise. Very little heed or diligence is given to that thing which is common and belongeth to many/ for men do care most for their own proper & several things & as for common things: they do care much less for them than they do for those things which belongeth severally to each one by himself. And again in the same chapytre about the end he saith thus. There are. two. things which induceth and moveth men to take care for any thing, and to love it/ the one is propr●um/ that is to say, if the thing be proper, and severally belongeth to their own self. The second thing is affection/ that is to say affection toward the said thing. Again in the third chapiter of the same book he saith in this wise/ it can not be expressed or spoken lightly, how moche it forceth or skilleth to delectation or pleasure/ that a man do think or consider, any thing to be properly his own. ¶ An other reason why it is most expedient for the common weal to have a 
2  governor by inheritance or succession of blood is this/ for they that come to the crown by inheritance (as it seemeth) shall not rule so imperyouslie and lordly over their subjects, as shall they that be now elected/ by the reason that they are wont to govern and rule, and are acquainted there with/ And because they shall not think that any new thing is chanced to them: wherefore they aught to be more high in mind, & to despise their subjects/ but it is seen most commonly/ that 
Men lately made tyche, & so likewise that they be new elected to be kings or governors at proud for the most part.  they which are new elected/ do wax proud/ even likewise as they do, which are newly made tyche/ wherefore in the second book of rethorykes/ & the xxiiii. chapiter, Arystotle saith thus. All men may easily or lightly see the manners, which followeth of riches/ for they that do possess riches/ are made contume/ lyouse or proud/ high minded/ and dysdaynefull/ as if they possessed all good things.  
¶ An other reason is this to the principal purpose/ for the multitude of subjects doth more obey the Princes or governors, that come to the crown by inheritance or succession of blood: by the reason that they are wont and accustomed to obey the predecessors of the said princes or governors/ wherefore in the last chapytre of the second book philosophy prima it is written thus/ as we be customed so we be affectionate/ And in the second of the polytykes and the. vi. chapiter near unto the end, it is written in this wise/ he that shall go about to amend and to change every faughtes of the lawmakers and of the heed officers, shall not do so much good to the common weal/ as the accustoming or wonting of men to rebel and to be dysobedyent against their princes and superyours shall do hurt/ with other things which shall be said concerning customs and usage in the. xviii. chapiter of this diction and the sixth part thereof. 
4   
¶ An other reason may be put to the same purpose is this/ for that it happeneth otherwiles some kindred or stock to have given or done some manner or so great a benefit to the other multitude or so greatly to excel and surmount the other communes in virtue that for the one of these. two. causes, or else for both to gyther, they that be of that kindred or stock, are worthy always to be governors or rulets, and never to be subjects/ wherefore in the third book of polytykes and the. x. chapytre Arystotle saith in this wise. The. iiii. kind of monarchy, or regal power is such, as those was in the heroical times/ that is to wit, voluntary and according to the manner and custom of the country, & according to the law/ for because of the benefits done by the first of that kindred to the people, other by arts/ or by batayle/ or for the congregating of the people together in to a cyvyle socyete/ or for because they purchased or gate the region: the regal power and the authority of ruling and governing was offered or given to them, by the people of their own free will and accord, and to their successors/ which thing also the said Arystotle more expressly doth say, in the. twelve. chapiter of the tame book in this wise. Therefore when it chanceth or cometh so to pass, that he be one kindred or stock, or else some one person doth so excel and surmount the other in virtue, that the virtue of that one kindred or person alone is greater than the virtue of all the other: than it is right, that this kindred by the regallor stock, and do govern/ and that this one person be king and all the successors of this said kindred or person/ which same thing he repeating also in y● u of the polytykes and the. x. chapytre he saith in this wise. The regal power, or authority of a king was made/ instytuted/ and begun, for the defence and aid of excellent and good men, and the person that is instytuted or made king is one of the excellent ryghtuouse & good men/ by or for the excellency of his virtue, or of his acts proceeding of virtue/ or for the excellency of the kindred or stock that he cometh of.  
¶ Again the prince or governor that cometh to the crown by inheritance 
5  is best/ because such manner men are more inclined to virtue, for so much as they comen of more noble & virtuous parents/ wherefore Arystotle in the first book of his polytykes and the. iiii. chapiter, bringing in the words of a certain poet called Theodectus/ saith in this wise/ shall any man suppose that men worthy 
Theodectus poet.  to be called a bondman or servant/ which cometh of a goodly stock on both sides. etc. and a little afterwards, he saith. For they do suppose, that likewise as of a man cometh a man/ & of a beast is brought for the a beast/ even so of good and honest parents is gendered and brought forth good and honest children. And also because the prince or governor by succession is for the most part guided and led by better custom/ wherefore Arystotle in the first book of his rethorykes and the. xiii. chapytre saith thus/ it is like to be very true, that he which cometh of good and honest parent's/ shall be a good man/ and that he which is norysshed and brought up among good folk/ shall prove like unto them.  
¶ Again it appeareth that the best prince is had by succession of blood/ because 
6  there chanceth not to be such or so great dyffycultyes about the prince succeeding by inheritance, as are always about him that is new elected for about the prince which is to be newly elected, there happeneth dyffycultye, to have 
It is necessary, but very hard to find electors to a good election.  virtuous electors/ which are necessary to be had, but hard to find, to a good election. Again when such virtuous and good electors are found/ it is hard for them to agree all in one/ and not to discord one from an other/ and if they do so dysagre among themselves/ it is doubtful and jeopardy, lest by the reason thereof the hole common weal be brought in to sedition/ as it is seen by experience, in the new election of the prince or emperor of the Romans/ Again also because the minds of men for the most part areprone and inclining to evil/ wherefore either for love, or hatred, or for money, or through entreating or prayer, or for hope of profit, or some dyffycultie: the electors shall not at all times, but peradventure very seldom, elect and choose him that is best and most meet to be governor.  
¶ An other reason to the principal purpose is this/ because it is more easy for 
7  the communes and counsellors to know the manners and conditions of him that succeedeth by inheritance, for as much as he is but one and a determynate or known person: than of him, which is newly to be elected/ which is not determynate/ for there be many cytezens or persons in the common weal, whom it is possible by election to be taken to wear the crown or to be governor/ but it is more easy to know the manners or conditions of only only one man: than of many. Now it is expedient to know of old, the manners and conditions of the prince or governor, to whom some thing must be persuaded by counsel/ & which must be directed by counsel otherwiles, be he never so wise/ wherefore in the first book of rethorykes and the. xi. chapiter it is written thus. It is much necessary to know the manner of every man that shall be a prince.  
¶ Again to take a prince or governor by succession of kindred or blood, it seemeth 
8  to take away all occasion of ambition/ temeryte or presumption in the subjects/ and also all occasion of sedition that might be raised or stereo up among them/ for in as much as they subjects do know, that the crown or regalauctoryte or offyce is never due to them, & that they may never reasonably come unto it: they do not desire or labour to get it/ neither they do commonly work or go about any evil or unlawful thing for the obtaining thereof/ which things otherwise for all that is done of them full busily/ which either may or do suppose that they may come reasonably to it/ as it is seen to happen otherwhy less among them, which chooseth always their governors each one after other, by new election wherefore Tullye in his first book de officiis saith thus/ it is a pain or grief, that in men of most great minds, and of most excellent and royal nature, are most commonly the desyrers of honour/ of rule and dominion/ of power/ and of glory for such men thinking theyr selues worthy of the crown or to be heed governors, for some excellent virtue or virtues/ do procure the favour and voices of the electors to themselves, by prayer/ or money/ or else by some other unlawful way.  
¶ More over also commonly the prince elected/ which shall not leave the crown 
9  or kingdom to his successors/ dare not be bold to execute justice upon mighty men/ all though they do transgress the law/ namely by putting them to death or otherwise putting them to ponysshement in their bodies/ for as much as he doth feat, lest by the reason of so doing, great hatredes/ or enmytyes/ and injuries or dyspleasures might grow to his own hairs, which peradventure shall not reign or govern after him/ but the prince, that obtaineth the crown or kingdom by inheritance & succession of blood, needeth not to doubt or fere any such things/ wherefore he shall boldly exercise perfit justice, against all manner transgressors of the laws, who ever they be.  
¶ Again that manner after which most governors are instytuted, & in most 
10  regions and people's/ and in the time of most men/ is the most perfit way or manner of instituting a prince or governor (for that way that is most natural/ is most perfit/ now that is most natural/ which is used in most things for the nature of things is that/ which is in most things/ and in most time as it is written in the third book de celo et mundo/ and in the second book of the physykes/ and the same also is evident by induction and experience in each manner thing) but such is the way or manner of taking one to be governor by succession of blood, in comparison of that way, whereby the governors that should succeed, are always taken by new election each one after other: as it is evident to see in the most part of kings/ of regions/ and people's/ and also the histories of things done in divers times, that is to say the chronicles, doth declare the same.  
¶ And last of all, because the governance of the king or governor that cometh 
11  to the crown by inheritance or succession of blood/ is more like to the manner of regyment or governance of the hole world/ for as much as in the hole world is always but one governor, without any change/ as it is written in the second book of philosophy and the last chapytre. And it seemeth to come in very like manner to pass, and moche like manner of governance to be where the son succeedeth his father in regal power. first because of the unity of the kindred or stock, and also because the father and the son are counted both as it were but one person.   

¶ How it is necessary that there been but one prince, king, or heed governor in a cyvyle community, unto whom all other heads and officers must be obedient and subjects.  
The, xvii, chapytre,  
IT followeth now consequently after the premisses, to speak of the unity of the prince, or of the offyce and power of the prince/ whereunto now entering, let us say/ that in only one city or only one realm there aught to be but only one governor or ruler/ or if there be many in number or kind, as it seemeth to be expedient in great cyvyle communytes, and namely in a realm, as this word Regnum is taken in the first signification/ there aught to be among them one in number, which shall be highest or heed of all them, to whom all the other may be reduced/ and by whom all the other may be directed and ruled, and their errors or faults if any chance, also may be corrected & amended. And this most sovereign and highest authority or offyce above all, I say of necessity aught to be but one in number and not many: if the realm or cyvyle 
Let there be but one king or heed governor.  community aught to be well governed and ordered. And the same I say also of the governor according to the same highest offyce or authority, that he aught to be but one also/ not meaning hereby, that it is necessary that one singular person or one man alone aught to have the said heed and highest authority/ but I mean, that the heed governor or heed governors aught to be but one as touching to the said offyce/ for there is some one regyment in number, & that being a ryghttuous 
Many men may be heed governors being all as one in offyce.  & well ordered manner of regyment, according to which mother men than one are head rulers or governors in the rule of Aristocratia & Politia of which we have spoken in the. viii. chapiter of this diction/ but those many are but one heed governor in number, as touching to their offyce/ by the reason that every action or work that is done of them/ is but one in number/ as for example all they give but one judgement/ or sentence/ or precept/ for such manner action may proceed or be caused of any of them severally by himself/ but what soever such thing is done, it is done by the common consent and decree of them all/ or else of the bigger part of them/ according to the laws statuted & ordained in the same regymentes. And by the reason of such numeral unity of the action so proceeding & brought forth of them: it is, and is called but one regyment or highest power in number: whether it be only one man, or else more than one, which governeth according to the said power or authority/ but such numerable unity of the actions or works, is not necessarelye required to be in any one of the other offices or parts of the cyvyle community/ for there may and aught in every one of the other offices, many actions like, or diverse in kind, be brought forth of diverse persons in them, severally. Yea moreover such numeral unity of action or operation in them (that is to say, if all should work but one thing) should be intolerable & noisome to the hole community, and also to every partyculer person of the same community. Thus than the unity unmerall of the highest offyce or power, and of the heed governor being thus understanded and taken now we will prove, that other there is but only one governor or ruler in a cyvyle community or realm, or if there be more than one/ yet that the heed and most sovereign authority or offyce, and the heed and highest governor of all, is but only one in number and not many. And this we will prove/ first by this reason/ for if there were many principal auctorytes or offices, and many heed governors in a cyvyle community or realm, being not reduced and in order under some one as highest: there might fail the judgement/ precept/ and the execution of the cyvyle utilities and rights/ & by reason hereof, the injuries being unponysshed: there should follow fighting and the separation of men/ and in conclusion the corruption or destruction of the cyvyle community or realm. But this is an inconuenyent most to be eschewed and avoided. i ergo. And that this inconvenience should ensue of the pluralyte of princes or heed governors: it may be evidently showed first because transgressors of the laws can not reasonably be ponysshed, except they be called afore the prince or governor, to the examination of such things, which are laid against them/ but this supposed that there were many governors and rulers not reduced unto some one heed and highest governor and ruler. so as our adversary doth say: no man that is called afore the ruler or governor may sufficiently appear/ for I put the case, that (as it chanceth oftentimes) some man for some transgressyon of the law be called to make answer of many rulers or governors being not one under an other/ and that at one & the same time/ for by the same reason by which one ruler or governor is bound and may call or somone any man to appear afore him: by the same any of the other may do the same/ and by the same reason by which the person so called is bound to make answer afore one of the said governors, left he be accounted a rebel & dysobedyent person: by the same reason he is bound to make answer afore the other, as many as be of them. Now I reason in this wise, other the person so called of many governors, shall appear afore them all together at one's/ or else afore none of them all/ or else afore one he shall appear: and afore an other of them he shall not appear? Afore them alltogyther, and at one time, he can not appear/ for it is unpossible to be done other by nature or craft/ for one and the same body can not be together at one time in diverse places/ & speak or make answer all at one's, to many men asking and demanding peradventure divers things all at one tyme. Again this admitted and granted (though it be unpossible) that he which is called or somoned, might appear at one time afore many rulers or governors/ and either hold his peace or make answer to them all, at one time, asking and demanding diverse and sundry things of him: peradventure by one of the said rulers or governors he shall be cast or condemned of the same crime/ and by an other of them he shall be quytte or of the same delivered/ or if he be condemned by them both: yet peradventure not equally or like moche of the one as of the other/ wherefore he shall be bound to make amendss, and he shall not be bound to make amendss/ or if he shall by the judgement of both be bound/ he shall be bound to make amendss in so much, and in more or in less/ and consequently in so moche, and not in so much/ wherefore either he shall do. two. contradyctorie things together at one time, which is unpossible: or else he shall make none amendss at all/ for there is no more reason why he should obey or observe the precept of one governor: than of the other/ or why he should more appear afore one of the said governors: than afore the other there is no reason at all. And yet if he did appear afore one of them the other beyngedyspysed and not regarded, and peradventure by that one governor be absolved and quytte from the cyvyle blame and ponysshement/ yet that notwithstanding by the other governors he shall be condemned for his contumacy and dysobedyence/ so than the person so called or cited and somoned neither shall appear at one time afore them all/ neither he may conveniently appear afore one, & afore an other not appear/ wherefore it is left only, that the person so called or cited aught to appear afore none of all the governors/ and so consequently it followeth, that he can not be corrected or ponysshed according to justice. Therefore to conclude, it is not possible that there should be a pluralyte of such governors and officers being not one ordered under an other, in a cyvyle community or realm: if the cyvyle justice and the common profit aught to be conserved. Again this supposed, many heed governors or cheyfe rulers to be in a cyvyle community, as for example many kings to be in one realm/ the common utility should be troubled/ for 
Many princes or heed governors are pernycyous to a cyvyle community, or realm.  in as much as princes aught often times to command a congregation or assemble to be made of the communes and subjects, namely such as have convenient leisure and may intend it, for the inquisition and determination to be had about the common utilities or profits, or else for the eschewing or avoiding of harms or dangers rising, as for example to avoid and dysapoynt them which other being within the same community, or in any other outward community, are willing and goth about to oppress the common liberty/ And by what reason the cytezens or subjects are bound to come together: when they are called, at the commandment of one of the said heed governors, and to the place, and at the hour lymytted and appointed by him, by the same reason they are bound to assemble and come together at the commandment, and to the place and at the time lymytted of any other of them/ now it may so chance peradventure, that they both do appoint them one hour, but diverse places/ and moreover that thing which the one of them willeth or intends to move or put forth the other peradventure intends to put forth the contrary thing to the same/ by the reason therefore that the subjects can not possyblye be in divers places at one time, neither give their mind and intend to divers things at one's/ the common utility should be troubled and letted as we have said.  
¶ Again by the reason of such pluralyte of princes or heed governors, there might ensue and follow division/ or strife/ fighting/ and separation of the cytezens/ and finally corruption of the cyvyle community/ whiles certain of them shall be willing to obey one of the said princes/ and other certain of them, willing to obey an other. Again there may follow discord and strife between the governors and princes selves/ whiles each one of them shall go about to be above and overgo the other. And also between the governors and the subjects refusing to be obedient unto them/ and moreover the governors being at debate or striving one of them with another, and lacking a judge, superyoure to order all things between them according to justice/ the aforesaid evils or hurts should rise and grow thereof. Again this pluralyte of heed governors supposed, one of the greatest things according to reason and craft shall be idle or superfluous/ for by only one prince or one heed governor all cyvyle utilities may perfytelye be had/ what soever may be had by many princes or heed governors/ without any such commodities or hurts, as do follow the pluralyte of the said rulers or governors. Again such pluralite supposed of princes or heed governors/ in city, or realm, shall be but one/ for it is called one city or one realm/ because of the unity of the prince or heed governor, to which, 
Why a city or realm is called one.  and for which, all the other parts of the cyvyle community are ordained/ as it shall appear of those things which we shall say here forthwith. And also there shall be none order of the parts of the cyvyle community or realm/ when soever that they are not ordered to any principal or heed part/ because they are not bound to be subject unto any man/ as it hath been evidently showed, and doth appear by the reasons afore go/ And there shall be a confusion and misorder of them and of the hole cyvyle community/ for each man shall choose to himself, what soever offyce he list, other one or more/ no man ruling or separating them one from an other/ so many inconuenyentes also should follow hereof, that it is hard or unpossible to number them/ as for an example in beast or sensible creature being well ordered according to nature, the first and principal cause motive, which moveth & carrieth it locally from place to place, is nor can be but one cause motive only/ as it appeareth evidently in that book which is entytled De motibus animalium/ for if there were many such pryncyples or causes, and the same moving the beast to contrary or divers motions all at one time/ it could not be choose, but that the beast or sensible creature other should be carried or moved to contrary places at one time, or else should rest and be nothing moved at all/ and lack or want such things necessary or good for it, which are gotten to it by motion local or moving from place to place. And even so and in like manner it is in a cyvyle community being well ordered/ which said community we have said in the. u chapytre of this diction, to be proporcyonated and like to a sensible creature being well formed or made according to nature/ And therefore as in a beast or sensible creature the pluralyte of such prynciples or causes should be superfluous, yea & moreover noisome: even so likewise we aught surely to think, it for to be in a cyvyle community or realm/ The same also, who list to take heed, may be seen and perceived of the pryncyple or 'cause of alteration in a beast: likewise as of the pryncyple or 'cause moving the beast locally/ & semblably in all the hole order of the causes moving, and of the things moved/ but let us pass over these things at this time/ for it belongeth more to natural philosophy/ And as much as it is sufficient to the present consideration/ we have spoken of them, Again art or craft performeth & fynyssheth some things, which nature can not, and in some things/ it counterfayteth or followeth nature/ as it is written in the second book of the Physykes/ saying therefore that in the nature of things, & in the whole world, there is but one principal governor in number, and not many (for natural things will not be evil ordered, as it is said in the. twelve. book of Metaphysykes) ergo there shall be but one prince or principal governor in number instytuted according to the reason & art of men. And beside these aforesaid reason, all men may see this to be true, expedient, and necessary, by sensible experience/ for in what soever place or province or congregation of men the unity of the heed governor faileth or is wanting so as we have said/ it seemeth unpossible that province or congregation to be well governed or ordered/ as it appeareth evidently well near to all men of the kingdom or empire of the Romans/ & was partly showed in the proheme or preface of this work/ but whether it be convenient, that there should be but one heed governor or prince in number, of the universally multitude of men living cyvyllie, & in the whole world/ or else it be more convenient, in diverse plagues or parts of the world being separated in places the one far from the other, and cheyfly in those parts which are nothing agreeing in language, but can not understand one of them an other/ nor like in manners or conditions/ and far dystaunte in conversation to have diverse and sundry such manner princes or heed governors at a time, the celestial cause also peradventure moving or counselling unto the same, left superfluous propagation of men should be made: this may be reasonably searched and inquyred/ but it appertaineth nothing to our present purpose or intention/ for peradventure it would seem to some man, that nature hath moderated or measured the propagation of men & of other beasts, by bataylles or fyghtes, and by pestylences or murryons falling and chaunsing other whiles among them so that the earth or land is sufficient to the nourysshing or bringing up of them/ but yet now returning again unto our purpose intended of us/ let us say/ that of the premisses it doth somewhat appear, what is the unity numeral of a city or realm/ for it is an unity of order, and not utterly an unity but a pluralyte of certain men, which pluralyte or which men are called, one thing in number/ not because they are one in number formally by one form: but they are truly called one in number: because they are referred to one thing in number/ that is to wit, to the heed governor & highest power to whom, or for whom, they are ordered & governed/ for a city or realm is not made of things, which are one by any one natural form, as of composition or of commyxtion/ for the offices or parts thereof, and the persons and the men or parts of these parts or offices, are many in very deed/ and are separated in number one of them from an other formally/ for they are separated in place and also in their subjects/ wherefore neither they are one by any one thing formally inherent/ neither by any one thing towchynge, or containing them all as we see that a wall is one thing framed & hanging together/ For Rome with Means and other communities or cities and towns, are one kingdom or one empire in number/ but yet none otherwise save only because each one of these communities are willing to be under one highest governor and under one regal power in number. After which manner well near it is said, the world to be but one in number, and not many worlds/ not because of any one numeral form formally 
It is called but one world because of one god.  inherent to all things that are in the world/ but only because of the numeral unity of the principal causer or governor of all things, which is god: therefore all things, are called but one world/ for that that every one of the natural things is inclined & hangs or dependeth of the said principal cause which is god/ wherefore when it is said that all things being, are one world in number, it is not to be understanded, neither it is meaned, formally of any unity numeral being in all the said things: neither of any comen phrase of speech, but it is a pluralyte of certain things/ and is called one: because it is referred unto one, and for one/ so likewise the men of one city or province, at called one community or realm: because they are willing all to have one heed governor 
A kingdom is called one because of one king or head governor.  in number. And yet for all that they are not therefore one part in number of a city: which are one realm or one cyvyle community in number/ for though they desire one heed office in number, by the reason whereof they are called one city or one realm: yet for all that, because they are referred to this one heed governor in number, by divers and sundry institution both active and passyve, which divers institution is naught else but a divers precept or commandment given to them by the prince or heed governor, by which they are ordained & appointed to divers offices/ and by reason of the diversity of this precept, formally also they are diverse, or sundry parts or offices of a city, or cyvyle community. And every one of the said offices is called one offyce in number, or one part of the cyvyle community in number (notwithstanding the numeral pluralyte of the persons in the said offices or parts) not by any one thing in number inherent to all the said persons: but because they are referred unto one active precept of the prince or heed governor/ according to the determination of the law.   

¶ The. xviii. chapytre we have left out all together as nothing appertaining to this realm of England,   

¶ Of the causes which maketh tranquillity, or unquyetnes in a city or realm/ & of the cause which troubleth realms/ & of the continuation or joining together of the first dyction or pte of this work, unto the second part of the same,  
The, nineteeen, chapytre,  
How remaineth & is behind, the last chapytre of this first diction or part, of the afore written determinations to infer & conclude the causes both of tranquillity, & also of intranquyllytie the contrary in a city or realm. For this was the pryncypal question according to the intention purposed of us, from the beginning. And first of all, we shall show these cause's ingenerall: presupposing the syngulare & special determination of them, which springeth or riseth after the common or wont manner which Arystotle maketh in the. u book of his polytykes, consequently after these, we shall treat & determynatlye speak in especial & pertyculerlye, of the strange & unwonte cause of discord or intranquyllyte, of all civil governauncs or communaltes, which in our prohemye or preface/ we said to have a great while dystroubled & yet continually to vex & trouble daily more and more the good order of the communalte of Italye, but here it is needful to our purpose for to resume & rehearse again the dyscryptions of tranquillity, & his contrary intranquyllyte, which are afore written in the second chapytre of this part. 
The description of a quiet & a peaceable city.  Tranquyllyte is the good disposition or ordering of a city or realm, by which every part or member thereof, may do the works convenient & according for it, according to reason, & their own institution & ordinance, of the which description, appeareth the nature of it. For when it is said a good disposition: there in is noted or marked the intrensecall quiddyte general of it. But in this, that by it is said, that every member of that commonalty may do the works to itself convenient & appertaining, is betokened the final cause or end of it, which causeth us also to understand & perceive the proper quiddyte or difference of it. And for as much as itself is a certain form or disposition of a city or realm, and no more one, than we have said a realm or a city to be in the. xvii. chapiter of this first diction, in the. xi. and. twelve. parts thereof, it hath no cause formal. For a formal cause properly appertaineth to things composed, or made of more parties than one. And the cause active or effycyent, thereof we may, easily perceive, by these things which were spoken and said/ in the. xv. chapiter of this part, and by other things which shall nedely follow it in a city or realm, & they by these the conversation of the cytezens each with other, the communerating or part taking among themselves one of an others works, the succouring or helping one of them an other, & generally power or liberty without any outward impedyment or letting to exercise their own & the common works, & partaking also of the common profits or commodities, & of men after the measure convenient and agreeing to every one, & with these, other commodities & good things, worthy to be desired which have been heretofore expressed in the oration of Cassiodorus, which oration we made the beginning of this book, the contraries of all the which commodities, or else of certain the chiefest of them, shall ensue and follow intranquyllytie or discord being the contrary to tranquillity. For as much than as the dew operation or working of the cheyfe governor & ruler is the cause effycyent or maker, & also conserver of all cyvyle commodities or weal, and of the aforesaid things, as it hath been showed & declared in the. xv. chapiter of this book, in the. xi. & the. twelve. parts thereof, it also shall be the cause effective and maker of tranquillity/ & undoubtedly this was Paul's mind & me aning, when he said to Timothe the. two. chapiter of the first epistle. Therefore 
we aught to pray for heed officers that we may live in peace.  I beseech & desire, obsecrations and prayers to be made, for kings & rulers, and for all men which be in high authority, that we may lede a quiet & a peaceable life. And what soever thing shall let the dew action or working of this part that is to say of the heed, of that thing springeth & cometh forth intranquyllytie or discord as of the cause effective, which cause of intranquyllytie seen and considered in general, though it be varied & made divers by many partyculer kinds & manners (of the which kinds or manners, how they be caused or come forth of a wont or accustomed action Arystotle hath given sufficient understanding & knowledge, in his fift book of cyvyle science or governance of a comen weal/ which we have called polytyke science) yet notwithstanding, there is a certain strong and unwonte cause of intranquyllyte or discord of cities, realms & commodities, which cause is taken occasyonallye for the effect brought forth of the divine cause, beside all his wont or accustomed operation or working in things, which cause, as I remember that we touched afore in our prohemye, neither Arystotle/ neither any other of the philosophers in his time or a fore his time or after his time, could see or perceive, and this cause a long season heretofore, and now also continually, more & more, letting the dew operation or working of the heed ruler in the kingdom of Italye, hath spoiled or bereaved, and doth spoil and deprive it of peace or tranquillity, & other commodities ensuenge and following the same, also of the commodities now rehearsed, & hath vexed and doth vex the said commonalty, with all hurts & incommodities/ and hath, as a man would say, replenished and filled it, with all kinds of misery and iniquity. The nature of the which said cause fore letting & hurting by reason of the usual custom of privy malygnyte, we owing in special or particularly to determine, according to our intention proposed from the beginning must nedely call to remembrance, those things which we have said heretofore in the. vi. chapiter of this book, that is to wit, that the son of god, one of the. iii people, very god, to make satisfaction for the offence of our first parents dysobedyently transgressing the commandment of god/ & consequently to repair the fall of the whole kind of man, hath taken upon him the nature of man, a good while after Arystotles' time, being made very man, and the same being god also, whom, called jesu Chryste, faithful chrysten men do honour and worship, 
jesu Christ.  this Christ, I say the/ blessed son of god both god and man in one person, was conversant among the people of the wicked jews, of whom he took his beginning as touching his bodily substance/ & he began to teach the verity & troth of things to be believed, of things to be done & wrought, of things to be avoided & eschewed, to the end that men might get & obtain everlasting life, & avoid or escape everlasting misery/ And for these things, at the last through the malice & woodness of the jews, he suffered passion, & was done to death, under ponce pilate/ presydent, or depute to the emperor of Rome/ & rose again from death to life the third day after his death, afterward ascending & going up in to heavens. But yet afore that time, whiles he yet lived by a corruptible life, that is to say before he suffered passion, for the health & the salvation of mankind, he chose & took to him certain men which should be fellows in the mynysterye of teaching the troth, whom men call apostles, & at the time 
The apostles of Christ.  of his ascension he gave them in charge & commandment to preach that truth through out the whole world, which he had taught & instructed them in/ wherefore he said to them after his resurrection, in the. xxviii. & last chapytre of Mathewe. Go you therefore, and teach all nations, baptyzing them in the name of the father, & the son, & the holy ghost, teaching them to observe and keep all things what soever I have commanded & charged you. By these apostles, I say whose names are sufficiently known among the faithful chrysten people, & by certain other persons, Christ willed the law of the gospel to be written, as 
The law of the gospel.  by certain instruments moved & directed to the same, imedyatly by the power of god, by the which law or gospel written, we might in the absence of Christ himself, & of his apostles, yet have perceiving & knowledge of the precepts, & counsels belonging to everlasting health/ In the which law, & according to the which law, he hath appointed, and ordained the sacramentis, whereby orygynallye 
The sacraments of the church.  & actual sin is cleansed, whereby the grace of god is obtained and conserved, & whereby the same grace lost may be recovered again/ and whereby the menystres of this law are instytuted and made. And first of all, he did instytute, ordain, & make the said apostles, teachers of this law, and mynystres of the sacraments according to the same law, giving to them by the holy ghost, authority of this mystery, which chrysten people calleth the authority of preesthode, by the which he gave to the same, or to the successors of them in this offyce, & to none other, power, under a certain form of words said of them, or of any one of them, to turn the substance of bread & of wine, in to the very body & blood of 
The sacrament of the altar The power of the keys.  him, and beside this, he gave also to the same, authority or power to bind & to loose men from sins, which authority they are wont to call the power of the keys & to substytute and make other under themselves, having the same authority/ The which authority also the apostles gave to certain men, yea god gave it by the apostles, through prayer, & putting of their hands upon them. And after the same manner have other taken power & authority also, to do likewise, & consequently so they have done, doth and shall do, even unto the end of the world after which manner also, the apostle Paul did instytute Timothe, Titus, and other more teaching them also to instytute other likewise, wherefore in the .iiii. chapiter of the former epistle written to Timothe he saith. Do not despise or set light by the grace which is in thee, which is given the through prophesy, with the laying on of the priests hands/ and in the first chapytre of the epistle to Titus for this cause I have left the in Crete land, that thou shouldest correct and amend such things which yet wanteth, & that thou shouldest constytute, ordain, and make preestis through out every city, as I have taught & charged the & this authority of preesthod & of the keys, whether it be only one authority or else many, is 
The karact of holy order.  a karact or a figure or mark imprinted in the soul by the immedyat working of god. ¶ Beside this there is a certain other authority belonging to preesthode given 
The primate ship of the spiritual cometh of man  by the grant of men, after that the number of them was multyplyed for to avoid all occasion of slander or offence, and this authority, is the pre-eminence which any one of them hath above the other, to direct them in the temple, to the worshyping of god, and to the doing of the divine service: in dew form and manner, and to destrybute certain temporal goods, which hath been ordained to the use of the afore said mynystres. Of the power and 'cause effective of the which authority and where hence it began and came forth, itshall be suffycyentlye declared in the. xv. and in the. xvii. chapytres of the second diction or part. For this authority of the prymateshyp of the clargye is not made immediately by god but by the will and mind of men, likewise as other offices of a common weal be.  
¶ Thus than, the original beginning of the ecclesyastycall mynystres & the power and 'cause effective of their offyce, being rehearsed and somewhat declared, we must attend & give heed more over, that among the apostles of Christ aforesaid there was one, whose name was Simon Peter which was the first that received of Christ the promise of the keys/ as saith the gloze after saint Austin's mind in the. xuj. chapiter of Mathewe, upon this oracle or answer of Christ. And to the I shall give the keys of the kingdom of heavens. Upon this text saith the gloze, he that confessed that jesus chryst was the very son of god hath the keys given to him afore other, for this said apostle, after the passion the resurrection, & the assention of Christ in to heaven, came to Anteoche/ & there 
Peter the bishop of Anteoche.  was made bishop by the people as evidently doth appear, by the history of him and from thence as the foresaid history showeth, what soever cause hath be over hyppyd and lefteout, for of this is there diverse and sundry opinions/ afterwards he went to Rome/ and there was he bishop and oversear to chrysten people and in conclusion, for the profession of Christ, and for his godly preaching, he was beheaded and died/ and with him, in the same place and at the same time, the apostle Paul also, according to the aforesaid history/ of the prerogative than which this disciple or apostle seemed to have, in comparison of the other apostles, in that the keys were first promised to him afore the other, for the words of scripture heretofore brought in and rehearsed, and for certain other things spoken of chryst to him singularly, which shall be rehearsed here after: certain bishops after him, in the apostolic or epyscopalsee of Rome, and namely sins the time of Constantyne the emperor of Rome, say and challenge themselves to be above all other bishops of the world, as touching all manner authority of jurisdiction/ yea and certain of the same, which hath been of latter time, not only doth challenge to be above all other priests and bishops/ but also above all princes of the world, all communaltyes, & all manner persons/ albeit, they do not express this equally of all, neither do say it plainly and openly, as of the prince and ruler of the Romans called the emperor, and of the provinces, cities, & persons subjects to the same emperor/ albeit, that the singular expressy on of such dominion or coactyve jurisdiction over this prince (according to the very troth) seemeth to have taken face and first beginning, of a certain gift or grant which certain men saith, to have been made by Constantyne 
The donation or gift of Constantyne.  emperor, to saint Sylvester bishop of Rome: yet because this is not clearly expressed in that grant or pryvylege, or else because peradventure it hath been dysanulled by other made afterwards, or else because it was weak or of small strength: the virtue of the said grant, extendeth itself to the other lordships & governaunces of the world, & not to the empire of the Romans in all puynces And therefore afterwards the bishops of Rome of latter time, have challenged & taken to themselves this jurisdiction coactyve unyversally upon the hole world, by a certain other title, comprehending all men, that is to wit by the fullness of power & authority, which they say, was given by Christ to saint Peter, and to his successors in the epyscopall see of Rome, as being Chrystes vycares or debytes. For Christ (as they say and truly) was the king of kings, and lord of lords, yea & of all the hole world both people and things (how be it of this doth not follow that thing, which they would infer and conclude, as shall appear more certainly and undoubtedly in those things, which shall be spoken here after) this than is the meaning of this title among the bishops of Rome, that likewise as Christ had the fullness of power and jurisdiction above all kings, princes, communaltyes, companies, or felysshyppes, and alsanguler people: so in like manner they, which calleth themselves the vycars of chryst, and Peter, have also the same fullness of coactyve jurisdiction, determined by no law of man.  
¶ An evident token that the bishops of Rome intend this to be the meanyngꝭ 
8  which we have rehearsed, of this title, that is to wit of the fullness of their power/ is this, that Clement the. u of that name, bishop of Rome, doth so use it in a certain 
Clement the five  decretal, which he made. Desen. et re iudi. in the. seven. book, to Henry the. seven of worshipful memory last emperor/ of Rome of that name, whiles in revoking a certain sentence or judgement of the same Henry, he uttereth certain order of words, expressing that, which we have said, as touching their sense & meaning about the foresaid title, which words we leave out & pass over here, partly because the matter as known well enough, and partly for cause of shortness, and because we shall bring them in more for the purpose in the. twenty-five. chapiter of the second diction the. xviii. part of the same chapytre. Seeing than 
Chryste was not the governor of the emperor of Rome.  that chryst neither is, neither hath been, more king and lord of the emperor of the Romans than of any other king, or prince & ruler, who soever he be, but rather as much or more king and lord of the other: because that in Christ's time the prince or emperor of the Romans was in a manner lord and only chief heed, through out all the world/ it is open and evident that the sense and meaning of this title, by the virtue and strength of one, and the same rote is extended to all kingdoms, lordships, and rules/ which sense or meaning also to be intended by the same title, of the bishops of Rome, the contentions, attentation & enterprise of Bonyface thee, viii. bishop of Rome against Phelyp of 
Bonyface the maker of decretals.  famous & worshipful memory king of France, and the decretal of the same Bonyface, thereof ensuing manifestly doth teach, which same decretal shall be brought in of us, in the. xx. chapiter of the second diction, the. viii. part of the same chapiter/ by which decretal he defineth & determyneth, that this is to be believed 

A good article of our faith, & worthy for sucha bishop  
The abuse of excommunication.   of the necessity of everlasting health and salvation, that all manner men be subjects by coactyve jurisdiction to the bishop of Rome. Than by this mean the bishops of Rome entering in to these things, first under the colour and aperaunce of seeking peace among the faithful chrysten people, certain they did excommunycat, which would not obey their sentence, & judgement and afterwards giving sentence and judgement against them, both real and personal, that is to say/ both in their goods and in their parsonage, against some more expressly, as such which were less able to resist or withstand their power as for example against the singular people & communities of the Italyons whose kingdom being divided & torn asunder in all his ꝑtes, may the more easily & sooner be oppressed/ & against other some more slackely, as kiges, whose coactyve power they do fere and dread. Howbeit they do creep by little and little, and continually assay and enterprise to creep even unto these heads also, in the usurpation of jurisdictions, being very hardy and bold to invade all together. For the which cause the prevarycacyon of these bishops craftily & privily coming in, hath hitherto been unknown and hid from the princes and rulers of the Romans, and from the peoples, subjects to them. For the bishops of Rome by little and little have caught unto themselves one jurisdiction after an other, namely when the imperial see hath been vacant, but yet see that now they say that theyr selues have all the imperial jurisdiction coactyve, above the same prince and emperor, among all which said bishops of Rome, the bishop that now is, hath written most large and most manyfestlye, to the emperor of Romans/ as well in the provinces of Italye as of Germanye, & to all the inferior princes and rulers of the said provinces, to the communities, companies or felysshyppes, and singular persons of the same of what soever dignity, condition, 
No man can make the people to believe this abominable pnsumpcyon & pride.  or estate they be, that himself hath highest and chief jurisdiction upon them/ and all their temporalles & ascribing openly to himself, power to give and to translate their kingdoms and offices, from them to other men/ as clearly and evidently it may appear to all men, by certain writings of the same bishop, which he calleth writings decrees or sentences. Therefore this wrong estimation, opinion, judgement, and peradventure perverse affection or desire of dominion or chief rule, which they challenge to be due to themselves, by 
The bishops of Rome with their desiring of dominion, hath been the causers of discord & wars.  the title of the full power and authority given unto them by Chryst (as they say) is that singular and special cause, which we have said to be the maker of intranquyllytie or discord of a city or realm/ for this perverse affection being prove and ready to creep in to all realms and kingdoms, as it was said in our prohemye with his noisome and hateful action or working, hath of long season vexed the realm of Italye, and hath kept, & continually doth keep it from it tranquillity or peace, in that it letteth and forbiddeth with all enforcement the promotion or institution of the chief ruler, that is to say of the emperor of the Romans, and his operation or working in the said empire for lack & want of the which action or work, that is to wit of the justification of the cyvyle acts and deeds: wrongs and contentions or strifes, easily and lightly doth chance and rise/ which wrongs not measured by the rule of justice, or of the law, because the measurer is absent: causeth fyghtynges/ by the reason whereof, seperations of the commons, and inconclusyon the breakynges or lousynges of the common weals in Italye, hath chanced as we have said/ through this opinion than and peradventure affection and desire of dominion and bearing chief rule, whereof we have spoken: the bishop of Rome enforceth and laboureth to make the emperor of the Romans subject to him, by coactyve or temporal jurisdiction/ which emperor neither aught by right, as it shall be plainly and openly showed by those things which here after shall follow, neither 
Coactyve iurysdiction appertaineth to no spyrytual mynystre of the church, as concerning he is a spyrytual mynistre  is willing to be subject to him in such judgement. For the offyce of coactyve jurisdiction, is not a greing or convenient neither to the bishop of Rome neither to any other bishop, nor to any spiritual mynystre, in that he is a spiritual mynystre, neither is it convenient that he have any such jurisdiction, over any man, or person of what soever estate or condition he be, or over any communytye, or company or fellowship, as it hath been determined in the. xv. &. xvii. chapytres of this first diction or part. And of this mind is Arystotle in the. iiii. of his polytykes.  
¶ And because this pernycyous pestilence or mischief utterly contrary to the quietness and rest of men, and also to all their wealth & felycytye, through the fault of the said corrupt rote of ambitions, affection to reign over all, might infect and poysone the other kingdoms or realms of the world, cheyfely of chrystendome: I think it most necessary and needful of all, to repel and drive it back/ as we said in our prohemye/ first by opening the covering or closer of 
How to oppress the usurped power of the man of Rome.  the aforesaid opinion, which is as the rote of all the cuylles which have been done already, or else hereafter shall be done/ & afterward by keeping under with exteryor and outward labour and diligence, the ygnoraunte or unryghtuouse bryngers up and devisers, and also the froward defenders of the same. To these things are all men bound, which other have knowledge or be of might and power to withstand it/ which thing who soever other doth not regard, or leneth it undone: they are injust and unryghtuouse/ witness Tully in the first book De officiis, the. u chapytre when he said. There are two kinds of iniustyce 
They which doth not resist cuyl men are injust persons.  or unryghtuousnes/ the one of them which doth injury or wrong to other men/ the other of them which doth not withstand & drive back injury and wrong from them to whom it is done, if they be able and of power. Behold than, that according to this notable sentence of Tully, not only they be unryghtuouse people, which doth injury and wrong to other: but they also which hath knowledge and be able to forbid and let them, which doth injury to other, and doth not prohybyte and let them/ for every one of us is bound to do this to other by a certain (in a manner) law natural/ that is to wit, by the duty of friendship, and socyete and fellowship of man/ which law (left I should wyttynglye transgress it, I might at the least wise seem to myself, for to be unjust & unryghtuouse) I suppose to put by and drive away this pestilence or mischief, from my brethren the faithful people of Christ, first by learning, and consequently by mine outward labour and diligence, such as I shall be able to do/ for as moche as it is given to me from above (as me think I perceive undoubtelye) to know the sophysme & subtyltye thereof & power to open it, unto the which sophysme or deceytefull cautel, the perverse and crooked opinion, and peradventure also the perverse affection unyted thereunto, of certain bishops of Rome heretofore and at this present time also being, and their complyces (which is their mother and cause of all the aforesaid slanders and hurts) have lived and trusted hitherto and continually laboureth to be sustained or maintained and held up by the same.   
¶ Thus endeth the first book,   

¶ The second diction or part of Marsilius of Padwaye, of the power and authority of the Emperor and the Pope.  

¶ Of three Impedymentes, manners and ways, to contrary & say against the veryties, contained in this diction/ of the intention of the things which here shall be treated of, and of the manner and form of proceeding.  
The first chapytre.  
How therefore being about to take in hand, and to set upon so hard & high a thing, albeit I do not doubt, that no thing can be objected against us, which may be grounded upon the truth, yet that natwithstanding, I do see wars and bataylles to be prepared/ and made ready against this work, by. iii hate 
Of the first adversary against the truth.  full and mortal enemies of the truth/ the one is, the persecusyon of the violent and serce power of the bishops of Rome, and their complyces/ for they shall endeavour themself/ and labour all that ever they may, to destroy this work and the publysshers and declarers of it telling the truth, as being directly contrary to their purpose of withholding and possessing wrongfully temporalles, and also being against the fervent desire, which they have, to have dominion, and to bete rule/ from the which said purpose and desire, it shall be a hard thing, and a great maysterye, to revoke them and to call them away, by any speech of truth: be it never so manifest, plain, and opyn. But yet I pray 
The chartable desire of marsilius.  god, that of his mercy, he will by his grace vouchsafe, to revoke them, and to abate and keep under the violent power of them, and that his faithful people both princes and subjects may tame and hold under the same power, to the tranquillity and quietness of all the which princes and subjects, they are fooes and enemies.  
¶ The second adversary, which no less prepareth batayle against this work, 
Of the second adversary to truth. Custom to here lies.  is the old enemy in a manner of every verytye or truth/ that is to wit, the custom of hearing false lies, and giving credence to the same/ false lies I say, which have been of long season, by some priests or bishops, and other their suffragans, sown and rooted in the souls of very many simple chrysten people/ for these priests by certain their speeches and also writings, hath entangeled and wrapped in, the sentence of god, and of man, with divers implication of the acts and deeds of men, as well relygyouse, as say or temporal/ and very laboryouse to be explycated and declared/ inserting and concluding afterwards (though unduelye and untruly) of such wresting and writhing of sentences, certain senses or meanings, by which they have brought in their injust and wrongful dominion and lordship, over and upon the faithful people of Christ, giving credence through their own symplycyte, by certain deceytefull and crafty arguments of these priests, and a certain commination or thretening of everlasting damnation, that they are bound by the ordinance of god, to the observation of such sophystical sayings & writings in/ which often times they trespass and do amiss, inferring a conclusion of such things, whereof it doth not dewelye follow/ For the true meaning, of the things whereof the question and disputation is made, and of their true and simple beginnings, being wiped out of the minds of men, and false understands being brought by little and little in to their minds, in the stead of them: now the dyscerning of both, is hid from very many men/ For this custom of hearing false and untrue things, in what soever dyscyplyne it be: troubeleth and leadeth men greatly away from the truth as Arystotle witnesseth in his last chapytre of philosophy/ By reason of the which said custom, the readers and hearers of this book also, shall greatly be troubled and letted in the beginning, cheyfely such as shall be unskilled in philosophy, and unexercised in holy scriptures/ from the perceruing and understanding, and also perfit believing of the verytyes in this book contained.  
¶ The third & last hateful and noisome enemy of the truth, shall be a great 
The third adversary to truth. Envy.  impedyment and letting to this doctrine also/ and that is the envy of them also/ which, albeit they shall believe, that we have said and spoken the troutheyet that natwithstanding because, they shall perceive, an other man to have been the declarer and setter forth of this true sentence afore themselves: they being moved thereunto, by the most wicked spirit of brenning envy, shall set themselves as adversaries against the same declarer either tearing him with the secret and privy to the of backbiting and detraction, or else with the clamorous barking of presumption.  
¶ But I will leave or cease from my purpose, neither for fear or dread of the vyolente power of priests, which otherwise then they aught to do, fervently desire dominion and lordship, whom I speak to in these writings/ for as much as the maker of the psalms saith. The lord is my helper, and I will not fear what man can do unto me. Neither I will leave of, for the obloquyes of enuyouse detractors, to express that thing which being declared, & opened, may as much profit and do good to all men: as it might do hurt to all men, if it were neglected, and not regarded and taken head of/ And as for these foresaid enuyove people shall also with their envy, freating and vexing or tourmenting their minds: do most harm unto themselves. For envy, as saith Vgutio, 
Envy.  very well descrybing it▪ is a thing returning to the auctoure thereof, in that it is the tormenting of a mind, consuming & wasting away, because of an other man's wealth or good/ and as for the custom, which afore we said to be enemy to us: shall suffycyentlye be resisted, by the evidence of the verytes which hereafter shall be said and spoken.  
¶ And this shall be the manner of my process in the second diction or part of 
The order of proceeding in this diction or part.  this book/ first I shall bring in auctorytes of the holy Canon, with certain feigned, and strange, or unmeet interpretations of certain men, by the which peradventure it might seem and appear, that it might be proved, the highest of all jurisdiction coactyve, and cheyfest rule and dominion, to be dew of right to the bishop of Rome/ namely in the law of chrysten men, as well above the prince & emperor of the Romans, as upon all other kingdoms, lordships, communities, companies or feloshyppes, and syngulare persons, even seculers/ & so much the more over priests or bishops, deacons, and the collegyes or feloshyppes of them, and syngulare persons/ of what estate soever they be. For if by any necessity, this jurisdiction may be concluded by the virtue and strength of the words of scripture, over any one of these, other seculers or clerks: by the same, it may in comparison of all the resydewe/ consequently after these auctorytes, I shall bring in certain as it were polytyke reasons, very apparent, to the confirmation and fortefyenge of this said purpose, grounded upon certain verytes of the holy scripture, which also every one of them to be true: & agreeable all men would peradventure suppose/ These reasons (I say) I will bring in, to the intent, that I may so openly dyssolue them, & make answer to them: that no man from hensforthe may by them, or other like, be deceived or beguiled/ and that by the solution of them: the infirmity, & weakness or feebleness of the aforesaid opinion, may the more appear/ to the which of long season hitherto, they have given the colour & face of probalyte & lykelyhod. After these things done than shall I of the contrary part, bring in certain verytes of the holy canon, with the expositions of the holy interpreters thereof, not feigned, not strange or false, but agreeable, & meet and properly belonging to the same/ which said verytes doth show openly & plainly, that the bishop of Rome called the pope, or any 
The bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction over priests.  other priest, or bishop, or spiritual mynystre, jointly, or sonderly, in that they be such mynystres: neither hath, neither aught to have any jurisdiction coactyve of any man, real or personal, over any priest or bishop, or deacon, or any college or feloshyp of them/ & therefore so moche the less, he or any of them, commonly, or severally, hath any such manner jurisdiction, upon any king or prince, or upon any realm, communalte, company or feloshyp, or any syngulare person secular/ except only, that such manner jurisdiction by some man maker of the law, in that province, shall be granted to some priest, or bishop/ or to some college or feloshyp of them. To the demonstration, & confirmation whereof there may & aught to be brought in/ when any man shall see oportunyte/ certain cyvyle or politic demonstrations or reasons/ whose proper prynciples or beginnings are contained in the twelve. chapiter of the first diction the. xv. &. xvii. for I am not disposed to rehearse them again, because of shortening of our speech/ consequently, aft these things I shall show, what, & how great is the power & authority of preesthod, & of the keys given by chryst to the bishop of Rome, & to every priest/ for of the manifestation & declaration of these things, hangeth the solution of many doubts, which solution giveth entrance & coming in to the verytie & end, which we seche & labour to bring forth/ & afterwards, it shall be very profitable, to say somewhat and make answer to certain questions, rising of the aforesaid things/ with the which, we shall also say somewhat, of the privileges of the emperors of Rome, which hath been granted to the said bishops of Rome which thing shall be very expedient & profitable, to our business purposed & intended. For of these privileges, the usurpations, occupations, or withholdynges of jurisdictions coactyve, which now they ascribe properly to the authority of the bishop of Rome: accasyonally took their beginning/ & by customeor rather abuse, afterwards hath taken strength/ namely the emperyall seat being vacant. For by these privileges, at the beginning & by nothing else the bysshopes of Rome hath been upholden, in the purchasing or getting coactyve 
Note this.  jurisdictions & in the conservation & keeping of the same. But afterwardis either because through their demerytes they have been deprived of the same pryvylegies/ or else left the debylytye and weakness of the occasions, & the truth of this jurisdiction undewely & wrongfully taken unto them, might appear/ & to cover & hide their unkindness/ or else peradventure (as we showed it to be very like to be true in the last chapytre of the first diction) because they intend and purpose the occupation/ of the coactyve jurisdiction of all realms, to the which, the afore rehearsed privileges could nothing help them, or make with them: therefore they do not use the same pryvylegies/ but an other universal title afore rehearsed, to make all princes or rulers, & all men that liveth cyvyllye, subjects to themselves: that is to wit the fullness of power & authority/ by the which fullness of power/ given (as they say) by Christ/ to saint Peter, as to his vycate & debyte: now every bishop of Rome, in that he is the successoure of Peter, saith that his self hath the highest coactyve jurisdiction of all men, & all provinces. The resydewe & remenaunte of this diction, shall be to show, that the auctorytes of the holy Canon, against that sentence of the troth and of the scripture, which we have said before: doth nothing make for the aforesaid error/ but rather doth make against the same/ as it shall manifestly appear, by the expositions of certain saints, and also of other approved doctors of the chrysten faith/ by the which also, it shall plainly appear, that the expositions, nay rather, & to speak more truly, the fictions & feigned imagimations of certain men, going about to wreath & wrest the scripture, to the maintenance & fortefyenge of the sense of their false opinion aforesaid: are violent in terpretacyons, crooked, contrary to the scripture, & disagreeing to the sentence and mind of the holy & also learned doctors of the chrysten faith. And finally, and last of all, I shall dyssolue, and make answer to the arguments & reasons, which being as it were cyvyle or polytyke reasons, I said afore, did seem and appear, somewhat to defend and fortefye that false opinion, oftentimes afore rehearsed.   

¶ Of the diverse significations, of the nouns or dictions and words, of the which, the questions here be determined, or made.  
The second chapytre,  
VEt afore we do dispute and reason of these things purposed jest by the reason of the manifold significations of the names which we shall use in our principal questions, any ambygnyte may chance, & implication, or entangeling, or combrousnes of the sentence, which we are willing to declare and open: we shall first of all, show the diverse significations of the said words/ for as Arystotle saith in the first book of Eleuches who soever are ygnorant of the signification and strength of nouns or words: are deceived & beguiled, both when theyr selues dysputeth, & also when they here other dysputing & the names or words, whose many and sundry significations we purpose to show: are these. Church. judge 
Church. judge. spiritual Temporal  spiritual. Temporal. For because, by our inquisition which we purpose hereto make: we desire to know, whether it doth belong to the bishop of Rome, or to any other bishop, or priest, deacon or any company & feloshyp of them, which are wont to be called men of the church, to be a coactyve judge of the temporal men, or spiritual, or of both, or else they are such manner judges as touching nouther of these. Therefore we in persecuting these things: let us first say, that this noun Ecclesia, in latyn, Church in englysshe, is a word according to the 
This word church/ what it betokeneth  use of the Greeks/ betokening among them, in those works which hath comen to us, the congregation of people contained under one governance, & one ruler/ & in this signification Arystotle took the said word ecclesia, in the. seven. chapiter of the second book of his polytykes. But among latyn men, this word according to the common & famous calling, in one of his significations betokeneth a temple or a house, in which commonly, & most oftentimes, god is honoured and worshipped of the faithful people/ for thus the apostle Paul of the church, in his first epistle to the Corynthyans', the. xi. chapiter, saying have you not houses to eat and drink in, or do you despise the church of god? where the gloze after saint Augustynes mind saith/ do you despise the church of god? that is to wit the house of prayer. And within a lytses after, saith the same gloze this thus/ The daily use of speaching hath obtained/ that he is not said to come forth of the church, or to flee for succour to the church: but which doth come forth, or flee for succour to the very material place of stone itself, and to the walls. But in an other signification, this word church bctokeneth those mynystres, priests, or bishops, and deacons which be mynystres and rulers in the metrop ofytane or principal church of all churches/ likewise as the church of the city of Rome hath of long season obtained this/ whose mynystres and rulers be the pope of Rome, & his cardinals/ which now by a certain usage and custom, hath obtained to be called the church/ And it is said that the church hath done/ or received any thing, or ordained any thing: when the aforesaid people hath done, received or ordained it/ Again, according to an other signification, which is the most true and most proper signification, 
The proper signification of this word church.  and most according to the intention of them, which first began and brought up this word church, it is said and spoken (though not so famously according to the usage of these days) of the university and general congregation of all faithful believers, and callers upon the name of jesu chryst/ and of all the parts of this said universal congregation, in what soever community of houses or parish it be/ And this was the first signification of this word, and the accustomed usage of it, among the apostles, and in the primitive church/ wherefore the apostle Paul in the first chapytre of the former epistle to the Corynthyans', saith. To the church which is at Corynthe, sanctified in Christ jesu, called saints, and to all other which calleth on the name of our lord jesu Christ and/ where the gloze, according to Ambrose mind, saith sanctified, by baptysme and in jesu Christ/ and according to this intention spoke the apostle in the. xx. chapiter of acts, to the priests of Ephesus when he said/ Attend you and take you heed unto yourselves and to the hole flock, in which the holy ghost hath set you bishops or overseers/ that you should govern the church of god, which he hath purchased with his own blood/ and therefore according to this most true and most proper signification of this word church, all faithful chrysten 
All true chrysten people been men of the church.  men are and aught to be called men of the church/ as well those, which be not priests, as those which be priests/ because that Christ purchased and hatheredemed all with his own blood/ as it is expressly said in the gloze upon that saying in the. xxii. chapiter of Luke/ this is my body which is given for you/ for you (saith the gloze) betokeneth not, that the body of Christ was given, and 
For whom Christ suffered his passion.  his blood shed for the apostles only: but for the whole nature of man's sake/ so then the blood of Christ was not shed only for the apostles/ whereof it followeth, that they were not purchased only, by it/ and so consequently, that the priests or mynystres of the temples, successors to them in offyce, are not only, purchased by his bond/ and therefore that they alone are not the church, which Christ purchased with his own blood. Neither for the same cause, are those mynystres, bishops, or priests, and deacons alone, the church, which is the spousesse of Christ/ but a part of this spousesse/ for Christ for this spousesse gave himself/ wherefore the apostle saith, in the. u chapytre of the epistle to the Philipianes/ young men love your wives, even so as Christ hath loved the church, and hath given himself for it/ But now Christ gave not himself for the apostles alone, or their successors in offyce, bishops, or priests & deacons: but rather for the whole nature of man. Therefore it followeth, that they, or the congregation of them only are not the spousesse of chryst/ thouge a certain congregation of them abusing 
The sponsesse of Christ.  this word, for toget dysceytfully and gylefully their own proper and temporal profit and advantage, to the dysuauntage or harms of other men: doth call themselves sygulerly the spousesse of Christ/ This same sentence, may we perceive and take, of the words of the apostle, in the last chapytre, of the former epistle to the Corynthyans'/ and in the. iiii. to the Lolossyans/ and in the first chapytre to Phylemon/ For in all those/ said places, the apostle useth this word church, in that proper signification, which we have said here afore, to be his ppre and most true signification. Now consequently, must we show the manifold significations of these nouns temporal & spiritual. This word temporal in one of his significations most famous & commonly used, is said of all other 
Temporal  corporal thiges beside man, which being any wise in his power or governance: are ordained in the state, & for the state, of this worldly life, to his use, & to suppling the needs and pleasures of him/ Likewise as in an other general signification all things are wont to be called temporal that begin or end in tyme. For these things (as saith Arystotle in the. iiii. book of his physykes) properly are. & be said to be in time/ In an other signification, this word temporal is said of every manner habit or quality, every action or passion of man, wrought by man toward himself, or toward any other, for the end of this world or life present/ yet also beside this, this noun temporal in a more special signification, is said of the voluntary actions, or passions of man, going or turning to the profit, or disprofyte of an other sundry person from him, which hath done that action or passion, of the which actions & passions, the makers of man's laws most intends or means. But now I will show the intemcyons 
spiritual.  or significations of this word spiritual/ which in one signification is said of all corporal substances, and their operations/ and in an other signification, it is said of all human action or passion, of his power intellectyve, or appetytyve/ that is to say/ of all the doings or sufferynges of his knowledge or understanding, and of his appetite, abiding or continuing within him according to the which signification, also certain actions or operations of bodily things, appearing to the senses of man, are wont to be called spyrytual, and without matter/ as the images, lykenesses, phantasyes or imaginations, of things/ which said likeness are in a certain manner cause of knowledge to the soul/ of the which kind and sort some men judgeth the actions and operations of sensible things to be also in a substance having no life/ as the generations of lights, and of certain like things. Again, and more to the purpose. this noun spiritual is said of the law of god, of the teaching and learning of the precepts and counsels, according to the same law, and by it under the which signification, also are comprehended all the sacraments of the church, and the effects of the same/ all the grace of god/ all Theologycall virtues/ and the gifts of the holy ghost/ ordering us to eternal life/ For in this signification, and very properly/ and meetly, the apostle Paul useth this noun spiritual, in the. xx. chapiter to the Romans/ and in the. ix. chapiter of the first epistle to the Corynthyans'/ when he said/ if we have sown spyrytual things to you/ is it a great thing, if we reap your carnal things/ where the gloze after the mind of Ambrose, saith/ spiritual things, that is to say such things, which quickeneth your spirits or else which be given of the holy ghost that is to wit the word of god, and the mynysterye of the kingdom of heavens/ Moreover accordige to an other signification, this noun spiritual is wont to be taken for every manner voluntary action or passion of man/ wrought as well to himself as to an other/ for the merit or deserving of the blessed life/ in the world to come/ of which kind & sort/ be all the contemplations of god/ the loving of him & of our neighbours/ abstynences/ marcyes' or deeds of pity meek sufferyngꝭ prayers oblations for honouring of god/ hospitalytes/ pylgrymages/ chastysynge or ponysshynges/ of our own bodies/ the dyspysing & eschewing of carnal and fleshly pleasures/ & generally, all like things, down for the end aforesaid. yet beside these significations, this name spiritual is said (though not properly and meetly, as in the second and third way) of the temple, or church taken in his second signification/ of all the vessels/ jewels/ & ornaments/ which are in it, ordained for the worshipping of god. And last of all, certain men very unconuenyently, and improperly, stretch this noun spiritual, to be taben for voluntary actions exterior of priests, or bishops, deacons', & other mynystres of the temple, and for the omyssyons of the same works, which works been to the profit or dysprofyte of an other sundry person from him that worketh them/ for the state of the life in this world. They do extend/ & streche also again, and that more improperly, the same name spiritual to the possessions of the said people, & their temporal goods, movable, and unmovable, & to certain provinces or revenues of temporal things, which they call tyethes/ that under the colour/ & cloak of this name: they may be exempt from the rule of the civil laws, and princes or rulers. But forsooth they do openly abuse this word, in these significations/ against the truth, & contrary to the intention and usage of the apostle & of holy men/ which have called such manner things, not spiritual things: but carnal or temporal/ wherefore Paul saith in the .xv chapytre to the Romans/ for if the gentiles have been made parttakers of their spiritual things: they aught also to mynystre to them in carnal things the same. Moore expressly saith in the. ix. chapiter of the first epistle to the Corynthyans'/ if we have sown spiritual things to you: is it a great thing, if we do reap your carnal things? where, the gloze after Ambrose mind saith/ for if we do sow to you spiritual things, that is to say, those things which quyckeneth your spirit, or the which be given of the holy ghost, that is to wit the word of god, & mystery of the kingdom of heavens: is it a great thing, if we do reap to our sustentation, your carnal things, that is to say, those temporal things, which are granted to the maintenance of life & that cherysshing of the body? Behold here, that those outward goods, with the which the preachers 
Paul went never to the canon law and therefore he knew not the nature of this word (spiritual.  of the gospel aught to be sustained, in meat, drink, & clothing: the apostle, and Ambrose, expressly calleth carnal or temporal things/ and in very dead so be they/ whether they be tyethes/ orlandes, avauntages, or almoses, or collections/ the cause whereof, saint Ambrose hath told/ because they are granted & given to the life, and cherysshing of the flesh/ that is to say of the corruptible life. The same thing is to be thought & judged undoubtedly, of certain actions/ or works and deeds/ of priests/ bishops and deacons/ For not all their works are spiritual/ neither aught so to be called/ but rather many of their deeds/ are cyvyle/ 
The mynystres of the church may sin.  contentions/ and carnal/ or temporal/ For they may lend/ borrow, deliver to keep/ buy/ sell/ strike/ kill and s●e/ steal conymtte fornication and adoultrie, be extortioners & brybers/ be traitors/ bear false witness/ backebyte/ floundre/ fallin to heresy, and commit other sins/ crimes/ and contentions/ as sooneas lay men and such as be no priests/ wherefore it is to be axed & demanded conveniently of them/ whether such manner works or deades (which we have be foresaid/ and rehearsed/ may possible be done of them) be spiritual works or else aught so to be called of any man, which is in his tyght mind? And it is evident & plain, that no/ but rather, that they aught to be called carnal works and temporal. Wherefore the apostle Paul, in the third chapytre of the first epistle to the Corynthyans', speaking of such manner actions or works, indyfferentlye to all men: saith/ when there reigneth among you envy, & contention: are you not carnal? & walk after man? saying than, that sure and undoubted experience doth show, among the priests selves, one of them to an other/ and also between them & seculers, angers, envies, & contentions, to chance of the aforesaid & other like acts/ it is manifest and open, that such manner deeds, of priests or bishops, are carnal, or temporal/ & according to the truth, that neither they be, neither aught to be called, spiritual acts/ A sign and a token, that this is true which we have said, even according to the sentence & mind of priests also: is this, that to the taking away of such manner contentions and stryves, many ordinances of man, which they call decretals, hath been made 
why the dectetalles were made.  by the bishops of Rome/ and afore them, the laws of the emperors, concerning the same contentions/ And in deed many voluntary actions, going or turning to the profit or dysprofyte/ the good, or harm/ of an other man, for the state of this present life: be done, & may be done, by deacons', & priests or bishops/ and therefore such manner actions aught to be measured by the law of man: as it was said, in the. xv. chapiter of the first diction or part/ & shall be said again, more to the purpose/ in the. viii. chapiter of this diction or part.  
¶ Now there remaineth, and is behind to divide this word/ judge/ and this word judgement (which betokeneth the action & work of a judge) in to their diverse significations/ for these words are of the number of them, which hath manifold significations/ & which by reason thereof, might 'cause great ambygnyte or doubtefulnes, & also do great letting, in the determining of our principal questions. This word judge, in one signification, is said of every 
judge.  man, which dyscerneth or hath knowledge, cheyfly according to any quality, which is called an habit or science speculative, or operative & practive. And this noun judgement, is said of the knowledge, or discerning/ which such 
judgement.  men have/ after which manner speaking, the geometrician is a judge/ & judgeth of figures/ and of the accydentes or things belonging to them/ and the physician also, is a judge and judgeth of hole men & sick men/ and the wise man is a judge, judging of things to be done, & things to be avoided or eschewed/ & the carpenter judgeth of houses, how and in what manner they are to be builded/ & in this manner also, every man which hath any knowledge, or is expert in any thing is called a judge/ and judgeth of the things pertaining to his science & speculation, or else pertaining to his operation or practise/ & in this signification, Arystotle used these names, in the first chapytre of the first book, of his ethykes or moralles/ when he said/ every man judgeth well those things, which he knoweth/ & is a good judge of those things/ Again this noun judge in an other signification, is said of him/ which hath knowledge of the polytyke or cyvyle law/ which by the common and accustomed appellation or naming, is called an Advocate/ though in many provinces and namely of Italy, he is called 
Advocate.  a judge. Again also, this name judge, is said of the governor or ruler/ & this noun judgement, is said of the sentence given by such prince or ruler/ whose authority is, to judge of just and rightful things/ and things profitable, according to the laws & customs, and sentences given by himself, to command, by power coactyne/ after which manner of speaking, a certain book is called the book of iudgis which is one pte of the Bible/ & in this signification Aristotle speaking of a judge or ruler in the first chapytre of his first book of rethoryke said. The governor and judge, now judgeth of things present, and determynate/ And meaning still after the same manner, of the judgement of the governor & ruler: he saith shortly after. To whom, that is to wit to the governor or judge, is annexed oftentimes both love, and hatred, with proper & syngulare advantage. so that they can not yet suffycyentlye perceive, & see the troth but attend only and take head to that thing, which is delectable and pleasant, or else bitter and dyspleasaunt, to their own selves. And peradventure, there be other significations of the nouns aforesaid, but I think and suppose we have showed and marked forth the most famous, and communely used significations, and those which be most necessary to the inquisition purposed here of us.   

¶ Of the oracles and auctorytes of the holy scripture, and certain other argumentations, by which it seemeth that it may be proved that bishops or priests, in that they be such manner people: aught of duty to have power & jurisdiction coactyve, yea without the grant of any temporal prince or maker of laws/ & that the highest of all such iurysdictions, is dew to the bishop of Rome called the pope.  
The, three, chapytre,  
Now than, the diverse intemcyons or sygnysycations of those nouns or words (about which the most part of our inquisition shall be occupied) thus sufficiently declared & showed: we coming near more boldly to our purpose principally intended, shall first of all bring forth the auctorytes of holy scripture, by the which it might appear to some men, that the bishop of Rome called the pope, is the highest judge (according to the third signification of this word judge or judgement) over and upon all the bishops, or priests, & other ecclesyastical mynystres of the world/ & also over all princes, & governors of this would, all communities/ companies/ or 
The first authority of scripture which seemeth to make for the pope's power.  feloshyppes all singular people/ of what soever estate they be. ¶ And of all these auctoryties, let us first put the order of words, which are had in the. xuj. chapiter of Mathewe/ where Christ speaking to Peter, saith. To thee, I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven/ and what soever thing thou shalt bind upon earth: it shall also be bound in heaven/ & what soever thing thou shalt louse upon the earth: it shall also be loused in heavens/ For of those words, certain bishops 
Whereof the pope hath taken to himself authority to reign & rule  of Rome have challenged & taken to themselves, the authority of highest iurysdiction aforesaid/ For by the keys granted to saint Peter by christ they will to be understanded, the fullness of power of all worldly governance & rule to be given unto themselves/ which fullness of power as Christ had in comparison of all kings princes, and rulers: even so he granted it (say they) to saint Peter, and his successors in the epyscopall see of Rome as the vycars of Christ in this world. ¶ The second text of scripture to this purpose, is taken of the words of christ in the .xi 
The second authority.  chapytre of Mathewe/ when he said/ all things are given to me, of my father. And again in the. xxiii. of the same evangelist/ when he said/ all power is given to me in heaven and in earth/ saying than that saint Peter and his successors in the epyscopallsee of Rome, have been, and be the vycars and deputies of Christ (as they say) it appeareth that all power of fullness of authority, is given to the same/ and consequently, the authority of all manner jurisdiction.  
¶ The third text or authority to the maintenance of the same, is taken of the 
The third authority.  viii. of Mathewe/ and the. u. of Mark/ where it is said/ and the devils prayed him (that is to wit, Christ) saying if thou canst or drive us forth: send us in to the flock of hogs/ and he said to them go you/ and they going forth of the man went in to the hogs/ and lo suddenly, all the hole flock went headlong in to the see/ & were dead in the waters/ of the which words, it appeareth that chryst did dispose and order temporal things, as being all his own/ for else he had done amiss in dystroyenge the flock of hogs. But it is abomynable to say, that Christ hath sinned or done amiss, whose flesh never saw corruption/ For as much than, as saint Peter with his successors bishops of Rome, be, and hath been the cheyfe vycars or deputies of Christ (as certain men saith) they may dispose of all temporal things/ as being judges in the. iii signification, and hath full power and dominion of them, even likewise as Christ self had. Again the same is showed, by that which is had in the. xxi. of Mathewe/ in the. xi. of Mark/ and in the. nineteeen. of Luke where it is said in this wise. ¶ Than scent jesus. two. disciples, saying to them go you in to the castle, which 
The fourth authority.  is over against you, and forthwith you shall find an ass bound, and her fool with her, or the colt tayed to the ass, upon the which never any man had sit yet (as it is read in Mark and Luke) louse them and bring them to me/ of the which words, the same conclusion may be inferred, and by the same manner of argumentation, which was inferred of the authority of scripture, immediately here afore rehearsed.  
¶ Moreover the same thing is reasoned of the. xxii. of Luke, where it is read in 
The. u authority.  this manner. Lo here be. two. swords, said the apostles, making answer to chryst. But he answered/ it is sufficient or enough/ By the which words, after the interpretation of some men, aught to be understand the. two. powers or auctorites of this present world/ the one ecclesya stycall or spiritual, the other temporal or secular. saying than that chryst dyrecting his speech to the apostles, did say it is sufficient/ that is to say it is enough for you to have the. two. swords: by these words he appeareth to have signified, that both the swords aught to appertain & belong to the authority of them/ namely of saint Peter, as being the principal/ and cheyfest of them/ for if he had not been willing, that the temporal sword should belong to them: he aught to have said, it is to moche, and more than enough.  
¶ Again the same thing seemeth to be believed, by that which is had in the. 
The. vi. authority.  xxi. of Iohn where Christ speaking to Peter, said/ fede my sheep/ fede my lambs, feed my sheep, rehearsing one sentence three times, as we have here brought in/ Of the which some men gather this sense/ that saint Peter, & his successors bishops of Rome, aught without any exception to be governors & rulers over all the saythful sheep of Christ/ that is to wit. chrysten men/ and among these: specially and most of all, over priests and deacons.  
¶ Yea and moreover, this appeareth openly to be the sentence and mind of saint 
The. seven. authority.  Paul in his. vi. chapiter of the first epistle to the Corynthyans'/ when he said/ Do you not know, that we shall judge angels? how moche more than secular things? Hereof it appeareth, that the judgements (according to his third signification) of secular things, doth appertain to priests or bishops/ and among them, pryncypallye to the bishop of Rome, cheyfest of them all. Again the apostle seemeth to have meaned the same, in the. ix. of the first to the Corynthyans'/ when he said/ have we not power to eat. etc. The same again in the third of the first to the Thessalonyans/ In which words, he seemeth expressly to intend and mean, that power was gynen to him, by god, over and upon temporal goods of chrysten men/ and so consequently jurisdiction also of them.  
¶ Furthermore the same thing is showed, of the first epistle to Tymothe the. 
The. viii. authority.  u chapytre/ to whom the apostle said. Against a senyoure or priest, receive none accusation: but under. two. or. three witnesses or records. By this than it appeareth, that a bishop, at the lest wise hath jurisdiction over priests, deacons, and other mynystres of the temple/ saying that it belongeth to him for to here accusation of them/ as for any probations of the old scripture or testament, which seemeth to make for the conclusion purposed, or to make against it: we will not bring in here/ the cause whereof, we shall show in the. ix. chapiter of this diction. By these foresaid auctorytes than, and other like of the holy scripture, and such manner interpretations, and expositions of them, it might seem, that the bishop of Rome, aught of duty to have highest authority and jurisdiction of all. Not we consequently after these things, it is convenient, to bring in certain, as it were, polytyke or cyvyle arguments and reasons, which peradventure might 'cause to some men, a phantasy & believe of the aforesaid conclusion. ¶ Of the which, let this be the first/ Likewise as the body is to the soul, in 
The first natural reason  the same manner is the ruler of bodies, to the governor of souls/ but the body is under the soul, as a subject to his governor/ wherefore it followeth, that the ruler of the bodies, that is to wit the secular judge, aught to be under the dominion and governance of the judge or ruler of souls, and cheyfly under the dominion of the bishop of Rome, the highest of all such judges or rulers.  
¶ Again to argue, even as it were from the same ground. Likewise as bodily 
The second.  things been in comparison to spiritual things, even so is the heed of bodily things in comparison to the heed of spiritual things. But it is undoubted and of certain, that corporal things are more base and vyler of nature, & far underneath the spyrytual things/ it followeth therefore, that the ruler of bodily things, that is to wit the secular judge or governor aught to be far under and subject to him which is ruler of spiritual things.  
¶ Moreover look what comparison is between one final end, and an other, between 
The third.  law and an other, or between the maker of one law and the maker of an other law. Even like comparison or difference is between him that governeth according to the one of them, and him that governeth according to an other of them. But the final end, whereunto the ecclesiastical judge directeth or guideth, other priest or bishop/ and the law according to the which he directeth and the maker also of that law, are superyours, and more perfit than the end the law, and the law maker, to the which, and according to the which, the secular judge directeth: therefore the ecclesyastycall judge bishop or priest, and namely the cheyfest of them, that is to say the Pope, is superior and above: what soever judge secular it be/ for the end, to the which the ecclesyastycall judge directeth or leadeth is eternal life/ the law according to the which directeth: is the law of god/ and the law maker, is god immedyatlie/ in whom it is not possible any error or malice to be. But the end to which the secular judge intends to direct: is the suffycyencie of this worldly life/ the law, after the which he directeth: is the law of man/ the maker of that law, is man immediately, or else men in whom it may chance error and malice to be. Therefore are these things inferyours, and more vile or unworthy things, than the aforesaid things/ wherefore it followeth, that the seculare judge/ yea even the highest/ is inferior, and of less dignity than the highest priest.  
¶ Again whose action or work of itself, is the more honourable: he of himself 
The. iiii.  is most to be had in honour/ but the action or work of a bishop or priest, is the most honourable of all, which may be done by man in this present life/ that is to wit, the consecration of the blessed body of Christ: it followeth therefore/ that every priest is more of dignity, than any one who soever he be, that is no priest/ For as much than, as the more worthy or excellent thing aught not to be under the less worthy, but to be above it as ruler: it seemeth, that the secular judge or governor aught not to be above a priest, in jurisdiction/ but underneyth him/ & most of all underneath the highest priest, the pope (as they call him) of Rome.  
¶ The same thing may be showed and proved more apparently, of the prince and governor of the Romans, called the emperor/ by this reasan. He is superycure 
The. u.  to the prince and ruler of the Romans (as touching to judgement in his third signification) which hath authority to instytute and make the said prince or governor, and to translate th'empire from nation to nation/ but the people saith, that he hath this authority: for he hath translated this governance or empire, from the Brekes to the Bermaynes, as it is expressed in the. seven. of his Decretalies', in the title De iure iurando/ & also the bysshp of Rome that now is, saith the same more expressly, in a certain decree of his, to Lodowyke duke of Bavaria, choose and taken to be governor and emperor of the Romans.  
¶ Moreover again, for the same purpose/ it seemeth a great inconvenience, that Christ's up care, the bishop of Rome, and other successors of the apostles, that 
The. vi.  is to say bishops, aught to be under the jurisdiction of any prince seculare and that for asmuch, as the seculare prince may sin & trespass, against both the law of god and man, whereof he is to be corrected by some man. But he which is the highest of all secular princes, hath neither any equal or superior person to himself which may take upon him to correct him (for a pluralyte of cheyfe rulers is reproved in the. xviii. chapiter of the first part) wherefore it shall appear that jurisdiction coactyve over him appertaineth to the bishop of Rome and in no wise the jurisdiction coactyve over the bishop of Rome, to the emperor. Thus than me thinketh I have showed here suffycyentlye, both by what auctoryties of holy scripture, & also by what certain argumentations of man, & as it were polytycall reason, it appeareth, that it might be proved, the byssoppes or priests to have coactyve jurisdiction/ and that the highest rule & governance of all this world, is dew to the highest & cheyfest of them that is to wit, to the bishop of Rome.   

¶ Of the canonycall scriptures, of the commandments, counsels, and examples of Christ, and of the holy and approved expositions of the law of the gospel: by the which it is showed evidently, that neither the bishop of Rome, or any other bishop or priest, neither any person of the clargye, may by the virtue of the words of scripture, challenge, or ascribe any manner coactyve dominion or contentyouse jurisdiction at all, to themselves, over any clerk, or say man/ moche less than they can not challenge the highest dominion or jurisdiction of all/ and how by the example and counsel of Christ, they aught to refuse such manner dominion or jurisdiction, namely in the communytyes of chrysten men, if it were offered or given to them, by him that had authority so to do. And again, that all bishops, & indyfferently all that are now called clerks, aught to be underneath the coactyve judgement, governance & rule of the temporal prince, namely being chrystened prince or gonernoure  
The, iiij, chapytre,  
Now consequently, we shall bring in of the contrary part, the verytes of holy scripture, commanding orcounsayling expressly both by their lytterall, and also mystycall sense, according to the interpretation of saints, and the exposition of other approved doctors of the chrysten faith, that the bishop of Rome called the 
That the pope is not adjudge nor governor seculare  pope, or any other bishop, priest, or deacon aught to have no dominion, judgement, or coactyve jurisdiction, over any priest, governor, commonalty, college, or any singular person, of what estate soever he be/ understanding by coactyve judgement, that, which we have showed in the second chapytre of this part, to be betokened by this word judge or judgement in the third signification. But for this our intention & purpose more evidently to be declared, we ought to know, that by this inquisition, we do not search or ask, what power and authority, Christ which was both god and very man, had and hath, in this world neither what, or how moche power, and authority, he might have given to saint Peter, & to the other apostles, & to the successors of them, bishops or priests. For of these things, chrysten people do not doubt, in the question here purposed/ But we will, and we aught to inquire & search, what power and authority to be exercised in this world, Christ was willing to give unto the said mynystres of the church, and what power he gave to them in very deed/ and from what power he did exclude and prohybyte them, by his counsel or precept/ For we are bound to believe, that they had so moche power and authority 
what manner power the pope hath.  of Christ as may be proved, by the words of scypture/ & none other authority nor more but only that/ For this is undoubted to all the faithful people of Christ, that Christ, which was both very god and man, might have given not only to the apostles, but also to any other manner men, authority or jurisdiction coactyve in this world, above all the princes and rulers, or domynyons, and all other singular persons/ and a greater power peradventure than this, as to make creatures, to destroy, and to repair or make again heaven, & earth, and those things, which be in them/ and also to rule and command angels/ which power, for all that, Christ neither gave them, neither purposed to give them/ wherefore saint Augustyne in the. x. sermon of the words of our lord, upon Mathewe saith in this wise/ learn you of me, not to frame or make the world/ not to created visible and invysyble things/ not to work miracles or wonders in the world/ and to raise dead men/ but learn of me because I am meek, and humble or low in heart. And therefore according to this present intention, it is sufficient to show, yea and I will show/ first that Christ self 
That Christ came not to be a lord or ruler  came not in to the world, to have dominion or lordship over men/ neither to judge them by judgement taken in his third signification/ neither to be a temporal prince, governor temporally/ but rather to be subject, according to the state & condition of this present world/ yea & moreover, that his will was to exclude, & he did exclude himself, & also his apostles and disciples, & consequently the successors of them, bishops or priests, from all dominion/ or worldly governance of this sort, that is to wit coactyve/ both by his example, and also by his doctrine, that is to say, his counsel or commandment/ And I will show also that the cheyfe apostles, as the true followers of chryst: have done the same thing themselves, and also have taught their successors to do the same/ and furthermore, that as well Christ, as the apostles selves, were willing to be underneath, and were in deed continually underneath the coactyve jurisdiction of princes and governors of the world, both really and personally/ and that they taught all other, to whom they preached the law of truth, other by word of mouth or else by writing: to do the same/ & thereto commanded them, under pain of everlasting damnation/ And afterwards, I will make a chapytre of the power or authority of the keys, given by Christ to the apostles, and to the successors of them in offyce, bishops, and priests, that it may appear, what, of what manner, and how great is this manner power and authority/ as well of the bishop of Rome, as of other/ For in deed the ignorance hereof, hath been hitherto, and at this present time is, the original cause and beginning of many questions, and hurtful strifes, among chrysten people/ as it was somewhat touched, in the first chapytre of this diction.  
¶ we therefore prosecuting these things purposed, will show that from the offyce 
Chryste did exclude himself and the apostles, from worldly kingdom or governance.  of being governors, or of coactyve jurisdiction or governance, or any manner coactyve judgement in this world: Christ willed to exclude, and did exclude himself and the apostles, both as touching his purpose or intention, and also his doctrine, and operation or working/ This appeareth undoubted lie, first of all, by the order of words, or text, in the gospel of Iohn, the. xviii. chapiter for when Christ was accused to Ponce pilate, the emperors vycare or deputy in jury, of this, that he had said, himself to be king of the jews and pilate did axe of Christ, whether he had said these words, or whether he did say himself to be a king: Christ among other things answered these words to Pylates question or demand/ My kingdom is not in this world 
Iohn. xviii.  that is to say, I am not comen to reign by temporal governance or dominion, after which manner, kings of the world do reign/ The probation whereof Christ himself putteth afterward, by an evident sign or token, when he said/ if my kingdom were of this world my mynystres or servants doubtless would strive, that I should not be delivered to the jews/ as if Christ had made this argument or reason/ If I came in to this world, to have reigned by worldly or coactyve governance or rule: without doubt, I should have mynystres of the same governance, which should fight for me, and punish the transgressors, likewise as other kings have/ but I have no such manner mynystres, as thou thyself mayst manyfestlye see/ whereof the gloze interlyneare saith it appeareth in that no man descendeth/ & this is it, that Christ rehearsing again 
The kingdom of Christ.  saith/ But now my kingdom is not of this world/ that is to wit the kingdom whereof I am come to teach/ which verytyes or true texts of the gospel, saints and the doctors expowning, say thus/ and first of all blessed Augustyne, by these words, saying/ For if when pilate asked or demanded, he had made answer forthwith, he might have seemed not to have answered also the jews, but only the gentiles, having this opinion of him/ But after the answer of pilate than more conveniently, and more metelye, he answered to the jews and to the gentiles/ as if he had said, hearken you jews & gentiles I do not let your domination and ruling in this world, what would you have more? Come you now by faith and believe to the kingdom, which is not of this world, Now what is Christ's kingdom, but those that believeth in him? Behold, of what kingdom he came to teach, and to dispose/ verily of the acts or works by which men doth come to the everlasting kingdom/ that is to wit, works of faith, and of the other Theologyall virtues/ and yet notwithstanding, compelling or constraining no man to that kingdom of faith, as it shall plainly appear hereafter/ For two coactyve domynyons in respect of one multitude, being not the one of the powers subject to the other letteth themselves/ as it was showed in the. viii. chapiter of the first diction/ But Christ came not to let the dominion of these men, as saint Augustyne said/ wherefore upon that saying in the same chapiter of Iohn. Thine own people or nation/ and thine own bishops have delivered the to me, what thing hast thou done? he showeth suffycyentlye (saith saint Augustyne) the challenging of worldly dominion: to have been laid to Christ's charge for a crime, as if he should say/ if thou deniest thyself to be a king, what thing hast thou done, that thou shouldest be delivered to me? as though he would say, what marvel is it or should it be, that man to be delivered to the judge to be punished: which did say himself to be a king/ Behold here according to the mind of saint Augustyne, that Christ should have been doubtless worthy to be punished: if he had said himself to have been a secular king namely to them, which know not him to be a god/ & that he denied himself to be a king and of what kingdom or governance he meaned/ that is to wit, of governance, coactyve of the transgressors of the law, in this world/ it appeareth, in the same chapytre of Iohn upon this text, speakest thou this of thyself, or else hath other men told it thee? which words (saith Theopompus) of chryst to pilate, were all one, and as much in understanding, as if he had said to him/ pilate, if thou speakest this of thine own mind: show forth the tokens of my rebellion/ but if thou hast heard this by the report of other men: make ordynarye and dew inquisition/ But Christ aught not to have said this, which Theopompus saith, that is to wit, that pilate should make ordinary inquisition of him, but rather he aught to have said, that this inquisition did not appertain or belong to him/ and that because Christ according to the opinion of our adversaries, was not of right subject, neither would be subject to pilate, in jurisdiction or judgement coactyve/ Again upon that text. My kingdom is not of this world/ saith Chrysostome/ he doth not deprive or bereave the world, of his providence, prelation or preemyttence/ but he showeth, his kingdom not to be worldly, transytorye, or corruptible/ But every one of the kingdoms coactyve of this world, is human, transytorye and corruptible. Moreover, upon that text of Iohn, in the same chapiter/ Thou sayfte that I am a king/ saint Augustyne saith that Chryst did not so answer for fear or dread, to confess, and knowledge or grant himself to be a king/ but he so tempered his answer, that neither he did deny himself to be a king, neither yet did grant himself such a king, whose kingdom might be supposed to be of this world/ for these words/ Thou sayfte, were spoken, as if he had said/ Thou a carnal man, speakest carnallye of carnal governance, and acts temporal, contentyouse, and carnal/ according to the third signification of this noun temporal/ for such acts the apostle called carnal, in the third chapytre of the first epistle to the Corynthyans'/ It appeareth than, of the afore rehearsed things, that chryst came not in to this world, neither to teach, neither to dispose of carnal or temporal governance, or coactyve judgement/ but of the spiritual 
Chryste did speak of spiritual kingdom or governance.  or heavenly kingdom, and heavenly governance/ For of this only he did speak, and in a manner preach always, as it is evident and open, by the text of the gospel, both in the lytterall, and also in the mystycall sense thereof/ And for this cause we rede very often times, that he said/ The kingdom of heavens is like to. etc. but as for the worldly kingdom, other he did speak very seldom of it, or else in teaching he did despise it/ In the heavenly kingdom, he promised, that he would give rewards or punysshementes, according to men's good works, or evil works/ but he never promised, that he would do such things, in this world/ but rayther doth and worketh contrary wise, to the princes or governors of this world/ For most communely, he scurgeth and punyssheth just men, and the workers of good deeds, or else suffereth them to be afflicted in this world/ and so bringeth them to the reward of his kingdom/ For all men that ever please god: have go through many tribulations/ as it is written in Judith thee, viii. chapiter/ But the princes of this world, or the judges of the worldly kingdom or governance, do, and ought to do clean contrary wise to the order in gods kingdom, in keeping & observing justice/ For they do destrybute in this world rewards to the keepers of the law/ and pains or punysshementes to transgressors and malefactors/ and it is so to be done/ for if they did the contrary: they should trespass both against the law of man. & also of god/ Now again to our principal purpose, by that, which chryst showed by his work or example/ we rede in the. vi. chapiter of Iohn, that when jesus knew, that they would come to take him, and make him king he fled again himself ●●one, in to the mountain/ where the gloze interlyneare saith/ from the which mountain he came down to feed the multitude teaching by this his deed, to i'll and eschew the prosperyties of the world, and 
Chryste fled & eschewed the dignity of a king.  to pray against them/ This is undoubted than/ that Christ fled and eschew to governance and rule or else he should have taught us nothing by his example/ which sense also the exposition of saint Augustyne helpeth and confermeth, which saith, that faithful chrysten men are the kingdom of Christ, which now is bought with the blood of Christ/ And this kingdom shall once be manifest and open, when the glory of his saints shall be openly showed, after the judgement done by him/ But the disciples & the multitude believing in him weaned, that he had come, to reign even than. Behold, that saints and holy men by the kingdom of Christ in this world, never did understand temporal dominion, or judgement of contencyous acts or deades, or execution by coactyve power, upon the transgressors of the laws in this world/ But by his kingdom which he took upon him in this world: they understood the doctrine of faith, and a kingdom governed by the same, leading to the kingdom of heaven/ The which kingdom saint Augustyne saith, shall be manifest and 
The kingdom of heavens.  openly showed: after his judgement, in an other world/ Again he saith, to ween or trow that he would then reign, so as the people did suppose or ween: was to pluck him, that is, to draw him unsemynglye, and to have an unseeming opinion of him/ where Chrysostome saith also/ And he, that is to say, Christ, was than a prophet among them, and they would have set him in the kings seat, only for a glotonous sake, because he had fed them/ But Christ fled, teaching us, to despise worldly dygnytes/ Furthermore, the same is showed most evidently, by the word and example of chryst, in the. twelve. chapiter of Luke/ where it is read in this wise/ and a certain man of the multitude said to him/ Maystre, say to my brother that he divide the inheritance with me/ But he, that is to wit Christ, said to him/ Thou man, who hath ordained or made me judge or divider over you? as who should say, I am not come to exercise this offyce, nor yet sent for these purposes/ That is to wit, for to depart 
Chryst would not be judge or umpyre.  or end cyvyle suits or stryves by judgement/ which thing, for all that, no man doubteth to be the work most properly: appertaining to the governors or judges of this world/ And albeit, in very dead that the text of the gospel more evidently doth contayve, and show our purpose, than the gloss of holy men, which our adversaries knowing that as we have said they make right manyfestlye against them, every where did turn themselves more to the allegorycall or mystycall sense: yet that notwithstanding, we have brought in those gloss also, to the greater confirmation & fortefyenge of our purpose/ and lest it might be said of our adversaries that we do expound the scripture folysshelye and presumptuously: after our own brain/ Thus than saith saint Ambrose expounding these words of Christ/ Therefore he doth well (saith saint Ambrose) avoid and eschew erthlye things, which came down for godly things sake, neither he vouchsaveth to be judge of worldly stryves or suits, or umpyere of such goods and substance: which hath the judgement of men, both quick and deed, and the arbytrement of their deeds/ And a little after he saith also/ wherefore not without cause (saith he) this brother is rebuked, which coveted to busy the order of heavenly things, about earthly things and corruptible/ Lo here, what saint Ambrose mind is, of the offyce of Christ in this world/ For he saith, that Christ doth well avoid and refuse earthly things that is to wit to be judge of contentyouse persons: which came down for heavenly things sake, that is, to teach and to mynystre spiritual things/ in the which thing he marked forth and assigned the offyce of him and his successors, that is to wit to dyspence heavenly or spiritual things, I say spiritual things, yea and those spiritual things of the which the same Ambrose spoke in the. ix. chapiter of the first epistle to the Corynthyans', and the which we brought in before, in the second chapytre of this diction, in the third signification of this noun spiritual/ Now consequently, it rests and remaineth, to show, that Christ himself not only did refuse the dominion of this world, or coactyve jurisdiction or judgement in this world (wherein he gave example to his apostles and disciples, and the successors of them, to do likewise) but also that he taught by his preaching and showed by his example that all priests & say men aught to be underneath the coactyve judgement or jurisdiction of the princes of this world, both really and personally/ that is to say both in their own personages and in all their goods appertaining to them/ first than Christ showed this, by his words, & example of his own self, as concerning his goods and substance, in the. xxii. of Mathewe, where it is red/ that when the jews asked of him, saying/ Tell us, how thinkest thou? is it lawful to give tribute to Cesar or not? Chryst after he had looked on the money or coin, and the scripture thereof, made answer, and said/ give than to Cesar those things, which belongeth to Cesar, and to god those things, which appertaineth to god/ where the gloze interlyneare saith, that is to wit, tribute and money/ And saint Ambrose upon that text, whose is this image, and this superscription? saith in this wise/ As Cesar exacteth and requireth the money having his image imprinted in it: so god also requireth the soul, marked with the light of his own face/ Take heed than, what thing Christ came to exact in this world/ And Chrysostome saith thus/ But thou when thou hearest these words, give to Cesar those things which belongeth to him, know thou, that Christ means only those things which in no 
Note this.  point are contrary to virtue, and the commandment of god/ for if there be any such thing: it is not the tribute of Cesar, but the tribute of the devil/ Behold, that in all things we ought to be subjects to Cesar, so that they be not contrary to pity, that is to wit, the worshipping of god, or his commandment/ Chryste than would be subject to the secular princes, in real or temporal substance/ This also was openly the sentence or mind of saint Ambrose, grounded upon this sentence of Christ, for he said in the epistle against Valentynyan, which, is entitled to the people/ we pay to Cesar those things, which belongeth to Cesar/ and those things which belongeth to god, we pay to god/ tribute belongeth to Cesar/ it is not denied him/ The same thing is showed again, by the. xvii. chapiter of Mathewe/ where it is this written/ they which received the Dydrachme, came to Peter and said/ doth not your master pay the Dydrachme? and consequently after a certain words between, it followeth that Christ said to Peter/ That we do not offend them: go to the see, and throw in thine hoke/ and that fish which shall come up first, take it up, and when thou hast opened the mouth of it thou shalt find a stotere, or a double Dydrachme take it and give it to them for the & me/ and the lord said not only, give it them: but said give it to them for me and the/ and saint Iherome 
Iherome.  saith here our lord both as concerning his body, and also his spirit, was the son of a worldly or living king, by two manner ways/ first in that he was gendered of the stock of David, or in that that he was the word or son of the almighty father/ Therefore he ought by right no tribute to pay but to be free from all coactyve powers or bondage, as being the son of kings And afterward it followeth in the same saying of saint Iherome/ Therefore, although he were free: yet because he had taken upon him the humylytye or meekness of the nature of man, he aught to fulfil all justice/ And Orygen upon that saying of Christ, saith in this manner wise/ But that we do not offend them, speaketh in this wise more to the purpose and to the mind of the evangelist which after this manner saith as followeth/ consequently we may well perceive (saith Origen) & understand by these words of Chryste, that as oft 
Orygen.  as certain men riseth up, which wrongfully taketh away our earthly things or temporal substance: the kings and governors of this earth doth send them to require of us, that which belongeth to them/ and by his own example, our lord forbiddeth any occasion of synning, or greyfe to be given even to such manner men/ either lest they might sin the more or else that they may be saved. The son of god, which never did any servile work or deed, as having the form or shape of a bond man or servant, which he took upon him for man's sake, gave tribute, and paid money/ which way than are the bishops and priests exempt from this, by the virtue and strength of the words of the evangelical scripture? no nor yet otherwise from the jurisdiction of princes, but by the gracious & faverable grant of them, saying that Christ & Peter giving example to other, did pay tribute/ and though Christ which was by bodily generation comen of the stock of kings, peradventure did not own of duty to pay it: yet Peter being not comen of the stock of kings neither had any such cause of exemption, neither yet was willing to have/ but if chryst had thought it convenient though those which should be successors to him in the offyce of preesthode, should pay trybutes: and that their temporalles should be underneath the power of the princes and governors of this world: he might without giving of evil example (that is to wit, of making preesthode subject to the jurisdiction of worldly princes) have ordered and dyspached or rid those exactours or gatherers of dydrachyn/ that is to wit, by removing or putting away the intention or purpose of asking such things, or else by some other convenient way or mean/ But Christ did not repute or think it convenient to do so, but rather he was willing to pay, assocyating or joining to him Peter singularly among the apostles/ notwithstanding that this Peter, as we shall show in the. xuj. chapiter of this diction, should be afterward cheyfest doctoure, and heard of the church/ that by such example: no man of the other, should refuse to do the same/ Saint Ambrose understanding this text of scripture taken of the. xvii chapytre of Mathewe, in such wise as we have said before: in the epistle, whose title is of the delyveringe of churches: saith/ The emperor asketh tribute, truly it 
Ambrose.  is not denied him, the lands of the church payeth tribute/ & after certain words being put between, he saith more to the purpose/ we pay to Cesar those things which belongeth to Cesar/ & to god those things which belongeth to god/ Tribute belongeth to Cesar, it is not denied him/ saint Bernarde also more plainly expressing this to be the meaning of the afore rehearsed scripture in a certain 
Bernarde.  epistle to the archbishop of Senon, saith in this wise/ thus say they, which counsel their subjects to rebel against their superior/ But Christ saith Barnarde both commanded and did himself otherwise/ give you (saith he) to Cesar such things as appertaineth unto Cesar/ and to god such things as 
Of payenge tribute.  belongeth to god/ This that he spoke with his mouth: anon after he gave heed to perform and fulfil in his work and deed/ he which was the creature & maker of Cesar: was not grieved, neither did put of, to pay tribute/ for he gave example to you: that you should do likewise/ when would he have denied dew reverence to the preestis of god, which gave diligence to do this reverence, even, to the heathen powers or officers of the world: and here we aught to mark and take good heed of this which Bernarde saith/ that Christ in that he cared to give tribute to the secular powers: did give also dew reverence/ This reverence, was not coacte nor of compulsyon/ for every man oweth of duty, who soever he be: to pay such manner tax or tribute to princes/ as we shall show in the chapytre next folowenge, by the authority of the apostles, in the. xiii. chapiter to the Romans/ & by the gloss of saints and doctors in the same place/ moreover Christ showed, not only, that himself is under the coactyve jurisdiction of the secular price as touching real, or temporal substance: but also he showeth the same in himself as touching his person & body/ than the which personal jurisdiction, it is not possible for any prince to have greater jurisdiction other upon him or any other man/ for the which cause, this jurisdiction is called also in the law of the Romans, mere empire/ This may be showed evidently, by the. xxvii. chapiter of Mathewe/ for as it is read, and appeareth there, Christ suffered himself to be taken, and to be led to the house of pilate, which was the deputy of the emperor of Rome/ and by him as judge of coactyve power and authority: he suffered himself to be judged and delivered to extreme punishment and death/ Neither did he cry against pilate as against one that ought not to be his judge: albeit peradventure he gave knowledge, that he suffered not right wise judgement/ And it is undoubtedly known/ that he might have suffered such judgement and punishment by priests if he had would, or if he had judged it inconuenyent, that his successors in time afterward to come, should be subjects to secular princes, and be judged by them/ And because this sentence is more seryously and earnestly written, in the. nineteeen. of Iohn: I will also bring in here, that which is had in the said place/ when Christ was brought to pilate the emperors deputy, and was also accused, for that he said himself to be king of the jews, and the son of god: & when pilate had asked jesu, whence art thou? And jesus had given thereto none answer at all, pilate than said to him these words following, which appertaineth to our purpose/ wilt thou not speak to me? knowest thou not, that I have power and authority to crucyfie thee, and let the go at liberty? jesus answered/ Thou shouldest not have any power at all against me, if it were not given to the from above/ Behold here that jesus did not deny, that pilate had authority to judge him/ and to execute judgement upon him/ neither said he, of right it belongeth not to thee, but in deed thus thou dost/ But Christ added this also, that pilate had his auctorytye from above/ how from above? Augustyne maketh answer saying/ let us 
Augustyne  learn then that, which Christ said and which he taught the apostle/ that is to wit Paul in the. xiii. to the Romayns/ what then did Christ say? what taught he the apostle? that there was no power, that is to say, authority of jurisdiction but of god/ how soever it be, of the act of them/ which miss use this power/ And that he seemeth more, which through envy delivereth an innocent to the power or office, for to be slain, than doth the power or office self, if he doth kill or slay him for fear or dread of an other higher or greater power/ for such power had god given to pilate, that he was also under the power of Cesar Then that iudyciall coactyve power which pilate had over the person of chryst was of god/ as Christ self only openly confessed, & saint Augustyne plainly expressed/ And saint Bernarde said openly to the archbishop of Senon in a 
Bernarde.  certain epistle/ saying that Christ granteth, that the power of pilate even over himself also, is ordained of god. These be Bernardes' words, speaking of the power of pilate, and upon this place of scripture/ Than if the judiciary coactyve power of pilate, over or upon Christ self, was of god: how moche more than, upon his temporal or carnal goods, if chryst had possessed or had any further than, if over the person of Christ, and his temporal goods, he had such authority in how moche more over & upon the personages, & the temporal goods, of all the apostles, & their successors, all bishops or preestis/ & this thing was not only showed by the words of Christ but also confirmed by the performing or fulfilling of the work/ for by the same pilate sitting in the place of judgement, sentence of death was given, against Christ/ and by the authority and commandment of him, execution, was done of the same sentence, for these words in order are read in the same chapytre of Iohn/ when pilate than had herd these words, he brought jesus forth/ and sat himself in the place of judgement/ and after a little space, it followeth/ Therefore he delivered jesu unto them, that he should be crucified/ and even such was the sentence and opinion or mind of the apostle Paul, concerning Christ: when he said in the third chapytre to the Galathians/ But when the fullness of time was comen/ god sent his son made of a woman, made under the law, It followeth consequently than that he was made under a judge also, to whom it did appertain to judge and command, according to the law/ which judge for all this was not a bishop or priest/ And Christ did not only will to exclude the seculare governance, or iudycyall, coactyve power, from himself but also he did exclude it from his apostles, aswell of one of them over an other among themself: as in comparison to other men/ wherefore this text is had, in the. xx. chapiter of Mathewe, & the. xxii. of Luke/ there was made a contention or showing among them/ that is to wit, the apostles, which of them should be greater. But Christ said to them, kings and rulers of the gentiles, have dominion over them/ and they which hath power over them are called benefycyall, and well doers/ But in Mathewe this clause is read in this wise, and they which be greater exercise power upon them/ but you shall not do so/ but he which is greater among you stand as younger/ and he that is forgoer or master is as a mynystre/ for whether of the two is greater, he that sitteth at the table, or he that mynystreth or serveth? Is not he which sitteth/ But I am in the mids among you: as he that mynystreth/ but who soever will be greater among you: let him be your cloister/ And who soever will be cheyfe among you: shall be your servant/ even likewise, as the son of man came not to be served, but to administer/ that is to serve in temporal things, and not to be lord and ruler, or to be equal or fellow/ for in spyrytual mynysterye or offyce, he was cheyfest/ and not a servant in the mids of the apostles/ whereupon Orygen saith/ you know, that the princes or governors 
Orygen.  of the gentiles, are lords and hath dominion over them/ that is to say, are not content only to govern their subjects, but also laboureth violently to be lords of them/ that is by power coactyve, if they must needs/ but among you, which are my disciples there shall be no such things/ for as carnal things/ are put in necessity or compulsion and spiritual things in the will: so 
Let men of the church love & not play the lords. Chrysostome  they also which be spiritual that is to say prelate's, their authority or governance aught to stand in love, and not in fear/ and Chrysostome among other things saith these words making for this our purpose/ princes of the world be made therefore, that they should be lords, and have dominion over their inferyours/ and to cast them underseruytude and bondage, and to spoil them (understand thou, if their trespasses or evil deeds shall deserve it) and to use them even to death, to their own profit and glory/ But rulers and governors of the church, that is to wit prelate's, are made therefore that they should serve their inferyours, and mynystre to them, what soever things they have received of Chryste/ and that they should despise their own profit and procure the profit of them/ And that they should not refuse to die for the health and salvation of their inferyours and subjects/ therefore to desire prymacye, or soveraygnetye of the church is neither right neither profitable/ for what wise man will of his accord willingly bind himself to such servitude and such jeopardy, as to give account for the hole church? except peradventure he be such one, which dreadeth not the judgement of god/ abusing his ecclesyasticall prymacye after a 
Ecclesiastical persons aught to be seruauntis & not to be lordis & rulers Iherome.  secular and worldly fashion so that he doth turn it in to secular soveraynetie/ what hath priests than to do with meddling of secular coactyve judgements? for they aught not to be lords temporally: but to be seruauntis/ and to mynystre after the example and precept of Christ/ wherefore saint jerome saith. Finally Christ setteth forth afore his disciples the example of his own self/ that if the apostles would little set by, or regard his words and sayings, yet at the least wise at the sight of his works and deeds, they should be ashamed to be lords and to use dominion temporally/ wherefore Orygen upon this text, and to 
Orygen.  give his life redemption for many. etc. saith in this wise therefore the rulers and governors of the church aught to follow Christ, in that he was not proud or dangerous for to be commed unto, but ready, for who soever would come unto him and in that he spoke to women/ and laid his hands upon children/ and washed the feet of his disciples/ that theyr selues may do likewise to their brethren/ But we are such manner men (saith he meaning by the prelate's of his time) that we seem to exceed and pass even the worldly princes, in pride, other because we do not understand and perceive the commandment of Christ: or else because we do despise and set at naught the same commandment/ and as if we were kings/ we desire and seche for armed hosts to go before us/ and those terrible and dreadful/ For asmuch than, as to do these things, is to despise, or else to be ygnoraunte of the commandment of Christ: first prelate's air to be monysshed and warned hereof/ which thing we shall do by this treatise, showing and declaring, what authority is convenient and according or meet for them/ after this done, if than they shall not regard to amend themselves: they aught to be constrained and compelled thereunto, by the secular & say princes/ lest they might corrupt and infect the manners of men. These things than hitherto rehearsed, hath been said upon Mathewe, but upon Luke: Basilius saith 
Basilius magnus.  in this wise/ But it beseemeth them, which be spiritual rulers, and governors to offer also bodily obsequy and service, after the example of Christ our lord, which washed the feet of his disciples/ Therefore Christ said. The princes of the gentiles: be lords over them/ but you (that is to wit the apostles) shall not be so/ Chryste than, the king of kings, & lord of lords, did not give to them power and authority, to exercise the seculare judgements of princes: neither coactyve power or jurisdiction over any man/ but openly and evidently he forbade it them, when he said/ but you not so. And the same is consequently to be held, of all the successors of all the apostles, bishops or priests/ This is it also, which saint Bernarde said openly to Eugenius, in the second book of consideration, the fourth chapytre/ treating upon those words of chryst afore rehearsed/ the king and princes of the gentiles. etc. for among other, these are the words of Bernarde, that which the apostle Petre had, that same he gave/ 
Bernard.  that is to wit, busy care, and diligent overseeing of the congregations/ did he give domination, or lordship? hearken what he saith/ Not having (saith he) dominion or lordship over the clargye, but being made the example of the flock/ And lest thou might ween or suppose that this was spoken only of humylytie and lowliness, and not to be exequyted in very truth, the saying of our lord in the gospel is, the kings and princes of the gentiles have dominion and lordship over them, and they which have power over them, are called well-doers or benefycyall/ & he infereth or concludeth/ but you not so. It is plain, the dominion is forbidden the apostles/ so that they may not be lords. Darest thou then other being a lord usurp the offyce of an apostledor being an apostolic person, usurp dominion or lordshyps'? forsooth thou art plainly phybyted from both/ if thou art willing to have both of them together thou shalt loose both/ or else think not thyself to be excepted from the number of them, of whom god complained in this wise. They have reigned and not by me/ they have been princes and rulers and I knew them not. Thus than by the veryties or treve texts of the gospel which we have brought in and alleged/ and by the interpretations or declarations of the same texts, made by saints and other approved doctors It aught to appear evidently to all men, that Christ did exclude, or was willing to exclude himself, aswell by his deeds, as by his words, from all soveraynte or governance, and judgement coactyve, or worldly power, and authority/ and that he would himself be subject, and underneath the coactyve jurisdiction of seculare governors, princes or other high powers.   

¶ Of the canonycall oracles, or texts of the apostles, and the expositions of saints, and holy doctors: by which the same thing is openly proved which was proved by the chapytre last afore go.  
The, five, chapiter,  
How there rests & remaineth behind, to show that this same was also the sentence and doctrine of the cheyfe apostles of chryst And first of Paul, which in the second chapytre of the second epistle to Tymothe admonyssheth and advertyseth the same Timothe whom he had ordained and made bishop or priest that he should not wrap himself in worldly business/ for these are his words/ let no man that warreth to god: entangle himself with worldly business/ where the gloze after Ambrose mind saith/ that no man, that warreth to god in spiritual things (which god can not be parted or divided to two contrary servants, 
Ambrose.  even likewise as no man can do service to two masters or lords) entangeleth himself in any manner worldly businesses. And he saith in any manner businesses, excepting none at all/ for asmuch then as dominion or judgement coactyve of contentious and debatefull acts or deades, is the most secular and worldly of all business (for that it doth order and rule all secular business, or all secular cyvyle acts of men, as it hath been showed in the. xv. chapiter of the first diction) the apostle commandeth it principally, & most of all to be eschewed of him, which aught to be the souldyour or servant to god, in mynystringe spiritual things, so as every manner bishop or priest aught to be/ And that this which we have rehearsed, was the very meaning and mind of the apostle it is openly and evidently declared by the text, which is read in the sixth chapytre of the first epistle to the Corynthyans'/ where he said in this wise. Therefore if you have secular judgements, ordain you or make you them judges, 
This text is but even nakedly alleged of the author.  which are contemptyble and of lest reputation in the church/ for there the apostle speak unto all faithful or chrysten men, and to the church in his most proper and last signification/ which said text of the apostle, the gloze expoundeth thus, according to the mind of Ambrose and Augustyne/ Contemptyble 
Ambrose. Augustyne.  persons, that is to wit, some wise men, but yet which be of less merit, than the priests and teachers of the gospel/ ordain them to be judges/ and the cause is showed, why the mynystres of the gospel, should not be made judges in such matyers'/ For the apostles going about from place to place: had not leisure or space, to give their mind to such business/ than his will was, that wise and holy chrysten men, which rested & were abiding in places, and not they which can about hither and thither, from place to place, for to spread abroad the gospel should be the examyners and judges of such business/ And an other cause hereof, the gloze assygneth according to the mind of Gregory in his moralles/ and that very well (in my judgement) according to the mind and intention of the apostle/ for why (saith Gregory) aught contemptyble persons, and not bishops 
Gregorius.  or priests, be ordained & set to exercise secular offices? doubtless to the end that such should examine earthly and worldly causes, which have got the wisdom or knowledge of exteryor and outward things/ that is to wit, of secular or cyvyle acts or works/ But they that are enriched with spiritual gifts aught not to be entangled or encumbered with earthly matyers or business/ that whiles they are not compelled to dispose and order the inferyoure goods of the world, they may be able to do service to the superior or spiritual good things, lo than this is most evidently the mind of the apostle, and of the holy exposytours, which we have said of the offyce, that was utterly forbidden to priests by the apostle Paul/ which thing also saint Bernarde expressing to 
Bernardus.  Eugenius, in the. u chapytre of the first book De consideratione: saith in this wise, dyrecting his speech to the bishops of Rome and of other places/ Therefore your power and authority (saith he) is in crimes or sins, not in possessions. For it was for sins, and not for possessions, that the keys of the kingdom of heavens was given to you/ that you might exclude transgressors or sinners, not possessors/ that you may know (saith he) that the son of man hath power and anctorytie to forgive sins/ And afterwards he saith/ whether of these two seemeth to the greater dygnytie and power to forgive sins, or else to divide and part lands & lordships? These inferior and vile earthly things have their judges, the kings, and princes of the earth/ why do you invade the bonds of other men, usurping that which belongeth to them? Thus than it followeth, that it belongeth not to the offyce of a bishop or priests to judge by coactyve judgement, contencyous carnal acts or temporal things/ but rather the bishops or priests meddling with such business invade other man's bounds/ that is to say trouble the offyce of an other man, & stretch forth their sith in to an other man's corn, after the mind of Bernarde/ Therefore the apostle would, that they should judge by coactyve judgement which are not ordained to be mynystres of the gospel and which have gotten the knowledge of exteryoure or outward things/ that is to wit, of cyvyle acts or deades/ for as much than, as no man that trespaseth, is exempt from such manner judgement it appeareth, that aswell priests, as those that been no priests: be subject and underneath the coactyve judgement of princes and lay governors/ & here it is diligently to be marked and taken heed of, that the apostle in writing generally to the chrysten men of Corynthe, as it appeareth by the salutation, and also in that he putteth contemptyble people in the church, that is to wit, secular people after the mind of the gloze, doth not say I myself ordain or set contemptyble people, neither yet any other such man judgeth the secular or worldly matyers, which you shall have for me or by my authority/ Neither he left behind him any man there in his stead, to judge matyers or to constytute or ordain such manner judges/ which thing for all that he would have done, or ought to have done, if this thing had be appertaining to his offyce and authority, aswell as he did of priests and bishops/ for he did instytute and ordain them, in the places where chrysten congregations were/ and commanded them, or else committed it to them, to make institution of other bishops and priests/ as it is evident in the third chapytre of the first epistle to Tymothe, and in the first chapytre of the epistle to Titus/ for thus he said to Titus for this cause I have left y● in Crete land, that thou shouldest correct those things, which are lacking or wanting/ that is to wit, offences & sins in them which trespase/ & that thou shouldest put to that which is good/ as the gloze saith/ & that thou shouldest constytute & or deign, or set priests in every city/ neither did he command seculet acts to be judged by bishops or priests: but he did rather forbid it/ wherefore Bernarde 
Bernardus.  in the place afore alleged saith in this wise/ But yet here the apostle what he judgeth or thinketh of such manner persons/ is there in so much (saith he) never one wise man among you, which may judge between his brother and brother? I speak it to make you abashed and ashamed & than it followeth/ Ordain them which are contemptyble persons in the church: to be judges & according than to the mind of the apostle, thou that art an apostolic person, dost unsembly and unconuenyently, to usurp and take unto thyself, a vile offyce, and the degree of contemptyble people/ wherefore the apostle also which was a bishop said thus, instructing an other bishop, that is to wit Timothe/ no man warring to god entangleth himself in secular business/ & the same Bernarde saith 
Bernardus  afterward/ Supposest thou, that these times could suffer & abide it if when men strive and go to law for worldly inheritance, and do require of thee, to give judgement between them/ thou wouldest make answer to them with the words of chryst/ O you men who hath ordained me to be judge over you/ what manner judgement would men forthwith give of thee? what would the uplandysshe and the unlearned man say? Thou knowest not thy prymacye/ thou knowest not 
Bernarde raileth against the spyrytualte.  the high and very magnyfycent see/ thou dost derogate and mynysshe the apostolic dygnytie/ And yet I suppose, they which would say thus: will not show where at any time any of the apostles sat as judges over men, or dyvyders of terms or bounds, or as dystrybuters of lands/ and to be short, I rede that the apostles stood to be judged: but I rede not that they sat as judges/ It shall be seen peradventure, but it hath not been seen/ Is the servant to be judged a mynyssher of his dignity, because he willeth not to be greater, than he which sent him? Or the same, because he doth not go beyond the bounds, which his fathers hath set? The maystre and lord himself said, who hath ordained or made me judge? and shall the servant be thought to have injury or wrong, except he do judge all men? Thus than Bernarde saith, that the successoure of the apostles doth unseemly and unaccordyngly if he usurpeth or taketh unto himself the office of a judge/ And the holy apostle commanded, that all men indyfferently (no man excepted, neither bishop, neither priest or deacon) ought to be under the judgement coactyve of judges or princes and governors secular/ and that such secular governors aught not but to be obeyed, unless they did command any thing to be done directly against the law of the everlasting salvation/ wherefore in the. xiii. chapiter to the Romans: he saith/ Let every soul be subject to the high powers/ for there is no power, but from god and those powers that be: are ordained of god/ Therefore whosoever resisteth the power: resisteth the ordinance of god/ and those which resisteth: doth purchase and get to themself damnation/ for princes or governors are not feared of them that are well doers/ but of them that doth evil/ wilt thou not dread the power? do good and thou shalt obtain praise of him/ for he is a minister, to thee, for good: but if thou shalt do evil: than fear/ for he beareth not the sword without a cause/ for he is the minister of god to punish and to do vengeance on him, that doth evil. Therefore be you subgiectes/ for so you aught of necessity/ not only because of wrath/ but also because of conscience. For because of this, you do pay trybutꝭ. For they are ministers of god serving to this same thing. give you to all men, their duties/ tribute, to whom tribute is due/ rent: to whom rent/ fear: to whom fear/ honour, to whom honour is due to be given. And I was willing also upon these words of the apostle worthy to be noted, to bring in the gloze, after the mind of saints, and catholic Doctors/ because of these things, which the apostle hath said, and the gloze maker/ but our purpose is so openly and evidently showed to be true, that no man being of right mind after he hath seen and read them: aught to doubt any longer. The apostle said every soul excepting none, where the gloze after Augustynes mind first, and otherwiles after the mind of Ambrose, saith thus. And here he provoketh and exhorteth men to humbleness. For certain men thought, that evil Lords and rulers, and namely such as were infidels aught not to have dominion and rule 
Evil rulers are to be obeyed as reverently as good rulers.  over chrysten men. And if they were good and also chrysten: that then they were but peetes and equal to other good and chrysten men. Which pride, also the apostle here putteth away even from the superior part of man/ that is to wit the soul, by it betokening the hole man. For what is it to say/ every soul, but every man? as if he should say. All the foresaid things are to be done/ and though you be so perfit in the body of Chryste/ yet that notwithstanding let 
The soul is put for the man.  every soul be subject/ that is to say, let every man be subject/ which man I do signify therefore by the name of the soul, that you should serve and be obeyssaunte, not only in body, but also in will and mind. Therefore let every soul be so subject and obedient, that is even also in will/ he do serve the secular powers, both good and evil/ that is to wit kings and princes/ or governors/ high capitains/ under capitains/ & such other. Lo than, what the apostle understood and meaned by the higher powers/ nothing else: but secular princes & governors. Than it followeth in the gloze/ for if he be a good man, which is ruler, and governor over the/ he is thy nouryssher/ if he be an evil man, he is a temptoure to prove and assay the. Both receive and take nourysshementes or cherysshynges glad and with good will. And in thy temptation be thou approved. Be thou therefore gold, and mark and take heed, that this world is as it were the fornayce of the gold fyner. So than let every soul be subject to the higher powers/ that is to wit, in this that they are high/ that is in worldly thyngs. Or else in this word higher is signyfyed the cause wherefore they aught to be obeyed/ that is because they are higher by the ordinance of god.  
¶ For there is no power but of god/ he proveth, that they ought to be subjects & obeyssaunte, this manner way, because all power is of god/ but those things, which be of god/ are ordained of god/ than it followeth, that power and authority is ordained of god/ that is to say, who soever hath power or authority, hath the ordinance of god. Therefore who soever resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of god. And this is it that he saith, as if he ought therefore to be subject because there is neither any good man, neither evil, that hath any power except it be given unto him of god/ wherefore our Lord said to pilate/ Thou shouldest not have power over me/ if it were not given to the from above/ which 
Bernardus.  thing Bernarde also repeating to the archbishop of Senon saith. There was no man more seculare: than pilate, afore whom our lord stood to be judged/ yet he said/ thou shouldest not have any power over me: if it were not given to the from above. At that time Chryst spoke for himself, and had experience of that thing in himself/ which thing after he caused to be published and proclaimed throughout all the churches, by his apostles, that is to wit, that there is no power but of god/ and that who soever resisteth the power: resisteth the ordinance of god. And within a little after in the same place Bernarde saith Chryste 
Bernardus.  granteth and confesseth, that the power and authority of the emperors deputy in Rome, even over his own self was ordained from above. And it followeth in the gloze/ but those that be, are ordained of god/ that is to say are resonablye disposed and ordained of god. Therefore who soever other by violence, or by discord or gyle resisteth the power/ that is to wit the man having power in those things which belong to the power: as in tribute/ and such other things: he resisteth the ordination of god/ that is to say, he resisteth him, that hath power by the ordination of god/ and therefore he doth not according to the ordination of god. Of the good power: it is evident, that god hath made him ruler reasonably and not without good cause/ And of the evil power, it may also appear, that he is made ruler reasonably/ whiles both good men are purged by him: and evil men are condemned, & himself is cast down headlong worse and worse. And mark & take heed, that sometime by this word power is understand the 
Of this word power.  power itself or authority which is given of god/ sometime by the same word: is understand the man self that hath the power/ which. two. Significations/ let the diligent reader mark the one of them from the other/ he that resisteth the power resisteth the ordination of god/ And this is so grievous an offence, that who soever resisteth the power: they do purchase and get to themselves everlasting 
Mark this well I council you.  damnation. And therefore no man ought to resist/ but to be subject and obeysaunte to him. But yet if he command thee, to do that thing, which thou ought not to do by the law of god: here truly thou mayst not execute his commandment fearing the greater power/ that is to wit god/ mark, and take heed of the degrees of worldly things/ if the Emperor of Rome shall bid or command any thing to his subjects it is to be done, albeit he do command contrary to the proconsul? Again if the proconsul/ which is the emperors subject and office under him biddeth, one thing, and the Emperor commandeth an other thing: is it any doubt, but that despising the proconsul's commandeth the subject: aught to obey the Emperor or principal capitain? Therefore if the Emperor command one thing, & god doth command an other thing, the subject aught to obey god, before the emperor. But yet saint Augustyne said not, if the Emperor do command one thing, and the Pope or bishop do command an other thing/ which thing he aught to have said, if the pope had been superior to the emperor, in degree of jurisdiction/ but yet saint Augustyne would, that if the emperor hath commanded, any thing to be due against the law of everlasting health, which is immedyate commandment of god/ in this the emperor aught not to be obeyed/ in which case, the pope commanding according to this law/ that is to wit the law of god/ is rather to be obeyed than the emperors commanding, any thing to be done, which is contrary to the law of god. But if the pope commandeth any thing according to his decretals 
That we are bound to do as the Decretals commandeth.  in that they are but his own decrees, he is nothing to be obeyed, against the commandment of the Emperor, or his laws/ and that appeareth openly and evidently here, and shall be more largely declared in the. ix. chapiter of this diction. Than it followeth in the gloze/ They that resist worthily purchase or gettedampnacyon. For governors good or evil, are not the fear of good works/ but of evil/ that is to say, not the fearing of them which work well: but to the fear of them which work evil. For if he be a good prince or governor, he doth not punish him that worketh well, but loveth him. And if he be an evil prince: he doth not hurt the good man, but trieth and purgeth him/ But the evil man aught to fear/ for princes and governors are ordained to punish vices or evil deades. He calleth them princes or governors/ which are created and made, to correct and amend the life of men/ and to keep away adversytie/ having the Image or likeness of god, that all other might be under one. But to you as evil doers they are fearful/ But wilt thou not fear the power, what soever man he be: other good or evil? Do good and work thou well And than thou haste no cause, wherefore thou need to fear ordrede/ but thou shalt rather have praise of the same power: although he be evil/ whiles thou haste a cause of greater crown and reward/ But if he be a rightwise power or office: thou shalt have praise of him, whiles he shall himself laud and commendethe/ if 
The power is profitable whether it be good or evil.  he be unryghtwyse yet shalt thou have praise of him/ not in that he him self shall praise thee: but in that he shall give occasion, that thou shalt be praised of other men/ and so shalt thou truly have praise by him. For he is the minister of god to the/ for good, that is to say, doing good to thee, whether he be good or evil. For he is given to the of god, for thy good and profit/ that is to wit to desende the and thine/ for it is manifest and evident or open, that rulers or governors, are therefore given of god that no hutte should be done to good men. But if thou do evil: than fear thou/ for he beareth the sword, that is to say the power and authority to judge: not without cause, but to punish evil doers. And this he showeth when he saith afterwards/ for he is the minister of god, that is to say he punyssheth, and taketh vengeance in the room or stead of god/ He I say being a punyssher or avenger, for the wrath of god/ that is to say, for to avenge the displeasure of god/ or else for the wrath of god to be showed/ that is to say, to show the vengeance of god, that is to come/ for this punishment done by the governor showeth that they which continue in sins shall be more sore & grievously punished, I say that he is a venger or punyssher also to him that is to say to the hurt and correction of him: that doth evil/ and that because he is the mynystre of god. And therefore, be you subject to him, as of necessity/ or else be you subjects to necessity/ that is to say, to the necessary ordination of god/ And that not only for fear, that the wrath of the governor, or else of god, shall be avenged: but also because of conscience/ that is to wit, that your mind may be clean, by loving him that is made ruler by god/ that is to say, him: which hath such rule and authority, by the ordination of god. For albeit that all Chrysten men, that they are chrysten, are one in Chryste, in the faith of whom, there is no difference, whether they be jews, or Greeks, Lords, or servants, and such other things: yet that notwithstanding, there is difference between them, in the mortal or worldly conversation. And the apostles commandeth, the order of the conversation to be kept, in the journey of this present life. For there are some things, which we do keep in unity of the faith without any difference. And there are other some things, which we do keep in the order of this life: as is the way, jest the name of the lord, and his doctrine, might be blasphemed. And therefore also you do give trybutes/ This is the probation of subjection/ wherefore you aught to be subject, because therefore/ that is to say, to show your subjection/ you do give trybutes/ which is a sign or token of subjection/ he doth not say you do pay trybutes/ but you do give or lend, as to them which shall pay you again/ for they do render or pay it to you again, in that they do defend you/ & when they fight for the country. And whiles they do judgementꝭ/ you do lend trybutes. You (I say) serving god in this thing, do verily serve him highly in that you do give trybutꝭ to them/ for they are the ministers of god/ & they are ordained for this intent: that good men should be praised, & evil men punished. Or this it may be understand, wherefore you aught to give trybutes: for they are the ministers of god/ they (I say) serving you: whiles they do defend the country/ for this same thing, that is to wit, for tribute they do serve you in defending of the country/ and because they are the ministers of god. So than by this text of the Apostle, and by the expositions of saints, here afore brought in: who soever is not willing/ that the name, and the doctrine of the lord, should be blasphemed, as unjust, & preaching against the Cyvyle laws: (as the gloze of Augustyne said here in this place, & in the sext chapiter of the first epistle to Tymothe) he aught to hold without any manner doubting 
That all men ought to be subject to princes and governors.  that all manner men, of what soever estate or condition they be, both really & personally, aught to be underneath the jurisdiction of secular princes & governors and to obey the same in all those things, which are not contrary to the law of everlasting health/ namely according to the human laws, or approved laudable, & honest customs/ for of these speaketh the apostle openly & plainly: when he said. Let every soul be subject, & that without cause they do not bear a sword, with such other things, which he hath spoken of them/ as well of the defending of the country, as of giving trybutes to them, after the expositions of saints. But the apostle never said such words, any where/ of any bishop or priest. For the lords, to whom we are bound to obey in coactyve jurisdiction are they, which by power and might of arms aught to defend the country, which thing, in no wise is seemly or agreeing for a bishop or priest. Wherefore saint Ambrose to Valentian in the second epistle, which is entituled to the people, 
Ambrose.  saith in this wise. I shall be able to sorrow, I shall be able to weep/ I shall be able to sigh & mourn/ against armour & weapons, against souldyoures/ & the goths/ my armour or weapons are tears/ for such are the munymentꝭ, defence or armour of a priest/ otherwise I neither aught, neither may resist/ again such lords to whom we are bound so to obey might be infidels or myscreantes (as the gloze saith about the beginning) but bishops neither are, neither may be such manner men. And therefore it is open and evident to all men, that the apostle spoke not of priests or bishops: but of kings, princes & governors/ as saint Augustyne said. From this subjection also the apostle excepteth no man/ when he said, every soul. If than it be so, that they which resist such powers, yea being infidels, & evyllmen, do purchase to themselves eternal damnation/ how moche more do they purchase to themselves the indignation & wrath of almighty god/ & of his apostle Paul, & also of Peter/ which despising this doctrine of god & these apostles/ have of late troubled, & continually do trouble Chrysten kings & princes/ & most of all, & without any manner excuse, the Emperor of Rome. For princes and governors are the ministers of god, as the apostle said. And he said not they are our ministers, or the ministers of Peter, or of any other apostle. And therefore they are not subjects in judgement coactyve, to any bishop or priest, but rather contrary wise, the bishops & preestis at subjects to them/ which thing also the gloze after saint Augustynes mind declared, when it said/ Than if the emperor commandeth one thing, & god commandeth the contrary. etc. naming there no bishop, or archbishop, or patryarche, in such iurysdyctions which thing, yet he would have done, or aught to have done, if Chryste which 
Babbling & lying Decretals.  is the king of kings, and lord of lords, had granted such power and authority to him over the Emperor, as they do babble & lie in their Decretals: which according to truth, & in very deed are nothing else, but certain ordynauncꝭ & Constytutions, or Decrees/ appertaining to the Establysshement of their own governance, 
the decretals.  rule or dominion, being but a few persons in number/ to the which ordynations, in that they are but of their own brains, chrysten men are not bound in any thing to obey/ as it hath been showed & proved of the. twelve. chapiter of the first dyction, & as it shall appear more espcially in those thigꝭ, which hereafter shall follow. ¶ Yet of these things afore go, we will not say but the reverence and obedience is due to be given to such Ecclesiastycall or spiritual teacher or pastor, in those things which he commandeth or teacheth to be observed & kept, according to the law of the gospel, but not otherwise, or to the contrary/ as it appeareth sufficiently in the. xxiii. of Mathewe, & by the exposition of saint jerome in the 
prestis are to be obeyed in those things which are according to the gospel.  same place. Howbeit, yet he neither aught, neither may compel any man to the observing of such things, in this world, by any pain or punishment Real or personal/ for we do not rede, that any such power of punysshing, & using dominion, over any man in this world: is granted to them/ but rather forbidden them by counsel or commandment/ as it appeareth evidently of this chapytre, and of the last aforegone. For such power in this world, is given by the laws or by the human law maker/ which although it were given to a bishop, or priest? to compel men in those things which appertain to god's law it should be unprofitable. For to them that should be compelled, no such thing should avail, or do good, to everlasting health & salvation/ And this was plainly the mind of the apostle, in the first chapytre of the second epistle to the Corynthyans', when he said. And I do call upon god to witness, that I sparing you have not comen yet to Corynthe/ not because we are lords over your faith/ but we are helpers of your joy/ for you do stand & continue in faith. Where the gloze after Ambrose mind saith I call god to witness/ not only against any body/ but 
Ambrose.  also against my soul/ if I do lie in that thing whereof I speak. That I have not comen to Corinthe again, sins I departed from you/ and I have done this sparing you/ that is to wit, jest I should have made many of you sad & sorrowful by sharp rebuking of many of you/ in which thing he spared them jest he being very sharp: they might be turned in to sedition. Therefore he willeth them to be first mytigated, afore his coming. And therefore it was not long of inconstancy & lightness, or else of any carnal consideration, that he did not fulfil those things, which he had purposed. For a spyritualman doth not fulfil his purpose, than when he hath devised any thing more provydently appertaining to health & salvation And jest they might be angry, as if he had spoken of dominion: because he had said, it was for sparing of you, that I have not come: he says afterwardis/ I do not therefore say sparing you, because I have any dominion over your faith/ that is to say because your faith doth suffer any dominion or compulsion, which is a thing free & not of necessity: but I say it therefore, because we are helpers, if you work with us/ of yourioy eternal, or else of the joy of your amendment: for they which are amended: doth joy & are glad. I said very well over your faith/ for by faith, which worketh through love/ you do stand, not by dominion. This same sentence & meanig did saint Iohn Chrisostome gather of the afore rehearsed words of the apostle 
Chrisostomus.  & hath expressed it to all men evidently, in his book of Dialoges/ which is entytled the Dignity of presthod, in the. three chap. of the. two. book/ for thereafter he hath brought in that saying of the apostle, not because we are lordis over you ● faith but we are helꝑs etc. he says thus. They which are outward judges/ that is to wit, secular iudgis, when they have subdued evil persons/ they do show very moche power & authority upon them/ & whether they wylor not will they restrain them, & keep them spite of their teeth, from their old lewd & ungracious manners/ but in the church: no man by compulsyon (but well contented, and condescending) aught to be converted to better manners and conversation/ for neither there is any such power given to us by the laws, that by the auctorytye of sentence or judgement, we may restrain and withhold men from sins. And here Chrysostome speaketh in the person of all priests/ assygning the first cause now rehearsed, wherefore they 
There is not your authority given priests to be judges.  aught to compel no man/ because they have not coactyve auctorytye or jurisdiction of any man, in this world/ for asmuch as it was not given by the laws, or law makers, at those times/ or in those places or provinces. Than afterwards he assigned and showeth an other cause, saying/ neither if such power and authority were given: we preestes or bishops should have, whereon we might exercise such manner power & authority/ saying that our god/ that is to wit Chryste/ shall reward, not such as be brought away from sin, by necessity, that is to say by violence or compulsyon but such as abstain from sin, of their own towardness. And yet will we not by these things say that it is unconuenyent, that heretics, or otherwise infidels or mysbelevers, should be punished/ but this authority to punish such persons, belongeth only to the human law maker. Than coactyve power or jurisdiction, doth not agreed or belong to any bishop or priest/ but as well they as other ought to be under the seculare judges, in this power/ as it hath been said/ wherefore again the apostle said, in the second chapytre of the first epistle to Tymothe. Therefore first I beseech, that obsecrations, prayers, requests, and giving of thanks, be made for all men/ for kings, & all men which are in high authority/ that we may lede a quiet and a peaceable life. Wherefore the gloze saith, Paul dyrecting these words to Tymothe in him, teacheth and showeth a form and manner to all the whole church. And afterwards, after the mind of saint Augustyne, it followeth in the same gloze upon these words for all men/ that is to say, for men of all sorts/ and especially, and most of all for kings, although they be evil/ and for all which are set in high authority, as dukis, earls, although they be evil men. And yet among 
Augustinus.  all those, that are set in high authority, or in such iudycyarie power, neither the apostle, neither Augustyne, maketh any where mention, of bishop or priest but only of seculare princes. But wherefore the apostle willeth (saith Augustyne) prayers to be made for kings, and those which are in high authority, yea although they be evil men, he showeth the cause, saying immediately after/ For this shall be profitable to us, that we may live a quiet life, from persecution And a peaceable, that is to say, without any dysquyetnes or trouble. Lo here is testimony and witness of that thing, which we said in the last chapytre of the first diction/ that is to wit: that the cause effective and also conservative of tranquylytie and peace: is the dew actyon or operation of the sovereign or chief governor, being not letted. Than Augustyne putteth by and by after a thing, which is greatly to the purpose saying. Therefore, the apostle admonysshed & counseyled the church to pray for kings and all people set in high authority, being inspired with the same holy ghost, wherewith. jeremye the prophet also was inspired/ which sent an epistle or letter to the jews that were in Babylon: that they should pray for the life of king Nabugodonozor/ & his sons & for the peace of the city, saying for the peace of them, shall be your peace. By this fyguratyvely he signified, that the church militant in earth, in all the sayntis belonging to her, the which at the Cytyzens by adoption, of the heavenly Iherusalem: should be servant, & subject, under the kings and governors of this world. And therefore the apostle monyssheth the church, to pray for them: that they might lede a quiet & peaceable life. Loo here undoubtedly, that the sentence & mind of the apostle and of Augustyne, is that the church, or else all true Chrystyans, ought to be underneath the secular princes or governors/ namely the chrysten governors, and to obey the commandments of them/ which be not contrary to the law of everlasting health. But if the apostle had understand or meaned, that byssops or priests aught to be sovereigns and princes/ and to judge men really or personally by coactyve judgement/ in the state, and for the state of this present life, he would have said to Timothe, whom he had ordained and made bishop/ I be seche the that obsecrations etc. be made for all kings and bishops which are in high authority. Moreover in the third chapytre to Titus, the apostle said admonysshe and warn them, to whom thou preachest: to be subjects & obeysaunte to princes and powers/ the apostle said not, admonysshe the seculare people only/ neither he said, Admonysshe them, to be subjects to us and princes/ for the Apostle knew right well, that neither he, neither other bishops or priests aught to be princes, or to judge other men, by lytygyouse judgement or judgement of seculare acts or deades/ yea & moreover he had revoked and called them back from all manner seculare business/ not only from lordshype or soveraygntye, and judgement of seculare matyers/ when he said in the second chapiter of the second epistle, to Tymothe/ no man warring to god entangleth himself with seculare business/ wherefore Ambrose saith admonysshe and warn thou. etc. As if he had said/ albeit that thou haste spiritual Empire and rule/ that is to wit to command them in spiritual things: yet that notwithstanding, warn them to be subjects, and obeysaunt to princes/ that is, to kings, dukes, and to less or inferior powers and officers/ for the Christian religion depryveth no man of his right/ which thing saint Ambrose saith so moche, because the apostles will & mind, and also his doctrine was, that also Chrysten men should be subjects and obeysaunte to their Lords or masters, and also to princes and governors, although they be infidels and no Chrysten men/ as he saith himself in the last chapytre of the first epistle to Timothe, in the beginning/ who soever are bond men under yoke. etc. where the gloze after saint Augustynes mind, saith thus. It is to be known, that certain men had preached, that liberty was common to all men in Chryste/ which is verylye true concerning spiritual liberty, but not as touching carnal liberty, so as they understood it/ Therefore the apostle speaketh here against them, bidding the bond men to be subjects and obedient to their lords and masters/ therefore let not the Chrysten bond men require that, which is said of the Hebrews/ that is to serve syxe years, and than for naught to be made free/ for that is mystycall/ And wherefore the apostle doth command this: he showeth by and by after saying/ jest both the name of the lord might be blasphemed, as of one, which did invade and usurp things be longing to other men. And also the Chrystyan doctrine, as being unjust & preaching against the laws Cyvyle. How then or by what means, & with 
To absolve the subject from the bond and oath of his allegiance, is manifest heresy.  what conscience toward god, will any priest, who soever he be: absolve subjects from the oath, by which they are bound to their christian lords and sovereigns? for this is an open heresy, as it shall appear more largely hereafter. The postle than said, admonysshe them, to be subjects and obeysaunt to sovereigns and governors/ he did not say admonysshe say men only/ but he said admysshe them indyfferently/ For after his mind: every soul is subject to them in coactyve or contencyous judgement/ and if it be not so/ then tell thou me, In what thing he meaned, that every soul should be subject to the po●oers. etc. For if every soul had ought to be subject to Timotheus, and Titus, In such manner judgement he should in vain have said admonysshe them. etc.  
Again, if his mind and will was that certain men should be admonysshed, to be subjects to secular princes, or governors, and certain not, than should he have spoken insuffycyentlye, in that he did make no such difference in his speaking/ which difference without doubt, no man shall find made any where in all Paul's epistles/ but rather always the contrary for he said/ let every soul be subject. etc. in which saying, the apostle should have spoken unaccordyngely and also falsely (which god forbid that any man should say) if any manner people had been exempted from subiectyon, to such secular princes. This also conformably was the sentence and doctrine of blessed Peter in the second chapytre of his first Canonycall epistle, when he said. Be you subjects to every human creatures, for god. By every human creature, understand thou, every man being constytute & set in high power or governance. For that he meaned of such men/ it appeareth by the examples, which he brought in, immediately following, when he said/ whether it be to king, as being the most excellent, or to dukes being sent by the king, to the punishment of malefactors, but to the praise of good men/ for so it is the will of god/ I have not brought in here, the gloss of saints upon this place. For what soever they do say here it is contained in the gloze, which we have brought in heretofore, upon the words of the apostle in the. xiii. chapiter to the Romans/ Behold than, that both saint Peter, and also saint Paul, conformably and agreeably the one to the other/ do say, that kings and dukes are sent by god, to the punysshing of malefactors, that is to wit to take vengeance upon them, by coactyve power in this world/ but neither they themselves, neither the holy exposytoures of their sayings/ ever said in any place, that bishops or preestis are sent to do the same But rather always the contrary, as it hath evidently appeared cheyfly by the word of Chrysostome afore alleged/ for as much than, as priests may be malefactors, even aswell as they which are not priests, concerning all kinds & sorts of transgressyons, or trespasses, named and reckoned up in the second chapytre of this diction, It followeth necessarily, that they also aught to be underneath the coactyve judgement of kings, dukes, or other secular governors. And Peter saith, that you do obey them (saith he) is the will of god. This same thing, again is confirmed by the saying, and also by the manifest example of saint Paul the apostle, for it is read of him, in the. twenty-five. chapiter of the Acts 
That saint Paul was subject to Cesar.  that he refusing the coactyve judgement of priests/ said openly, I appeal to Cesar, and again he said I stand in the court of Cesar the emperor, where I aught to be judged. The gloze interlineare saith, because here is the place of iudment. Then Paul refusing the judgement of priests knowledged and confessessed him to be subject to the coactyve iurisdyction of Cesar. But is it to be supposed, that the apostle spoke these words feignedly when he said. There I aught to be judged/ that is to wit, in Caesar's court? which had choose than, and determined in his mind, to die for the truth as it appeareth in the xxi. chapiter of the Acts? when he said/ I am ready not only to be bound/ but also to die in jerusalem, for the name of the lord Ihesu Christ/ for who is so mad to judge that the apostle, for cause of prolonging of his own life, would by his words have committed so great a crime and offence, as to make all priests subjects to the jurisdiction of secular governors, by his doctrine & example, wrongfully, and otherwise than he aught to have done, if he had reputed this thing to be undue & vnconuenyent? for it had been better for him, not to have go up to jerusalem saying that no man compelled him thereto, than to go up thither, & to make a lie both against himself, & also against his neighbour. & therefore for asmuch, as it is unlawful and great sin, to have any such opinion of Paul, it appeareth evidently, that Paul thought even the same in his mind, which he uttered forth with his mouth/ and in this thing he did follow him whom he would not be superyoure unto, that is to wit Christ, which not only knowledged Cesar to be his worldly judge: but also pilate the deputy of Cesar, when he said in the. nineteeen. chapiter of Iohn/ Thou shouldest not have any power against me/ if it were not given to the from above. etc. that is to say, except it were given to thee, by the ordination of god above as saint Augustyne said afore, in the. xiii. chapiter to the Romans/ because there is no power neither to any good man, neither yet to evil man: but it is given of god/ which thing also Bernarde did more largely declare, to the archbishop of Senon/ & it was brought in before in the. iiii. part of this chapytre/ saying then, that to no bishop, any jurisdiction or coactyve power over any man, is granted by the law of god, but rather such power is forbidden to them by counsel or precept, as it hath been evidently and openly showed in this chapytre and in the next before go, Neither also such power is agreeing or appertaining to bishops or priests, in that they be bishops or priests, by inheritance, or succession of their fathers: it followeth necessarily, that in such power or jurisdiction: they be subjects 
That preestis be subjects to secular princes or governors.  to the secular princes or governors/ as it hath evidently/ appeared by the sayings of saint Peter, and saint Paul apostles, and of other holy doctors/ and by reason or demonstrative syllogysme, it may be proved of those things which have been said in the. xv. and the. xvii. chapytres of the first diction, that neither bishop, ne Pope, have any coactyve jurisdiction in this world, neither upon any priest, neither upon any other person being no priest, unless such jurisdiction be granted to him by the human power/ In whose power it is always, to revoke and call again the same authority from them, for any reasonable cause chaunsing/ The full determination whereof, is known also to belong and appertain to the same power/ Thus then, that Christ himself refused and did forsake dominion or coactyve jurisdiction of any man, who soever he were, in this world: and that he hath forbidden the same to his apostles, and to their successors priests or bishops, by his counsel or precept, and that his will and mind was, both himself, and the said apostles to be subjects to the coactyve jurisdiction of secular princes or governors/ and that he taught the same to be observed/ and also that his cheyfe apostles Peter and Paul taught the same, both by their words or speech, and also by the example of their works and deeds/ I suppose we have evidently showed by the eternal testymonyes of evangelical verytes or texts, and also by the interpretations or expositions of saints, and of other approved doctors of the chrysten believe and faith.   

¶ Of the auctorytye and power of the keys, given to priests/ and what manner of power, the priest or bishop hath, in excommunycating of any person.  
The, uj, chapytre,  
How it remaineth consequently to show, what manner of power, or authority, and what manner of judgement over chrysten men: Christ was willing or minded to give, or else did give in very deed: to the same apostles, and to the successors of them, by the virtue and strength of the words of holy scripture/ and among all other words: those words seemeth to give most express signification & knowledge hereof: which Christ spoke to Peter in the. xuj. chapiter of Mathewe/ To the I will give the keys of the kingdom of heavens/ and also the words semblably spoken by the same chryst, to all the apostles/ in the xviii. chapiter of Mathewe/ and in the. xx. of Iohn/ when he said/ what soever things you shall bind upon the earth: they shall be bound also in heaven/ and whose sins you shall forgive: they are forgiven them etc. For of these words pryncipally & cheyfely, the opinion and title of the fullness of power, which title the bishop of Rome ascribeth to himself, to have taken their beginning.  
¶ Of the which words, that we may have more certainly the sense and knowledge: we must call to remembrance certain things, which we said in the last chapytre of the first diction/ which things are these/ That Christ very god, and very man, came in to this world, to bear testimony and witness to the truth (as he said himself in the xviii. of Iohn) I say to the truth, of things to be believed, of things to be done, and of things to be despised of mankind, for the obtaining of everlasting life/ which truth, verily he taught by his preaching and showed by his example/ and last of all gave in writing, by the sayings of the evangelists, and of his apostles/ that by the scripture or writing: we might be directed and guided, in the absence of him, and of his apostles, in those things: which appertain to everlasting health/ And this was the offyce, which he committed to his successors the apstles, to be exercised of them/ when he said to them after his resurrection, & in a manner last of all/ that text in the xxviii. and the last chapytre of Mathewe/ God you therefore 
The offyce of priests.  and teach all nations, baptysing them in the name of the father, and the son, and the holy ghost/ teaching them to keep all things: what soever I have commanded you/ But by the ministration of baptysme, which Christ commanded to be admynystred by the apostles: he caused them to understand, also the administration of other sacraments, which he hath instytuted and ordained, for the everlasting health of mankind/ of the which: the sacrament of penance is 
Penance  one/ by which sacrament, the actual sin of man's soul, both mortal & venyall: is put away/ and in it, the grace, love, and favour of god/ which was corrupted in us by the reason of sin: is reform and renewed/ without the which grace love & favour/ all the works of man (because god so hath ordained) should not be merytoryous, to the obtaining of everlasting life/ wherefore it is said in the. vi. chapiter to the Romans/ By the grace of god cometh everlasting life/ therefore priests are the mynystres of this sacrament of penance, even like wise they are of other sacraments/ because they be the successors of the apostles of Christ/ to all whom, in it is proved by the aforesaid texts of scripture, the power of the keys, or of ministering the sacrament of penance, to have been given, in the person of Peter/ that is to say, power to bind or loose men from sins/ for both these are all one thing/ wherefore saint Iherome upon these words 
Iherome.  of the. xuj. chapiter of Mathewe, and to the I will give the keys. etc. saith thus/ The other apostles verily have the same iudicyary power and authority/ to whom he said after his resurrection/ Take or receive you the holy ghost/ whose sins you shall forgive: they shall be forgiven them/ And whose sins you shall retain: they shall be retained. etc. All the church also hath the same power in priests and bishops/ but therefore Peter received it specially: that all men should understand, that who soever doth separate and depart himself from the unity of the faith: neither may be assoiled of his sins, neither may enter in to heaven. And note here that saint Hierome said, from the unity of the faith: and not from the unity of Peter or of the bishops of Rome/ for some of them: might be heretics, or otherwise perverse and lewd persons/ And in very deed many of them have been found by experience to be such manner persons in deed. And this judycyary power: is the power or authority of the keys, after the mind of Hierome and Augustyne, in the same place/ for of them: Augustyne 
Hierome. Augustyne. The power of the keys.  saith thus. The keys: are the science or knowledge of discerning, or judging the good from the evil/ and power, whereby he/ that is to wit, the priest: aught to receive them, which be worthy/ & to shytte out the unworthy persons, from the kingdom of heavens. But how, or in what manner, he may receive: and how he may exclude or shytte out from the said kingdom/ it shall hereafter be declared/ and by that, it shall evidently appear: what & how great is the power and authority of these keys which were granted by Chryst, to Peter, and to the other apostles. But yet first of all, we aught to mark and take heed, that in the soul of him that sinneth deadly: is engendered default and blame/ and the grace of god, which was given to him before/ is corrupted and destroyed. By the reason of which default or sin, the sinner is bound to the debt of everlasting damnation. By the which sin so engendered, the sinner is oblyged or bound to the pain of eternal damnation, for the state of the world to come. In which fault or sin if he do/ also resist and continue, he is cut away from/ the company or fellowship of Chrysten men in this world/ by a certain correction among Chrysten men/ called excommunication. And again contrariwise we aught to mark and take heed/ that a sinner by heaviness and sorrow for his sin and by outward confession made to the priest (which both either jointly or sevetally are called penance) getteth three benefits. ¶ The first is that he is cleansed from the inward fault or sin, & the grace of god is renewed in him. 
Penance.  ¶ The second is that he is discharged and loosed from the death of everlasting damnation/ whereunto he was bound by the reason of sin. ¶ And the third is, that he is reconciled to the Church/ that is to say he is reunyte and knit & made atone again, or else ought to be reunyte and made atone again with the congregation of Chrysten people. Therefore to do and work these things in a sinner/ that is to wit to bind or loose from sin, & from the debt of everlasting damnation: (which thing aught to be done partly by the power of the keys granted to the priest as it shall be said hereafter) is to mynystre the sacrament of penance. These things than thus set before? let us come near to our purpose and say after the mind of the Master of the sentences, or rather according to the mind of the holy scripture & of sayntis, by the authority of whom the said Master speaketh in the. iiii. book the xviii. distinction, & also according to the mind of Rycharde in a certain book. Which he made entytled, the power of the keys given to preestis, that to true penance or to receive the sacrament of penance. first of all there is required in the sinner inward contrition or heaviness & sorrow for the sin or trespass committed and done. Secondaryly there is required the purpose and act of confessing his sin by expressing it/ with words of mouth or otherwise giving knowledge thereof to the priest, if he may conveniently come to the priest, or the priest to him/ but in case no priest could be got, than the person so penitent or contrite, hi● is sufficient to have a stead fast purpose to confess and knowledge his sin to the priest assoon as he shall conveniently come to the speech of one/ and therefore consequently the intention and mind of the said master & of Rycharde is/ that in a sinner being truly penitent/ that is to wit being contrite and having purpose to be confessed to the priest: certain things are wrought by god only afore confession, and a fore all manet action or operation of the priest/ and they are these/ expulsion 
what god worketh before confession in a sinner.  or dryving out of sin/ the renewing of grace/ and the forgiving of the debt of everlasting damnation/ & that god alone worketh these aforesaid things the master proveth in the. iiii. book the. xviii. distinction and the. iiii. chapiter by the auctoryties of holy scripture and of saints. first by the authority of the maker of the psalms: which saith in the person of god I alone/ do put away the iniquyties and the sins of people. Again by the authority of Ambrose/ 

That god only forgiveth sins.  
Ambrose.   which saith/ The word of god forgiveth sins, and the priest is judge/ The priest verily doth his offyce: but he exercyseth the right of no power/ yet more over the same Ambrose saith/ He only forgiveth sins which only died for our sins/ Furthermore he proveth it by Augustyne which saith/ Not man taketh away sins, but only Christ which is the lamb that taketh away the 
Augustyne  sins/ of the world/ and that god doth this thing, afore that the priest doth work any manner action belonging to his offyce? the master pueth it by the words of saint Augustyne upon that text of the psalm: Quo● tecta sunt pctan: whose sins are covered/ for of these things (saith the master) it is evidently showed that god himself loseth the penitent from the debt of pain/ And than he do the loose him when he lyghteneth him within, breathing in to him, true contrition and sorrow of heart/ to the which sentence of the master: reason is agreeing and also auctoryties beareth witness/ for no man is now compuncte and sorry for his sin, having his heart contrite and humbled: but only in charity/ but in that he hath charity/ he is worthy of life/ Now no man is worthy both life and death at one time/ wherefore it followeth: that he is not then bound to the debt of everlasting death/ for he hath ceased to be the child of wrath & displeasure, ever sins he began to love, and to be penitent/ Therefore ever sithence that time he hath been loosed from the wrath of god/ which wrath abideth not upon him that believeth and trusteth in jesu Christ: but upon him that believeth & trusteth not/ therefore he is not delivered from the eternal wrath of god afterwards by the priest to whom he confesseth his sins/ for from that wrath he hath been delivered already by the lord ever sithence he said/ Confitebor I will confess me. Thus than it is god alone which cleanseth the man inwardly from the spot of sin/ and which loseth him from the debt of everlasting pain & consequently the master of the sentences repeateth the auctoryties of the psalmist and of the saints afore alleged/ after which words also he making epilogation: saith thus. By these and other testymonyes more it is evidently showed, that god alone by himself doth forgive sins/ & as he forgiveth certain men their sins so doth he retain the sins of certain other/ But yet this notwithstanding 
It is sooner said than proved.  god requireth in the penitent person purpose to confess his sins to the priest also, assoon as he may have oportunytie/ as the master saith in the. iiii. book, the. xvii. distinction and the. iiii. chapiter/ where he moveth this question/ whether it be sufficient to confess our sins only to god/ and he determyneth by the auctoryties of scripture that it is not sufficient/ if a man may conveniently 
Then he wrytheth them.  have a priest/ but if no priest can be gotten than it is sufficient to have confessed our sins to god alone, so that we have always purpose to be confessed to the priest/ if we might conveniently. This was also the mind of Richard in the book aforesaid, agreeable to the mind of the master/ and of the things determined by him in divers chapytres: it is gathered and concluded that god taketh away the sin from the true penitent/ that is to wit, from him that is contrite and sorry for his sin: afore all manner mynysterie of the priest/ and also loseth him and maketh him free from the debt of eternal death/ but yet under a condition: that afterwards assoon as ever he may conveniently: he ought to confess his sin to the priest/ which condition, truly, the master called a steadfast and sure purpose to be confessed to the priest, assoon as he may conveny ently be had. This sentence, the master hath concluded in the same. iiii. book, the xviii. distyntion in the. u and. vi. chapytres'/ making answer besides this, to a reasonable question whereby it might be doubted/ wherefore or to what end the offyce or the working of a priest, is required in penance/ if god alone, afore all manner mynysterye of the priest doth take away the sin/ and loseth from the debt of eternal damnation/ and the master said/ in this so great varyetie and diversity of opinions (for about this thing aswell holy saints as other doctors seemed to dysagre, albeit they do not dysagre, in very truth) that this we may safely both say and think/ and that it is to be held/ that only god forgiveth sins, and retaineth them/ & yet nevertheless he hath given power of binding and losing to the church (that is to wit to priests, which at called the church after one signification of the said word/ as it was showed in the second chapiter of this diction). But it is not after one manner of fashion that he loseth or bindeth. And that the church (that is to wit, the priests) loose or bind/ but he loseth or bindeth after one manner: and they after an other/ For he by himself only doth so forgive the sin, that he doth both make the soul clean from the inward spot: and also loseth from the debt of everlasting death/ but he hath 
How preestis have power to bind and loose  notgraunted this power to the priests/ to whom yet he, hath given power to bind and loose/ that is to say power to show and declare that men are bound or loose/ In which words he hath expressed for what end: the offyce or mynysterye of a priest, is required in penance/ and by and by after declaring the same he said/ wherefore also the lord restored first by himself, the person full of Leprye to his health/ and than afterwards, sent him to the priests/ by whose judgement/ he should be showed and declared made clean. And after the same manner also after that himself had raised Lazarus again to life: he offered him to his disciples, for to be loosed/ for albeit, that some man is loosed afore god: yet is he not accounted or taken for loosed in the face, that is to say, in the knowledge of the church, but by the judgement and declaration of the priest/ In losing therefore or retaining of sins/ the priest of the new law, doth so work and judge/ as the priest of the oldelawe did work & judge, in them which were defiled with lepry which lepry betokeneth sin. This sentence, also he doth repeat & rehearse/ again about the end of the sixth chapter/ & confirmeth it with the authority of saint jerome/ upon that saying of Christ in the. xuj. chapiter of Mathewe/ and to the I shall give the keys of the kingdom of heavens/ where the said jerome saith in this 
jerome. Mark this well.  wise. The priests of the gospel, hath the same authority and offyce: which the legal preestes had under the law, in old time, in healing of persons which were infected with lepry. These therefore priests of the gospel: doth forgive or retain sins, whiles they do pronounce, declare, and show, their sins to be forgiven or retained of god/ wherefore in the book of Leviticus, the lepers are commanded, to show themselves to the priests/ whom, the preestes neither maketh full of Leprye, neither yet clean from the same/ but only do discern, judge and declare, who be clean persons and who be unclean. The offyce and mynysterie therefore of a priest is required to the penitent, for the aforesaid cause/ that is to wit, that by him it may be showed and declared in the face of the church/ to whom god hath either forgiven, or else retained their sins. There is another thing also, which god worketh in a sinner: not without the mynysterye of a priest/ as the same master of the sentences and also Rycharde, do judge/ that is to wit, the changing of the temporal pain of purgatory (which the sinner 
This gear must be judged by higher judges, whether there be a purgatory after this life o● no.  should have suffered for his sins, were he never so well penitent, and confessed) in to some satisfaction of this world/ as in to fasting/ prayer/ or almose deed, or in to some other like deed. And as touching this point: the priest exercyseth right of power upon the sinner/ wherefore the master in the. xviii. distinction, and the. seven. chapiter, saith thus. And it is to be noted and marked, that in that, that any priests do bind any men, with the satisfaction of penance: they do show the same men to be loosed from their sins/ for penytencyall satisfaction is enjoined to no man, but only to him, whom the priest doth judge to be 
To whom penytencyall satisfaction is to be moyved.  truly penitent/ for unto other, he enjoineth no satisfaction/ and in that he judgeth his sins to be retained of god. The priest also changeth the pains of purgatory, which were dew to the sinner: in to some satysfactions of this world And afterwards, he reconsyleth the sinners to the church/ that is to wit, to the communion or fellowship of christian men/ in which point, semblably he doth exercise power over sinners: if it be so, that he do it according to discretion and judgement/ wherefore the master in the place afore alleged saith. The priests also doth bind: when they do enjoin the satisfaction of penance to them, whose confessions they have hard/ and they do loose, when they do forgive any part of the same: or else when they do admit and receive them/ that be purged by such satisfaction in to the communion or fellowship of chrysten men/ & to the partetaking of the sacraments/ After this manner priests are said to forgive or to retain sins/ wherefore saint Augustyne said afore. To whom they do forgive sins god doth forgive. etc. for they do exercise the work of justice upon sinners: when they do bind them with just & dew punishment/ & they do also exercise the work of mercy, when they do release any part of the same, or else do reconsyle them to the communion or ꝑtetaking of the sacraments. Other works than these the preestis can not exercise upon sinners/ whereof it may also appear evidently: 
The pope for giveth no more the sin/ than any other priest/ & then if the priest do his duty as he is bound/ who goth to purgatory? and then wherefore should we believe that there is one.  that the bishop of Rome, may release no more of the sin or of the pain: than may an other priest, who ever he be. ¶ Thus than, of the aforesaid auctorytes of saints, of the master of the sentences, and of Richard/ it appeareth evidently, that only god remytteth or forgiveth the sin and the debt of eternal pain to the true penitent sinner/ without any work of the priest/ either going before/ or else coming between, as it hath been showed heretofore/ where of I will also show an infable & sure demonstration or argument, according to the scripture, and to the sayings of saints and doctors/ For god only is he, which can not beignoraunt, whose sins are to be forgiven, and whose to be retained/ and it is he alone which is not moved or stirred with any perverse or crooked affection, & which judgeth no man wrongfully. But it is not in like case, of the church, or of any priest, who ever he be, even the bishop of Rome/ for every one of them may otherwiles err and mistake, or else be inclined & moved by perverse affection/ or else both/ wherefore if the sin, & the debt of eternal pain or damnation, should not be forgiven to the true penitent, having dew put pose to be confessed, or also after he hath been confessed in very deed, because the 
This man raileth.  priest happily doth retain his sin, either through ignorance or malice, or both/ than often times that faithful promise of Christ in the gospel, should perish, and be of no strength or truth/ whereby he said/ that he shall give to good men the rewards of eternal joy/ and to evil or wicked men the everlasting pains of the fire of hell/ wherefore, as it chanceth and cometh to pass/ also oftentimes. I put the case, that a certain sinner had confessed his sins feignedly, and not duly, as he aught to do/ and that after such feigned confession made/ he hath through the ignorance, or favour of the priest/ or else both received absolution and benediction. I put the case again, that there were an other certain sinner, which had confessed his sins sufficiently, and duly to the priest/ and that the priest through ignorance, or malice, or else through both/ had refused to give to him absolution, and benediction. Are the sins of the former person which confessed his sins feignedly forgiven/ & the sins of the latter man, being truly penitent and confessed yet retained. It is to be held steadfastly/ and undoubtedly, that no/ wherefore, Chrisostome upon these words in the. xx. chapiter of Iohn. receive you the holy ghost & whose sins 
Chrysostome  you shall forgive. etc. saith thus. Neither the priest neither yet any angel or archaungell may work any thing in those things. that are given of god. But yet the priest giveth his benediction, & putteth to his hand. For it is not right that for the malice of an other man, about the sacraments of our health those men should be hurt, which come to the faith. The same jerome also a little before 
jerome  recited, upon that saying in the. xuj. of Mathewe, and to the I shall give the keys of the kingdom of heavens, saith thus/ certain men understanding not this place/ take to themselves somewhat of the pride of the pharyseiss/ in that they do suppose, themselves to damn innocentes/ or to assoil and loose wicked persons/ when of truth, afore god, the sentence of the priests is not required 
God regardeth the life of men & not the judgement of the priests.  or sought for: but the life of the sinners, or persons accused/ after which words, the master of the sentences, in the. vi. chapiter of thee, xviii. distinction putteth this notable text following. So it is here also openly showed, that god followeth not the judgement of the church, which otherwiles judgeth by surreption and ignorance/ by the church here he means the priests. which are in the church/ & he addeth this also, in the. viii. chapiter of the same diction. Other whiles he that is put forth (that is to say, the which is judged by the priest to be without the church) the same is within the church/ and he that is without the church (understand thou in very deed) seemeth to be retained within the church/ that is to wit, by the false judgement of the priests. This sentence of the power and authority of the keys given to priests which we have gathered of the sayings of saints and doctors, and have heretofore rehearsed/ the master of the sentence repeating again, in the. iiii. book the. xviii. distinction and in the .viii. chapiter/ saith thus. Now it hath been showed how and in what manner, preestis do forgive, or retain sins. And yet god hath reserved to himself a certain singular and special power of forgyving or retaining sins. For he only by himself and of his own authority/ loseth or forgiveth the debt of everlasting damnation/ and purgeth or cleanseth the soul inwardly. The same master saith also in the. ix. and last chapytre of the same diction. Therefore by that unlikeness or that elongation or being far away from god, which is caused in the soul, through sin: is understand the spot or filth of the soul/ from which it is purged and cleansed by penance. But this thing is done only by god/ which alone, raiseth up or quyckeneth the soul, and doth illumynate it/ which thing priests can not do, which are the physicians or leches of souls. There is also an other manner of binding and of losing, to the which also is required the offyce or working of the priest/ and this is by excommunication/ and this excommunication (as the master saith in the. iiii. book of the sentences, the. xviii. distinction, & the. seven. chapiter) aught to be done, when any man 
when excommunication aught to be done.  which hath been thrice called to the amendment of an open sin, according to the dyscyplyne of the gospel, and yet regardeth not to make satisfaction: by the sentence of the church is cut away from/ the place of prayer/ from the partaking of the sacraments/ and from the company and fellowship of chrysten men/ to the intent he should be abashed and a shamed/ and so by the reason of shame should be converted and repentaunte/ for his sin, that his soul may be saved/ which person, if he do profess and knowledge openly himself to be penitent, and doth amend: is admitted and received to the partaking of the sacraments which was afore to him denied/ and is reconciled to the church. But this excommunication or cursing done by the church: bringeth this punishment to them, which are worthily stricken with the sentence thereof: that the grace of god and his protection or defence, is taken away from them/ and they are left to themselves/ so that they be at liberty, to fall in to the death of sin, and upon them also, the devil hath more power given to him for to rage, and cruelly to vex them. The prayers also of the church, and the suffrages or helps of benedyctions, & good works: are supposed to be nothing avayling to them. But now to know, to what person, or persons, and after what manner, the power of excommunication or cursing doth appertain/ we aught first to attend and take heed, that in excommunication, the sinner is judged to punyssement, for the state of the world to come, by a certain judgement, whereof we shall speak more expressly and plainly in the. ix. chapiter of this diction/ and there is also a certain great pain or punishment, put to him, even for the state of this present life/ in that he is defamed openly and banished the company of other men/ by reason whereof, also he is bereft of the cyvyle communion and commodytie/ and albe it, that the infliction of the first pain, to him which is unworthily & wrong fully stricken with the sentence of excommunication, doth nothing hurt, for the state of the world to come: because god doth not always follow the judgement of the church/ that is to say of priests, when they do judge or declare any man accursed wrongfully (as we have showed suffycyentlye heretofore) yet should he which were wrongfully stricken with the same sentence by the priest: be very greatly and fore hurt for the state of this present life/ for that he is dyffamed openly, and bereft the company of the cytezens and the cyvyle commodytyes/ and therefore it is to be said that albeit, that the voice or words of the priest, and his operation or mynysterye, is required to the promulgation or publysshing of such judgement: yet for all that, judgement coactyve, & power to give commandment, of the excommunycating or assoiling of any person or persons, doth 
Note this.  not appertain to any of them alone, or only to the college or company of them But to ordain, and make any such judge, to whom it may be lawful, to call the person so accused or guilty, afore him, and to examine him & to judge him & condemn or to assoil the person, which is so to be openly dyffamed, or to be cut away from the company or fellowship of chrysten men: doth appertain and belong to the superyoure or sovereign of the same community, or else to the counsel, by him appointed, and the preestis only to judge or discern by scripture the crimes (taking this word judgement in his first signification) wherefore any man aught to be cut away from the company of chrysten men, left he might infect other men/ likewise, as a physician, or a company of physicans must judge (by judgement of the first signification) of the bodily disease, wherefore any man aught to be separated from the company of other men, left he might infect them/ as a person having the lepry, or other like contagyous sickness/ and again, the crime aught to be proved by sure witness: to have been committed in deed. And therefore likewise, as it doth not appertain to any physician, or to any company of them only, to ordain the judgement or judge, which hath coactyve power, to expel or drive out persons full of lepry, but unto the higher powers of a realm, town, or city: even so it doth not appertain to any priest alone or to any college or company of them only, to ordain in the community of chrysten men, the judgement, or the judge: which hath coactyve power over such persons 
The form & manner of doing excommunication.  which are to be expulsed & driven out from the common company or fellowship, for the disease of the soul/ as for a notorye crime/ that is to say, a trespass openly known, all though they are bound to know the law of god: in which law the crimes and offences are determined & appointed/ for which any sinful person aught to be forbidden & banished the company of other chrysten men, which be innocent or faultless/ for the lips of the priest keepeth knowledge, & the people shall require the law of his mouth, as it is written in the second of Malachi the prophyte. But whether he, which is accused of such manner trespass hath committed such trespass, or else not: this aught not to be judged by the bishop, or priest but by the superior powers as we said before. yet that notwithstanding, according to the probations afore brought in: if he be convycted by witness, and the crime also is such, wherefore he aught to be excommunycate/ then the person found guilty of such crime, aught to be pronounsed worthy to be excommunicated by sentence of a superior judge.  
And the execution of such sentence: aught to be done by the mouth & voice of the priest/ and that because such sentence of the priest toucheth the person so accused or guilty/ for the state also of the world to come. And this to be true, which we have said/ it is evidently showed by that scripture, whereof this kind of correction seemeth to have taken his beginning: & that is in the. xviii. chapiter of Mathewe, when chryst said. if thy brother shall have trespassed against thee: go & rebuke him between him & the alone/ if he shall hearken to the/ then hast thou have won thy brother/ but if he shall not hearken to thee: take one or two witnesses with the/ y● 〈◊〉 the mouth of two or three witnesses every word or saying may stand/ but if he will not regard or obey them, than tell it to the church, but if he will not here the church: let him be to thee, as a gentle or a publycane Chryste than said, tell it to the church/ & not tell it to the apostle or to the bishop/ or to the priest/ or to the college or company of them only/ & Christ understood thereby the church the hole multitude of chrysten people/ or else the judge ordained for such purpose, by the authority of the higher power/ for in this signification, the apostles & the prymytive church, used this word church (as it was 
what the apostles understood or meaned by this wrode church  fully & perfitly showed in the second chapytre of this diction) & that chryst meaned by the church, the hole congregation of faithful believing people/ & that it be longeth to the said congregation to have a superyoure heed to give such manner judgement, against stubborn or dysobedyent persons, or such haynouse offenders & sinners. I ꝓue by the apostle, in the. u chapytre of the first epistle to the Corinthians/ where the apostle declaring the sentence of chrystis words, teacheth more expressly the cause, the form & manner, & by what persons such manner judgement of excommunication: aught to be given against any man saying in this wise/ I being absent verily in body, but present in spirit: have now judged, as if I were present, you being assembled in the name of our lord Ihesu chryst, and my spirit with the authority and power of our lord Ihesu, to give him which hath done that deed/ to Satan, that is to wit that sinful person, which had fleshly known his father's wife: where the gloze after the mind of Augustyne saith. 
Augustinus.  this thing I have now judged that you being assembled together in one place without any dissension, with whom both mine authority & the power of Christ shall work together: do give such manner person to the devil. Lo here, wherefore or for what intent of whom, and under what manner any person is to be excommunicated/ according to the intention and doctrine of the apostle. In whose words peradventure, is marked rather a counsel, than a commandment/ even according to the law of god. For in case, that the Corynthians through their patience, had suffered the aforesaid criminous person to have been conversant, and in company among them, howbeit not without slander and jeopardy of infecting other men: yet might they neverthesesse have been saved, & have done merytorious works. Again the case put, that this had been a precept and commandment according to the law of god/ yet was it not commanded that this thing should be done by a priest, or bishop only, or else only by a college or company of them/ and therefore▪ when the apostle said, I verily being absent in body but present in spirit, have no we judged. etc. his words aught to be understanded of judgement taken in his first signification, and not in the third/ because he saith afterwards/ you being assembled, and my spirit. etc. By which words, he doth also teach them the form and manner, how to avoid that no contention or strife might rise among themby the pronouncing of the said excommunication. If it were done by them assembled together/ wherefore Augustyne saith that you being gathered together without any dissension. etc. that is to say, that 
Augustinus.  it be done by you of common assent, or else by the superior thereunto appointed by the higher power of the laity, which is alone thing/ & therefore the apostle did not command all the whole tragedy of this thing to be done by any priest 
excommunication is not committed only to priests.  neither did he write to any bishop or priest, that this thing should be done by him/ & yet even at the same time he did send Tymothe unto them which was a bishop (as it is evident in the. iiii. chapiter of the same epistle) which thing doubtless he would have done, if he had known this judgement to appertain only to the authority of a priest even likewise as he had done in other things as we have declared here tofore in the last chapytre of this diction, afore go, by the authority of the third chapytre of the first epistle to T●mothe, & of the first chapytre of the epistle to Titus/ & this sentence provable said, which we do hold, mighty also be confirmed and fortyfyed by reason agreeably to the scripture/ for such manner of judgement is done more certaynelye, and more without suspytion, by the higher nowres or their deputies, than if it were done by will of one priest alone, or else of any college or company of preestis only/ for his or their judgement might sooner be perverted through love & favour, or else through hatred and evil will, or else for respect and regard of their own private and singular profit and advantage: than the judgement of the superyours aforesaid, to whom it chanceth always men to appeal/ albeit (as I have said) the pronouncyation of such manner sentence, aught to be done by the priest/ for asmuch as by it the power of god is called on in this world, to do some punishment to the criminous and sinful person even in this world/ which pain or punishment could not be done to him by the power of man, that is to wit, the vexation of the devil. And also because he is likewise judged to pain for the state of the world to come/ and because he is bereft the suffrages of the church/ which thing peradventure god hath ordained to be done by the operation only of a priest. Moreover because, if any manner bishop or priest alone, or else with the college or company only of his clerks, should have this authority, to excommunicate any manner man, without the consent of the higher powers or their deputies, it doth follow thereof, that priests, might take away all kingdoms & lordships from the kings or princes which have them/ For so any prince or governor being excommunicated: the multitude of his subjects shall be also excommunicated, if they would obey the prince or governor being so excommunicated/ and so the power of every manner prince or governor shall be void, and of no strength/ which thing should be contrary to the wyland mind of Paul the teacher of the gentiles, in the. xiii. chapiter to the Romans, and in the. vi chapytre of the first epistle to Tymothe/ and also against the mind of saint Augustyne, in the gloze upon the same place, as we have declared in the. seven. and. viii. parts of the. u chapytre of this diction/ and the objections, which apparently might be brought in against this determination/ shall easily be answered unto, and avoided by those things, which shall be said hereafter, in the. ix. the. x. the .xiiii. and the. xviii. chapitres of this present diction. ¶ There is again an other certain authority belonging to priests/ & that is that whereby bread and wine is transubstancyated, or turned in to the substance of Christ's blessed body, at the oration of the priest, after the pronouncing of certain words by him. And this authority is a character of the soul: every likewise as that authority of keys is. And this auctorytye or power, is called the power of making the sacrament of the aultare/ and certain dyvynes saith, that this power is even 
The character of holy order.  the same character, of the which the power of the keys is, whereof we have spoken here tofore. And certain other dyvynes say this power is by a divers and sundry character, given to the apostles at an other time, and also by other words of Christ, than was the power of the keys/ For this power, was given (as they of this opinion do say) to the apostles, when he said to them these words, written in the. xxvi. chapiter of Mathewe/ & the. xiiii. of Mark/ and the. xxii. of Luke/ This is my body, which is given for you, do this in the remembrance 
This is but a silly sorry gloze.  of me/ do this, that is to say, have or take you power to do this thing. But how soever the troth is in this so great diversity of opinions/ it skilleth not greatly to this our consideration/ for we think that we have rehearsed as much as is sufficient for us to our purpose, concerning the manners of authority or power given by Christ to preestis or bishops/ which may be proved by the holy scripture. But now gathering together again, and making as it were a sum 
A corollary●.  of those things which have been said of us, concerning the power or authority of the keys, which was given by Christ to the apostles, and to priests the successors of them/ Let us say, that in a sinner truly penitent that is to say, being sorrowful for his sin committed: god alone worketh some things, even 
What things god alone worketh in man.  without any mynystery of the priest going before/ that is to wit, the illumynating of the mind, the purgation or cleansing of the fault, sport, or sin/ and the remission of the everlasting damnation. And other some things therbe which god worketh in the same sinner, not by himself alone/ but by the 
what things are done by the priest.  mynysterye of the priest/ as this following/ to show and declare in the face of the church, who is accounted bound or loosed from sins in this world, so that he shall be bound or loosed in an other world/ that is to say whose sins god hath retained, or else forgiven. Again, there is an other thing, which god worketh about a sinner, by the mynystery of the priest/ that is to wit, the changing of the 
we be not agreed as yet of any purgatory aft this life.  pain of purgatory, which is dew to the sinner, for the state of the world to come/ in to some temporal satisfaction in this world/ for he doth release the said pain, other in part or in the hole, according to the satisfactions enjoined, & after the condition or state of the penitent/ which things every one of them aught to be done by the priest with the key of power according to discretion/ after this manner also dysobedyent persons at excluded, from the communion or partaking of the sacraments, by the priest/ And person's repentaunte & amending their conversation, are received to the said communion by the priest/ as we have said about the end of the Chapytoure last afore go. And this was the sentence and mind of the master in the. iiii. book, in the. xviii. distinction and the. viii. chapiter/ when he said. After these manners or ways of binding or losing, that saying of Chryste is true, what soever you shall loose upon earth: it shall be loosed also in heavens/ and what soever you shall bind upon earth: it shall be bound also in heaven/ Sometime the priests, do show or declare certain men to be bound or loosed which are not so afore god/ and otherwiles they do loose or bind with the pain of satisfaction, persons thereof unworthy/ and do admit or receive unworthy persons: to the part taking of the sacraments/ and do shytte out such as are worthy to be received/ But this is to be understanded, in them: whose merits or deservings require to be loosed, or to be bound/ whom soever therefore, they do loose or bind, using the key of discretion/ judging the merits or deservings of the sinners or persons accused: the same persons are loosed or bound also in heavens/ that is to say, afore god/ for the 
The key of discretion.  sentence or judgement of the priest, which hath so proceeded or gone forth/ is approved and confirmed by the judgement of god. And by and by after, the master of the sentence said after the manner of an epylogation. Behold, what manner one, and how great, is the use and profit of the apostolic keys.  
¶ But for the further evidence hereof to be had/ I shall bring the example or comparison made by the said master, which is famyi yare or plain enough and seemeth to be very moche agreeing to the words and mind of Chryste, and of saints, whose auctoryties we have heretofore alleged, and namely of Ambrose/ for he saith that the word of god forgiveth sins. And the priest 
Ambrose.  also verily doth his offyce/ but exercyseth not the offyce of any power. But let us say, that the priest which is as it were the iayloure of the hevenlye judge delivereth the sinner moche like, as doth the jailer of the worldly judge. For 
The similitude between the priest and the judges saruannt oriayler  likewise as by the word or sentence of the seculare judge, that is to wit, of the sovereign or governor, the person accused is other dampened or else quite and delivered from the cyvyle trespass or blame, & from the cyvyle pain/ even so by the word of god, any man is utterly bound or loosed from sin, and from the debt of everlasting damnation, for the state of the world to come/ And as by the working of the jailer belonging to the worldly prince, no man is dampened 
The word of god bideth and loseth.  or loosed from the worldly offence or blame, and from the worldly punishment but only by his mynystery whereby he shytteth or openeth the prison, the person accused is showed & declared other to be delivered or else dampened: so in like manner no man is bound or loosed from sin, & from the debt of everlasting damnation, by the operation or working of the priest/ but it is showed in the face of the church who is counted bound or loosed of god, whiles he taketh the preestis benediction and is received to the communion of the sacraments/ in such manner, as we have showed about the end of the chapytre last afore go/ And therefore, as the jailer of the worldly judge by opening or shutting the prison, showeth and doth his offyce, and yet he exercyseth not the right or offyce of any iudycyarye power other of absolving & delyvering, or else of condemning (for although in very 
Mark this my maystres  deed he would open the prison to any person being accused but not delivered or quytte by the judge, & did also declare to the people by his words, that such person were quytte/ yet should not the prisoner therefore be loosed & quytte from the cyvyle offence & punishment/ & contrary wise, if he would refuse to open the prison to him whom the judge had verily delivered by his sentence, & moreover by his words would say and declare, that such person were not delivered but dampened: yet should not the prisoner or person accused therefore be debtor of the cyvyle blame or punishment). So likewise the priest, which is the jailer of the heavenly judge: showeth and fulfilleth his offyce, by the vocal or verballe pronuncyation of absolution, or else of binding & maledyction/ but in case that the priest himself through ignorance or through surreption, or else through both, did pronounce, that they shall be hereaft absolved, or else are already absolved, which in very deed & of truth other shall be hereafter condemned, or else at already condemned by the high judge above or else contrary wise did pronounce them, other to be already condemned, or else hereafter to be condemned, which are in very deed and of truth other already assoiled and loosed, or else hereafter to be assoiled: yet for all that the persons should not therefore in very deed be assoiled and loose/ neither the second sort dampened/ because the priest had not applied the key or keys with discretion, to the merits of the said persons/ And therefore (as saint Ambrose saith) the priest 
The priest showeth and declareth the sinner to be absolved, but doth not assoil the sinner and then farewell the fetching of men's soulis out of purgatory Nota.  exhibiteth his offyce/ but yet he exercyseth not the lybertyes of any power/ For otherwiles the priests pronounce in the face of the church them to be already bound, or else hereafter to be bound, for the state of the world to come: which are in very deed and of truth other already loose, or else hereafter to be loose in the sight of god/ and contrary wise, as we have said afore by the authority of saints, and of the master, in the. iiii. book the. xviii. distinction and the. viii. chapytre and therefore the priest exercyseth not the right & offyce of any power/ for if it were so/ otherwiles than the justice of god and his promise should perish and be void/ It is god therefore only and none else that exercyseth the right and offyce of power upon sinners/ and which is judge having coactyve pewre, he (I say) which alone can not be dysceyved, nor ignorant of the cogitations and thoughts, neither of the operations & deeds of men. For as Paul saith in the. iiii. chapiter to the hebrews, all things are naked and open to his sight/ and which only can not have any perverse will, or wrong affection/ for thou/ O lord arte ryghtuouse, and all thy judgements are ryghtuouse/ and all thy ways, mercy, truth, and judgement (in the third of Thobye) and therefore he only is such manner judge/ wherefore it is red in the. iiii. chapiter of james. 
jacob. iiii.  There is but one law maker and judge, which may destroy & deliver/ which words james spoke, not meaning of himself, or of any of the apostles, not withstanding that he was one of those. iii which seemed to be pyllers of the church as the apostle said in the second chapytre to the Galathyans. But chryst would that such sentences and judgements other already given, or else hereafter to be given by him in an other world: should be pronounced and published of the priests, by a certain judgement of the first signification and as it were pronostycatyve/ that by the reason thereof, sinners in this world might be made afraid, and be called back again from vices & sins unto penance or repentance/ to which thing, the offyce of priests is required, and is also of great strength & available/ Likewise & after such manner, as if the physician of bodily health, to 
The physician of the soul is like to the phisytion of the body.  whom lysence & authority is given for to teach, work, & practise according to the art or craft of physyke, by the institution & ordinance of the human law maker should openly declare and publysshe judgement according to the science and knowledge of physyke among the people, who shall be hole, & who shall die to the intent, that by the reason thereof, men should lede a sober life, & use temperate diet/ and should be brought back again from rioting or surfeiting, for the conserving or recovering of their bodily health, and should declare the precepts & documents of physyke: doubtless the physician should (after a certain manner) command such precepts and documents to be observed, & should judge that the observers and fulfyllers of them shall be hole, and that the transgressors of the same should be sick or else die, whom he himself neither should make sick neither make hole, principally, but the working of the nature of the men/ yet that notwithstanding he should exhybyte and do some mynystery or offyce, and again the same physician could not by his own authority compel neither the hole man, neither the sick, to do such things, were they never so much available to their bodily health, but only he might exhort and teach them, and put them in fear by his pronostycatyve judgement of the first signification she wing unto them that they shall have health by the observing of certain things, and that they shall be sick or else die, if they do transgress and break such precepts. Even so likewise the physician or leche of souls, that is to wit the priest judgeth and exhorteth men concerning such things, which bring to everlasting health or to everlasting death/ for the state of the world to come/ and yet neither he may neither aught to compel any man to the observing of such things, by judgement coactyve in this world/ as we have proved by the authority of the apostle, and of Ambrose, in the first chapiter of the second epistle to the Corynthyans'/ and also we have brought in with the same, the express sentence of Chrisostome, afore in the sixth part of the. u chapytre of this present diction. Wherefore the priest as touching to his offyce aught not to be likened to 
The priest hath authority to tech but not to compel & this forget not, for the pope loseth here his sharp swords, and his guns his moryspykes, & his hauldebardes.  a judge of the third signification: but of the first that is to wit having authority to teach, or to work and practise, likewise as the bodily physician hath, but not having power coactyve/ for after this manner chryst called himself a physician or leche, not a prince or governor/ when he said in the. u chapytre of Luke, speaking of himself they which be whole men: needeth no physysyon/ but they which be sick/ he said not here, they need a judge: but they need a physician/ for he came not in to this world to exercise coactyve judgement/ of contentions and debatefull matters/ as we have declared by the. twelve. chapiter of Luke, in the. iiii. chapiter of this diction in the. viii. part. But he shall judge both the quick and the deed, by such manner coactyve judgement in that day: whereof the apostle spoke in the last chapytre of the second epistle to Tymothe when he said/ There is laid upon me the crown of justice: which the lord shall yield to me, in that day, which is a ryghtuouse judge/ for than he shall by coactyve judgement punish them, which have in this world transgressed thelawe, which was immediately made by him/ and therefore he said notably and accordynglye unto Peter, I will give to thee: the keys of the kingdom of heavens/ & he said not I will give to the the judgement of the kingdom of heavens/ and therefore, we have said here tofore, that neither the key better or jailer of the worldly judge/ nor of the hevenlye judge hath any coactyve judgement (of the third signification) because neither of them exercyseth the right laws or offyce of any such power, as saint Ambrose said plainly and openly of the priest/ and as it hath been showed suffycyentlye, by the authority also of other saints/ Therefore as touching to the authority of priests or bishops, and of the power of the apostolic keys given to them by Christ: let it be determined in this wise.   

¶ Of the division of the deeds of men and how they are referred to the law of man, and to the judge seculare.  
The, viii, chapytre,  
ANd for asmuch as all manner coactyve judgement, concern and appertain to the voluntary acts of men, according to some law or costume, and that to such voluntary acts, as other been directed to a final end and purpose of this world, that is, to the suffycyencie of the worldly life/ or else as been directed to final end of the world to come, which we do call eternal life, or everlasting glory/ to the intent therefore that the distinction and difference of the judges, or of them which aught to judge may the more largely appear and be open/ and also according to what laws, and by what judgement, or how and in what manner they aught to judge: let us somewhat treat & speak of the dyfferences and diversities of the said acts, operations, or deeds. For the determination of them shall be not little available and helpful to the solutions of the doubts here tofore moved. Let us therefore say that of such works of 
The division & difference of manner acts.  men which proceed and cometh forth by knowledge and desire, some certain of them proceed without deliberation of man's mind or understanding, and other some are cause and proceed by the commandment or deliberation of man's understanding. Of the first sort, are knowlegꝭ, desires, and loves suddenly 
Sudden konwledges & affections.  chaunsing or caused of us and in us, without the empire or commandment of the understanding, or of the appetite delyberatelye provoked, concerning such operations/ as been (for example) the knowlegꝭ and effections whereby we do go forth, when we are suddenly awakened from sleep, or as be knowleges, and desires otherwise caused in us, without the commandment or deliberation of our mind/ and next to these follow the knowleges, consents, affections, and 
Knowleges, affections, & appetytꝭ abding and permanent.  desires to continue and hold on such works as were had in hand before, or else to inquire and search forth and to comprehend and perceive certain things/ as in the action or deed which is caused by calling again to remembrance & these actions or operations both are in deed, and also are called the commandments or precepts of the mind, because they are done or brought forth by our 
deeds proceeding of delyberation, been called the precepts of the mind.  commandment/ or else by them certain other things, as loves, desires, hatredes or esche wings. ¶ And the difference of the operations commanded or done with good advisement, and of the operations not commanded or done without advisement, is by the reason of that which we have said here tofore, because of the operations not commanded: we utterly have not in us liberty, rule, or power whether they shall be done or not done. But of the operations commanded/ according 
He meaneth that man hath free will in acts delyberate, if he be judged with the spirit of god.  to the chrysten religion, there is power in us, that they shall be done or else not done. And I have said, that we have not utterly power in us of the acts not commanded/ because it lieth not in our power, wholly or utterly to prohybyte and let the chaunsing and coming to pass of them. Howbeit by the second sort of acts or operations which are called commandments or precepts, and by the acts folowenge them/ we may so dispose and order our soul, that it shall not lightly do cause or receive the actis of the first sort or kind/ that is to wit when each man hath accustomed himself contrary to their nature/ and of the 
A distinction of actis commanded, or done with good advisement.  acts or deeds commanded or done with good advisement: certain be and are called acts or operations inward, & other some are and be called acts outward. The inward acts are and be called the commanded knowleges, and the affections commanded/ or qualities permanent, caused, and made of the mind of man because they do not pass out in to an other subject matter, or person, from him: which is the doer and worker of them. But the outward acts, or operations 
Inward actis outward actis  passing forth, or as they are called in the latin Actus transeuntes, are and be called all the acts or loves of things desired, and the omyssyons of them/ and also the movings, caused & made by any of the exterior or outward organs or instruments of the body, namely being moved as touching the motion which is called Locale, that is to say from place to place. Again of the acts 
A distinction of outward acts. Profitable.  which are called Actus transeuntes, some are and be done without the hurting noyaunce, or injury of any singular person, company, or community, being a sundry thing from him which is the doer or worker. Of which sort, been the kinds of all things possible to be done and the giving of money/ and the chastysement of a man's own body, with beating, striking, or any other manner of way/ and other deeds like to these. And other some of those outward acts, are and be made with the noyaunce or injury of an other sundry person from him that is the doer or worker of them. Of which sort be the striking of another 
Unprofytable & harmful.  man, theft, ravin, or robbery, extortion, false witness, and many other after divers kinds and fashions. And there is found out and devised certain rules or measures, habits and sciences of all the aforesaid acts, which come forth and are caused of man's mind/ namely of the acts commanded or done with advisement/ by which rules, the said acts or works may be done and brought forth conveniently, and in right and dew form and manner, both for the getting and purchasing by them of a sufficient life in this world/ & also in the world to come. But of these rules there are certain, by the which, the 
Artꝭ and sciences.  actions, and operations of man's mind, as well the outward acts, as the inward, are taught, ruled, and ordered either in doing of them or in leaving of them undone, without pain or reward to be given to him that doth them or that leaveth them undone, of any other man, by power coactyve/ of which sort verily be the most part of dyscyplynes, arts or sciences, operative, active & factyve. And there been other of the said rules, after which the operations of man's mind, are commanded to be done or to belefte undone, under pain or reward to be given by the power coactyve of an other man, either to the workers of the said deeds, or else to the levers of them undone. And again of these coactyve rules: 
A distinction of coactive rules & laws. Man's law God's law  there are certain, whereby the observers or transgressors of them are punished or rewarded, in the state, and for the state of this present life. Of which sort be all the cyvyle & worldly customs and laws of men. And there be other some of the same rules, according to which, the workers are punished or rewarded only for the state, and in the state of the world to come. Of which sort are the laws of god for the most part/ which in the common name are called sectis. 
Sect, is here well taken.  among which (as we have said) the sect, which is of chrysten men: only containeth the truth and suffycyencie of things to be hoped, for the world to come. ¶ There is therefore for the sufficient life of this world a rule set, which is preceptyve of the act of man, done with advisement, & such as are called Actus transeuntes that is to say outward acts or acts passing forth, being possible to be done, to the profit or dysprofite, to the right or wrong of an other sundry person from him that is the worker of such deeds/ and the same rule is also coactyve of the transgressors/ by pain or punishment, for the state of this present life/ which we have called by the common name the law of man in the. x. chapytre of the first diction. The final necessity also, and the cause agent or effective whereof: we have assigned and showed in the. xi. and. twelve. and. xiii. chapytres of the first diction. And how we should live in this world, for the state of the world to come/ there is a law given or made and set by Christ/ which 
The law of Chryste.  law, doubtless is the rule of man's deeds, being by the grace of god in the active power of our mind, as well (I say) of such deeds as be in ward acts, as of those which are called outward acts, according as they may either be done or else left undone, dewely or undewelye in this world/ but yet for the state of the world to come and this rule is also coactyve and dystrybutyve of pain or reward to be given and executed in the world to come (but not in this world) according to the merits or demerytes of the observers, or transgressors of the said law/ or rule in this present life. But because these coactyve laws, as well the laws of god as of man, lack life or soul, and a pryncyple or 'cause motive 
'Cause motive, is the king which is heed of the church & correctoure in this life of all crimes & enormyties that issue forth.  in themselves to give judgement, & to do execusyon: they had need to have some subject (as they call it) and some pryncyple, or cause, having life & soul, which may command, rule or judge the deeds of men, according to the said laws/ and also do execution of the judgement given, and punish the transgressors of the same laws. This subject or pryncyple/ is called a judge/ taking this word judge in his third signification, which we have said in the second chapytre of this dyction/ wherefore Arystotle saith in the fourth of the Ethikes, where he treateth of justice or righteousness. A judge is as it were, justice having life. Therefore according to the laws of man, there aught to be a judge, having such authority (as we have said) to judge by judgement of the third signification, of the contentions deeds of men/ to execute the judgements given/ and to punish any manner transgressoure of the law, by coactyve power/ for such a judge is the mynystre of god, and a venger for wroth, to him which 
What a king is.  worketh evil/ as the apostle said in the. xiii. to the Romans/ and sent by god for this intent, as it is said in the second chapytre of the first epistle of Peter/ Andrea note that the apostle Paul said, to him that worketh evil, that is to wit whoever he shall be, meaning this indyfferently of all men. And therefore for as 
Yea even a bishop.  much as priests or bishops & generally all the mynystres of churches which by the common name are called clerks, may do or work otherwiles evil other in commission or in omyssyon, yea and some of them (would god not the most part of them) other whiles do evil in very deed, to the hurt and injury of their even chrysten: even they also are subjects, and set underneath the vengeance or 
bishops are subjects as well as bochers.  jurisdiction of the judges and higher powers, which have, coactyve power to punish the transgressors of man's laws/ which thing the apostle/ said openly and plainly to the Romans in the. xiii. chapiter/ wherefore saith he/ let every soul be subject to the higher powers/ that is to wit, to kings to princes/ to capitains/ and to such other their deputies according to the expositions of sayntis/ for evermore the matter or stuff aught to receive the operation of the active cause/ which is apt and ordained to work upon it, for the end to the which it is meet/ as it appeareth in the second book of the physykes or naturales for as it is said there every thing is so wrought/ as it is apt and meet for to be wrought/ and contrary wise. But now the transgressoure of the law, is a convenient 
The transgressoure is the stuff & matter & the king is the cause effective, apt to work upon the stuff.  matter or subject, whereupon the judge or governor is apt and ordained to work justification, and that, to cause and make extortion and equalytye, and for the conservation of peace and tranquylytie, and of the cyvyle company and socyete of men, and last of all for to 'cause the suffycyencie of man's life. And therefore where soever such a subject, matter, or stuff is found in the province being under the jurisdiction of the said judge/ he aught to iustyfye, and set it in order. For asmuch than, as every priest may be, of himself such proper matter or stuff, that is to wit, the transgressoure of man's law/ he 
To be a priest is but an accedentall thing.  aught to be under the judgement of the said judge. For to be a priest or no priest/ is an accydentall thing to the transgressoure, as touching the comparison of him to the judge/ as well, as to be an husband man or a carpenter/ & even likewise as it is but an accydentall thing to the person that may be hole or sick 
The preestehode taketh not away the man, nor changes him in to an angel  to be a musician, or no musician, in comparison to the physician or leche. For that which he is of himself, and that which is essential: can not be taken away, or changed, by that which is accydentall/ for else: should there be infinite kinds or sorts of judges & physicians. Therefore any manner bishop or priest being the transgressoure of the law made by man/ ought to be iustyfied and punished by the judge/ which hath coactyve power in this world over the transgressors of man's law. And this judge is the seculare prince or governor 
Preestes ought to be punished by the secular judge and yet Thomas of Caunturbery would not have it so.  in that that he is a prince/ and not any priest or bishop: as it hath been showed in the. iiii. and. u chapytours of this diction. And therefore all bishops & priests being transgressoures of man's law/ ought to be punished by the prince or governor. And not only the priest, or other spiritual minister, aught to be punished as a secular man for his transgressyon of the law: But also he aught to be punished so much the more grievously and largely? by how moche his offence is more heynouse or unseeming and can less be defended. For that he doth sin more knowyngly, and more of election, which ought more to know the precepts of things to be done and to be eschewed. And again because the offence is more shameful of him, which aught to teach: than of him which ought to be taught. But it is the priest which aught to teach, and the say man which ought to learn. wherefore the priest offendeth more grievously, and therefore he is the more sore to be punished than the lay man. Neither his objection ought 
The obiectyon of the sprytualtie is answered unto.  to be received or allowed, which would say, that all manner injuries verbal, real or personal, and such other things prohybyted by man's law, if they be done against any man by a priest, are actions spiritual/ and that therefore it doth not appertain or belong to any Prince or secular governor to punish the priest for any such offences and trespasses/ for such manner things prohybyted by the law, as adultery/ mayming/ murder/ theft/ robbery/ diffamation/ detraction/ treason/ fraud or gyle/ heresy, and such other crimes committed and done by a priest are carnal and temporal deeds or offences, as it is very well known by experience/ and as we have declared it heretofore in the second chapytre of this diction, by the authority of the Apostle in the third chapytre of the first epistle to the Corynthians, and in the. xv. to the Romayns/ you and also they are to be judged so much the more carnal and temporal offencꝭ, by how moche the priest or bishop in commytting of them, sinneth more grievously, and more shamefully, than any of them, whom be aught to call back from such offences, giving occasion to them and readiness to offend and trespass in the same through his lewd and ungracious example.  
¶ Therefore every priest and bishop is under, and aught to be under the jurisdiction of princes & secular governors in those things, which at commanded to be observed by the law of man: aswell as other seculare & say men. Neither is the bishop or priest exempted from the coactyve judgement of such princes: neither he may exempt any other man by his own authority which thing I prove, by an addition to those things/ which hath been said in the. xvii. chapiter of the first diction/ dedusing and bringing him which doth say the contrary: to ameruaylous great inconuenyent. For if the bishop of Rome 
The Pope of Rome is not exempt from the jurisdiction offeculare princes.  or any other priest were so exempted, that he should not be under the coactyve in rysdyccyon of princes and governors, but were himself such manner judge, without the auctorytye of the human law maker, and might separate and exempt all the sprytuall ministers, whom by the common name they do call clerks, from the jurisdiction of princes and governors, and make them subjects to himself, as the bishops of Rome done now a days: it followed then necessarylye, that the jurisdiction of the secular governors were in a manner utterly adnulled, destroyed and made of no strength/ which thing I do recount to be a great inconuenyent, and intolerable to all governors and communities. For the chrysten religion doth deprive no man of his right, as it was showed afore by the authority of Ambrose upon the saying of Paul in the second chapytre to Titus/ admonysshe them to be subjects to princes and powers. etc. as it was brought in and alleged in the. u chapytre of this diction. And that this inconuenyent doth follow of such exemption: thus I prove. For it is not found prohybyted any where in god's law. But rather it is granted, and also lawful by the same, for him to be priest or bishop: which hath a wife/ namely if he have no more wives than one: as it is red in the third chapytre of the first epistle to Tymothe/ and that which is decreed and ordained by man's law or constitution, may by the same authority be revoked and adnulled, in that it is man's law. Therefore the bishop of Rome, which maketh himself a law maker may of the fullness of his power (if any man will grant him to have such full power) grant to all priests, deacons, and subdeacons, to have wives/ & not 
It may be granted to preestis to have wives.  only to them/ but also to other which have not taken any of the foresaid ordres nor be otherwise consecrated/ whom they call clerks of single tonsure/ yea moreover more semyngly to these/ which thing Bonifacius the. viii. seemeth to have done in very deed/ that he might increase secular power to himself/ for as many as had married a virgin, and which were willing to wed but one wife, he ascribed them to the company of charkes/ and decreed that they should be ascribed, by his ordinations and constitutions which they call decretales/ neither keeping them within these bounds: they have exempted from the cyvyle laws of man duly made, certain say men, whom they do call in Italy Fratres gaudentes/ and in other places they are called begymes So they have also exempted 
Fratres gaudentes Begini.  the brethren called Fratres hospitaliorum & templariorum/ the brethren of hospytalles and templars/ and many other such like orders/ & likewise them which are called Dealto passu/ and so also for their pleasure: they might do in like manner and by like reason of other/ wherefore if all such manner men through this, are exempt from the jurisdiction of princes and governors, according to their decretales (which also giveth to the persons so exempted certain lybertyes and imunytes from the public and cyvyle chargis or burthaynes) it seemeth very lykelye that the greater multitude or part of men shall decline to the company of them/ namely saying that they do take and receive indyfferentlye both 
religious men receive men that be not learned, in to their orders.  learned and unlearned/ for every man is prove and ready to follow and to draw to his own profit: and to avoid and eschew his own dysprofyte/ But if the greater multitude of men shall decline to the company of clerks/ then shall the jurisdiction & coactyve power of princes remain of no strength, but weak and feeble/ which is a great inconvenience/ and a thing/ whereby the common wealth and cyvyle governance should be destroyed. For who soever enjoyeth cyvyle honours, commodities, and profits, as peace, and the defence of the cheyfe governor: aught not to be exempt from the cyvyle chargis and burtheyns/ and from the cyvyle. jurysdyccyon without the determination of the same governor. For the avoiding therefore of this great inconuenyent: we ought to grant/ according unto the truth, that the high and cheyfe governor hath jurisdiction upon bishops, priests, and all Clerks/ lest it might chance the good order of the common weal to be broken: through the pluralytie of cheyfe governors, being not the one of them under an other/ as it was determytted in the. xvii. of the first diction. And that the cheyfe governor aught to determine and apoynte a certain number of them in the province under his governance: likewise as he doth of the persons of any other of or part of the common weal/ left if they did grow up in to over great a multitude: they might be able to resist the coactyve power of the governors, or otherwise do great disturbance to the common weal/ or else with their pride and over great multitude: deprive the city, realm, or other communytye of the profit & advantage, of their necessary works and occupations. So than the outward acts or deeds going or turning to the profit or dysprofyte, to the right or to the wrong of a sundry person from the doer: aught to be ruled & measured by the human law/ and by the judge of the third signification. To the which coactyve jurisdiction all secular & say men, and also all charkes: ought to be subjects. There be also other judges according to the laws 
Lawyers.  of man, which are called judges of the first or of the second signification, as the teachers of the same laws, but yet lacking or wanting coactive power or authority/ of which sort, no thing letteth: but that there may be many, not ordered one of them under an other/ and that even in one communytie.   

¶ Of the relation and respect of man's deeds or works unto the law of god, & to the judge of the other world/ that is to wit to Christ/ and also how the same deeds are compared to the teacher of the same law/ that is to wit, the bishop or priest in this world.  
The, ix, chapytre,  
According therefore to this manner, there is also a certain judge having coactyve jurisdiction or authority upon transgressors after the law of god, which law, also we have said to be a coactyve rule of some deeds or works of men/ as well those which are called Actus immanentes, as of those which are called Actus transeuntes. And this judge is but one/ that is to wit, Chryste, and none other/ wherefore it is written in the. iiii. chapiter of james. There is but one law maker/ which may destroy and deliver. But the coactyve 
There is but one law maker Chryste.  power of this judge, is not exersysed upon any man in this world, as touching the distribution of pain or reward to the transgressors or observers of the law immediately given, by him, which often times we have called the law of the gospel/ for Christ of his great mercy, would grant unto us space, wherein we might do penance of our sins committed against his law: even until the last end of every man's life/ as it shall be showed hereafter also by the auctorytes of holy scripture. There is also after the scripture of the gospel an other judge, of the first signification. Likewise as there is of man's 
A judge here is taken but for a preacher  law/ that is to wit, the priest/ which is in this world the teacher of god's law and of such things, which are either to be done or to be eschewed, for the getting of eternal life/ or for the avoiding of the pain eternal/ but yet having no coactyve power in this world, to compel any man to the observing 
This judge hath no coactyve power.  of the precepts and commandments of the same law. For it should be in vain and to none effect to compel any man unto the observing of them. For to him that should observe them only by compulsyon: they should be nothing available 
The clergy many a year hath done all by compulsion as with sword and fire.  unto eternal health/ as we showed before evidently by the authority of Chrysostome/ and also of the apostle Paul, in the. u chapytre of this diction. And therefore this judge is conveniently likened to a physician or leche which hath authority given to him, for to teach or command, and to prenostycate or judge of those things, which are profitable to be done, or to be left undone for the optayning and getting of bodily health, and the avoiding of death and sickness which should chance to him/ for the which cause Chryste also in the state and for the state of this present life called himself a physician or leche/ not a prince or a judge. And therefore he said unto the pharyseys, speaking of himself, as it was brought in, in the chapytre afore go. They need not a leche which are in health: but they which are sick and diseased. For Chryste hath not ordained that any man should be compelled in this world to the observation of the law made by him. And therefore he hath not ordained any judge spiritual having coactyve power to punish the transgressors of this law in this world/ wherefore it is to be marked and taken heed of, that the law of the gospel may be two manner ways compared unto the men, upon whom it was made, by Christ. One way, it may be compared to them in the state and for the state of this present life. And in this comparison it may rather be called a speculative or a practive doctrine, or else both, than a law taken in his proper and last signification/ albeit that it may be called a law, after other significations of the same word/ as after the second and the third significations of which we have spoken in the. x. chapytre of the first diction. And the cause of this which we have said: is this/ for that the name of this word law, in his third signification: belongeth only to a coactyve rule/ that is to wit, such a rule according to which, the transgressoure is punished by power coactyve/ given to him which aught to judge according to the same rule. But now by the law of the gospel, or by the law maker thereof, it is not commanded that any man should be compelled of any spiritual man in this world to observe those things, which are commanded in the same law to be done, or to be left undone, in this world. And therefore it being compared to the state of man in this world, and for this world aught to be called a doctrine, and not a law/ but only after such manner as we have said. And this was the mind of the apostle, in the third chapytre of the second epistle to Tymothe. All scripture inspired from god above: is profitable to teach, to argue, or prove, to rebuke to instruct in ryghtuousnesse. But he never said that it was profitable to compel or to punish in this world/ wherefore in the first chapytre of the second epistle to the Corynthyanes', the apostle saith/ not because we are lords and governors over your faith: but we are helpers or comforters of your joy. Because you stand in faith/ where saint Ambrose (as we have showed before in the. u chapytre of this diction and it grieveth me not to rehearse the same often times again) saith these words/ and jest the Corynthyanes' might be myscontent 
Ambrose.  and angry, as if the apostle had taken upon him to be lord over them. Because he had said, it was for the sparing of you, that I have not come/ therefore the apostle saith followyngely. I do say these aforesaid words/ it was for the sparing of you and not because your faith suffereth any dominion or compulsyon, 
Faith is voluntary.  which is a thing of freewyll, and not of necessytye. But I speak these words therefore, because we are helpers, if you will work with us. etc. Loo here he saith helpers, that is to wit by our doctrine/ and he saith also if you will work with us/ which now do stand in faith, that worketh by love and not by dominion or compulsion. another manner way, the scryꝑture or the law of 
If men seem to be punished for breaking of god's law in this world as for committinge adultery, for nycation, theft heresy, and so forth it is because the malice of their hertis breaketh forth, and disq●eteth their neighbours, & thereby offendeth the kings law, & not in that respect that they offend god's law, which is only referred to god to be punished everlastingly.  the gospel, may be compared unto men, for the state of them in an other world in which world only, and not in this, they shall be pained and punished, whosoever hath transgressed and broken the said law in this world/ and so it may well be called a law, in his most proper signification. And he that judgeth according to it which is Christ, may then be called a judge, in the most proper signification of this word/ because he hath coactyve power after the third signification of this word. But the priest or bishop, who ever he be, for asmuch as he doth rule and order men according to this law, only in the state of this present life, although it be to the life to come: neither is it granted to him by the immediate maker of this law, that is to wit, Christ, for to punish a man according to it in this world: therefore the priest or bishop is not called a judge properly in his third signification, as the which hath not coactyve power, and neither may, neither aught to punish any man by such manner judgement, in this world with either real or personal pain or punishment And in this or in like manner, any doctor or teacher operative, as a physician is in comparison to the judgement of the bodily health of men, having no power coactyve of any man as we have said about the beginning of this present chapytre. And this was also the sentence of saint Iohn Crysostome plainly & openly (agreeing to the mind of the apostle, in the first chapytre in the second epistle to the Corynthyanes') in his book of dyaloges, which is also entytled of the dygnytie of preesthode, in the second book, and the third chapytre. But the order of his words, which we have brought in heretofore in the. vi. part of the. u chapytre of this dyction: we have not rehearsed again here, for cause of shortness but these words of his, which follow next after the aforesaid text: we have put here, and they be these. For this cause than, there is much need (saith he) of the help of craft and cunning, that men may be persuaded and brought in mind, when they be sick, of their own accord and frewyll to offer themself to the leche craft or physyke of priests/ and not only this, but also that the priests may do good and be gentle to them that are to be cured. For whether any man 
Chrysostome  would start back when he is bound (for verily in this thing he hath power & free liberty) he shall make his disease worse/ or whether he will refuse the words which should have done him good, then in the stead of the surgeons' salves and instruments, he joineth and addeth an other wound unto his first wound by the reason of this his contempt/ and is by the occasion thereof becomed unto himself an instrument of a more perilous and deadly disease. For there is no man that may cure and heal one against his will. And the said Chrysostome after certain words added of him, concerning the correction or amendment of the people, to be marked of all curatis, but not concerning the compelling or constrayninge of them: he saith these words/ but if any man be led out from the right faith: than it remaineth to the priest, and appertaineth to his charge, to use much exhortation much wise diligence, & much patience/ for he may not bring any man again 
Nota.  to the faith: by violence/ but he shall enforce himself & do his uttermost endeavour, for to persuade such person, that he will return to the right faith, from which he hath first fallen. Lo here how this holy man, doth separate & depart the judgement of priests, from the judgement of princes & governors/ because coactyve judgement neither doth belong, neither aught to belong to priests assigning the causes which we have said oftentimes heretofore. The first because that coactyve power is given by the temporal law, or else by the law maker or prince/ which was not granted to priests in Chrysostom's time or province. Secondaryly, for that if such coactyve power should be granted unto 
Even so were it pity to be granted in oh ● time, wherein be so many tyrauntꝭ of the clergy  them/ yet should they in vain/ exercise it upon their subjects/ for no spiritual thing availeth men that are compelled unto it/ neither profiteth them any whit to eternal health. And he said the same upon that text in the. ix. of Luke if any man willeth to come after me: let him deny himself. But I have here left out the order of his words, partly because these aforesaid are sufficient and partly for cause of shortenesse/ This same also was plyanely and openly the mind of saint Hilary, to Constantius the Emperor/ in which epistle among other things/ thus he written to the same Emperor. God hath taught the knowledge of himself: rather than hath exacted it/ and getting admiration 
Hilarius.  and estimation to his precepts, by his heavenly works: he despised and refused all manner authority coactyve of men, to confess and knowledge himself. Loo here, that god willeth men to be taught the knowing and confessing of him, that is to wit by faith/ but not any man to be compelled: thereto for that he despiseth. And he rehearseth the same again not long after saying/ God requireth not any coacte confession. And again afterward in the person of all priests, he saith thus/ I can not receive any man except he be willing/ I 
Hilarius.  can not here any man, but praying/ not sign or mark any man: but him that professeth. Therefore god will not have any coacte confession of his own self/ neither he willeth any man to be drawn thereunto, by any violence done to him or by compulsyon. Wherefore the same Hilarius against Auxentius bishop of Mylayne (whom he reputed to be an Arriane, and which procured men to be compelled by force of Arms) as the said Hilarius saith (to confess those things 
I fear me there hath been & yet be many such Arrians, if they might have the fulswing of sword in their own hands.  which belonged to his own opinion, about or rather against the faith, and rebuking him. Albeit that it had been so, that he had taught no thing but the truth) he saith thus. And first of all I may petye the labour and travail of our time or age/ and sorrow and bewail the foolish opinions of these times/ in which, worldly things are supposed and believed to help and to defend god/ and it is laboured by seculare ambition, to defence and maintain the church of Chryste. And again to the same person, in the same place, he saith. But now (alas for pity) the earthly helps or aids do commend the faith of god: and causeth it to be accepted/ and Christ is proved to be without his power and might: whiles ambition is joined to his name. The church putteth men in fear 
It is time to punish Hilarius for he raileth against the clargye.  with banysshementes and prisons/ and compelleth men to give credence unto her/ and she is believed by banysshementes & prysonamentes. And here Hilarius speaketh of the church understanding by it, the college or company of preestis or bishops, & of other ministers of the church, whom they do call commenlye clerks. This was also openly the mind of saint Ambrose, to Valentiane the emperor in the second epistle, which is entitled to the common people, when he said/ I 
Ambrose.  may weep/ I may be sorry/ I may mourn & sigh/ against weapons or armour, against men of war, and against the Bothians/ my tears are my weapons for such is the armour of priests otherwise I neither aught neither may resist. Behold here that the priest aught not, although he might to move or stereany weapon, or power coactyve against any man/ neither yet command or exorte any weapons or power coactyve to be moved/ namely against chrysten men. The contrary whereof all this world may judge & think of certain priests against the doctrine of the holy scripture and of saints. Therefore according to the truth, and to the open and plain intention and mind of the apostle, and of saints, which of all other, were the cheyfest doctors or teachers, of the church, or of the faith. No man in this world is commanded to be compelled of the spyrytualtie by any pain or punishment, to the embracing or observation of the precepts in the law of the gospel neither infidel, nor yet uninfydel/ wherefore the mynystres of this law, bishops or priests, neither may judge any man in this world, by judgement of the third signification/ neither compel any man to observe the precepts of god's law, namely without the authority of the human law maker/ for such manner judgement, according to the law of god, aught not to be exercised in this world/ nor execusyon thereof to be done, but only in the world to come/ wherefore in the. nineteeen. of Mathewe, Jesus' said unto the apostles. Of a surety I do say unto you, that you which have followed me/ in the regeneration, when the son of man shall sit in the seat of his majesty/ you also shall sit upon twelve seats, judging the. twelve. tribes of Israel. Here may you see when the apostles shall sit with Christ, as it were judges with him, of the third signification/ verily in the world to come, and not in this world/ where the gloze saith/ in the regeneration, that is to say when deed men shall rise incoruptyble/ wherefore after the mind of the gloze, there are two regenerations/ the first, of water and the holy ghost/ the second, in the general resurrection/ wherefore upon these words, you also shall sit: saith the gloze/ after the mind of Augustyne/ when the form of the servant/ that is to wit, of Chryste, which in this world was judged by coactyve power, and did not judge, shall exercise the power of a judge, that is to wit, in the Resurrection: than shall you also be judges with me. ¶ Loo here then that according to the saying of Chryste in the gospel/ and after the exposition of saints: Chryste hath not exercised judicare, power/ that is to wit, coactyve power, in this world. But rather being in the form of a servant: he was judged of an other, by such manner judgement/ & also that when he shall exercise such judicare pour coactyve in an other world: that than the apostles also shall sit with him, to judge by such manner judgement, and not afore that tyme. 
bishops takeupon them more authority than Christ had.  ¶ wherefore it is worthily to be greatly marveled at: wherefore any bishop or priest, who ever he be should take upon them, or be in will to have greater, or other authority, in this world/ than Chryste or his apostles would have/ for they in the form of servants/ have been judged by the seculate and worldly princes/ But the successors of them, priests and bishops, not only refuseth to be subjects to princes contrary to the example and precept of Chryste and his 
As obstynat Thomas of Caunterbury otherwise called Thomas Beket.  apostles/ but also they say, that themselves are above princes and the highest powers, in coactyve jurisdiction/ and the princes to be subjects unto them/ not withstanding that Chryste said in the. x. of Mathewe. And you shallbe led unto kings & rulers for my sake/ & he did not say you shall be kings & ruler's/ and it followeth afterward/ in the same chapiter/ The disciple is not above his teacher nor the bondman above his lord. Therefore no priest or bishop, in that he is such one, neither may, neither aught, to exercise judgement, dominion, power, or governance coactyve, in this world. And this also was evidently the mind of Arystotle in the. iiii. book of his polytykes, and the. twelve. chapiter.  
THis may be proved also after this manner. For if chryst had willed, the priests 
Chryste would not the priests of the new law to be coactyve power  of the new law, to be iudgis by the authority of the same law, by judge meant coactyve of the third signification that is to wit, by defyning & determining the contentions and debatefull acts of men, in this world, by such manner sentence/ doubtless he would have given such special precepts of such manner things, in this law/ likewise as he did in the old law to Moses'/ whom god by his own mouth or words and not by any man: ordained and made governor and coactyve judge of the jews/ as it is read in the. seven. chapiter of the acts of the apostles/ for which cause also/ god gave to him a law, of things to be observed, in the state of this present life, containing specially precepts of such things, for the departing and ending of the contentions and strifes among men, & being very moche like unto the law of man as touching some part of it. To the observing and keeping of which precepts, men were compelled and constrained in this world by Moses & his substytutes coactyve judges, with or by pain or punishment/ but not by any priest/ as it appeareth evidently in the. xviii. chapiter of Exodus. But Christ hath not given any such precepts in the law of the gospel/ but supposed them to be already given, or that they should afterward be given, in the laws of men/ which laws he commanded to be observed, and also the governors according to those laws to be obeyed of every soul, at the lestwyse in those things, which should not be contrary to the law of everlasting health. And therefore he saith in the. xxii. of Mathewe, and in the. xi. of Mark. give you to Cesare those things, that belong to Cesare/ understanding by Cesare: any manner prince or governor. So also-the apostle in the. xiii. to the Romans saith (for it grieveth me not to rehearse it again) Let every soul be subject to the higher powers. So also in the last chapytre of the first epistle to Timothe, he biddeth the servants to be obedient to their lords, you though they be infydeles. And the gloze also in the same place after the mind of Augustyne, agreeth with the same/ which we have brought in afore in the .viii. part of the. u chapytre of this diction/ of all which auctoryties it appeareth evidently, that it was the intention and mind of Christ, and of the apostle and of saints: that all men aught to be subject and obedient to the laws of men/ and to those that be judges according to the same laws.  
¶ Moreover of these aforesaid things it is evident: that chrysten men are not 
Not all the preceptis of the old law are to be observed.  bound to observe and keep all things, which in the old law or testament were counseled or commanded to the people of the jews to be kept. But the observation of certain things which commanded to the jews/ is utterly forbidden chrysten men (as for example the seremonyes) under pain of eternal perdition/ as the apostle teacheth in the. iii and. seven. chapytres to the Romans/ in the second and. u to the Galathianes, and in the second to the Ephesyanes'/ and in the. seven. and. x. chapitres to the Hebrews. To whose mind saint jerome & saint Augustyne agreeing, say in their epistles sent from the one of them to the other the. xi. and the. xiii. concording each with other/ that the observers of such ceremonies, other truly or feignedly, after the publysshing of the law of the gospel, shall be cast down into the dongyon of the devil. Likewise also, christen men are not bound to the observation of the legales as it appeareth by the apostle & also by Augustine 
Augustyne.  upon that saying aforesaid in the last chapiter to Timothe when he said/ let not chrysten seruauntis require (that is they can not require) that which is said of the Hebrews. etc. for asmuch than, as there is not in the law of grace any precepts specially given for the contentions & debatefull actis of men in this world to be determined and ended/ it is left, that such things aught to be determined by the laws of men, and by the judges according to those laws, having authority of the humayve law maker or prince. There were also certain other things in the law of Moses commanded to be observed for the state of the world to come, as the precepts of the sacrifices, or of certain hosts, or oblations to be made, for the redemption of sins/ namely of the privy sins/ which are committed by the inward acts or judgement/ to the accomplysshing of which precepts/ no man was compelled or constrained by pain or punishment of this present world/ & very like unto these, are all the counseyles preceptis of the new law/ because Christ neither would, neither commanded any man to be compelled to the observation of them, in this world. Albeit, that he doth command by a general commandment, that the ordinances of men's laws, should be observed/ but yet under pain or punishment to be done unto the transgressors in an other world by him/ wherefore the transgressors or breaket of man's law 
Yea and to be punished in this world by the prince.  in a manner for the most part/ trespasseth against the law of god, but no contrary wise. For there be many acts, in which he that doth them, or leaveth them undone trespasseth against the law of god, which commandeth such things/ whereof to give commandment in the laws of men, it were in vain/ as the deeds, which we have called inward acts, never brasting forth/ which can not be proved to be in any man or not to be in him: and yet they can not be hid or unknown to god/ and therefore the law of god was conveniently given of such things duly to be done or to be left undone/ for the more goodness of men, both in this present world and also in the world to come. ¶ But peradventure some man will reckon imperfection in the doctrine of the gospel/ if by it (as we have said) the contentions or debatefull acts of men can not be sufficiently ruled, for the state and in the state of this present life. But let us say, by the doctrine 
The law of the gospel to sufficient is the life everlasting.  of the gospel we are suffycyentlye directed in the things to be done, and in the things to be avoided and eschewed in this present life, and that for the state of the world to come either to the getting of everlasting life, or to the avoiding or escaping of everlasting punishment/ for the which ends and purposes the scripture was made/ and not for the worldly reducing of the contentious deeds of men, unto equality, or dew commensuracyon, concerning the state or suffycyencie of this present life. For Christ came not in to this world, to rule or strayghten such manner deeds, for this present life, but only for the life to come. And therefore the rule of temporal and worldly acts of men, been sundry manners and diverse fashions dyrecting unto these ends. For the one, that is to say the law of god/ teacheth that in no wise we aught to strive, or go to law, or to ask our own again afore a judge/ albeit it doth not forbid this. And therefore it giveth no special precepts of such things, as we have said afore. But the other rule of these acts or deeds, that is to wit the law of man: teacheth these things & commandeth transgressors to be punished: wherefore in the. twelve. of Luke when a certain man desired of Christ worldly or temporal judgement between him & his brother: Chryst made answer. Thou man who hath ordained me judge or divider between you. etc. As if he had said, I am not come to exercise such temporal judgement/ wherefore the gloze there saith/ he doth not vouch save to be judge of suits or stryffes in the law, nor to be judge or umpire of worldly goodis and substances, which hath the judgement both of quick and deed, and the arbytrement of them all. Therefore the acts or deeds of men could not be sufficiently measured or ruled by the law of god, or by the evangelical law, for the end of this present world. And in deed the commensuratyve rules of such deeds, to the proportion which men lawfully desire for the state of this present life, been taught in the same law/ but supposed either given or else to be given, and taught of the laws of men/ without the which also for default & lack of justice, it might chance through the occasion and contention of men fighting, and separation, and departing of them, and the insuffycyencie of man's life in this world which thing in a manner all men hate and avoid naturally. It can not be said therefore according to truth: that the law or doctrine of the gospel is imperfect. For it is not ordained & apt to have the perfection, of worldly matters. But it was made and given, that by it immediately we should be directed, concerning those things, and in those things which belong to the obtaining or getting 
Here you see, that we lack no necessary unwryten vanytyes, verities I would say but the scripture is perfit & sufficient as the auctoure affirmeth.  of everlasting salvation, and to the avoiding of everlasting misery/ in which things: it is very sufficient and perfit/ for it was not made to the determining of cyvyle contencyous business or matters, appertaining to the end which men desire, and lawfully, in this worldly life/ & truly if it should be called imperfect therefore: it might be called as conveniently imperfect, for that by it we are not taught to he'll bodily diseases/ or to measure quantyties or to sail in the occyan see/ howbeit this may be granted safely, that it is not utterly perfit, for so there is no thing perfit: but only one/ that is to wit, god. And to this sentence, as being undoubtedly true: the gloze after the mind of Gregory beareth witness, upon the sixth chapytre of the first epistle to the Corynthyanes', where he saith. I say it to your rebuke and shame. They (saith 
Only god is perfit.  Gregory) should examine/ earthly causes: which have got wisdom of exterior things/ but those which are endued with spiritual gifts: aught not to 
Gregory.  be wrapped or entangled with erthlye business. Now if he had understand by the wisdom of exterior things, and of earthly causes or contentions the holy scripture: he would not have said afterward/ but they which are induced with spiritual gifts, that is to say with holy scripture: aught not to be entangled with erthlye businesses/ neither would have separated such persons, according to this doctrine/ one of them from the other. Moreover, because the apostle & also the saints after one exposition, had afore called them, which had such know league and wisdom/ that is to wit of exteryoure things/ contemptyble persons in the church/ which thing neither the apostle, neither yet the saints expounding his words, meaned or thought of them/ that were learned in the holy scripture. Thus than, how many and what manner legal acts of men there be/ by what laws also and judges/ how, and when, and by whom, they are to be ruled, made straight, and amended. I suppose we have showed suffycyentlye, to the intention purposed of us.   

¶ Of the coactyve judge of heretics, that is to wit, to whom it appertaineth to judge them in this world, to punish them by personal or real punysshementes, & to whom or whose use or behole these aught to be applied or put unto.  
The, x, chapytre,  
But of these things which we have said, it is doubted not with out a cause/ for if the infliction or exaction of real or personal pains, by coactyve judgement of all people, that are to be coarted or punished in this present life, appeareth only to him that is heed governor and prince, as it hath been showed here tofore/ than it followeth, that the coactyve judgement of heretics, or otherwise infidels/ or scysmatykes, and the infliction, exaction, or application, of real and personal punishment: shall appertain to such prince and governor/ which seemeth and appeareth to be a great inconuenyent. For in asmuch as it appeareth to belong all unto one, & to the same authority, to know 
Objections.  to judge, & to correct the offence or trespass: and it belongeth to the priest or bishop, to dysserne the crime of heresy, and to none other: it shall appear that both the counsel, the coactyve judgement, and the correction of this crime, shall appertain or belong to the priest or bishop alone. Moreover the judgement of the trespasser, & the exaction of punishment, seemeth to appertain to him, against whom or whose law/ the trespasser hath offended/ but that is only the priest 
The pressed is the mynystre of god's laws.  or bishop (for he is the minister and judge of the law of god, against which law principally the heretic, scysmatyke, or otherwise infidel, doth offend & trespass, whether it be a company, or else a singular person) it followeth therefore that this judgement belongeth to the priest, & in no wise to the secular governor. And this appeareth to be openly the mind of saint Ambrose in his first epistle 
Answer to the objections before proponed.  to Ualentian the emperor/ and because it appeareth and seemeth that he means the same throughout the hole process of the same epistle. I have left out his words here because of brevytie and shortness. ¶ But let us say that, that who soever trespasseth or offendeth against the law of god/ is to be judged, corrected, & punished according to the same law/ but as to wching to that law/ there is 
Be not here so hasty & captious. as to think that because of these words thauthor would have no heresy punished (as it may seem) but read a little further & see the conclusion, how he would have it punished by the comen law & not by no spiritual law or man.  two manner of judges. The one a judge of the third signification, having coactyve power to coarte the transgressors of this law, & to exact punishment of them/ and this is but only one/ that is to wit, Chryste/ as we have showed in the chapytre afore go by the authority of james in his. iiii. chapiter/ which judge for all that, hath willed and ordained, that all the transgressors of this law shallbe judged by coactyve judgement in the world to come/ and to be coatted with pain or punishment only in that world, and not in this/ as it hath sufficiently appeared of the chapiter afore go. But the other judge as touching to this law is the priest or bishop/ not a judge of the third signification, so that it belongeth not to him to compel any transgressoure of this law in this world, or to require or exact any pain or punishment upon him, by power coactyve, as it hath been openly showed in the. u chapytre of this diction and in the last chapytre afore go, by the authority of the apostle & of saints, & by the invyncyble reason of them/ yet that notwithstanding, he is a judge of the first signification, to whom it appertaineth to teach, to exhort, to rebuke, and reprove sinners or transgressors of the same law, & to put them in fear, or dread, with the judgement of eternal damnation, & the inflyction of everlasting pain which shall be done to them by the coactyve judge, that is to wit Chryste, in the world to come/ as we have declared in the. vi, &. seven. chapytres of this dyction, where in we treated of the power of the keys given to priests/ & also in the last chapytre afore this where we compared the priests which are the leches or physicans 
Heretykis are to be taught & exhorted by the priest.  of souls: unto the bodily physicians, as saint Augustyne said by the authority of the prophet & as the master of the sentence reciteth in the. iiii. book of the sentences in the. xviii. distinction & the. ix. chapiter/ for as much than as an heretic a scysmatyke, or any other infidel, who soever he be is the transgressoure of the evangelical law, if he shall continue in that crime or offence, he shall be punished by that judge to whom it belongeth to punish the transgressors of god's law, in that they are such once, when he shall exercise his iudyciarie power. And this judge is only chryst which shall judge the avycke & the deed & those that shall die, but yet in the world to come, and not in this (for of his great mercy he hath granted to sinners, that they may repent or do penance, even until their last departing or passage from this world/ that is to wit even untyldeth. But by the other judge, that is to wit, the pastor or curate, bishop or priest/ he is to be taught and exhorted in this present world/ and the sinner is to be reproved & rebuked, and to be put in fear and dread with the judgement of eternal glory, or everlasting damnation to come/ but not to be compelled in any wise/ as it is evident of the chapiter last afore go. But if it shall be prohybyted by the law of man that any heretic or otherwise infidel shall continue or abide & 
When heretics are to be punished, & by whom  remain in any region: who soever shall be found/ in that region to be such one, that is to wit an heretic, or mysbelever, and so justly & manifestly proved, in that he is now a transgressor or breaker of the law of man: he aught to be punished even in this world, with pain or punishment ordained, & set in the same law, for such transgressyon or offence/ and that by such judge: which we have showed in the. xx. chapiter of the first diction, to be the keeper or mayntener of the law of man, that is by the prince or his deputy. But if it be not prohybyted by the law of man, an heretic or an other infidel, to devil & abide in the same province, with chrysten men: likewise as it hath been permitted to heretics, and to the seed of the jews now by the laws of men, even in the times of chrysten people, chrysten princes, & chrysten bishops: than I say it is not lawful for any man to judge any heretic or other mysbelever or to compel him by any pain or punishment either real or personal, for the state of this present life. And the cause general hereof is: for that no man though he sinneth never so greatly against any manner dyscyplynes speculative or practive, is punished or coarted in this world precyselye in that he is such one: but in that he sinneth against the commandment of the law of man. For if it were not prohybyted by the law of man, to be drunken, to make or to cell noughty leather or shoes, & that so ill wrought as any man may or willeth, to practise false phisyke, and falsely teach or to exercise other occupations, even as he list himself: the drunkard. or who soever did amiss in the other works or occupations, in no wise should be punished. And therefore we aught to mark & to take heed, that in every 
Of a certain order and dew pcesse to be observed in the bulting forth of all treuth.  manner coactyve judgement of this world, afore that sentence of deliverance, or of condemnation be pronounced, & given forth: as concerning the just trial of the truth, certain things at to be inquired in order. One is, whether the word or the deed, whereof the person is accused/ be such as it is said to be, And this is to know afore, what it is which is said to be committed. The second thing to be required is, whether it be prohybyted by the law of man, such thing to be done. And the third is whether the person accused hath committed that offence which is laid to his charge. Than after inquisition made of these things/ followeth judgement or sentence of condemnation against the person accused, or else of absolution & deliverance/ as for example. Let any man be accused for an 
How heretics are to be examined & judged.  heretic, or else for a counterfayter of golden vessels, or of any other metal. After that this person so accused, be delivered or dampened by coactive sentence of the judge it aught first to be inquyred whether the word or the deed laid to his charge, be heretycall or else not. Secondaryly it aught to be searched out, whether to say any thing in such wise: be forbidden by the law of man. thirdly whether such crime or offence hath been committed by him which is accused thereof. Than last of all after these inquisitions duly made followeth judgement coactyve either of absolution, or else of condemnation. As concerning the first of these. three things: the governor or judge aught to be certyfyed by them which are learned & skylled in each manner of science, to whom it belongeth to consider the quiddity or nature of that saying or deed, which is laid to the charge of the person accused/ for such people are judges of such things, in the first signification, as we have said in the second chapytre of this dyction, & they are bound to know the nature of such things: to whom the authority is given by the prince or governor, to teach, or to practise, & to work such things, in the city or community (which authority given by the governor we are wont to call in the liberal sciences: a licence) & it is after like manner in all other arts practive or mechanical, as it hath been showed & declared in the. xv. chapiter of the first dyction. For a physician aught to know those, that be full of lepry concerning the body: & those that be not. So also the priest aught to discern & know, which saying or doctrine is heretical: 
By leprye he resy is signified.  & which catholic. So also the goldfyner or goldsmyth aught to discern & know one metal from an other/ & so the lawyer aught to judge between things borrowed, or laid to keep/ and other like cyvyle acts. For the prince or governor, in that he is governor, is not bound to know such thyngs. Albeit after if the law be perfit he aught to be sertyfyed of the nature of words, or sayings, of works and deeds, by the teachers, workers & practysers of sciences & arts. Than to the question purposed & moved in the beginning of this chapytre: I do say/ that 
Nota.  any manner teacher of the divine scriptures, which is or aught to be every priest may & aught to judge/ by judgement of the first signification, whether the crime whereof any person is accused, by heresy or not. Wherefore it is said in the second of Malachi the prophet. The lips of the priest keep knowledge, & men shall requyrethe law (that is to wit the law of god) of his mouth/ for such manner men, aught the successors of the apostles priests or bishops for to be, to whom it was said of Christ in the. xxviii. chapiter of Mathewe. Do you therefore and 
What manner men bishops aught to be.  teach you all nations. etc. teaching them to keep all things, whatsoever I have given to you in commandment. So also it is written in the. iii chapytre of the first epistle to Timothe among other things he aught to be apt to teach/ understand thou, the law of god. So also in the first chapytre to Titus he saith a bishop aught to embrace & cleave fast to that faithful & true speech: which is according to doctrine, that he may be able to exhort in holy doctrine, & to convynce & reprove them, which gaynsaye it. For there been many deceivers/ which are to be reproved & convynced. But the second thing/ that is to wit, whether such trespass be prohybyted by the law or not/ the prince aught to know. And the third thing which he aught to know/ is whether he, to whose charge that crime is laid, have said or exercised the crime of speaking or doing heretically. And this judgement may be judged by the exteryoure or interyo ● senses or wits, aswell of unlearned: as of learned men/ whom we call witnesses or records. Than after these things done, judgement or sentence is to be given by the governor, 
witnesses.  other of condemnation, or else of absolution or deliverance from payneor punishment/ & either exaction or relaxation to be made of the same punishment unto him, which was accused of such trespass. For no man is punished of the governor, for that that he doth offend or trespass only against the law of god. For there are many deadly sins, & against the law of god, as the sin of fornication, which the human power doth sometime wyttynglye ꝑmyt 
Fornycation  (as in that case where no law is ordained for such enormyties) neither any bishop or priest doth prohybyte, neither may or aught to prohybyte by coactyve power. But the heretic which trespasseth against the law of god, if such sin be also prohybyted by the law of man: is punished, in that he doth offend and 
Why heretics been punished  trespass against the law of man/ for this is the precyse and the very principal cause/ wherefore any man is punished by pain or punishment of this present world. And where the cause is present: there the effect of that cause must needs 
As where the crime brosteth forth.  follow/ and where the cause is absent: there the effect must nedely be away. Likewise on the contrary side, he that trespasseth against the law of man, by any offence: shall be punished in an other world/ but yet not for that that he doth offend against the law of man only. For there are many things prohybyted by the law of man: which are permitted by the law of god/ as if a man do not pay home that he hath borrowed, at the time set, & appointed, either through lack of habylytie, or by the reason of any fortune or chance, or of forgetfulness, or of sickness or through any other impedyment or letting, he shall not be punished for 
That is to say, he shall not be punished in an other world for breaking of his day of payment, so that he pay after wards, be it in case, that he might not keep his day  this in an other world: by the coactyve judge, according to the law of god/ and yet that notwithstanding, he is ryghtuouslye punished in this world/ by the coactyve judge, according to the law of man. And therefore to trespass or offend against the law of god: is the very principal cause & the necessary cause, wherefore one shall be punished in an other world/ for where this cause is: there necessarily followeth the effect, that is to wit pain or punishment for the state & in the state of the world to come/ and where this cause faileth: there faileth also the said effect.  
¶ Therefore the judgement of coarting or exacting of temporal pain or punishment upon heretics, scysmatykes, or any other mysbelevers who soever they be/ and the power thereof belongeth only to him that is governor, and not to any priest or bishop for that they offend or trespass against god's law/ which compared unto men in the state and for the state of this present life: is a law/ but not after the last signification of this word having coactyve power 
Who aught to judge of heretics and under what manner.  of any man in this world (as it appeareth by the chapytre last afore go, and by the. u chapytre of this diction) but it is called a law after the third signification of this word/ as it appeareth in the. x. chapytre of the first diction. According to which law, preestis even in this world are judges/ after the first signification of this word judge or judgement/ having no coactyve power, as it hath been showed in the. u chapytre of this diction, & in the chapytre last afore go, by the authority of the apostle, of Ambrose, Hilary, and Crisostome/ for if they were coactyve judges or governors over heretics, because such do trespass against the dyscyplyne/ whereof they be teachers and workers, teaching many things to other men according to the same dysciplyne, than by the same reason the goldfyner or the goldsmyth should be coactyve judge & governor, over him, that is a false counterfaytour of golden cups, which is against reason greatly. By the same reason also, the physician might punish them, that work not aright according to the art and science of physyke. And than should there be as many governors coactive as there been offices or occupations in a city, against the which it might chance any man to trespass or offend/ which thing we have showed to be impossible & superfluous, in the, xvii. chapiter of the first diction/ for those that trespass or offend against the offycis, occupations & craftis in the city/ should not be coarted or punished/ unless there be somewhat else coming between, as for example the precept of the human law, made by the authority of the prince, For if such manner offences were not prohybyted by the law of man, they that do commit such offences aught not in any wise to be punished. This that we have said: may be proved & declared by a famylyare example/ for I put the case that it were forbidden by the law of man that people infect with lepry, shulded well or abide among other cytezens/ might the physician or leche (which alone can judge their sickness according to his faculty & science that is to wit, whether they be full of lepry or not) by coactyve power & of his own authority, because he is a doctor of physyke drive them, whom he shall judge by judgement of the first signification to be full of lepry: from the fellowship & company of other men. etc. It is evident & undoubted, that he might not do so. But to do this thing belongeth only to him, to whom the costume of the human law coactyve is committed/ that is to wit to the governor/ for it is not lawful for the people or for any company pryvatefy, to judge, or to coarte, or punish any man: but only to the cheyfe governor/ which governor for all this concerning the crimes, or trespasses & offences, whereof any man is accused: and concernyyge the nature of the same, according to the determynation of the law, if it speak of this thing (which doubtless it shall do if it be a perfit law) or else by his own wisdom, if it be not spoken but left out in the law: aught to use & to give credence to the judgement of the learned men, & such as be well skylled in the arts or sciences, which treat of the nature of such works, deeds, or words/ as to the judgement of a physician concerning the people which be full of lepry or which be not so/ & to the judgement of a divine of sinners/ which are figured or signified by leprous people in the holy scripture after the exposition of sayntis. Likewise also he aught to believe the judgement of the goldsmyth 
Sinners are figured by the lepres  concerning the deceitful counterfeiting of golden cups, or of other metallꝭ/ & semblably to any other manner learned or cunning man, after the other kinds of things, that may be done or wrought. So than the physician of souls, that is to wit the priest: aught to judge of heretics or infidels, by judgement of the first sygnyfycation, that is to wit in pronouncing, & declaring by the word of god which saying or which deed is heretycall, & which not. But to judge of such persons by judgement of the third signification, that is by dampning or absolving them from temporal pain or punishment, or to compel them which shall be dampened, suffer such pain or punishment: & to apply the pains exacted for these crimes, if there be real, as well as other pains which are exacted & required for other crimes, & offences, according to the determination of the law of man. All these things (I say) belong only to the prince & governor or his deputy. And to these things which we have said: the scripture beareth witness. in the. twenty-five. chapiter of the acts of the apostles. For when the apostle was accused of the jews for an heretic, though falsely & wrongfully: the inquisition, deduction, application, & determination of this cause, was made a fore a judge, to a judge, & by a judge/ thereunto ordained & appointed, by the authority of the governor. Likewise as to other contentions or cyvyle acts or deeds. And it is no mastery, to assoil the reasons or objections made contrary to these determinations/ for when it was said, that the judgement of the heretic belongeth unto him as judge, to whom it belongeth to know the crime of heresy: here is a distinction to be made, because of the equyvocation or manifold signification of this word judge or judgement/ & after one sygnyfycation of these words that is to wit? the first: the ꝓposytion aforesaid is true/ & after an other sygnyfication 
Answers to objections made before.  of this word judgement/ that is to wit the third, the said ꝓposytion is false. And therefore nothing can be concluded against our determynation of this proposition afore alleged. And to the other objection which followeth, that to him belongeth the judgement/ of the trespasser, & the exaction of the pain, & the application of the same, if he be real, against whom & whose law, the trespasser doth offend. And than when it is said afterwards/ that the heretic trespasseth & offendeth against the law of god: it is to be granted/ & therefore he shall be judged by him, that is judge of the third signification according to that law/ that is to wit by chryst in an other world/ but not in this except it be by man's law. But neither priest neither any bishop is such a manner judge of the law of god: but only a judge in the first signification, for that he is a teacher thereof/ namely if this law be compared to men in the state and for the state of this 
A priest is a teacher & not a prince.  present life. Again the first proposition of this syllogysme supposed to be true/ after the sense which we have said, that is to wit, that the judgement of the transgressor/ appertaineth to him as to a coactyve judge, against whom or against the law whereof he is keeper/ the transgressor doth offend (the law I mean of the last sygnyfycation only) than let us add thereunto this second proposition being very true/ that the heretic trespasseth only against the secular judge, taking this word in his third signification, & against the law whereof he is keeper, taking this word law in the last & his proper signification, that is to wit coactyve only, and not against any other coactyve law or judge in this 
An heretic is not to be condemned by a priest.  world/ And than let us therefore conclude that the heretic is to be judged by such judge, with coactyne judgement in this world (the maker of this law so ordaining) & pain or punishment to be exacted of the same transgressor also by the same judge/ which pain if it be real, is to be applied by the same judge, to him, to whom the temporal law hath ordained & appointed it to be applied. Or else we must make a dystyntion of the first proposition, according to the equocation of the words made in the parologisme or deceyptlull reason last afore this. So than it can not be inferred or concluded thus of necessity/ some man is to be condemned or judged as an heretic in this world & for this world, by coactyve judgement, really, or personally or both ways: ergo he is to be judged by some priest or bishop/ except peradventure it be by judgement of the first signification/ neither it also followeth therefore, ergo the carnal or temporal goodis which be exacted of the heretic condemned, as punishment or part of the punishment of his offence: aught to be applied to any bishop or priest, likewise as it doth not also follow. This man is to be judged as a counterfayter of money/ ergo he is to be judged by the coiners except it be peradventure by judgement of the first sygnyfycation, & not of the third that is to wit by coactyve judgement. Neither it followeth also, that the temporal goods, which are exacted of him as punishment/ aught to be applied to the use & behove of the coiners, or to any company, or singular person of them/ but he ought to be judged with coactyve judgement, by the governor only and the goods of him to be applied, accordige to the determynation of the human law. ¶ And to the objection grounded upon the authority of saint Ambrose, it is to be 
See these objections in the beginning of this chapytre.  answered & said that he understood & meaned, that the heretic, or the crime of heresy bolongeth to the judgement of preestis or bishops/ taking this word judgement in his first sygnyfacation, & not in the third/ for never any bishop or priest used such manner judgement coactyve, of his own authority, about the stake of the primitive church/ albeit afterwards they proceeded unto such things, by the occasion of certain grauntꝭ made to them by princes & governors/ & therefore who so ever doth confydre the very begynnyngꝭ of such things: those things which semen now by long abusion to be of strength, & to have the face & apparence of right shall seem to him but trifling phantasyes & dreams/ thus then, be it determined of the judge & judgement, & the coactyve power over infidels & heretics.   

¶ Of certain signs, testymonyes, and examples, aswell of the canonycall as of the seculare scripture: by which it is showed that to be true which hath been determined in the .iiii. the. u the. viii. the .ix. & the .x. chapytres, of this diction concerning the state of bishops & generally of priests, and why, & wherefore Christ hath separated the state of them/ that is to wit, the state of poverty/ from the state of princes or governors.  
The, xj, chapytre,  
FOr as much as it hath been showed of us in the chapytres afore go, aswell by the auctorytes of the holy scripture, as by other certain evident polytycall or cyvyle arguments, that to no bishop, or priest or any other clerk, belongeth any jurisdiction coactyve of any person in this world. Now we will declare the same by manifest signs & also testymonyes of which signs this is one & that evident, for that we do not rede, neither that Christ, nor any of his apostles, did ever, or in any place, instytute any judge or deputy in their stead, for to use such manner dominion or to execute such manner judgement: albeit that it seemeth like to be true, that both he & his apostles neither were ignorant, neither did little regard this which is so necessary, a thing in the society & companyeng of men one with an other in this worldly life if they had known this thing to have been appertaining to their offyce, & if they had been willing, that it should belong to their successors, that is to wit bishops or preestis: they would have given some precept or else at the least some counsel, concerning the same/ but as touching the instituting or making of spiritual mynystres, bishops preestis & deacons': they showed & taught the form & manner, how it should be done. And this thing is known sufficiently, to appear ta'en unto their offyce: by the saying of saint Paul, in the third chapytre of the first epistle to Timothe & in the first chapytre to Titus & it appeareth also evidently in very many other places of the scripture. ¶ And chryst hath separated & departed the offyce of preestis or bishops, from the offyce of princes & governors where as if he had life, he might have exercised the estate of a prince, & the offyce of a priest both together/ & have ordained his apostles likewise to have done the same. But he would not so do/ but rather as a thing more convenient, he (as he hath ordained all things in the best wise that might be) would that these offices should be of sundry manners & fashions/ & also to be executed of sundry manner people/ for as much as he was come to teach humbleness & despising of this world, as being the way whereby we might obtain everlasting health. To the intent therefore that 
Chryste was the teacher of humbleness & poverty.  he might teach humility & the despising of the world or of temporal things by his example, before that he taught it by his doctrine: he came in to this world in the most low & humble manner to the utter refusing of such temporal things/ & that because he knew, that men be nothing less, but moche more taught by work or ensample, then by words or preaching/ wherefore Seneca saith in his. ix. epistle. Look (saith he) what aught to be done: & that is to be learned of the doer. Chryste then would be born in most low & vile manner & poverty & in the greatest despising of the world for to teach us & practise the same things by example. wherefore it is read in the second chapytre of Luke, that the blessed virgin his mother, wrapped him in course clotheses/ and that she laid him down in the Mawnger. Behold here, that he was poorly born in an other man's house, behold that he was laid down in a mawnger or cratch, which was a place for beastis to be fed in. And it is like to be true, that he was wrapped in cloutꝭ borrowed of another body because joseph & the blessed virgin were strangers, & pilgrims or passengers in that place/ & he which was thus born in poverty lived also in poverty, when he was grown in age/ wherefore speaking of his own poverty in the viii. of Mathewe, & in the. ix. of Luke: he said. The foxes have dens/ & the birds of the air have nestꝭ but the son of man hath no place, where he may say down his heed. And this state (as being the state of pfection) after all other precepts & counsels duly & accordingly observed & fulfilled: he taught them, to elect & choose those, which be in will & mind, to be his disciples & cheyfe followers/ & namely his successors in that same offyce, which for the exercising whereof, he came in to this world/ wherefore in the. nineteeen. of Mathewe, & in the. x. of Mark 
what bishops aught to choose.  & in the. xviii. of Luke, when a certain man demanded a question of him, saying in this wise. Good maystre, what thing shall I do, to obtain & get everlasting life? Jesus' answered to him & said, knowest thou the commaundementis. Thou shalt not kill, thou shalt do no theft. etc. he said again I have observed & kept all these, from my youth/ when Jesus' had herd that he said to him/ yet thou lackest one thing/ or as it is read in Mathewe/ if thou wilt be perfect go & cell all that thou haste, & give it to poor folks/ & thou shalt have a treasure in heaven. Again in the. xiiii. of the same Luke: he said to his disciples/ who soever of you doth not renounce all things, which he possesseth: he can not be my disciple. Lo here, that the state of poverty, & despising of the world, beseemeth every perfect man/ namely the dysciple of chryst, & his successor in the pastoral offyce/ yea moreover, this state is in a manner necessary to him, that aught to counsel & exhort other unto the despising of the world/ if he do intend & purpose, that any profit or good shall grow of his teaching or preaching/ for if such manner person doth possess riches & desireth domynyons & soveraygneties, which teacheth other men, unto whom he speaketh, to despise these things/ that person verily by his own working & doing doth manifestly reprove & rebuke his own preaching & words/ wherefore Chrisostome, against such preachers, in his book of the compunction of heart/ saith in this wise. To say, & not to do: is not only no lucre 
Chrysostome  or advantage, but also very moche loss & hindrance/ for verily it is a great condemnation, to him that ordereth well & trimeth his speech/ but regardeth nothing his manner of living. This same also is the mind of Aristotle, in the first rhapytre of the. x. book of his etykes/ where he saith thus. For when the words be disagreeing from the works of him that speaketh, which works be seen & perceived by other bodily senses/ the said works destroy the troth/ that he which ordereth and trimmeth his words so well, can not be believed. And he saith a little after, the words, which be agreeing unto the works or dedis, shall be believed/ and therefore chryst which knew, how all things were to be done most conveniently, willing credence to be given unto his words, whereby he taught the contempt of the world, & the despising & eschewing of worldly vanities & carnal pleasures, he counseled that the works should be conformable to the words or doctrine/ wherefore in the. u of Mathewe he saith to all, that should after wardis be doctors & teachers of such things, in the person of the apostles/ let your light, that is to wit your doctrine, which is compared to light/ so shine before men, that they may see your good works, where the gloze saith these words. I require works that they may be seen/ & so by the reason of them, that your doctrine may be confirmed & established, for 
works be required in a priest.  else little credence is given to the words & doctrine/ where the works be not seen/ wherefore the gloze upon that text in the. x. of Mathewe, do not you possess gold nor silver. etc. showing the cause hereof: saith in this wise/ if they had these things, that is to wit gold & silver. etc. they might seem, to preach, not because of soul health: but for cause of lucre & advantage/ for the teachers or pastors of other men possessing such things: do rather destroy the faith & devotion of men, with their contrary works & examples: then strength & establesshe them with their words & doctrine & that because they do set their own works & deeds manifestly against their own teaching/ of which works men take heed, rather than of the words/ & it is greatly to be feared, lest at the last through the lewd examples of their works/ they do bring the chrysten people, to the desperation of the 
The evil life of bishops.  world to come. For such be the examples & works in a manner of all the ministers of the church, both of bysshpps or preestis, & of other clerks, consequently & most evidently of them which sitteth upon the greatest trones or chayers of the church that is to say, which be in most high rooms & authority: that they do seem no 
Note this well.  thing at all to believe, that there shall be any judgement of god done in an other world/ for let them tell (I beseech them) with what conscience towards god, & if they do believe, that there shall be made a rightwise judgement of god in the worl● to come: done the most part of the pope's of Rome, & their cardinals, with other preestis or bishops (which be made overseers, & put in trust, to take charge of souls, & to dystrybute the temporalles of the church, to poor folk) & also in a manner 
The priests done rob the poor people.  all other deacons & clerks of every sort, according to their power, why do they I say of the theft or robbery of such temporal goods (which have been ordained & bequest by devout chrysten men, for the sustentation of the preachers of god's word & of their poor folk) either deliver whiles they be living, or else bequeath when they be dying, as great sums of money as they may, not to the poor and needy people: but to their near kinsfolk or to other who soever they be, robbing (whereof no man doubteth) the poor men of the same goods. Let them tell also, I require them, with what conscience according to the chrysten religion, 
That priest do waste unthrystely the goods of poor men.  do they living temporally & after a carnal fashion (which for their ministering of the gospel, aught to be contented with meat, & drink, & clotheses, to cover them with all, after the mind of the apostle in the last chapytre of the first epistle to Timothe) consume & waste the goods appertaining to the poor people in so many superfluous & unnecessary things, as horses, servants, feasts, & bankettꝭ & other vanytes & pleasures/ both open & secret. As for the great inconveniences & enormytes, which be done, concerning the distribution of ecclesiastical offices 
Of benefycis evil & unhappily bestowed by the clergy.  & benefycis: I pass over here. For very many of those offycis either for much prayer & entreaty, or for to obtain the favour of secular men being rich or of great power/ or for money which is offered (if it be lawful to speak it) to the dystrybuters selves or else to the mynystres of Simon Magus, for to be intercessors & brokers/ are given to ignorant, to sclaunderfull persons/ to children/ to strangers 
Simon Magus.  unknown, to hateful/ & to evidently unlearned people after the judgement of the whole comen people. Albeit yet, that the apostle in the third chapytre of the first epistle to Timothe, doth teach that the ecclesiastical officers aught to be known, as honest & perfect men both in life or manners: & also in doctrine & learning/ wherefore he saith in that place. He (that is to wit, the bishop or priest) aught to have good report & testimony, even of them: which be without the church/ how moche more then, of them which be within the church? And a little afterwards in the same chapytre he saith. The deacons likewise aught to be chaste/ and let these also be proved and tried first/ and afterward let them so mynystre that no man may accuse them/ But here some may say conveniently, that the most part of them be well proved as the world knoweth: that is to wit, how much money they be able to give/ or how great intreatinge or prayer they be able to make/ but because we will not take inhande, to number or reckon up pertyculerly all the inconveniences (which to do, is in a manner impossible or very hard) we making as it were a general sum of the acts & works of preestis, deacons', & well night all other mynystres of the temple: do witness here before chryst, calling upon ourselves 
Note this▪ & bear it well away.  his judgement & condemnation, if we do make any lie, that the aforesaid bishops, & all other well near which be now a days, do work in a manner the contrary things to all those, which they do teach unto other men, for to be observed, according to the doctrine of the gospel/ for they be all together inflamed with the desire of pleasures, of vanytyes/ of temporal and transitory goods/ & of worldly domynyons and dygnytes/ and with all labour and enforcement, not by right, but by both privy and open wrong, they go about to purchase and get such things/ and vyolentlye possesseth them/ which things every one for all that, Christ and the apostles his true followers, both did theyrselues despise: & also taught & commanded other to despise them/ namely & most of all those 
Preestis should be the despisers of worldly things.  which aught to preach the despising of worldly things unto other men. For Christ, if he had would, and if he had seen & perceived it to be expedient for the preacher: might have kept the estate of a prince or ruler in this world, and have suffered passion likewise in the same state. But he fled out of sight in to the mountain, to refuse and despise such manner state/ and to teach, that it is to be despised/ as we have alleged here tofore in the. iiii. chapiter of this part, of the. vi. of Iohn. For it is not seemly nor according for them, which teacheth & preacheth the despising of such manner state/ to bear the same estate/ but rather to bear the state of subjects, and low or vile persons/ which manner state, both Christ himself & also his apostles kept, whiles they were in this world. contrariwise, the state of outward poverty, and the low or vile state/ is not seemly nor convenient for a prince or governor/ for such state is expedient for him which state the good subjects may have in reverence, and the evil subjects may 
poverty is not setting or seemly for a prince/ but he must needs be of a right high estate, power, and richesse.  fear and dread/ and by which estate also, if need shall require, he may be able to punish rebellyons and transgressors of the laws/ which thing he could not do conveniently, if he had a poor and low state/ for which cause, also the offyce of a preacher is not convenient nor seemly for him. For if he that is prince and governor over the people, should counsel and exhort men to the state of poverty, & to the humble and low state, and again, that if a man be strycken on the one cheek, that he should hold out the other cheek to the stryker: & also that to him which taketh away our cote, we aught to give also our gown, rather than to go to the law, and strive before a judge, with him that hath wronged us. Men would not lightly give credence to him in such things/ for in the state which is setting and seemly for him, and which he doth also bear/ he should do clean contrary to his own words and teaching. And besides this, he should also do unconuenyently and unaccordynglye/ for in asmuch as it appertaineth to his offyce, to restrain & hold under by punishment, them that done injury and wrong, yet albeit that they do not require it which have suffered the injury or wrong if he should preach, that injuries be to be forgiven to the doers of them both he should give to the evil men a certain occasion of more largely trespassing or doing evil/ & also to the persones offended, & which have suffered injury or wrong: he should give occasion to doubt or to mistrust of obtayninge true justice: for which cause Christ, which hath ordained all things always in the best wise & manner: would not the offycis of princes or governors, & of preestis to be joined together in one person/ but rather to be departed y● one from the other, & to be executed of diverse persons. And this seemeth to be expressly the mind of saint Barnarde in the. iiii. chapiter of 
Bernarde.  his second book, which he written to Eugenius the pope De consideratione/ where he saith thus. Darest thou then which art a lord: usurp and take upon thee, the offyce of an apostle? or thou which art an apostolyque person: take unto the dominion or lordship? plainly thou art forbidden from both/ if thou wilt have both together at one time: thou shalt loose both/ for else: do not suppose or reckon that thou art excepted from the number of them, of whom god complaineth in this wise. They have reigned: and not by me: they have been princes and governors & I have not known them. To these before rehearsed things, beareth witness the decrees or certain histories of the bysshopps of Rome/ for in them 
The donation of Constantyne.  is found written a certain donation pryvylege (which is also approved and allowed of the same) of Constantyne the emperor of the Romans, whereby he granted to saint Sylvester (as men say) jurysdyccyon coactyve, and temporal dominion 
That could not the emperor do justly  or soveraygnete, over all churches, and all other preestis or bishops of the world. And for asmuch as every pope of Rome, and with him also the other congregation or company of priests or bishops, do confess and knowledge, that grant to be of valour & strength: consequently they must also grant, that the same Constantyne had first this jurisdiction or power upon them. Namely saying that no such manner jurisdiction is known to belong unto them over any clerk or say man, by the virtue of the words of holy scrpture/ & this is it, which saint Barnarde saith expressly to Eugenius, in the book of consideration 
Barnarde.  and the. iiii. chapiter/ for there he saith thus. This Peter is he which is not known to have come forth at any time, either adorned with precious stones/ or silk garments/ nor covered with gold/ nor carried on a white palfrey/ 
How like you Barnarde my lords?  nor having a thick guard of men of war about him. And though he had none of all these things: yet he believed, that he might well enough fulfil that wholesome charge which, was given to him, if thou dost love me: feed my sheep/ for in these secular pomps and powers, thou art the successor not of Peter: but 
The pope is successoure to Constantyne & not to Peter.  of Constantyne. Thus then to conclude, the offyce of princes or governors is none offyce seemly nor meet for preestis, in that it is such one/ nor contrary wise the offyce of a priest seemly for princes. Of the difference of which let this which we have rehearsed, be sufficient at this tyme.   

¶ Of the distinction, of certain words, very necessary for the determination of the questions, about the state of most high and perfit poverty.  
The, xii, chapytre,  
How then after that we have thus syngularely and specially showed, that chryst & his apostles whiles they were conversant here in this world did teach and keep the state of poverty and humility, & that this also is to be held as sure & undoubted of chrysten men, that every doctrine or counsel of Christ and his apostles, is somewhat merytoryous of everlasting life: it seemeth convenient to make inquisition of their poverty, what manner one, and how great it was/ that they may have knowledge thereof: which whiles they be here in this present life, are minded and willing to follow them in the same poverty. Taking therefore this inquisition in hand, we shall first tell and declare, what poverty is/ and how many manner ways one may be said to be poor/ and also how many manner ways one may be said to be rich/ for these two, that is to wit to be rich, and to be poor, seem to dyfferre the one from the other/ sometime as Habitus & privatio/ that is to say as a quality dyffereth from the lack of itself (as light dyffereth from darkness, which is nothing else but lack or want of light) and sometime they seem to dyffre as contrary qualities. That done: we shall divide either of these nouns in to their sygnyfycations/ and shall afterwards put to, the descriptions of the same/ that it may appear to us, whether there be any poverty meritoryous/ and whether among the diverse manners of poverty, there be any order of perfection of the one to the other/ and which is the cheyfe & highest of all other manners of poverty. And for asmuch as all men calleth them rich, 
Rich.  which have lawfully or of right, power, dominion, or possession of temporal things (which they call riches) either severally or in comen, or both ways: & they do call him a poor man, which is without such manner goods: least by reason of 
Poor.  the diverse use of certain of the said nouns, which we shall have need to use to our purpose, the sentence, which we intend to declare, might be ambygnouse and doubtful: we shall first show the diverse sygnyfycations or manners where in the said words may be taken. And the nouns or names whereof we do mean, be these. Ius, dominium, possessio, propri●m, coen, dives, et pauper. And first we will begin, to show the diverse sygnyfycacions of this word Ius/ for we shall need them in the assignations and dyvysyons of the other words, but not 
Ius/ Right.  contrary wise we shall not need the other words in the declaration of the sygnyfycations of this word Ius. This word Ius therefore in one signification betokeneth the law, as this word law is taken in his third and last signification, whereof we made mention in the. x. chapytre of the first part of this book and this law is divided in to two membres or parts, that is to wit, the law of man/ and the law of god/ which also, as touching to a certain time, & after a certain manner may be called a law after the third signification, as it was said in the chapytre before alleged and of the nature and quality of these two 'lows, and of the agreement & also of the difference of them: we have spoken sufficiently, in the. viii. and. ix. chapytres of this dyction. Of the which chapytres thus much we will rehearse now again for our purpose/ first that the agreement of them is in that, that either of those laws is a precept, or prohibition or a permyssyon of the deeds or works, which be apt to set in order and rule the commandment 
The difference of the law of god & the law of man  of the mind of man/ but they do dyfferre in this, for that the first of the two, that is to wit the law of man/ doth punish the transgressors of it, in this world/ and the second that is to wit the law of god doth not so, but only in the world to come. And this word precept is said two manner of ways one way actively, that is to wit, of the act or deed of him that commandeth, after which manner we be wont to say, that the will of any one that hath power to command, being expressed is a precept or commandment/ as the will & pleasure of a king or any other governor, when it is expressed or uttered, is called the kings or governors precept. another manner way, the thing, which is willed to be done by the act of the commander: is called a precept/ and after this manner we be wont to say that the servant hath fulfilled or done the precept of his maystre/ not meaning that the servant hath done the act or work of the lord or master, which act is to bid or command: but meaning that the servant hath done the thing, which the maystre by his act, that is to wit by his bidding or giving commandment, willed to be done/ and therefore as oft as this noun precept is referred to the commander: it is alone to say, as giving of commandment, which is the work or operation of him that commandeth/ but as oft as it is referred to the subject: it is all one with the thing that is willed to be done by the giving of a commandment, and that it is said passyvely. This noun precept then taken actively and commenlye: is said of the ordinance or statute of a prince or governor, aswell an affirmative as negative statute, binding the transgressor to some pain or punishment/ but properly, and after the usage of this word now a days: it is taken only for a statute affirmative/ for an affirmative statute hath not any proper name belonging to itself after the use: but hath kept to itself the comen name precept. But a statute negative hath a proper name belonging severally to itself. For it is called a prohibition. And I call that an affirmative statute, whereby any thing is ordained to be done. And I call that a negative statute, whereby it is ordained, some thing not to be done/ and if such manner ordinance or statute be affirmative, binding the transgressor thereof unto pain or punishment it is called a precept. But if it be a negative ordinance, & also binding the transgourssours 
precept. prohibition  unto any pain: it is called a prohibition. And this word prohybition is said two manner of ways actively and passyvely, even likewise as the word precept/ and these two ordinations binding the transgressoure unto some pain, are for the most part expressed in the laws, either according to their own kind, or else after a like or proporcyonale kind. another manner 
Precept how it is taken in the law of god.  way, this noun precept is taken more straightly or narrowly in the law of god and likewise this word prohybyted, for that statute only whether it be affirmative or negative, which bindeth to eternal pain/ and after this manner, the divines usen these words, when they do say, that the precepts be of the necessity of health & salvation, that is to say, nedely to be observed, if any man aught to be saved/ wherefore it is read in the. xviii. of Luke/ if thou wilt enter in to life: keep the commandments/ that is to say precepts. And there be certain ordinances expressed or understanden only, in the laws, but affirmative and also negative either about one and the same act, or about divers and sundry acts/ which done not bind the doer, or else him that leaveth it undone to any pain or punysshement as to exercise or to not exercise the work of lyberalytye, and so likewise of certain other works/ and such be properly called things permitted by the law. Albeit that this word Permissum taken commonly or generally/ is 
Permission  said otherwiles of statutes binding to pain/ for every thing that is commanded by the law for to be done: the same thing is also permitted by the law to be done/ but not contrary wise, every thing is commanded: which is permitted. So likewise what soever is prohybyted or forbidden by the law for to be done: the same thing is also permitted by the law not to be donè. Again of these things which be properly permitted, that is to say, which bindeth not to any pain: some be merytoryous according to the law of god, and these be called counsels/ and certain be not merytoryous/ and these be called by 
Counsels.  the common name, permyssyons or things permitted/ which words also so taken, that is to say generally, and also specially or properly: are said two manner ways, that is to wit actively and passyvely/ likewise as the words prohibition and precept or commandment. But these permyssyons for the most part be not expressed according to their proper nature and kind in the laws/ namely in the laws of men/ for cause of the great multitude of them, and also because the general ordinance of them is sufficient in this, for every thing that is not commanded or prohybyted by the law, is understanden to be permitted by the ordinance of the law maker or prince. A precept therefore according to the 
precept.  law, in his proper signification, is an affirmative statute binding the transgressor of it to pain or punishment. And a prohibition, pperly is a negative 
prohibition Permyssyon  statute binding to pain or punishment. And a permyssyon ꝓperly is the or denaunce or statute of the law maker binding no man to pain/ after which proper sygnyfycations we must use these said nouns. And of these things thus declared it may conveniently appear, what this word Licitum in englysshe lawful 
Lawful.  doth signify, & what we do mean by it/ for every thing, which is done according to the precept or permyssyon of the law: is lawfully done, & is a lawful deed & what soever thing is left undone according to the prohibition or permyssy on of the law: is lawfully left undone, & may be called lawful/ but the contrary of these may be called unlaufully done, or unlawfully left undone/ hereof also it 
Unlaufull. Phas.  may appear to us, what this word Phas betokeneth. For in one signification this word phas/ & this word Licitum are alone so that what soever is phas: the same is licitum/ & what soever is licitum: the same is phas/ & so it may be englysshed lawfully. In an other signification this noun phas betokeneth that thing which it is reasonably presumed, that the maker of the law or prince hath permitted: albeit that such a thing be absolutely or tegulerly prohybyted, as otherwiles to pass through an other man's ground/ or to handle an other man's thing, with out the express consent of the owner it is phas/ albeit that it is not called right or lawful regulerly after any of the ways & manners of these words afore rehearsed for the handling of an other man's thing is regulerly prohybyted/ but yet in such a case or chance it is phas in which it is reasonably presumed, that the owner or lord of the thing doth consent, all though he doth not grant it▪ expressly/ for which consideration or cause, there is need other whiles in such things of favourable interpretation of the law, which of the Greeks is called Epikeia/ thus than this noun Ius after one signification, is asmuch to say, as the law of 
Ius.  god or the law of man/ or else a precept, or a prohibition or a permyssyon according to these laws. But there is a certain other dyvysion of this noun Ius & specially of Ius humanum, that is man's law: in to Ius naturale, that is the 
jusnaturale  law of nature, & Ius civil, that is the cyvyle law. The law of nature after the mind of arystotle in the. iiii. book of his etykes, in the treatise of justice: is called that statute of the law maker, in which, as being honest & to be observed, in a manner all men do consent and agree together/ as that god is to be honoured: that our parentis are to be worshipped & had in reverence/ that the father & mother should nourish and bring up their children until a certain season/ that we aught to do wrong to no man/ that we may lawfully put back injuries from us and other like things, which all though they do hang of the institution of man/ transumptyvely they be called jura naturalia. i natural laws/ forasmoche as all nations after one manner and fashion done believe these things to be lawful/ and the contraries of them to be unlawful/ likewise as the operations of natural things, which yet have no reason, will, or purpose: been wrought conformably & after one fashion in allnations/ as for example, the fire worketh his operation that is to say, brynneth here: even so as yet doth in all other nations. ¶ Howbeit there be certain men, which call the law of nature, the judgement of right reason, concerning things that may be wrought or done/ which they make a part contained under god's law/ for because every thing that is done according to the law of god, & according to the counsel & judgement of right reason: is utterly lawful without any exception. But yet not every thing that is done according to the laws of man/ for these laws in some points sweruen & croken from right reason/ but this word natural both here, & also before, hath diverse sygnyfycacions for there be many things according to the counsel & judgement of right reason, which be not granted of all nations as honest thyngs. As for example, such things which be not evidently known of all nations/ & therefore consequently are not granted of all nations as honest. So also according to the law of god certain things be commanded, prohybyted, or permitted, which in this point be conformable to the law of man/ which thing because it is known to be so in many things: I have left out here examples, for the more speed & briefness of our process. And hereof also it cometh to pass, that certain things been lawful after the law of man: which be not lawful after the law of god/ & backward again, many things lawful according to the law of god: which be not lawful according to the law of man. Howbeit for all that, lawful & unlawful at to be taken heed of, & judged after the law of god, rather than after the law of man, in such prceptꝭ, ꝓhibitions or ꝑmyssyons, wherein these. two. laws done dysagre the one from the other. But this word Ius/ right in his second signification: 
What this word Ius doth betoken  is said of every human act power, or quality acquisyte, commanded, interior or exterior, aswell inward & abiding within ourself, as outward & going from us in to some exteryoure thing, or in to somewhat of the thing (that is to wit to the use, or the taking of profit of the thing, or the getting, or holding or the conservation or changing of the thing or other like) conformably to the law, which we do call Ius, taking this word in the former signification last before this rehearsed. Now what is Vsus rei, or usus fructus rei, with other lawful handlyngꝭ of a thing by right: let it be supposed to be known of the cyvyle law, at this present tyme. After this signification we be wont to say, that it is the right of any man, when he willeth or desireth any thing, or else handleth or occupieth any thing, conformable to Ius taking this word in his first signification afore rehearsed that is to say conformable to the law/ wherefore such manner of handling or occupyenge of a thing, or such manner will is called right or law/ because it is conformable to the law, in that which it commandeth prohybyteth or permytteth. Likewise as the pillar is called the right or the left pillar: when it is cituate or set in place, that is nearer to the right or the left side of the sencyble creature. Then Ius in his second signification, is nothing else but a thing willed by the active commandment, prohibition, or ꝑmyssyon, of the law maker, or prince which we have said here tofore to be a precept, or a prohibition or permyssyon passyvely. And this is it also: which we called afore Licitum, that is to wit lawful. Again this latyn noun Ius, in englysshe, right, signifieth & betokeneth the sentence of them, that judge according to the 
Ius.  law or their iudgementis, according to Ius, taken in his first signification. And after this signification of this word, we are wont to say, that the judge or prince hath done right to any man, when by his sentence, according to the law he hath either condemned, or delivered him, & set him quiet. And also this noun Ius in englysshe right, is of the act or quality of paricular justice/ & after this signification we are wont to say, in our comen talking that he will the right, & that, that is just, which desireth other equality or proporcionalytie, that is to say other even or like: in making of exchaunges and dystrybuciones.  
¶ Here it is convenient consequently to show the diverse sygnyfycations of this 
What dominion is? 1  word Dominion/ which in englysshe is as much to say as lordship. This word Dominion taken straightly & specially: in one signification, betokeneth a principal power & authority to challenge & claim that, that is obtained by the law or by right taking this word right in his first signification. I mean the power of him, that knoweth & dysagreveth not in this, and willeth also, that it shall be lawful for no other man to handle, or occupy that thing without the express consent of him, that is to wit of the lord & owner, as long as he is lord & owner of it. And this power is nothing else, but an actual or an habitual will, so to have the thing got by right or law, as we have said/ which truly is called the right of any man: because it is conformable to law or right/ taking this word right in his first signification, after which manner, we said the pillar, to be called the right or the left pillar, when it shall be truly compared (touching nearness) unto the right or left partis of a man, or of any other sensible creature.  
¶ Again this noun dominion is said more generally of the power afore rehearsed, 
2  whether that power shall be upon the thing only, or else only upon the use or taking the fruit or profit coming of the usage or occupyenge of the thing, or else upon all these things together. ¶ Again this noun dominion is also 
3  said of the aforesaid power, belonging to any man, but yet not knowing or consenting, neither expressly disagreeing or renouncing. And after this manner, a thing, or somewhat belonging to a thing, may be got to an infaunte & to one that is absent, or to any other person being ignorant (but yet being apt to receive it) with the dominion also or power to challenge the said thing, from him that taketh it away/ & to demand & make claim to the same afore a judge: other by himself, or by an other in his stead/ and we said here, not dyssenting or renouncing expressly: for because to him that doth expressly disagree renounce, or forsake any thing, or the usage, or profit of the thing/ such things can not be got or recovered, neither dominion or power to challenge them. For any manner man may, if he list lawfully renounce the right or law, brought in for him, after the laws of man/ neither any man after any law is compelled to receive the benefit of the law against his will. And these domynions, whereof we have now spoken/ are legal domynions & that because they are got or may be got be the ordinance of the law. 
what possession is. 1   
¶ Now consequently the sygnyfycations of this word, possessio, are to be showed & declared. Which word possession, taken largely betokeneth one way the same, that this word dominion betokeneth, in his first, second, or third signification, Or else it betokeneth any temporal thing, in comparison to him that hath it, or else is willing to have it, after such wise & manner, as hath been said in the two first sygnyfycations of this word dominion/ wherefore it is read in the. xiii. chapiter of Genesis. And he was very tyche in possession of gold & silver/ and in the. xvii. of the same book/ I shall give to the and to thy seed or offspring/ the land of Canaan in to eternal possession. ¶ An other manner way, & not so latgely, 
2  this word possession is said of the aforesaid dominion, with actual, bodily contractation, handling or occupyenge, other present or else passed, of a thing, or of the use, or of the fruit or profit that cometh of it/ after which manner, this word possession, is very moche used in the cyvyle law. ¶ Again this 
3  noun possession, is said of the lawful bodily contraccyon, handling & occupyenge of a thing being his own, or else belonging to an other man/ wherefore in the. iiii. chapiter in the acts of the apostles it is written. ¶ Again this word 
4  possession, though unproperly, is said of the unlawful withholding of a thing either in this present time, or in time passed/ either by himself, or by an other man, corporally handled or occupied. ¶ Now it followeth consequently to show the diverse sygnyfycations of these nouns Proper, and Common. 
Proper. 1   
¶ This word proper or property, in one signification & manner: is said of dominion/ as this word dominion is taken in his first signification/ & after this manner this word proper is used in the cyvyle law. ¶ Again taking it more 
2  largely: it is said of dominion, both after the first, & also after the second signification of this word dominion. And after this manner: it is used among divines, 
3  and also very often times in holy scripture. ¶ Again this word noun Prope or property is said among divines, of the syngularyte of a person, or a thing belonging only to one person by himself & not with an other/ for so do they take this word proper, making it contrary to this word common: which do move this question, whether it be more merytoryous as touching to eternal life, for to have temporal goods in proper, that is to wit severally to himself than to have the same things with one or mother other in common. ¶ Again this 
4  noun proper or property, is said of an accydent or quality being in any subject/ & in this signification philosophers use this name/ but yet most communely for that quality which can not be deperted from his subject/ nor the subject from it.  
¶ And this noun Common as touching to our purpose at this time: is taken 
Commune.  contraryly to the two last rehearsed sygnyfycations of this word proper. Now it rests or remaineth to show how many manner ways these nouns Rich & Poor/ are taken & used. ¶ This noun rich most commonly: is said of him, which 
who is called rich.  hath to himself superhabundaunce or superfluity of temporal things (which they do call riches) for all manner time, both present & to come & that lawfully. ¶ Another 
1  manner way he is called a rich man, which hath lawfully unto himself 
2  the foresaid things, only in a sufficient quantity, both for the time present & the time to come. Yet again this noun rich, is said two manner ways & more properly. ¶ first of him that hath the things aforesaid superhabundantlye & 
3  more than suffycientlye, or is willing also to have the said things in such manner & fashion. ¶ An other way it is said of him, that hath the things now said 
4  and rehearsed only sufficiently, as it was said in the second signification of this word: or of him that is willing to have them after such sufficient manner. ¶ And this noun poor in his two first sygnyfycations dyffereth from these 
Poor.  signyfications of this word rich as a privation differeth from his habit. ¶ For one way, he is called poor, which wanteth only superhabundaunce & superfluite 
1  of goods, although he have suffycyentlye. ¶ But an other way he is called 
2  poor which hath not together at one time, sufficient things for every manner time, that is to wit both present & also for to come. ¶ But the third way he 
3  is called poor which of his free will without compulsion: is willing to be bereft of superabundaunce or superfluite of goods for every manner time/ and after this manner or signification: this word poor dyffereth from this word rich, as one contrary from an other contrary. ¶ And the. iiii. way he is called poor, which is 
4  not willing to have together at one time so much as is sufficient for every manner time both present & also to come/ but otherwiles will of his own fire will lack or want them. Wherefore not every signification of this word poor and poverty, is differing or contrary to every signification of this word rich: indyfferentlye. And here we aught not to overhip, that of those which be willing poor: some there be which forsake temporal things for an honest end, and in a convenient manner. And other some seem to refuse and forsake such things not for a good intent: but for vain glory/ or else for to do some other worldly dysceyte or gyle. Here also it is to benoted & marked besides these aforesaid things, that of temporal things which they do call riches/ there are certain of them, which are apt to be consumed or spent with only one act or one's using of them/ as meats/ drinks/ medicines/ and such other things/ and certain other things there be: which abide, continue, and are apt to serve, to more uses than one, or oftener than one's/ as a field/ a house/ an axe/ a garment/ an horse/ or a servant.   

¶ The. xiii. and. xiiii. chapytres been omitted as containing no matter much necessary.   

¶ Of the devysyon of the offyce of priests, that is to say preesthode by essencyall, and accydentall authority/ by separable & in separable authority, And that, in the essencyall dignity a priest is not inferyor to a bishop/ but only in authority accydentall.  
The, xv, chapytre,  
THe principal and immedyate effective cause or maker of preesthode, is god, but yet certain mynysterye of man going before. The beginning 
The instytution of preestis  whereof in the new law: was of Christ. For he which was very god & man, in that he was a man & a human priest: he did exhybite that ministry which the priests following him do now exhibit. But in that he was god: he did institute: and make them priests. And so first of all he instytuted the apostles, & his immedyate & next successors/ and then consequently all other preestis/ but yet by the mynystery of the apostles/ & of other succeeding them in this offyce. For when the apostles & other preestis say on their hands upon other men, & do also speak the words & form dew thereunto. Chryst in that he is god doth make & admit them and give them power. And this order of preesthode is a power or authority, by which a priest may consecrated of breed & wine, the blessed body and blood of Christ, with the pronouncing of certain words/ & also may mynystre other sacramentis of the church/ by which also he may bind & louse men from sins. And this power the apostles received, after the mind and opinion of certain doctors, when Christ said to them that which is written in the. xxvi. of Mathewe/ in the. xiiii. of Mark and in the. xxii. of Luke. But because the order thereof appeareth more perfitly in Luke: we will allege the text as it is had there in this wise. After he had taken breed in to his hands/ he (that is to wit Christ) gave thanks, & broke it, & gave 
At what time the apostles did receive the power of preesthode.  it to them (that is to say to the apostles) saying. This is my body, which is given for you/ do this unto the remembrance of me/ do this that is to say, have you power to do this. But certain other men have thought, that this authority, was given to the apostles by that, which is written in the .xx. chapiter of Iohn, when Christ said to them. receive you or take you the holy ghost. And whose sins you shall forgive: the same are forgiven to them/ and whose sins you shall retain: they at retained. Some other again, say, that this power was given to 
Tibi dabo clavos.  them by that which is written in the. xuj. of Mathewe, when chryst said to them in the person of Peter. To the I shall give the keys of the kingdom of heavens etc. or else by that, which was said to them of Christ in the. xviii. chapiter of the same evangelist/ verily I say to you what soever things you shall bind upon earth: they shall be bound also in heaven/ & what soever things you shall louse upon 
Two powers or authority belongyngeties preesthod  earth: they shall be loused also in heaven. And other some again say, that they are. two. sundry powers or auctoryties belonging to preesthode. The one whereby they may consecrated the sacrament of the altar. And the other, whereby they may bind or louse men from their sins/ which they say to have been given to the apostles, at diverse and sundry times, & also by diverse & sundry words of Christ/ Now which of these said opiniones is most like to be true: it skilleth not to this present purpose/ for how soever, or when soever that istitution of this office was done or made upon the apostles, this is undoubted, that this power or authority was given to them by Christ/ and that so also it is given by the aforesaid mynystery of the apostles and their successors/ unto other men, which are taken unto this of fyce/ wherefore in the. iiii. chapiter in the first epistle to Timothe, it is said/ do not thou despise or set light by the gift or grace, that is in thee, which is given to the by prophycie, by the preestis laying one of his hands upon the. And in the same manner wise, the deacons receive a certain power belonging unto them: by the priests putting one of his hands upon them/ of the which deacons it is written in the sixth chapytre of the acts. They did set these men (that is to wit those which should be made deacons) afore the sight of the apostles, & they making their prayers put there hands upon them.  
¶ This power of preesthode, whether it be one alone, or else more than one, which 
The authority essencial or inseparable.  we have said to be the power and authority of making the sacrament of the aultare, or of the body & blood of Christ, & the power of binding & loosing men from sins, & which from henceforth we shall call the authority essential, or the authority inseparable from a priest, in that he is a priest, this authority (I say) all preestis (as me thinketh of very likelihood to be true) have all one in kind/ neither the bishop of Rome, or any other bishop hath this authority any whit more largely/ than any other hath who ever he be, being called a simple or private priest. For in this authority, whether it be one, or else more than one: a bishop dyffereth nothing from a priest/ as saint Iherome witnesseth/ or rather the apostle, whose plain & open sentence this is, as it shall evidently appear hereafter/ for thus saith saint Iherome upon the text in the. xuj. of Mathewe. And 
Iherome. Tibidabo claves.  what soever thing thou shalt bind upon earth. etc. The other apostles truly have the same judiciary power (understand, which Peter had) to whom chryst said after his resurrection/ receive you the holy ghost/ whose sins you shall forgive they are forgiven to them. etc. Every church also hath the same power in 
Mark this term, Every church, & how that every priest hath as much power in binding and loosing as the pope.  preestis & bishops/ & here Iherome setteth preestis afore bishops in this point/ for this authority is duly belonging to a priest, in that he is a priest, first & principally, or essencially/ and as touching to the power of making the sacrament of the aultare. No man doth strive or say against it, but that any other priest hath equal power, with the pope of Rome. And therefore it is to be marveled, wherefore some men do strive styffely and frowardly affirming, but yet no thing reasonably: that the pope of Rome hath more large power of the keys, given to him of Christ: than hath other preestis/ saying that this can not be proved by the holy scripture, but rather the contrary. For which things more evidently to be seen & perceived: you aught to understand & know, that these two words presbyter, & episcopus/ that is to say priest or senyoure, & bishop, were both of one signification, & betokened alone thing, in the primitive church/ albeit that they were put to sygnyfy one thing of divers properties/ for presbyter was a name given to them of age, which is as much to say, as a senior or elder. And Episcopus was a name given of cure or charge upon other/ & is as much to say, as an overloker/ wherefore saint Iherom in a certain epistle to Euamdre priest, which epistle is written to be entitled, how a priest & a deacon doth differ: saith thus. Presbyter & Episcopus/ the one is a name of age: the other of 
Presbyter. Episcopus.  dignity/ wherefore also to Titus & to Timotheus, mention is made of the ordynation of a bishop or overseer & of a deacon, but of senyours or preestis no word at all is spoken/ for in this word Episcopus: presbyter is contained. This also appeareth 
The same is a priest which is a bishop/ that is to say bishop or priest are all one.  manifestly by the apostle, in the first chapiter to the Philippianes, when he said. To all the sayntis or holy men, in Christ jesu: which are in Philippe, with the bishops & deacons. To here, that he nameth the preestis none otherwise than bishops or overseers/ for this is undoubted, there was not otherwise many bishops in one city: but because there were many preestis. The same thing again is evidently showed, by the same Paul in the first chapytre to Titus, when he said. For this cause I left the behind me at Creta: that thou shouldest furnysshe 
Candy.  up such things, as are lacking or wanting/ & that thou shouldest ordain and make preestis or senyours by the cities, so as I have ordained & appointed to the. If any man be fautles. etc. and by & by after appointing & showing the qualytes belonging to them that should be made preestis: he saith/ for a bishop aught to be without fault as being the dispensatour or mynystre of god. etc. Lo here, that he called him which was to be made priest: nothing else but a bishop. The same Paul in the. xx. chapiter of the acts, speaking to the preestis of one church that is to say of Ephesus: saith in this wise. Take heed to yourself, & to the hole flock, in which the holy ghost hath set you bishops or overseers, to govern the church of god, which he hath redeemed with his own blood. Lo here that in the church of one city, that is to wit of Ephesus, the apostle spoke to many as to bishops or overlokers/ which was not, but for that there were many priests/ which all were called bishops or overlokers: because they aught to overloke the people. Howbeit afterwards in the church following, he only was called bishop or overseer: which by the other priests, & the people, was instytuted & made cheyfe or highest of all the preestis, of that city or place. And the apostle called them 
Wherefore Paulecalleth priests bishops or over seers.  rather bishops or overseers, than preestis or senyours/ because he would call unto their remembrance, the care & business or diligent overloking, which they aught to have, of the other chrysten people. He called himself a priest or senior, & not a bishop or overloker/ because of humility & meekness/ as it appeareth of the text afore brought in, of the .iiii. chapiter of the first epistle to Timothe, when he said Do not despise or set light of the grace or gift, which is in the. etc. So also Peter & Iohn called themselves senyours/ for this name was given of age/ wherefore in the u chapytre of the first epistle of Peter/ it is written. Therefore I beseech the senyours which are among you, being myself a senior with them, and a wytnesser of the passions & afflictions of Christ. etc. And in the first chapytre of the second epistle of Iohn, it is written. The senior, to the choose lady & to hersones. etc. And in the first chapytre of the third epistle of the same Iohn. The senior to the most dearly beloved Caius. etc. But where the common text of the canon, or holy scripture, hath these words signior or consenior/ saint Iherome in the epistle aforesaid, hath every where presbyter or conpresbiter. For the apostles used these words/ as being all of one signification. But after the times of 
When bishops or prelatis were first instytuted and why.  the apostles, the number of priests being notably augmented and increased, to avoid sclaundre and occasion of offending any man, and to avoid schism and division/ the priests chose one among themselves, which should direct and order the other, as touching to thee xercysing of the ecclesiastical offyce, or service, and the dystrybuting of the oblations, & the dysposing & ordering of other things in the most convenient manner/ list if every man might do this thing after his own pleasure, and as he left himself/ the good order & service of the churches might be troubled, by the reason of the diverse affections of men. This priest which was so elected and choose, to order and rule the other preestis: by the custom & used manner of speaking of them that came afterwards, was only called a bishop or overseer/ because not only he was over loker of the chrysten people, for which cause all other preestis also were called overseers in the primitive church/ but also be cause he had the oversight of that other preestis/ for which 
Nota.  cause such manner a priest of Antioch retained to himself alone the name of a bishop or overseer/ all they afterwardis retaining to themselves, only the name of a priest. ¶ But this said election or institution made by man: giveth or 
The election of man augmenteth not the power of spiritual binding and losing in a bishop, nor decreaseth it not in a priest.  addeth to the person so elected and choose, no whit of more large merit essencial or of the authority of preesthode, or of the power aforesaid/ but only giveth to him a certain power of a canonycall ordination, in the house of god or temple to order & direct or rule other preestis and deacons, and other officers and mynystres. Like as now a days unto the prior of a relygyouse house/ power & authority is given upon the covent. power I say not coactyve of any man but only so farforth as shallbe granted concerning this point, by the authority of the king, to the person so elected/ as it hath been proved in the .iiii. & the. viii. chapytres of this diction, & shall appear more largely in the chapytre next following. Neither yet any other intrinsical dignity or power, is given to him so elected/ by such election. After this manner the soldyars in war, choose to themselves a capitain/ whom they were wont in the old time to cala master or emperor/ albeit that this word Imperator, in Englysshe emperor, is now translated to 
Emperor  betoken a certain manner or kind of regal power, highest over all/ & so it is used now adays. So also the deacons among themselves chooseth an archdeacon, 
Archdeacon  to whom such election doth not give or add any essential merit, or any holy order, above deaconshyppe/ but only it giveth to him a certain human power or authority (as we have said) to order & rule the other deacons/ wherefore the bishop of Rome hath no whit more of the essencyall authority of preesthode: 
Cecidit Babylon.  than hath any other priest, who ever he be. Even likewise as saint Peter had no whit more of this essential power/ than the other apostles/ for all they received this same authority of Christ immediately & equally/ as it was said before by the authority of Iherome, upon that text in the. xuj. of Mathewe. And to the I shall give the keys of the kingdom of heavens, & as it shall be more largely declared in the next chapytre following. And this was openly the mind of saint Ihetome 
Iherome.  in aforesaid epistle/ in which, after that he had showed by many auctorytes of the aforesaid apostles, that in the primitive church or in the time of the apostles, a priest or senior, & a bishop or overseer, was utterly all one in the essential dignity given to them of chryst: showing the cause of the said things, he saith thus/ but that one was elect, which should be above other: it was done for the remedy of schism & devysyon/ lest if every man should draw unto himself, the church of chryst, by the reason thereof, might be broken or divided insunder. For in Alexandria also, from the time of Mark the evangelist, unto that time of Hereidas & Dionise byssshops: that preestis always chose one among themselves, whom they did set in an higher degree, & called him bishop or overseer/ moche like, as if the host or army should make an emperor. Or else as if the deacons did choose one among themself, whom they do know to be diligent and wise/ and did call him an archdeacon. For what doth the bishop (ordination only excepted) which a priest might not do? as touching to the acts or works belonging to the essencial authority? For Iherom where he speaketh of ordination did not understand thereby ordination, the power and authority to give, or the giving of holy ordres/ for the bishops do now adays many things beside the giving of ordres, and so did the bishops also in saint Iheroms time/ which things the priests do not. Albeit that to the giving of all the sacraments, by the divine 
A priest may manystre all sacraments as well as a bishop by the law of god  power, any priest may do as much as the bishop. But Iherome understood thereby ordination, the power of ordering such things, as pertain to the service of god, & other things aforesaid given to him immediately of man or men/ which thing I do confirm both by reason, and the authority of the same Iherome. The reason is this/ for there hath been many elected bishops by the whole people or commonalty/ as saint Clement/ saint Gregory/ saint Nycolas/ & many other sayntis/ to whom it is undoubted, that no greater holy order, nor any inward characte, was given by the people or by their fellow preestis: but only power & authority to dispose & order the ceremonies & service of the church, & to direct & rule the mynystres of the temples, as touching to the exercise of god's 
In the old time they were called Iconomi reverendi which now are called Episcopi.  service, in the temple or house of god/ for which cause & consideration also, such people elected to direct other priests in the temple, and to instruct the people, in such things which appertain to the faith, called bishops: of the old law makers as of Justinian and of the people of Rome were than called Iconomireverendi. And the highest of them was called of the same law makers Iconomius reverendissimꝰ. And therefore according to the troth, & after the mind of saint Iherome, a bishop is none other thing, than an archpreest. And that the essencyall dignity of a bishop and of a priest is all one, neither that one bishop hath more large essencyall authority, than an other bishop. Neither one priest than an other priest: saint Iherome also expressed in the aforesaid epistle, when he said. Neither it is to be judged or thought, that there is one church 
A bishop is an archpreest Iherome.  of the city of Rome, and an other of the whole world. Both France, & England/ and Affryke/ Perselande/ and the Eest/ and the west/ and Ind/ & all barbarous nations: do worship one Christ/ they all do observe and keep one rule of the troth/ if authority be sought: the whole world is greater than a city/ where 
Or at Caunterbury, or at Lyncolne.  soever he shall be bishop, whether it be at Rome, or at Engobin, or at Constantinople, or at Regium, or at Alexandrie, or at Rachane: they are all of one & the same merit, and all of one preesthode. The power and might of riches, and the lownes of poverty: maketh an higher or a lower bishop/ but they are all, the successors of the apostles. But there at certain other institutions not essencyall, of the offycis belonging to preestis/ as for example/ the election which we have spoken of a little heretofore, whereby one of them is taken or choose to the ordering or governing of other, as touching to those things, which appertaineth to the worshyping of god or the divine service/ & also the elections & institutions of certain of them, to teach & instruct the chrysten people, & to mynystre the sacraments of the new law, to a certain people, & in a certain place appointed, greater or smaller. And also to dyspence & dystrybute both to himself & also to other poor men, certain temporal things appointed & ordained by the king or by a plyament for the sustentation of poor preachers of the gospel, in a certain province or community/ & also for the sustentation of other poor folks/ but yet of y● only, which shallbe superfluous, & more than needeth, to the sufficient finding of the preachers of the gospel/ which temporal goods so appointed & ordained to such use, are after the common use & manner of speaking now a days called the benefices of the church/ for these are committed & betaken to the mynystres of 
Ecclesiastical benefycis,  the temples, to be bestowed upon the aforesaid uses/ to the ministers I say thereunto ordained, in a certain province. For by the authority essential, by which they are the successors of the apostles they are not more determined to teach & instruct the people, and to ministers the sacraments of the new law, in one place/ than in an other/ but likewise as the apostles were not determined or appointed, to any certain places/ to whom it was said. Go therefore, & teachr all nations. Chryst did not appoint them to certain places/ but they afterwae des among themselves, divided the peoples and provinces to themselves, in which they would preach & show the word of god, or the law of the gospel/ and sometime they were taught, where they should preach: by the revelation of god/ wherefore also it is read in the second epistle to the Galatianes'. They gave their right hands to me, and to Barnabas, in token of fellowship (that is to wit james, Peter, and Iohn) that we among the gentiles, and they among the jews. etc. So than of the premisses it appeareth, of whom, as of the cause effycyent: the institution of preesthode is, and of other holy ordres. Truly of god or Christ imedyatlye/ albeit there goth before as preparing, a certain mynysterye of man/ as the laying one of the hands/ & the pronouncing of certain words/ which peradventure doth nothing to this/ but are so put before of a certain 
The ceremonies of the church what manner once they are.  promise or ordinance of god. It appeareth also of the same premisses: that there is a certain other institution made by man, by which one priest is preferred above other priests/ by which also, priests are ordained and appointed to certain provinces, and to certain people, to instruct and teach them in the law of god/ and to mynystre the sacraments, and to dispose and dystrybute the temporalles, which we called afore the ecclesiastical benefices/ it hath appeared of the same premisses: that in the first authority which we have called the essential authority: all priests are equal in merit and preestehode/ as saint Iherome said in the aforesaid epistle, showing also the cause. For that all priests are the successors of the apostles. In which saying he seemeth to mean, that all the apostles were of equal authority/ and so consequently, that none of them syngularelye by himself, had authority upon an other or above other apostle or apostles/ neither as touching to the essencyall authority, which we have called the first and principal authority: neither yet as touching to the secondary institutions/ wherefore it seemeth that we aught to have like opinion of their successors among themselves, one of them in comparison to an other/ to whom, and in to whom, how such manner institutions doth come, which we have called secondary institutions, and made by the authority of man: and which is according to reason, the effective cause of the said institutions, that is to say who hath authority to make such institutions: it rests and remaineth/ to be determined.   

¶ How the apostles were equal, in what soever offyce or dignity was given to them by Christ imedyatlye/ whereof, that is proved: which was said in the last chapytre afore go concerning the egalyte of their successors/ and how all bishops, are indyfferentlye the successors of what soever apostle.  
The, xuj, chapytre,  
SO than beginning at the things afore determined: we shall in this chapytre, first show that none of the apostles had prehemynence above other in the essential dignity of preesthode/ thatis to wit given to them of Christ. And after we shall show, that in none other institution, which we have called secondary/ and by so much the less in any jurisdiction coactyve/ howbeit this last thing hath been suffycientlye proved in the. iiii. and the. u. chapytours of this diction. Of which things we shall also of necessity: conclude: that none of the bishops, successors to the apostles, syngularlye have any of the auctorytes or powers aforesaid, upon or over other his fellow bishops, or fellow priests. And that the contrary hereof can not be proved by the virtue of the words of holy scripture: but rather the present purpose. And last of all, hereof (which thing also we did finally intend in the chapytre last afore go) we shall infer and conclude of necessity, that these institutions which we have often times called secondary: doth appertain to the chrystened prince, as to the principal cause effective of them, even so as he is also of other offices or parts of the community. The first therefore of these purposes, is proved by the. xxii. chapiter of Luke. For chryst giving to the apostles power to make the sacrament of the aultare: said unto them. This is my body/ which is given for you do this thing in to the remembrance of me/ that is to say, have you power to do this thing, but yet by speaking like words, when you aught to exercise this act/ that is to wit these words Hocest enim corpus meum. And he did not speak these words, more to saint Peter: than to other/ for Christ did not say, do thou this/ and give thou power to the other apostles, for to do likewise/ but he said do you this in the plurell number, and to them all, indyfferentlye. The same is also to be judged in every point, of the power of the keys/ whether it was given to the apostles by these same words/ or else by other words, or else at an other time/ as by the words which are had in the. xx. of Iohn/ for after that Christ had said to his apostles, as my father hath sent me so also I send you/ he breathed upon them, and said/ receive you the holy ghost/ whose sins you shall forgive/ they be forgiven to them/ and whose sins you shall retain: they are retained. Chryste than said, I send you: as my father hath sent me/ and he said not to Peter, or to any other apostle, syngularlye/ I send thee, as my father hath sent me/ & send thou the other. Neither it is again said there/ Christ breathed upon him, but it is said, he breathed upon them/ not upon one by an other/ neither said Christ to Peter, receive or take thou the holy ghost and afterwardis give thou it to other/ but he said, receive or take you, in the plurellnombre/ speaking indyfferently to them all/ and this is it also which is had in the last chapytre of Mathewe when chryst said to them. Go you therefore, and teach all nations/ and he said/ go you, and teach you, speaking in the plurel number and endyfferentlye/ and not said to Peter go thou therefore, & send thou the other/ which thing the apostle expressing more largely, to determine this question (that is to wit that no man should believe or suppose, that any of the apostles had this prerogative or authority upon or above other) removing or taking away expressly such prerogative from Peter, of whom peradventure this seemed to be true, that he was above the other, because of certain words spoken to him syngularly of Christ, and also because he was elder than the other he saith thus in the second chapytre to the Galatianes'. For they which seemed to be somewhat or to be in price & greatly esteemed/ gave me nothing or helped me nothing/ but contrary wise I them/ when they had seen and perceived, that the preaching of the gospel to the gentiles uncircumcised, was committed to me, likewise as it was committed to Peter, to preach the gospel to the people of the jews/ for he that wrought in Peter to be apostle of cyrcumcisyon/ wrought also in me among the gentiles. And when they had known the grace, which was given to me/ james/ Peter/ & Iohn/ which seemed to be the pyllers/ gave to me & to Barnabas, their right hands of fellowship. etc. he therefore that wrought in Peter to the apostleshyp: wrought in also in Paul/ and this was chryst/ ergohe took not or received this manner offyce of Peter: and likewise no more did the other apostles/ where also the gloze after the mind of saint Agustyne expressing 
Augustyne.  this more largely/ saith thus. They which seemed to be somewhat, that is to wit Peter and the other which were with our lord: gave nothing, that is 
Paul, took nothing of Peter.  to say added nothing to me/ wherein it is evident, that I am not inferyor to them/ saying that I am made so perfit of the lord and of god/ that there was no thing, which in the conferring of my preaching with their own/ they might add to my perfection. Lo here that Paul was not inferior to Peter, nor to the other apostles/ consequently, to this purpose/ it followeth thus in the gloze/ when they had seen or perceived, that the preaching of the gospel to the uncyrcumcysed gentiles, was betaken to me/ as faithful and trusty, so principally, as the gospel of cyrcumcisyon was betaken to Peter. Lo that Paul was sent as pryncypallye, as Peter was/ and not of Peter or of any other of the apostles/ but of Christ immediately/ which thing the apostle more largely expressing in the first chapytre of the same epistle, saith thus. Paul the apostle, not of men or by man: but by Jesus' Christ, & god the father/ where the gloze saith after the mind of Ambrose. Paul the apostle, not elect or sent by men, that is to wit, by Ananias 
Ambrose. Paul was not sent of Ananias.  as certain men said/ or by other men, as certain were elected and sent by the apostles/ and a little after it followeth in the same gloze, altar the mind of Augustyne. For the other apostles seemed to be greater, because they were afore. And this apostle seemed to be least/ because he was last/ but hereof he appeareth more worshipful/ because the first apostles were made and ordained by Christ being yet partly a man, that is to say mortal/ but the last apostle (that is to wit Paul) was constituted and made by Christ now being whole god/ that 
Paul was more worthy apostle.  is to say utterly mortal/ and by god the father/ which did or wrought this by the same/ and that he might open and declare wherefore he said neither by man/ he saith afterward, which hath raised him up from death. And so he hath more worthily or worshypfullye made me by Christ being immortal: than he did the other by chryst being mortal. Again the apostle confirming this afterward in the same chapytre, saith thus. I give you knowledge or do you to wit brethren: that the gospel, which hath been preached of me: is not after man/ for I have not received it, or learned it of man: but by the revelation of Ihesu Christ/ where the gloze after the mind of Augustyne saith. I do you to wit brethren, that the gospel which hath been preached of me: is not after the mind of any man, teaching me/ & verily it is not of man: for I have not received it, neither learned it of man, so that man did elect me to preach it, or enjoin me to preach it. Neither I learned it of man teaching me: but by the revelation of jesu Christ. Lo here, that neither Peter, neither any other of the apostles, or any man hath choose Paul, or sent him or enjoined to him the mynystery of preaching the gospel. The same is to be judged also of the other apostles. Peter therefore had no power (& moche less than he had coactyve jurisdiction) of god immedyately, upon the other apostles/ neither of instytutige them in the offyce of preesthode/ neither to segregate and depart them insunder, or to send them to the offyce of preaching/ saving only that this may safely be granted, that Peter was afore or above other in 
How and after what manner. Peter was superyor to the other apostles.  age or auncyentnes/ or peradventure afore them in offyce as touching time or the choosing of the apostles, that is to say first elected apostle/ for which cause the other apostles had him in reverence, not unworthily/ albeit that no man can prove this election of Peter afore the other apostles: by the holy scripture. And that this is true which we have said/ it is an evident token, saying that we do not find any where in the scripture, that Peter took upon him any authority singularly above the other apostles/ but rather that he kept and used egalytie with them/ for he took not to himself authority, to determine such things which were doubtful concerning the preaching of the gospel, which pertaineth to doctrine & teaching/ but such things, as were doubtful, concerning this business: were determined by the common delyberation or counceyle of the apostles, and of other chrysten men most learned/ and not by the determination of Peter alone: or of any other apostle severally by himself/ wherefore in the. xv. chapiter of the acts, when a dissension was risen among the preachers of the gospel, whether it was necessary to cyrcumcyse the chrysten men that were uncircumcised, for the getting or obtaining of everlasting salvation: and certain said, that it was necessary, but Paul and Barnabas said plainly against it: the apostles and the senyours assembled together to take consultation of this matter/ upon which Peter and james said, that it was not necessary/ to whose sentence and judgement the senyours and the other apostles consented/ wherefore it followeth afterwards in the text. Than it pleased the apostles, and senyours, with the whole congregation, to chose men, and to send them to Antyoche/ with Paul & Barnabas. etc. sending letters by their hands/ & the manner of their writing, was like to the manner of a deliberation or consultation in this form and fashion. The apostles, and senyours, and brethren, to the brethren of the gentiles, which are in Antioch, in Syria, and Cilicia: sendeth greating. etc. A like thing is also had afterward in the same chapytre, when it is said/ it pleased us therefore being assembled together in one, to chose men, and to send them unto you/ again the same thing is had in the same chapiter a little after/ it hath pleased the holy ghost and us, to say no more burthayne upon you. Thus than it is evident, that Peter did not determine the aforesaid doubts concerning the faith/ of the fullness of power/ which fullness of power certain masters and teachers in Israel, dreaming, doth say/ that the bishop of Rome hath/ which also hath pronounced and given sentence in their decrees written, that the bishop of Rome by himself alone (which thing Peter dared never be bold to do) may determine the doubts, which are concerning the faith/ which is openly and evidently false/ and plainly contrary to the scripture/ whereof also we shall speak largely in the next chapytre hereafter following, & in the. xx. chapiter of this diction. It was the congregation than of the learned chrysten men/ which took council/ which determined the doubt/ which chose messengers/ and which written. And by this authority of the whole congregation: the thing which was so determined and commanded, was of strength/ for the congregation of the apostes was of more or greater authority, than Peter alone/ or any other apostle by himself/ wherefore we do rede, that Peter was sent by the congregation in to Samarye/ as it is evident in the. viii. chapiter of the acts, by these words/ when the apostles had herd which were at Iherusalem, that the Samaritans had received the word of god/ they sent to them Peter & Iohn. Why then or whereof doth certain cursed flatterers take upon them, to say, that any bishop hath fullness of power given to him by Christ, not only upon say men, but also upon clerks/ saying that saint Peter, or any other apostle, never presumed to ascribe such manner power unto himself, neither by word or dead/ wherefore they which affirm and say this, are to be laughte to scorn, and nothing to be beleaved, and less to be feared/ saying that the scriptures cry plainly the contrary in the lytterall and manifest sense of them. For saint Peter had never such power upon the apostles or other: but he kept rather equalyte with them, according to the precept of Christ, as we have said before/ wherefore it is read in the. xxiii. of Mathewe. Be not you willing to be called Rabbi, that is to say in englysshe master for your master is but one chryst/ & all you are brethren/ that is to say equal one of you with an other/ & he said all you: excepting no man. This sentence also is confirmed by the apostle in the second chapytre to the Galatianes', where he saith. And I went up to Iherusalem according to the revelation/ and I conferred with them, the gospel, which I do preach among the gentiles/ where the gloze after the mind of Augustyne saith. And I did not learn of them as of superyours/ that is to wit of Peter, nor of the other more principal apostles, of whom it shall be spoken hereafter. But I conferred with them: as with my friends, and peers, or fellows. The same is showed again afterwards in the same chapytre when the apostle said/ but when Peter was come to Antioch: I withstood him openly to his face, because he was reprovable. etc. where the gloze after the mind of saint Iherome saith, they gave nothing to me, but I gave to Peter/ and it followeth there consequently, I resisted or withstood him, as his peer or match/ for he would not have been bold to do this: except he had known himself not to be inferyor. Behold here therefore, that Paul was equal to Peter in offyce & dignity, & not inferyor/ albeit that Peter was signior to him in age, and also pastor afore him in tyme. Likewise it appeareth that neither saint Peter, nor any other apostle, had pre-eminence or power & authority above other, in the dystrybuting of the temporal goods, which were offered to the primitive church/ whereof it is read in the. iiii. of the acts/ for as many as were possessyoners of lands & 
Saint Pet had no more authority than the other apostles had.  houses/ sold them, and brought the pryces of them, and laid them afore the feet of the apostles/ and they were divided to each man: after as each one had need. Lo here, that the disposition & ordering of the temporal things, which were offered unto the church: was done by the apostles in common together/ and not by Peter alone/ for it is not said they laid afore the feet of Peter: but afore that feet of the apostles/ neither is it said and Peter divided: but they were divided. etc. ¶ Tell me therefore, whereby, or from whence, or how, cometh the authority to the bishop of Rome, for to dystrybute such things according to his own pleasure or else to claim as dew to himself alone, the things bequest in men's testamentis for chartable causes, & to good and godly uses/ but yet committed to other men for to be kept or dystrybuted/ saying that it is neither lawful to him alone neither yet with an other, neither by the law of god, nor yet of man, to demand or claim such manner things, which hath been committed and betaken to the faithful custody of other men by reasonable laws/ as by the will of the testators, or of them that so ordained/ for let the testator say or will any thing concerning that which is his own, & it shall be a law, as it is written in other placis. For there can be no cause or reason taken of the holy scripture, which may make us to beleave, that this power belongeth to the bishop of Rome, or else to any other bishop/ but rather the contrary/ but if these legacies or bequestꝭ were committed (by the king) to the church of a certain and a determynate dyocese, for to be dystrybuted: than shall it appertain to those bishops which are rulers of the said dyocese/ but in no wise to the pope of Rome. And the cause of this is, for that the bishop of Rome neither hath, neither had, of Christ any power or authority above the other, that be bishops or priests as well as he. And this was one of the things purposed of us sins the beginning of this chapytre. For as Peter had not any such prerogative or power above the other apostles/ even so neither the successors of Peter in the epyscopall see of Rome, hath any prerogative above the successors of the other apostles. For Peter had no power or authority to give unto them preesthode, apostleshyp, or the dignity of a bishop for all they took this power or authority immediately of Christ/ & not by the mynysterie of Peter, more than Peter took it by the mynysterie of them/ as we have proved heretofore evidently of the scripture. And saint Augustyne also saith 
Augustine.  the same expressly in his book of the questions of the new & of the old testament in the. lxxxiiii. question: where he saith thus. The same day (that is to wit the fifty day) the law was given: upon which day also the holy ghost lighted & came down upon the disciples/ that they should take authority/ & also have cunning and knowledge, to preach the law of the gospel. ¶ Moreover as Peter is read to have been elected and choose bishop by the multitude of chrysten people, & needed not the confirmation of the other apostles: so also that other apostles were bishops & governors in other provinces, without any knowledge of Peter, or any institution or consecration taken of him/ for they were consecrated sufficiently by Christ/ wherefore it is to be thought & supposed likewise, that the successors of the other apostles: needed not any confirmation of the successors of Peter/ but rather moreover many successors of the other apostles, were elected and instytuted bishops in dew form and manner, and also did govern and rule their provinces holylie and virtuously: without any other institution or confirmation of them, done by the successors of Peter. And this was so lawfully observed even unto the time of Constanstyne the emperor/ which gave (as it is lied) a certain prehemynence & power to the bishops & to the church of Rome: upon the other churches, or all other priests of the world. And this equalyte of 
That the apostles were equal in dignity.  Peter and the other apostles: the apostle Paul did signify in the second of the epistle to the Galatianes', when he said. They gave their right hands of society & fellowship, to me & to Barnabas/ that we should be apostles & preachers among the gentiles: & they themselves among the jews. They gave then the right hands of society & equalyte, as it was said before of the gloze after Augustyne/ albeit that the saying of the apostle in this point is so open & plain that it needeth no gloze/ which thing also we have proved here before by the epistle of saint Iherome to evander the priest/ where he saith that all bishops, whether it were of Rome, or of any other place: are all of one & the same preesthode, & merit or of one power and authority given by Christ. But yet if any where it be found in the wrytyngis of certain holy fathers, that Peter is called Princeps a 
Why Peter was called the price or cheyf of the apostles.  postolorum, that is to say, the cheyfe or principal of the apostles: it is said taking this word princeps largely & unproperly/ albeit that it is openly against the sentence & saying of Christ in the. xx of Mathewe, & the. xxii. of Luke, where he saith. The princes of the gentiles have dominion of them/ but you not so. And therefore it is to be said that the holy fathers spoke not so meaning that Peter had any power or authority given to him by Christ over or upon the other apostles/ but peradventure because he was elder in age/ or because he first of all the apostles, did confess, that Christ was the very consubstancial son of god/ or else because peradventure he was more servant constant, or bold in the saith/ or else because he was more often times conversant with christ, & more often called i secret business & counseyles/ wherefore the apostle in the second chapytre to the Galatyans, saith thus. james Peter & Iohn which seemed to be the pyllers'. etc. where the gloze after the mind of Ambrose saith/ because they were more worshypful: for that they were always with our lord in secret businesses. A convenient example of the which thing, may be taken of the worldly princes. For one of them is not above an other of them by having any power one over an other/ as the earls of one realine of whom one is not under an other of them in jurisdiction or authority/ but they be all immediately under the king/ & yet for all that one, or more than one of them is otherwiles accounted more honourable than the other: because they be elder or more ancient/ or else because they be more excellent in one or more virtues/ or because they be more obsequyouse & obedient, or do more pleasure or service to the king, or to the realm. For which cause they be more loved of the king or the people: & had in more reverence than the other/ & after this same manner we aught to judge of the apostles, in comparison of them one to an other, & unto chryst/ for all they were under the power & authority of Christ immediately & received of him their instytution in the offyce of preesthode, & of apostleshyp, not one of them of an other (as the scripture witnesseth openly every where, & the sayntis following the scripture) albeit yet that among them saint Petre was the most worshipful: for the causes aforesaid/ but not for any power or authority given to him by Christ, over or upon the other apostles/ for this power or authority, Christ forbade them to have one over an other, as we showed afore by the. xxiii. of Mathewe, when he said directly to the present purpose, unto them these words. Be you not in will to becalled Rabbi (that is to say master) for you have but one master Christ/ & all you be brethren/ & likewise neither had he any coactyve jurisdiction upon the other apostles/ more than they had over him/ & so consequently neither his successors upon the successors of the other apostles/ for this Christ utterly forbade them in the. xx. of Mathewe, & the. xxii. of Luke: when he said directly, for the present purposes unto them (when there was a contention made amongis them which of them should be the greatest) these words following. The kings & princes of the gentiles: are lords over them/ & they which are greater done exercise power & authority upon them/ but do not you so. Chryst could no more openly & plainly have denied it them/ why then shall any man believe the tradition of man concerning this matter, whether he be saint or no saint: more than the most plain & open speech or saying of Christ? for against such manner person or persons Christ speaketh in the. seven. of Mark: when he said directly to our present purpose. But they honourens me in vain, teaching the doctrines & precepts of men/ for you leave the commandment of god: & do hold or keep the tradytions of men/ & a little after it followeth/ you do well refuse or make the commandment of god void, or of none effect: that you may keep your own tradytions. And this thing do all they: which 
The decretals made by men.  teachen the decretals made by men/ which sayen, that to the bishop of Rome belongeth power & dominion of the temporal goods, not only of men of the church that is to say ecclesiastical people: but also of the temporalles belonging to kings & emperors/ making the precept of god void and of none effect (as it was showed in the. xiiii. chapiter, & as it appeareth evidently of this present chapytre (that they may keep their own tradition or constitution concerning the temporal goods: for their own profit & advantage. But yet if the apostles had elected & choose saint Peter, as overseer to them, or more principal, because of his age: & more excellent holiness (as it is had of a certain decree of Anacletus pope which is contained in the Code or book of Isydore, the text of which decree is in this form following. But the other apostles with the same Peter received honour & power by equal fellowship/ & they willed him to be cheyfe & principal of them (yet for all that it should not follow hereof, that his successors in the see of Rome, or in any other see, if he were bishop any where else: hath the same priorite or prehemynence above the successors of the other apostles/ except his successors were choose there unto by the successors of the other apostles/ for some successors of the other apostles: were of more virtue, then certain of the successors of Peter. Howbeit properly every bishop is indyfferently the successor of every one of the apostles as touching to offyce though not as touching to place. Again why should this superiorite or prerogative belong more to the successors of Peter in the see of 
Every one of the bishops is the successor of saint Petre.  Rome: then to his successors in the see of Antioch, or of jerusalem, or in any other see if he had been bishop in many seas. etc. Moreover every bishop as touching to the intrynsecall dignity, that is to say, the inseparable dignity, is indyfferently the successor of each one of the apostles/ & of the same merit or perfection, as touching to the dignity aforesaid or offyce/ for all they have this power all one, of one & the same cause effycyent or giver immediately, that is to wit of Christ & not of him that put on his hands upon them. Neither it maketh any skill or force, which of the apostles laid on his hands/ wherefore it is written in the third chapytre of the first epistle to the Corynthianes. Let no man glory or rejoice in men/ whether it be Paul or Apollo or Cephas (that is to wit Peter. etc) that hath baptized you, or otherwise laid hands: it maketh no force. Furthermore the bishop of Rome is not or aught not to be called singularly the successoure of saint Peter: for cause of the putting or laying on hands/ for one may be conveniently bishop of Rome/ upon whom saint Peter never laid hand, neither medyatly ne yet immediately. Neither again he aught to be called that successor of Peter, for that see or determynation or appointment of the place. first because none of the apostles was determined or appointed at all by the law of god to any people or place/ for it was said in the last chapytre of Mathewe. to them all. Go you therefore & teach you all nations/ again because it is read that Peter was at Antioch: before that he was at Rome. Moreover because though Rome were made inhabitable & destroyed/ yet the succession of Peter should not therefore perish/ but Peter should have a successor. Furthermore because it can not be proved neither by the law of god, neither by the scripture (although it doth call men to the belief of itself of the necessity of salvation) that it was ordained or appointed by Christ, or by any of the apostles, that the bishop of any determynat province or dyocese is, or aught to be called spyritually the successor of Peter or of any other apostle, & superior to other/ the case put that the apostles had been never so unegall in authority/ but that person or those persons be rather some manner way more the successors of Peter, & of the other apostles/ which be more conformable to the life, and holy manners & conversation of Peter, & the other apostles/ for such manner men the blessed apostles would answer (if they were asked the question) to be their successor/ moche like to the answer of Christ their master in the twelve. of Mathewe where when one said to him. Thy mother & thy brethren stand without the doors seeking the or willing to speak with thee, he answered & said who is my mother? or who be my brethren? who soever shall fulfil the will of my father which is in heaven, he is my brother & sister & mother/ which of the bishops then or preestis, is more worthy to be called the successor of the apostles? doubtless, he which followeth 
Who is the successor of the apostles.  them more in their conversation & works. But if any man shall say, that any bishop is therefore principally made the successor of saint Peter, because he is elected by the clergy of Rome, or by the clergy with the residue of the people, to the bysshopriche, & therefore to be made bishop & overseet of the universal church although more spyrytually he belong to the city of Rome, aslonge as it shall remain undystroyed, it is to be answered & said that albeit this saying may be many ways reproved, yet it may sufficiently be disproved & put by, by this one way/ saying that it can not be ꝓued by the holy scripture/ but rather the contrary of it/ as it hath been showed here before, & shall be showed more largely in the chapiter next hereafter following/ wherefore as lightly as it is said: so lightly it may be denied. But whereby or how, & for what cause, the principalyte or superiorite hath come to the bishop and church of Rome (if such superyorite be dew to them) above other bishops & churches: it shall be said seryously & earnestly in the. xxii. chapiter of this diction. But though these things aforesaid be meruaylouse, & unwont to be hard: yet this that followeth is more meruaylouse, because it is more unwont & strange, & it shall peradventure seem at the lest wise inopinable if it do not seem false. That by the certain & undoubted testimony of the scripture it may be proved, that the bishops of Rome as touching the province & nation: been rather the successors of the apostle Paul, then of Peter/ namely in the episcopal 
The bishops of Rome are rather the successors of Paul then of saint Peter  see of Rome. And moreover (which shall seem exceedingly more meruaylouse than this before rehearsed) that it can not be proved by the holy scripture that the bishops of Rome been the especial successors of saint Peter, by reason of the determination of the province or see but rather, that they, for that cause: are the successors of Peter/ which have been bishops, and have set or done set in the epyscopall see of Antioch, more than the bishops of Rome. And the former of these two sayengis may be proved, by this/ that albeit saint Paul was generally sent to all nations, likewise as every one of the other apostles was (whereof it is read in the. ix. of the acts, he is a choose vessel unto me, for to bear my name afore the gentiles and kings and sons of Israel, but yet specially & principally/ he was the apostle of the gentiles/ likewise as Peter was the apostle & teacher of the jews/ as well by revelation as by the ordynation of the apostles among themselves/ wherefore it is read in the second to the Galatyans/ when james, Peter & Iohn had perceived and seen, that the gospel of uncyrcuncisyon (that is to say of the gentiles) was betaken to me, as the gospel of circumcision (that is to say of the jews) was betaken to Peter. etc. and the apostle means in both places the preaching of the gospel to the gentiles, & to the jews/ to have been committed to him & to Peter principally/ for both Peter might preach to the gentiles, and Paul to the jews: if cause or necessity had so required. Albeit that the pryncypalyte among the gentiles by ministering of the gospel did belong to Paul/ & the pryncipalyte of ministering the same to the jews/ did belong to saint Peter: as the gloze expoundeth the same place after the mind of Augustyne. Again in the. xxii. of the actis, it was said to Paul being in a trance, by revelation. Go thy way, for I shall sendethe in to far nations. Again in the. xxviii. & the last of the acts it is said/ & so we came to Rome. And a little afterward the apostle speaketh to the jews in rome saying. Be it therefore known to you, that this wholesome gospel of god, is sent to the gentiles/ & they shall hear it/ & he remained or dwelled hole two years/ in a house that he hired/ & received all men that came in to him/ preaching to them the kingdom of god. Again he himself witnesseth this, more specially in the. xi. to the Romayns where he saith. For I say to you gentiles/ that as long as I am the apostle of the gentiles, I shall do honour to my mynysterye/ if I may by any mean provoke my nation to emulation & following/ that is to say, though otherwiles I do exhort the jews also to this, yet principally I am sent apostle to the gentiles. Again it is written of him to the Galatians, in the second chapytre. james, Peter, & Iohn which seemed to be the pyllers, gave to me & to Barnabas the right hands of society & fellowship that we unto the gentiles/ & they unto cyrcuncisyon (that is to say to the jews) should go to preach the gospel/ and last of all the same is read in the second of the first epistle to Timothe/ & in the first of the second epistle to the same/ but the textis, I have left out here because of shortenes.  
¶ For as moche than, as it is open evidently by the scripture, that Paul was two years abiding in Rome, & that there he did receive all the Gentiles, which were willing to be converted/ & that he did preach the gospel there: it is plain and open, that he was specially bishop of Rome/ because he did exercise there the offyce of a pastore or bishop/ having the authority thereof of chryst & commandment, by revelation/ & the consent of other apostles by election. But as touching to saint Peter, in whom the second of the purposes said shall be proved, & appear 
Saint Peter was not only not bishop of Rome/ but also he never came there.  evidently. I do say/ that it can not be proved of the holy scripture that he was bishop of Rome, neither yet (which is a greater thing) that he was ever at Rome. For it seemeth a very wondered thing if it should be so as it is read in a certain common ecclesiastical legend of sayntis, that Peter did come to Rome a fore saint Paul/ & there did preach the word of god, & afterward was taken. Moreover that afterward saint Paul at his coming to Rome, & Peter together: had so many conflyctꝭ or disputations with Simon the enchanter/ & that they both together strove so greatly for the faith, against the emperors & their ministers, & that at the last according to the same history: they both being headed together for the confession of Christ, died in our lord, & so did consecrated the church of Rome to Christ. I say it is a wondered thing that neither saint Luke which written the acts of the apostles/ neither saint Paul made any mention at all of saint Peter. ¶ Again that saint Peter came not to Rome afore them it is of great likelihood to be believed by that, that is written in the last chapytre of the actis. For when Paul spoke unto the jews, at his first coming/ among other things willing to show the cause of his coming to Rome: he saith. But when the jews cried contrary I was constrained to appeal unto Caesar. But they said unto him/ we neither received letters concerning the from jewry neither came there any of the brethren, that showed or spoke any harm of the. But we desire to here of the what thy mind or opinion is/ for as touching to this sect: we do know that it is every where said against. Let therefore the searcher of the truth, not seeking to contend & strive only: tell me, whether it be probable or likely to any man, that saint Peter came to Rome afore Paul, & did show them nothing of the faith of Christ/ which the jews speaking to Paul called a sect. Furthermore Paul, in rebuking them of their incredulyte & hardness to believe, if he had known that Peter had been there, & had preached: how could it be but that he would have said, & brought in him to be witness of this business, which was witness of the resurrection of chryst? as it is open in the third of the acts/ & again (where of we have spoken already) who will suppose or think that Paul being abiding in Rome two years/ had never conversation communication, or company & fellowship with Peter? And if he had, that Luke would have made no mention thereof at all, which written the history of the acts? for in other less famous places, when Paul found Peter he made mention of him/ and was conversant with him, as in Corynthe (as we rede in the first epistle and third to the Corynthyans') & in Antioch (as it is had in the second to the Galatians) & so of very many other places/ if he had therefore found him in Rome: how could it be, but he would have named him, Rome being the most famous city of all other, & in which after the foresaid history, saint Peter was ruler as bishop thereof/ for these things be in a manner unbelievable/ wherefore it seemeth that, that history or legend can not provable be sustained or held in this point/ and that it aught to be counted among the scriptures which be called apocriphe/ and of no 
Legenda Ecclesiastica.  canonycall verity. But by the holy scripture it is to be held undoubtedly that saint Paul was bishop of Rome/ and if any other were with him in Rome, yet for all that Paul was singularly and principally bishop of Rome for the causes aforesaid/ and that saint Peter was bishop of Antioch: as it appeareth in the second chapytre to the Galatians. But that he was bishop of Rome I do not say against it/ but of likelihood I do hold that in this Peter did not prevent or come before Paul/ but rather contrary wise Paul prevented Peter. But the thing which of all is most to be taken heed of, & marked for our principal purpose is this: that albeit there are some congruences, by reason of which it might appear, that they which are called (which way soever it be) specially the successors of saint Peter, & namely, the epyscopall see of Rome, are more worshypful & reverend, than the successors of the other apostles/ yet for all that of no necessity holy scripture causeth us to believe, that the successors of the apostles are subjects to the same successors of Peter, after any of the powers or auctorytes aforesaid. For all though it were granted, that the apostles were unegall in authority: yet had not Peter therefore, nor any other apostle by the virtue of the words of scripture, any power upon the other, to instytute or depose them, neither as touching to the dignity of preesthode/ which we have called the essencyall dignity neither as touching the sending or determining, and appointing of them to any certain place or people/ neither to the interpreting of scripture: or of the catholical faith, neither as touching to coactyve jurisdiction of any man in this world/ wherefore of necessity it seemeth to follow, that neither any successor of any of them syngularly or specially (after what soever manner he be so called) hath any of the abovesaid manners of power, upon the successors of the other. And this may be evidently confirmed by the authority of saint Iherome which we brought in, of his epistle to Euamdre about the end of the chapytre last aforegone.   

¶ Of the authority of instytuting bishops, to whom it doth appertain and belong, and also of instituting other curates/ & the other ministers of the church, as touching to both dignytꝭ or offycis, separable & unseparable.  
The, xvij, chapytre,  
THus than we have showed, who is the effective cause (that is to say the instituter & ordayner) of the first authority belonging to preestis, which we have called the essencyall authority/ & now it rests and remaineth unto us for to determine & speak of the other authority by which some of the preestis are preferred before other some, to be rulers other to certain preestis, or to certain people, or to both/ in a certain province or place. Moreover ho we or whereby it belongeth to the same, to dyspence & order or dystrybute certain temporal things, called the benefices of the church. Aagayne also, how & by which mean coactyve iurysdyctions hath come to them or to certain of them. To what person also or persones & after what manner most conveniently: it belongeth to determine the doubtful senses of the holy scripture/ namely & cheyfly in those things which are appertaining to the necessity of soul health/ for when these things shall be once sufficiently opened and declared: that thing shall evidently appear which was principally intended and purposed of us ever sins the beginning of this work.  
¶ But yet afore that we do prosecute the things here purposed partyculerlye, it is expedient and necessary, to show first the manner of the instytution, determining, or assigning of bishops or priests, used about the state & begyning of the primitive church/ from which all other things above been afterwards derived. And the beginning of all these things are to be taken of Christ, which is the heed and stone/ whereupon the catholic church is grounded/ according to 
Chryst is the stone, where upon the church is grounded & builded.  the saying of saint Paul in the. iiii. and. u to the Ephesianes, and in the. x. of the first to the Coryntheanes/ & a certain gloze also saith the same, in the. xuj. of Mathewe upon this text. Upon this stone I will build my church/ this heed I say, and the stone, & the foundation of the church, that is to wit Christ gave preesthode to the apostles, and episcopal authority, over & upon all nations and peoples, not determining or appointing any of them severally, so unto any certain place or people, but that it might be lawful to every one of them to preach where soever it were/ albeit that some of them were more deputed and assigned to preach among the gentiles, & some to preach among the jews by the ordination of them among themselves: or else of the holy ghost/ which thing also seemeth to be the mind of the gloze, the second to the Galathians/ upon this text. And when they had known the grace which was given to me among the gentiles. etc. For there saith the gloze,. Chryst gave to Paul, that he should mynystre to the gentiles, and to Peter that he should mynystre to the jews. But yet this dispensation or mynysterye of the gospel, was so dystrybuted & departed between them two: that both Peter might preach to the gentiles, if cause had been, and Paul also to the jews. And this same also Paul seemeth to have meaned likewise in the. xi. to the Romans, when he said. I shall put my mynysterye to honour if I may by any mean provoke my nation to emulation or following. His nation he calleth the jews of whom he came by carnal generation/ as the gloze saith in the same place/ of which words of the apostle, it seemeth to be thought & judged, that by the same power by which one is instytuted and made priest: he hath power, to mynystre every where indyfferentlye, and upon every people/ albeit that by a certain ordination of man: some are determined and assigned more to one certain place or people, than to another, namely now adays. And these things seemeth consonant & agreeable to the scripture, and also to reason/ for Christ giving to every one of the apostles, general administration in the. xxviii. of Mathewe: said to them indyfferently. Go you therefore & teach all nations/ assygning or appointing none of them to any determynate place or people. But they seem otherwiles to have been determined and assigned to some special nation or people: by the revelation of god/ for as much as the apostle saith of himself in the. xxii. of the acts. It chanced me when I was returned in to Iherusalem, and as I was praying in the temple: to be ravished in mind, and to see him, that is to wit Christ, saying unto me. Make haste and go out quickly from Iherusalem/ for they shall not receive thy testimony, that thou shalt bear of me. And a little after it followeth, that Christ said unto him/ go thy way: for I shall send the in to nations far hence. Lo here, seemeth it that Paul sometime by revelation was assigned to some determynate & certain place & people. And beside this he also with the other apostles, received the same assygnement by a certain ordination of man/ wherefore he said in the second to the Galathyans, thus. james/ Peter & Iohn, gave to me & to Barnabas: the right hands of society & fellowship/ that we should preach among the gentiles, & they among the jews. Lo here a determination or assygnement of the apostles, unto certain people & determynat provinces: made immediately by the ordination of man. But this is undoubted that of such determination or assygnement made, other immediately by the revelation of god, or by the ordination of them among themselves/ they did not receive any perfection by the holy ghost which they had not before.  
¶ The same also as I said is agreeable to reason. For the case put, that any bishop or other curate, being assigned and appointed to a certain province or people/ were go forth of the province committed to him (as we see it chance now adays more oft than is needful or convenient) & did meet other by some chance, or else of purpose, with some infidel and not baptized, but yet desiring other by himself, or by some other person, of the said curate to be baptized and made chrystened/ if the said curate do the baptize him keeping the form of the sacrament, this is undoubted, that this man is verily and truly baptized, albeit peradventure, that he doth sin deadly, which doth so baptize any man in the province not subjecteth or committed to him/ wherefore we may conclude, that no man is determined or assigned, by the episcopal or sacerdotale power which we have called the essencial power: unto any certain place or people, but this power indyfferentlye concerneth all nations and people. But yet such determinations and assygnementes have been made sometime by divine revelation/ as in the primitive church/ but more often by the ordination of man, namely now adays/ and that for cause of avoiding slander, & occasion of offence among the bishops and priests, one of them with an other, and for other evident commodities and profits which I shall assign hereafter.  
¶ These things than thus premysed and put before/ now coming pertycularely and specially to the things purposed in the beginning of this chapytre first we shall show, that of such determynat institution of the apostles to certain peoples and provinces, the most convenient cause effective imediat, was the revelation of chryst/ or else the able ordynation of them among themselves, & afterwards we shall show, that the imedyate cause effective of the determynate institution of their first successors, afore the conversion of the people was the express will of all the apostles, or else of many of them/ if other all, or else many of them, were present together in one place or province, in which it was necessary to ordain and instytute a priest or bishop/ or else only one of the apostles: according to the disposition of the place and people and tyme. last of all we shall show/ that after the death of the apostles, or in their absence, the secondary instytution of bishops/ and of other spiritual ministers/ or mynystres of the church, after the most convenient manere possible to the conversation of man/ was done by the university, or hole congregation and multitude of the chrysten people, in the place or province, over which the said bishops or mynystres aught to be instytuted and ordained/ rather than by any other pertyculare company or person/ and so afterward the other things shall be showed consequently.  
¶ The first therefore of these may appear, that is to wit, that there can be no more convenient cause assigned, of the aforesaid determynation of the apostles to a certain place. etc. than the divine revelation, or the convenient delyberation of them among themselves, for as much as in neither of these two: there seemeth any error or malice to have chanced or come between/ for of the divine revelation no man doubteth. And as for the election made by the apostles: it seemeth probable, and to be believed, that they were inspired with the holy ghost/ as we have alleged here tofore of the. xx. chapiter of Iohn. ¶ Furthermore I say that of the secondary institution or determination or assygnement of their first successors, namely afore the conversion of people's/ the imedyate cause effective or doer, was and aught to be, all or many of the apostles, or some one alone of them after the manner aforesaid/ as if all together, or many, or else but one alone of them: were found in that place. And this is proved first by the scripture/ for we rede in the. vi. of the acts that the apostles did after this manner, in the institution of the deacons, yea and that touching the first and essencyall (as we do call it) instytution of them. For it is said in the same chapytre. They set these men (understand thou which were to be made deacons) afore the sight of the apostles, and they (that is to wit the apostles) making their prayers: laid their hands upon them. They did not than bring them to Peter alone, but they brought them afore the sight of the apostles. Neither Peter alone took upon him authority 
The apostles & not Peter only: laid hands upon them that should be made deacons.  severally to put his hands upon them: but the apostles did put hands on them. And this is also agreeable to reason. For it is like to be true, that all or many of the apostles together, took more sure council, and did less err about the person to be promoted other to preesthode, or to any other holy order than any one of them taken severally by himself/ as we alleged afore in the last chapytre, that for this cause, they assembled with the other senyours or priests, to determine the doubt about the law of the gospel in the fact or work of circumcision. Again by this common assent, was taken away the matter and occasion of offence and contention/ which of likelihood should have risen among them: if any one of them in the presence of the other would have taken unto him any power or superyoryte above other/ which contention risen amongs them even by Christ's time, Chryste determined and ended by this, showing and expressing the equalyte of them, as we have here tofore alleged of the. xxii. of Mathewe/ and the. xxii. of Luke/ and also have showed it more largely by▪ the apostle also, and the expositions of the saints in the chapytre last afore go. Moreover it was most reasonable so to do/ that thereby they might take away the presumption of such syngularyte, from all their successors, and also give them example of doing likewise as it shall be showed hereafter in the. ix. part hereof by the gloze upon the. vi. chapiter of the acts.  
¶ But if they were not all together, or else many of them, in the place, where it was needful to make a bishop or overseer, and governor to some multitude of chrysten men, for the keeping of them in the faith: it is to be said verily, that 
Fools desire promotion & dignity. Albeit that in the primitive church sometime it happened the bishop to be choose of the multitude because there lacked chrysten princes to rule the matter yet that was a dangerous manner as our author saith full well & then much more it were dangerous now adays It were a wise way now also, one bishop to be elect by an other if men might be sure that the bishops were all of the apostles complextion, but because there is a great doubt in that, thanked be god a more wise & sure way is found, that the election & all together belongeth to the kings most gracious hyghenes.  one of them alone might lawfully do this thing, namely where was but a small multitude of chrysten people, and the same rude and unskilled to discern, what person was most convenient for the offyce of a bishop or overseer, and cheyfelye where was not many sufficient or able people for this said offyce, which thing chanced often times to Paul, and to his first successors, as it appeareth suffycyentlye of the acts of the apostles, and of his own epistles unto Timothe and Tite. And that such manner instytution might lawfully, and aught to be made by one of them alone, it may be proved by this, that thereby was choose the best, and most convenient pastor. For other it was lawful for each one of them at his own pleasure to make himself overseer unto other in the mynysterye of the gospel, or else this thing aught to be done by the election of the multitude being subject, or else by some of the apostles being there prsente. Of the first way, slaundre and error might have chanced/ slaundre or offence I say, if two people or more would have taken this authority unto them. error also or insuffyciencie and unablenes of the pastor likewise. For most commonly fools or ambitious people desireth and goeth about to take upon them dygnyties and prelacies/ more than vertuose or wisemen. And of the second way (that is to wit, if the prelate should have been made by the election of the multitude) error & insuffyciencie of the person promoted, might of likelihood have chanced/ by the reason that the said multitude was week both in number and also in knowledge/ for they were rude and ignorant at the beginning: in main provyncꝭ/ namely out of jewrye/ and easy to be beguiled/ as it appeareth of the holy epistle to the Galatians and of many other epistles/ wherefore the apostle in the third of the first epistle to the Coryntheans, saith thus. And I brethren might not speak to you, as to spiritual persons: but as to carnal persons as to children or babes in Christ: I gave you milk to drink/ for you were not yet able or strong/ neither yet you be able or strong/ for you are yet carnal. Wherefore to conclude, it was a more sure and more wise way, that this instytution should be done by the election or determynation or assygnement of one of the apostles, whose life and wisdom was more wayghtye and greater (by the reason that they had the holy ghost) than the life or wisdom of all that were in such a multitude, albeit that it is not to be denied, but that it was expedient, for the apostle to have asked counsel of the multitude, as touching to the manners and conversation of the person, which was to be preferred and elected to the said offyce.  
¶ Now consequently after the premisses I will show, that after the time of the apostles, and of the holy fathers, succeeding next after the apostles in office and namely the communities and congregations of chrysten men being one's perfit, the immedyat factyve cause or doer of this instytution and assygnation of the governor and overseer, whether he were greater, whom they do now call a bishop, or whether he were smaller whom they do now call a curate or a priest having cure, & also of the other inferyor mynystres: is & aught to be him to whom the said multitude hath granted authority to make such institutions, or elections. And to the same authority it belongeth laufullye to put out and deprive every one of the said officers, of such manner offices/ and to compel each one of them to exercise & execute his offyce, if it be thought expedient & necessary. But yet we aught to mark & take heed, that although it is in the power of any priest who ever he be, so to exhybyte and do his mynysterie, that he may put his hands upon all men indyfferently and to promote him to preesthode, himself being 
As it is granted to oh ● most gracious sorayne ford the king by act of parliament.  as mynystre preparing, and god absolutlye and immedyatlie giving the power of preesthode/ yet I do say for all that, that it is not lawful for him to give it to every manner of man at his pleasure/ neither by god's law nor man's law, in the communities of chrysten men being now perfit, as we said before/ but more over if he do exhibyte his said mynysterye to any crymynous or slanderous person, or otherwise insuffycient and unable, he trespasseth worthy of punishment, against the law of god, and of man also/ that he doth sin punyssheable 
It were to moche & tedious for the kings grace to be troubeled his own person with the election of every simple priest (as men call them) and therefore his grace may commit that offyce to them that been underneath him, which if they would be neglegent & vncircumspecte in the leccyon of them, yet aught not the bishop hastily to put his hands upon them, but to show the king thereof, in whom is the only remedy  against the law of god: it appeareth by the apostle, in the third of the first epistle to Timothe/ and in the first chapytre to Tite/ for a bishop aught to be faulteles/ with other meet qualytyes and properties there reckoned up. And the same or else much like: is to be thought and supposed of the deacons/ wherefore in the place afore alleged unto Timothe, he saith/ deacons likewise ought to be chaste. etc. And that he doth also sin and trespass worthy of pain, against the law of man in promoting any insuffycient, or an unable person to the ecclesiastical order, it appeareth by these things which have been showed in the. viii. chapiter of this dyction. For he committeth an outward act turning to the noyance and hurt of an other man, for the state of this present world, and also of the world to come (which may be proved to him in very deed although he would say nay) in promoting unto a common offyce, such a person which may corrupt the life and manners of other both men, and women/ or else which can not (so moche as is expedient and necessary both for the state of this present world, and also of the world to come) fastion the manners of men/ for such one, is ever lewd and evil disposed, or otherwise insuffycient and unable.  
¶ Of these premisses I will furthermore infer and conclude of necessity, that in the communities of chrysten men being now perfit: it belongeth only to the king or his deputies to have oversight: to elect, to determine, or assign, and to present the persons, which are to be promoted to the ecclesiastical ordres. The persons therefore which are to be promoted unto ecclesiastical ordres: are to be approved or to be dysalowed by the sentence or judgement of him, which is cheyfe highest governor. And by the same authority: the said persons are also to be instytuted, or removed from the cure or offyce of a bishop or priest/ and to be prohibited from the excercysing thereof. Or also, if of malycyouse purpose they did cease from the exercise of their offyce: to be compelled to the excercising and doing of their duty/ left through their lewdness any man might fall in to jeopardy of eternal death, as for lack of baptism, or of any other sacrament: and this verily is to be understanded, in the communities of chrysten men, which are already perfit. For in such a place, where the prince or governor an heathen prince, as the most part of communities, and well near all communities were about the state and time of the primitive church, there the approbation or reprobation 
chaste, in matrimony he means.  of persons to be promoted to the ecclesiastical ordres, with the aforesaid institutions, and the authority to prohybyte them from the exercise of their offices, or to compel them to the same: should appertain & belong to the priest or bishop, with the more wise part of the chrysten multitude, being in the said place/ or to him alone (if he were there alone) without the consent or knowledge 
Of whom the minister of the church, is to be choose.  of the governor or cheyfe ruler/ that of, or by such manner promoting & institution of prelate's or curates: the faith and wholesome doctrine of Christ might be published which things should not be done by the authority, favour, study, or commandment of the governor: but rather should be prohybyted. And after this manner did the apostles this thing about the beginning of Christ's 
As is the turk  church/ & were bound to do, by the commandment of god. And the successors of them should be bound also to the same: in the default of such a prince or in default 
This is to be understanded where the consent of the heathen prince can not be obtained, for if it may, his election is of good force before god.  of the heathen's prince consent/ wherefore the apostle saith in the. ix. of the first to the Corynthyans'. For if I shall preach the gospel: it is no glory or praise to me/ for necessity of so doing lieth upon me, for woe is to me if I shall not preach/ but yet where the parliament and the prince are willing and content, that such things be done: I say that the authority belongeth to the prince.  
¶ But as concerning the distribution of the temporalles, which are wont to be called the benefices of the church: you aught to know that such things can not here so well be disputed as they may be ordered by kings and their most honourable and discrete counsels. ¶ provided always that the mynystres of the gospel have sufficient finding and sustentation in meat, drink, and clotheses, seemly and sufficient for them/ and herewith the said ministers aught to be contented, as it was showed by the last chapytre of the first epistle to Timothe. 
As in turkey with such like places.  But as concerning temporalties ordained & appointed to works of pity and charity, by the gift or bequest of any syngulare person or persons departed, I do say, that such temporalties or lands, rents, or revenues, it were well done if they were conserved, kept, and dystrybuted, according to the intent, 
The minister of the gospel aught to have his finding.  will, and mind of the giver, or bequether in case the deades mind been good & reasonable, but if it be otherwise, or if error or fault do appear to be in the dystrybuters of the said temporalties, and redress therein is needful to be had, according to the will and mind of him which was the giver, or bequether of them: this error or fault aught to be redressed or amended by him that is cheyfe governor/ you moreover, if he do know it, & be of power to amend it, and doth not redress it, he offendeth god. For this appertaineth not, nor aught to be done by any other singular company or person, of what estate soever he be: this only excepted that the correction or redressing of such faults be committed by the giver or bequether unto any person or company/ in whom also if any fault should chance to be: at the last it aught to be corrected and redressed, by the governor & cheyfe ruler/ albeit, yet no singular person or company may build a church and there in ordained any evangelical mynystre: without the grant or licence of the prince. ¶ Moreover I will show or prove the premisses concerning the institution of ecclesiastical mynystres, and the distribution or gift of the temporalles 
Of the gift of the ecclesiastical benefices.  or benefices: by the authority of the catholic chrysten French kings which is not to be despised/ but rather to be regarded and taken heed of/ for they say, that of right (which thing also in very deed they do well, and cause to be observed and kept even unto this day without any change) the authority concerning the institution and dystrybution of ecclesiastical offices, and of the temporalles or benefices, doth so appertain and belong unto themselves: that the said authority is not derived in to them, from any other syngulare man, or partyculare company of men, of what soever estate he or they be. For the prince or cheyfe governor (say they, and well) is not prohybyted by the law of god: from the institution, gift▪ and distribution of them, but rather contrary, & they say that this authority, hath been derived in the perfit communytes of chrysten men, in to the people, collages, or companies of priests, by the grant of the prince or perlyament/ wherefore in the laws of the princes, & emperors of Rome there is a certain manner & form set and appointed, of choosing or instituting bishops, curates, deacons, and of ordaining other mynystres of the temples or churches/ and the number also of them is determined and certainly appointed. For this thing appertaineth to the prince and heed governor as it was showed in the. viii. of this dyction, & in the. xv. of the first dyction. So also there are laws ordained & made concerning the form and manner of handling & ordering the temporalles, or benefices of the church/ and of the contentious acts of priests among themselves, one of them with an other, or else with any other persons, who ever they be/ against the which laws, they which were first bishops of Rome, being holy men, & not ignorant of it but knowing it well enough never grudged or spoke against them/ but of their own mind were, & would be (as they aught of right to be) subjects unto them. But how and whereof, this so great change hath come to pass, that the company of preestis not only doth say, that themselves are exempt from the lawas & customs of the seculare princes, but also maketh themselves lawmakers over them, and doth styflye maintain and defend the same, we shall show hereafter.  
¶ Again also of the premisses we aught to understand & know, that the heed governor or prince may lawfully of the temporalles of the church, namely the puentes & rents of unmovables (if any shall be left more than is necessary to the sufficient sustentation of the ministers of the gospel) tallies, taxes, subsydes, both according to god's law and man's law, for the defence of the country or redemption & raunsoning of prisoners, in to the obsequy and service of the faith/ or for the supportation of the common charges, & other reasonable causes. For 
An invyncyble reason.  who soever ordained & appointed such temporalles, other by gift or else by bequest, unto such chartable uses, & did commit the distribution of them to any person or persons, he could not give them to any company or singular person, with more immunyte, liberty, or freedom, than he had himself, whiles they were in his power and possession. But for that time they were never free from the common charges/ wherefore it followeth, that they are not free, not not after they have been translated by the giver or ordeyner, in to the power or governance of any other man. And here unto beareth witness saint Ambrose, in his epistle De tradendis basilicis, when he said/ we pay to Cesar: such things, as belongeth to Cesar/ & to god, such things as appertaineth to god. Tribute belongeth to Cesar/ we do not deny it him. And again in the same epistle/ if the emperor demandeth tribute: we do not say him nay of it. Theloondes of the church payeth tribute. But doubtless he would have denied the emperor tribute, if he had believed or supposed, that tribute had not been dew to him of right. Hugo de scton victore, also 
Hugo de scton victore.  saith the same, in his treatise made of the sacramentis. The church (saith he) all though it doth take the fruit of the earthly possession to her use: yet for all that cannot the church by ecclesiastical people exercise the power of executing justice, or secular iudgementis/ but yet the church may have mynystres lay persons: by whom the laws & judgements belonging to cyvyle power, may according to the tenor of the laws, & the duty of cyvyle authority, be exercised or executed/ but yet so that the church do know/ that she hath all such power: of the world prince/ & that she do understand & know: that she may never so exempt or with draw those possessions from the kings power: but that if reason, and necessity shall require: both that power of theirs ought of duty to aid & defend him: and also the possessions of them aught of duty, to do obsequy & service to him in time of need. For as the regal power must needs give the defence, which it oweth of duty to other men: so likewise the possession of the ecclsiasticall. etc.   

¶ Of the beginning, & first state of the chrystyane church/ & how and by what mean, the bishop of Rome, and the church of Rome, hath taken the aforesaid authority & a certain prymacye or superyoryte unto themselves, above and upon other bishops and churches.  
The, xviij, chapytre,  
Now this rests or remaineth of the intentes purposed: to show & declare the rising & beginning, whereof the coactyve jurisdiction, & the power & authority of all the secondary institutions of preestis called afore of us the accedentall or not essencyall institutions, and also the power to dystrybute all the ecclesiastical temporalles or benefices, hath come unto certain bishops or preestis/ & whereof it cometh, that the bishop of Rome doth ascribe to himself, the highest of all such authority. And consequently after these premisses, we will show & declare to what person or persons, the rightful authority & power belongeth, to interpret the doubtful senses of the scripture and those so interpreted: to give and command it to be believed and observed of the chrysten people.  
¶ Supposing therefore first of all, of the determynations made by us in the .xv. &. xvii. of the first dyction, and in the. iiii. u viii. ix. &. x. of this present dyction, that unto no bishop, or priest, or ecclesiastical mynystre in that that he is but a mynystre belongeth any jurisdiction coactyve of any man in this world. And again that no bishop or priest by the immediate ordynation of chryst, aught to be under any other bishop or priest, as touching to any of the powers belonging to preestis other essencyall or not essencyall aforesaid. Beginning therefore at the holy 
Canon or scripture.  Canon or scripture, as at the fountain of the verity & troth which we do seche we shall take the oracle or saying of chryst in the. xx. of Iohn, by which he gave the authority of preesthode, or the power of the keys, or both, indyfferently to all his apostles, when he breathed upon them, & said. Take you the holy ghost/ whose sins you shall forgive: they are forgiven them/ and we shall also join to this, the commandment of the said Christ, whereby he did enjoin them also indyfferently, to preach the gospel through out the whole world, when he said to them in the last of mathewe. Go you therefore & teach all nations. etc. To which apostles, he did afterward by his own immediate vocation, join Paul as a choose vessel (that is to wit of the holy ghost) as it appeareth evidently in the. ix. of the acts 
S. Paul was a choose vessel.  And this Paul, & the other apostles together, executing the aforesaid commandment of Christ. But afterwards by the revelation of god, and their own ordinances among themselves: certain of them remained still in jury, and the resydewe of them departing themselves asunder, went from thence in to divers countries', and to soundrye peoples, among whom they boldly and constantly preaching the gospel: profited and did as much good, each one of them as he was able, and as it pleased god, in the converting of men and women, unto the faith/ as it is recited and rehearsed in their legends, or in the approved histories of them/ albeit, that among other, two of them did most notable good with their preaching/ that is to wit, saint Peter, and saint Paul/ which Paul, although he was none of the. twelve. yet nevertheless he was called, and sent as immediately and pryncypallye of Christ as any other, whosoever it was, of the apostles/ as it appeareth of the. ix. of the acts.  
¶ From these two apostles Peter and Paul, the usage & custom of the chrysten church was first derived/ albeit, yet more manifestly from Paul: after the text or process of the canon or scripture/ and namely to the gentiles/ as saint Augustyne saith in the. ix. chapiter of the .xiiii. book De civitate dei. For Paul himself was principal & the first apostle unto the gentiles or uncyrcuncysed people, likewise as Peter was the principal apostle sent unto the jews or cyrcuncysed people/ as it appeareth in the second chapytre to the Galatianes', & in the x. to the Romans/ and of the gloze also of holy men in the same place, & in many other places of the scripture. And these two apostles, with all the residue of them, following their master/ that is to wit Christ, lived under the coactyve jurisdiction of the seculare princes/ & taught other to live likewise/ as it hath been evidently showed in the. iiii. & the. u. of this dyction. And so did their successors, priests & bishops, with their deacons, & other mynystres of the gospel, from time to time continually even unto the time of Constantyne the first emperor of Rome (as it appeareth evidently of the aforesaid book of Isodory) so that none 
The chrysten faith was free until Constantine'S tyme.  of all the bishops, in all that space: did exercise any coactyve jurisdiction upon the other bishops/ albeit yet that many bishops of other provinces, in such things wherein they doubted, as well of the holy scripture, as of the custom, usage, & ceremonies of the church/ being not bold to gather themselves together openly, asked counsel of the bishop/ & the congregation of christian men being at Rome/ because peradventure there was the greater multitude of chrysten people, & 
Why Alien bishop sought counsel before the reign of Constantyne the emperor of & at the bishops of rome How bishops came first from Rome which I beseech the good reder to mark with all diligence for it is worth moche worldly treasure.  better learned/ for as much as at that time the studies of all manner sciences florysshed than at Rome, whereupon the bishops & preestis there, were more learned, & the church there, had more abundance & plenty in number, of such learned people, than had the congregations or churches in other places/ & the bishops of the same place also were had in more reverence/ partly because sayut Peter the most ancient of the apostles, & most sage & reverend, is read to have sit there as bishop, and saint Paul also, of whom it is more evident & undoubted, as it appeareth in the. xuj. of this diction. Partly also for the pryncipalyte of the city of Rome, & his greater fame in comparison to other provinces of the world/ wherefore also the chrysten people of other provyncꝭ lacking then able & sufficient persons to govern their churches, desired of the bishop & the chrysten congregation of Rome, able & sufficient people to be made bishops & overseers unto themselves, because the chrysten church of Rome had more plenty of such manner people/ as we said not long afore. The bishops than of Rome, & the congregation of chrysten people there so being then required & desired to give their help and counsel, as well about the faith, as about the custom & ceremonies of the church, & the ꝓuyding of able persons, charytablye & brotherly did secure and help them that had need, & required it of them/ in these aforesaid things that is to wit insending bishops unto them (which could scantly be found any that were willing to take that offyce upon them) & also in making the other provinces which so sent unto them partakers of such ordynations which they had 
How laws & ordynauncꝭ were first received from Rome, & aft what manner: and would to god it had never been worse Isodore.  made for themselves, concerning the customs & ceremonies to be used in the church of Rome, & sometime also cherytablye putting away the contention or schism of the chrysten people among themselves, in other provinces. These things the churches of other provinces took & received thankfully, from the time of pope Clement, which is written to have been first bishop there being the successor of Peter, or Paul, or of both: until the time of the aforesaid Constantyne. And after this manner also or much like: the people of Rome received of the Greeks, freely & without compulsion, certain laws, called the laws of the. x. tables/ out of which, as from the original: all other laws of the people of Rome proceeded & came forth. And yet this is undoubted, that the people of Rome was not 
The church of Rome received ordinances of the church of Grece.  subject to the greeks in any manner jurisdiction or authority.  
¶ But of this said superyoryte coming in a manner of custom, by the fire and wilful consent of other churches, the bishops of Rome (as touching to their further going forth from the beginning) have taken unto themselves, a certain more large authority, to make decrees, or ordinations, upon and over the universal church/ concerning the custom and ceremonies of the church, and 
See how virtue is perverted to mysche fe, by to much sufferance.  the acts of all priests/ & to command the observation of the same decrees, even until the aforesaid constantynes tyme. But whether the bishops of Rome inyght do this, by the authority of themselves alone, or else there was necessarily required the consent of other bishops unto the same, we shall show here after. And the aforesaid Constantyne (as Isodore showeth in the foresaid book, in 
Constantyne the emperor.  the chapytre of the primitive church, in the Nicene counceyle/ & the same is also contained in writing in the prevylege of lord Constantyne the emperor) was 
If thou wilt see the truth of this gift rede the book entytled, the gift of Constantyne the emperor & thou shalt there see many festly that it was but forged of the bishops of Rome.  the first emperor, which by the mynysterye of Sylvester than pope of Rome, did openly receive and take upon him the faith of Christ. And the said Constantyne seemeth to have exempt preesthod from the coactyve jurisdiction of princes/ which also by the aforesaid pryvyledge seemeth to have given to the church of Rome, and likewise to the bishop thereof: the auctoryties and powers upon all other churches and bishops, which they do say now to belong unto themselves by an other title, as we have showed afore, in the. viii. &. ix. part, of the nineteeen. chapiter of the first diction/ beside this also he seemeth to have given to them coactyve iurysdyctions upon the same fields, lands, lordshyps', & many possessions, with the secular dominion also of certain ꝓuynces, as it appeareth evidently in the same decree prevyledge: to them, that list to look upon it. This Constantyne also (as it is read afore) was the first emperor, which granted to chrysten men licence, to gather themselves together to assemble openly: to build temples or churches. And by his precept and commandment, the first council called the council of 
Who gathered the first counsel called Concilium Necenum.  Niece was gathered or assembled/ of which counsel, with other, which have been made in the process or going forward of the church, from the time of the apostles, even unto these present times: we shall hereafter touch, & bring in, or allege the histories, in meet & convenient places/ concerning so moche, as shall belong to our purpose taking out of them, these things which shall be consonaunte and agreeable to the scripture and right reason, and refusing those things, which shall be dissonaunte or disagreeing from the same.   

¶ Of a certain preamble, necessary to be had, that is to wit that faith and credence is to be given only to the scriptures of god, & not to the pure doctrine of any ancient doctoure.  
The. nineteeen. chapiter.  
But afore that we do proceed any further we confess, that we are not bound, of the necessity of eternal salvation, to believe or to confess any scripture, to be undoubtedly true: but only these scriptures, which are called the canonycall scriptures, contained in the Bible/ or else those: which necessarylye follow of the said canonycall scriptures. ¶ And that no man is held or bound 
To what scripture sure credence is to be given.  to give sure credence, unto the other scriptures, that is to wit which have been showed, given, or taught by the spirit of any doctor spyrytual: it is evident/ for no man is bound steadfastly to give credence to any scripture, which may sygnyfy or give knowledge of false things/ nor to confess or knowledge it as utterly true. But such are all the scriptures of men grounded upon their own invention for they may serve from the truth, as it is evident by experiment, & is had also in the. c. xv. psalm: I said in mine excess, every man is a liar. But the canonycal scriptures are not so/ for they are not of man's invention, but rather taught or given by the imedyate inspiration of god, which neither can be deceived neither is willing to deceive. And this sentence which we have said, and the difference of the divine & of the human scriptures, saint Augustyne openly confirmeth 
Augustyne.  in the. xiii. of the epistle to saint Iherome, when he said. For I knowledge to thy charity that I have learned to give this honour, & fear only to the books of the scriptures, which at now called canonycall, that I do believe surely & stead fastly none of the authors or makers of them to have erred any whit in their writing. And if any thing be offered to me in those scriptures, which seemeth contrary to the truth. I do not doubt, but that other the book is corrupt or else that the interpreter did not understand that which was said, or else that I myself have not understand it. But other books I do so rede: that were the 
Saint Augustyne judgement of books.  authors of them never so excellent holy or well learned, yet I do not think any thing therefore true, because they have thought or judged so: but because they have been able to persuade unto me by these foresaid canonycall aucthores, or else by ꝓbable reason, that it doth not dysagre from the truth. The same thing also he rehearseth 
Augustyne.  in the ꝓlouge of the iii book De trinitate when he said: do not o reader follow & obey my books, as thou wouldest the canonycall scriptures, but in them that is to wit in the canonycall scriptures, even that also which thou dost not yet believe when thou shalt have found it there, believe it forthwith, without any tarriance or delay, but in these books of mine, that which thou art not sure of, except thou shalt perceive & understand it to be undoubted, do not steadfastly & surely hold or sustain. The same thing also he said in his epistle to Fortinacianus, and in many other books/ the texts whereof I have left out here because of speed and shortness. Wherefore also it is found to have been prohibited by the third counsel 
The counsel of Carthage.  held at Carthage, & were reasonably that none other manner scriptures should be read under the name of these, that is to wit of the canonycall scriptures/ wherefore there is read in the said counsel, & also in the foresaid book of Isodore is contained/ this text following. Also it hath pleased us that beside the canonical scriptures, nothing be read in the church under the name of the divine scrypturis. And the canonycall scriptures be Geneses, & the other in the volume of the bible which are reckoned up there, neither that which Augustyne saith against the Manicheis, in the epistle of the foundation: is any whit against these things 
Non crederen evangelio, nisi me catholic ecclesie commoveret aucthoritas.  aforesaid: for there saint Augustyne saith/ but I would not believe the gospel except the authority of the catholic church did move or stir me, in which saying, he seemeth to prefer the authority of man, before the authority of the scripture. For always that wherefore an other thing is regarded: is more regarded it own self. But let us answer that it is not all one thing to believe a work, book or treatise to be made & written by some doctor or man, & to believe that that same work, that it is true, profitable, or hurtful, to be observed, or to be refused. For a man may receive or take the one of these two things, by the testymonie of men without the second, & contrary wise, the second without the first, & he may receive both of them likewise otherwiles, by the testimony of men/ as for example/ some man shall believe that same scripture which is offered & laid afore him, to be the law of the country, by the common testimony of the inhabytantꝭ or dwellers there/ which said law for all that, to be true, or to be observed, & not transgressed or broken: he may learn by some sensible sygile, as by the pain or punishment which he hath seen to be done to the transgressors thereof/ by right reason of his own mind, without any perswasyon or saying of any men. So also backward again/ he which sethe any man make a book or build a house, or to do any other thing, shall believe of his own self, without the testimony of men, that the book was made, or the house was builded of the same man/ but that the contentis in that book be true or false, ꝓfytable or noisome, to be followed or exchued he may believe this, by the testimony of men, namely of credable people. Again a man may take or receive both otherwiles of or by the testimony of men/ as he which never saw Hippocrates, shall believe that this is the book & doctrine of Hypocrates, by the testimony of men, and that the contentis & things written in it be true, or false, to be observed, or to be refused for the conservation of health, & the avoiding of sickness, this the same man shall receive or believe, of the testimony of learned men. And after the same or very like manner, to believe that any scripture contained in the bible is the tradition of god/ this thing a man may take of the common testimony of chrysten men, or of the catholic church, which yet for all that never saw, nor heard Christ, neither hath had any perceiving of Christ, by any other exteryor sense. But yet that this scripture is true, he shall believe by faith, as for example, by miracle, without the testimony of any man/ even like wise as Paul believed before his conversion that the law which he did then perceive was the doctrine of Christ: by the testimony of the preachers whom he persecuted/ and yet for all that he did not therefore believe, the said law to contain the truth. But afterwards he believed it to be true: first by a sencyble miracle, and consequently by the faith which he had/ likewise also both these things is taken otherwiles by the testimony of man/ as that the scryture is a law made and given by Christ, and that the contents in it are true and to be observed, and to get eternal life, salvation, and to avoid eternal misery: is believed and hath been believed of many men, which never saw Christ, nor have known him, by any exteryor sense: neither ever hath perceived any miracle or sencyble sign thereof.  
¶ Therefore this saying of saint Augustyne, I would not believe the gospel if 
How saint Augustynes saying is to be understanded. Non crederem evangelio, nisi me catholic ecclesie aucthoritas commoveret.  the authority of the church did not move me: may according to the things aforesaid, be understanded, two manner ways, and have two senses. The one is this, that he believed the scripture to be the gospel, that is to say the joyful message of Christ/ by the testimony of the church/ albeit that he did believe, this scripture or gospel to contain truth, more principally peradventure by some miracle, or by some revelation, or else by the faith, by which he did believe that Christ was very god and so consequently that all his tradition & doctrine was true and to be observed and kept. The other sense which the said words of Augustyne may have: is this/ that he did first, and at the beginning receive and believe both these aforesaid things, by the testimony of the church/ albeit the first sense of these two seemeth to agreed more unto the saying of the apostle, in the first chapytre to the Galathians. For the words and sayings of Christ or of god, are not therefore true: because the church doth so witness to them by true testimony/ but therefore is the witness or testimony of the church true, when 
Why the judgement of the church is true.  she allegeth for her the true saying of Christ, which make her sayengis true, because they are true/ wherefore the apostle to the Galatians afore alleged saith thus. But though we, or an angel from heaven do preach unto you any thing otherwise, than we have preached, unto you: cursed be he. And likewise it is to be understanded, that although the holy church had preached any other gospel that is to say a contrary gospel, it should not have been true. And the cause why Paul thus said, was for that that was sure and out of doubt, that the said gospel was the saying or revelation of Christ, in which could be no falsytie And therefore after what soever sense, the aforesaid words of saint Augustyne be expounded: they are not contrary or against the sentence, which we have said. And saint Augustyne doth for so moche say, that he believeth the gospel, for the authority of the church, because he took the beginning of his believe, of the church. For faith otherwiles beginneth of hearing. And again because he was moved with the good living and holy conversation of the church, and with the patient sufferance of tribulation which he perceived in the church in time of persecution.   

¶ The. xx. xxi. and. xxii. chapytres be left out, as not of moche value, and to avoid the offence of some spiritual people, that bear pepper in their noses, & that judge every truth to be spoken of malice.   

¶ Of the diverse manners or sygnyfycacions, after which, fullness of power may be taken/ and after what manner and order/ the bishop of Rome hath taken these unto him/ and breyfly, & generally/ after what manner and fashion he hath used & doth use them.  
The, twenty-three, chapytre,  
THe fullness of power is and may one way truly be understanded & 
How many manner ways fullness of power may be taken.  taken for that power which is able to do any manner act possible & upon any manner thing, voluntarylye/ power I say having not excess/ which manner power seemeth to be agreeing and belonging only unto Christ/ wherefore it is said in the last of Mathewe/ Albina power is given to me, both in heaven and in earth.  
¶ The second way, fullness of power may be understanded more to the purpose for that power, by the which, it may be lawful for any man for to exercise any manner act any manner man, or any manner outward thing being in the power of men, ordynable to the use of men. Or else again that power, according to which, a man may exercise any manner act, albeit, not upon every manner man, or upon all manner thing being subject to the power of man. Or else again that power according unto the which it may be lawful to exercise not all manner acts: but only an act or operation determined in kind or manner, but yet according to all manner inclination or appetite of the wyller, upon any manner man, & every thing being subject under the power of man. ¶ The. iiii. way, fullness of power may be understanded the last aforesaid power or the power according to the manner aforesaid, upon all clerks only/ and the power instituting all them to the ecclesiastical offices, & of depriving them or deposing them from the said offices/ and of dystrybuting the ecclesiastical temporalles or benefices, or according to the manner last afore rehearsed. ¶ The u way fullness of power may be understanded, that power, which belongeth to priests, all manner ways to bind and loose men from sins, and the pains done for them/ and to excommunycate, to interdycte, and to reconcile/ of which power we have spoken before. ¶ The. vi. way, the fullness of power may be understanded, that power, by which it may be lawful to put on hands upon all men, to the receiving of the ecclesiastical ordres, and to give or prohybyte and with hold the sacraments of the church/ of which power it hath been spoken before. ¶ The. seven. way, by fullness of power, may be understanded the power of interpreting the scripture. ¶ The. viii. & the last way, as touching to our purpose, by fullness of power may be understanded the power of the pastoral cure of souls, general in comparison to all peoples & provinces of the world/ of which it hath been spoken before. Again fullness of power, may be understanded according to each one of the aforesaid dyvysyons, that power, which is not determined by any law/ & that power may be understanded to be not full power: which is determined by the laws of man, or of god/ under which right reason may conveniently be comprehended. There be peradventure certain other manners, and combinations of the fullness of power: but I think that we have rehearsed and reckoned up all, which appertaineth to the purpose intended of us.  
¶ These dyvysyons of the fullness of power than thus premysed and declared: I do say, that fullness of power according to the two first manners, or significations aforesaid, doth in no wise agree or appertain to the bishop of Rome, or to any other bishop or priest, save only chryst or god/ of the which too I pass over because the thing is evident/ and because it hath been certyfyed by the wisdom of god, and man, and by all moral science, and also because of speed and breyfnes. And as touching to the third &. iiii. way or manner of fullness of power it hath been proved by demonstration and strong reason, in the. xv. chapiter of the first diction: & moreover confirmed by the holy scripture, in the .iiii. u &. viii. of this dyction. Again most stablished & coroberated in the. xv. xuj. xvii. &. xxi. of this diction: that such manner power, not only not with any fullness: but also doth not at all, by the law of god, agreed or appertain to any priest or bishop in that he is such one, upon any man being other clerk or no clerk. But an concerning the other two, that is to wit the u and. vi. manners of fullness of power: it hath been showed in the. vi. and. seven. chapytours of this dyction/ that the power of binding and loosing from sins, and from the pains dew for them, & like wise the power of cursing or excommunycating any man openly is not granted to the priest absolutelye or with fullness: but is determined by the law of god so that he can neither condemn those that be innocentes afore god: neither louse them, that are guilty afore god. Moreover that the same power to instytute the ecclesiastical ministers, by the putting on of hands/ to teach and preach, and to mynystre the sacraments of the church in the communities of chrysten men, doth not so fully agreed or belong to bishops or priests: but that there is determined, and appointed unto them by the law of god and of man/ a convenient manner of working according to it. And as touching to the other two manners of fullness of power remaining, that is to wit the. seven. and the. viii. it hath been showed before, that they do not agreed or appertain to any priest or bishop with fullness/ but according to the determination both of the law of god, and of the law of man.  
¶ Therefore to conclude fullness of power doth agreed or appertain, neither to the bishop of Rome/ neither to any other bishop or priest in that he is such a one. ¶ Now consequently it is to be showed, whence and of which signification the bishop of Rome took his first beginning of ascribing this title of fullness of power unto himself/ albeit that in very deed it doth not agreed or belong unto him after any at all of the foresaid sygnyfycations/ and it appeareth that the bishop of Rome took first his title of fullness of power unto himself, after the. viii. signification. And that the beginning of the apparent appertaining thereof unto him/ was that saying of Christ, which is had in the. xxi. of Iohn where he speaking unto saint Peter saith. Feed my sheep. Again because he said singularly to the same Peter in the. xuj. of Mathewe. To the I shall give the keys of the kingdom of heavens. etc. Again for that it was said to Peter in the. xviii. of Iohn. Turn thy sword in to thy scaberde. Moreover of the answer which the disciples made to Christ saying. See here two swords/ of the which texts, after their own interpretations/ certain men will this to be understanded, that the university or the hole flock of sheep of all the world, that is to wit of chrysten men/ was committed to Peter only, and so likewise to every bishop of Rome, as to the special vicar of saint Peter/ but to the other apostles and to the bishops successors of them, not the university or whole flock of sheep of the whole world/ but to each one of them, one determynate and pertyculare flock, and province hath been committed to be governed.  
¶ After that the bishop of Rome, had taken unto himself the title of fullness of power, albeit not according to the true sense of the scripture, as it shall be suffycyentlye showed in the. xxviii. chapiter of this diction. Of presumption he went further in to an other signification (peradventure because of lucre and advantage, or else to usurp some other commodyte profit or excellency about other men) that is to wit taking upon himself and preaching openly, that he alone severally may after what manner soever it shall please him: by his word utterly exempt or deliver and assoil sinners from the pains of purgatory so he calleth them.  
¶ And after these sygnyfycations so taken under a certain colour and appetaunce of pity and mercy, to the end that first they might seem of charity to take thought and care, for all men. And secondaryly, that they might be supposed to have power, and to be willing to have mercy and pity upon all men, the bishops of Rome being strengthened with the privileges and grants of the emperors (as they lowedely lie) cheyfly the emperyal seat being vacant: did extend and stretch forth this title further. first to the ordaining and making certain laws upon the clerks or priests, concerning the ecclesiastical customs and ceremonies, which at the beginning were called decrees. And afterwards 
How and wherefore fastings from certain kinds of meats at certain days came first up and was first received.  by the way and manner of requests and exhortations, they persuaded certain ordinations to the say men/ as of fasts and of abstinence from certain meatis at certain times, for the obtayninge of the help & mercy of god to take away certain pestylencꝭ & infesciones of the air from men, which reigned at that time/ as it appeareth evidently of the legend of saint Gregory, and of other certain saints. But after that the say men had of their own free will taken and received such abstynences, and because of devotion had by long custom observed such free ordinances, which we said to have been requests or exhortations, than the tyrants of Rome began to command openly the same things by the manner of a precept or law/ so that they were bold without the licence of the 
Under the colour of religion hath sprung much mischief.  worldly princes to strike the trangressoures thereof, with the terroure or dread of their curse or excommunication/ but yet under the colour and appearance of religion or of the honouring of god. Afterwards their appetites of having do mynyon increasing more and more, and when they perceived also that devout chrysten men were greatly put in fear with such manner of words, through 
After ignorance followeth foolish fear, & after that fond objections, as is this/ were there not as wise men before our days as there been now?  fearfulness and ignorance of the law of god, which believed themselves to be bound unto those things, which were commanded by the priests for fear of eternal death, than the bishops of Rome with their company of clerks, presumed further to statute or make certain oblygarchicall decrees or ordinations concerning cyvyle acts, by which they pronounced themselves, and every one that did take their order, or the offyce of clarkeshyp upon them, yea being pure say men, to be exempted from all public and common charges/ promoting unto this offyce even seculare men, and married, which were soon alured thereunto, that they might enjoy immunite and freedom from the common and public charges/ by the reason whereof they made no little part of the cyvyle multitude subjects unto themselves: withdrawing them from the power and governance of the seculare princes & governors. And again purposing & going about 
Exemption of clerks.  to withdraw a greater multitude: they pronounced by other decrees, that all those were stricken with the pain of cursing, who soever shall have done any personal injuries/ what 
The devil is latten loose to blow his trumpets.  soever they be: unto any of them, which have been taken unto the company of clerks, and defaming also openly in the churches, those that doth any injury to clerks: by excommunication/ and no less pursuing the same men therefore, they require to have them punished by the penaltes of the 
Cursynges for money.  temporal laws. But this that followeth, is a more detestable thing and very execrable to the offyce of priests/ that the bishops of Rome and certain other bishops, to the intent that they may ampliate and enlarge their own jurisdiction, and after that their most filthy lucre, unto the contempt of god, and the manifest preiudyce of the seculare princes, doth excommunycate & shut out from the sacraments of the church, as well say men as clerks being peradventure a little negligent, and not regarding, or else being all utterly unable to pay certain dettes of money/ to the payment whereof they were formally bound until a certain term of time appointed/ which say men and clerks, Christ, with main exhortations, pains and labours, and last of all by his own marterdome and precious blood, hath put or set within the church. So did not Paul which was made of all fashions unto all men: to the intent 
S. Paul.  that he might win all men to Christ/ but he would that sinners should be cut away, from the company of other chrysten men, only for great and grievous offences/ as it hath been showed of us before, of the first epistle to the Corinthyans'. And yet they being not content herewith, but desiring the dominion and highest governance of seculare men, contrary to the precept of Christ and the apostles: hath brest forth in to the making of laws severally from the laws of the whole communaltyes/ decreing that all the clargye is exempted from the cyvyle laws, bringing in and causing, a cyvyle scysme or division and a pluralyte of cheyfe governors, which we have showed in the. xvii. chapiter of the first dyction, to be impossible to the quietness & tranquylite of men, alleging sure and undoubted experience thereof/ for this said pluralyte of heads or highest governors, is the rote and the beginning of the pestilence or destruction of the empire of Italy, out of which rote all hurts and occasions of evils hath 
The cause of the undoing Italye.  sprung and doth come forth/ and during the same: there shall never cease cyvyle dyscordes in the same empire/ for the bishop of Rome hath of long time held this power, whereunto he crope in, by little and little, and by privy prevary cacyon of custom, or rather abuse. And he furthermore fearing lest the same power should be revoked from him by the emperor (and not without a cause) for the excesses committed by him, with all wicked diligence, forbiddeth and letteth the 
Treason.  creation and promoting of the emperor of Rome/ and at the last one of them hath brest forth in to so great boldness, that he hath in his decrees expressed, the emperor of Rome to be bound to him by oath of fydelyte, as being subject to him by coactyve jurisdiction/ as it appeareth evidently to them that lift to 
O shameless children.  look upon it, by the foolish and utterly despise worthy. seven. book of their narrations which they do call decretals, in the title Desentencia et re indicata. To the which rasshe and mysaduysed presumption, that most chrysten emperor, 
The commendation of Henry the. viii. emperor of Rome & the cause, of his most cruel deposition.  a man of all virtues, singularly among other princes approved at all time, place and state, of happy and worshipful memory Henry the. viii. refusing to agree as feigning himself to have forgotten the oath made, is dyscrybed a transgressoure of it/ by a certain no less false than presumptuous narration, called a decretal: whose title is De iure iurando/ which nevertheless might worthily be intyteled De iniusta iniuria, et illata, dino imperatori, suisque successoribus et affinibus omnibus contumelia/ that is to say, of the wrongful injury, and contumely 
The title of jure iurando.  or dysworshyp done to the most honourable and godly emperor and to all his successors and alliance/ for of the makers of the Canon law/ he is pronounced a person defamed or of evil name: because he is (as they count it) perjured/ which also have go about to spot & defile the famous memory of him: if it might have been spotted or blemysshed, by the words or writings of such false & wrongful accusers and dyspraysers. But yet the bishop of Rome with their cardinals durst not call these oblygarchicall ordynations, appertaining to the power of their own selves, being a few in number, by the name of laws but they called them decretals/ albeit that by the same they do intend to bind men unto pain, for the state of this present world, by power coactyve: likewise as the princes of the world intend in their laws. But the cause why they dared not express that, at the beginning by the name of laws: was this/ for that that they feared the resistance/ & correction of the aforesaid princes, for the treason which in so doing they committed against the princes or governors. ¶ Again at the 
why the spyrytual laws were named jura canonica, that is to say, the canon laws & hereby note the craft of the devil.  beginning they called such manner ordinations jura canonica, to the end that by the colour of the word, though wickedly aplyed: they should be accounted & taken for more antentyke/ and that they might imprynte the bylefe, reverence, & obedience, of the said ordinations the more largely in chrysten man's hearts. So than to conclude all together: the bishops of Rome convayenge themselves further by little and little prevylye: preached openly the syxe latter sygnyfycations of fullness of power also of themselves/ by them commytting very many monstrous things in the cyvyle order, against the law of god and man, and against the right judgement of any man that hath reason.   

¶ how and after what manner the bishop of Rome hath used the prymacye taken upon him, and the fullness of power, in special within the ecclesyastycall lymytes, or the ordering of priests.  
The, xxiv, chapytre,  
AFter the aforesaid determinations, it followeth consequently to show, after what fashion, the bishops of Rome hath taken the said full power unto them seves: and hath used, and doth use it hitherto, and of likelihood will use it hereafter, if they be not stopped or letted. And first of all how, how they have used it in the institution of the ecclesyastycall officers, & dystrybuting of the ecclesiastycall temporalles or benefices, as well unto the ecclesyastical mynystres, as unto other miserable persons, for whose cause also the ecclesyastycal temporalles hath been given and ordained so to be dystributed or disposed by the mynystres of the church. And afterwardis it is to be showed how they have used hitherto, & doth use, and hereafter will use these powers, in comparison unto them which do live cyvylie, as well princes as their subjects. The bishops of Rome being permitted and suffered hitherto, and now adays, to work according to his fullness of power, hath infected, and corrupted all the mystycall body of Christ, for they have dymynysshed, corrupted, and finally in a manner have utterly destroyed and taken away election, which is the best way, you moreover in which way only is securyte of well instituting any manner office/ notwithstanding that by election the apostles with the other multitude of chrysten men made the instytution of the deacons: as it is had in the. vi. chapiter of the acts. They have dymynysshed it first, by turning the election in to the clargye alone, which was aught to be done by the chrysten princes. They have corrupted it also by dymynysshing it: as by translating the authority of electing the bishop, unto certain young men, unlearned, & unskilled in the law of god, whom they do call Canons. And they have also in a manner utterly destroyed it. For the bishops of Rome reserve immediately to their own power, the instytution of all the ecclesiastical prelacyes or dygnytes and not only of these: but also of the mean & smaller offices, which may agreed and belong to pure say men, as the custody of the temples & churches, the collection, and the distribution of the temporalles or benefices ordained & appointed for the said officers. By which reservation, they do decree and determine all manner elections of sufficient & approved persons, to be void & of no strength (though they be never so dewely made) instituting in the stead of these sufficient persons, by the fullness of their power (as they call it) being ignorant, or corrupted with money, or prayer, hatred, or love, fear, or for pleasure & service done to them, or for to obtain favour, or 
The church that can not err.  through some other crooked affection, people ignorant and unskilled in the scripture of god/ fools & boys without learning/ & for the most part men corrupt of mind, & openly known for vycious & lewd disposed people/ which can not also speak the language & tongue of the people: to whom they are made overseers & governors, as being of an other strange nation/ wherefore let the pope make answer to Christ in the. x. of Iohn, which pope against the true election that aught to be made, among other monstrous things which he hath done & doth: hath instytuted two bishops of his own nation & language/ the one bishop of Wynchestre in England, and the other bishop of Land in Denmark/ which can neither of them speak any language, which the people of their dyocesis can understand/ but what manner of persons the same are in learning and manners, it appertaineth not to me nor needeth not me to rehearse/ albeit that the bishop of Land (as it is openly known in Denmark) his church & dyocese being spoiled and rob of all the droves of great beasts necessary to husbandry and tillage of the ground, according as the country requireth: gathering great treasures unto himself by the sale of them, and forsaking his church, is fled from thence, and is returned in to his own region or country. I say let the bishop of Rome make answer, how this pastor or bishop shall call his own sheep by name, knowing the manners and conversation of them, or how shall his sheep follow him by understanding and knowing the voice of his preaching & doctrine? Neither it is needful now to beg or desire bishops or curates of other puynces, because of necessity or lack of men, as it was in the old times. For there were in England men more excellent of good life, and more cunning in holy doctrine, than he/ which being unskilled of the language, and also being no doctoure of divinity, but only being a lawyer & pleader of causes was made governor & overseer unto them. And so likewise in Denmark and in other provinces, of which many open testymonyes might be brought in, in like error/ but I pass over them because of speed & shortness. For who will not marvel or wonder to see young men, ignorant of the scriptures of god, lacking also convenient gravyte of manners, men without experience and learning, and otherwiles openly dyffamed people, to be made bishops, and to be promoted to the highest dygnytyes & offices in the church, through Symonye, or the request and prayer of great men, I do not say otherwiles through fear of great men, or for service done, or for cause of consanguynyte, or affynyte, the doctors of divinity & teachers of the holy scripture, & men approved for the honesty of their life & conversation being put buy or not regarded/ whether these be feigned or false things that I do speak/ he shall easily perceive, which will reckon up the bishops or archebysshops of provinces, the patriatches, and other inferior prelate's/ for he shall not find one among. x. of them/ which is a doctoure of dygynyte, or that is suffycyentlye learned in the holy scripture/ and which thing I am a shamed to speak, although it doth not grieve me to speak it, because it is true. The bishops of these days neither have cunning to preach to the people the word of god, neither to say against the erroneous doctrines of heretics, if any shall happen to rise/ but in the aforesaid chances/ they do shamefully beg and crave the doctrine of other men/ notwithstanding that the doctoure of the gentiles Paul doth say in the third chapytre of the first epistle to Timothe, that a bishop aught to be a teacher, embracing 
A bishop aught to be able to teach.  that faithful word, which is according to doctrine, that he may be able to exhort in wholesome doctrine, and to reprove them which speak against it As the same Paul written in the first chapytre to Tite. And as touching the other inferior prelate's, abbots, and pryores, and other persons, and curates of churches, I take god which is immortal truth, to record: that a great multitude & number of them are without both sufficient virtue of life & also learning/ yea in so moche, that many of them can not speak one sentence congrulye according to the rules of grammar. But they to whom of the fullness of power (for of it I will no we speak again) the greater dygnyties of the church are granted for the most part, and they which are supposed to be sufficient and able to govern them: are lawyers and pleders of causes. These the pope of Rome promoteth to dygnyties, as being profitable persons and defenders of the church, 
Lawyers, lawyers & all lawyers.  which can contend and strive for the conservation & large usurpation of temporal things/ and the doctors of holy divinity he doth reject: as being unprofitable persons. For they are simple men, as he with his college of cardinals doth say: & would suffer the church to decay, and go to waste. Notwithstanding 
Nota.  that in very deed the church is not the temporalles: but the faithful people of Christ/ for which the bishop aught to contend and strive/ and not for the temporalles/ according to the counceyle of Christ & of the apostles/ as it appeareth in the. x. of Iohn, and by the apostles words in the place afore alleged/ and by very many other places of the scripture, which I leave out here, because it is evident enough, and also for the abbrevation of our process for the temporals are not inheritance of the apostles, which they left to the bishops their successors, for to be saved and kept. Neither are emperyall dygnyties, & secular domynyons, the right or lybertyes of the spouses of Christ which right. etc. the bishop of Rome that now is, to defend or rather to offend took a doubtful intricate sentence and after a crafty sophysticall fashion, most unjustly hath anaunced himself against noble Ludovyke coming of the dukes of Bavaria, king of the Romans/ wherefore Barnarde, in the. iiii. chapiter of the second book written to Eugenius, De consideratione, when he had spoken of the diligent cure & charge of souls or churches, which the apostles left to their successors: saith in this wise/ what other thing hath the apostles left? he said, that I have: I do give to the/ what thing is that? one thing I know: it is not gold nor silver. And within a little after the same Bernarde saith/ Be it so that thou mayst challenge these things (that is to wit the temporalles) unto thyself, by whatsoever other way or title, one thing I am assured of, that not by the right or title of an apostle. And again afterwards/ that which he had, saith Bernarde, he gave/ that is to wit the diligent cure & charge (as I have said) upon the churches. But concerning dominion or lordship: here what the said Barnarde saith afterwards/ hath he given dominion or lordship? here what he said himself. Not being lords or having dominion of the clargye: but being made the example of the flock. And because thou shalt not think this to have been spoken only of humility and not also of truth, these are the words of chryst himself in the gospel. The rulers of the gentiles hath dominion upon them: and they which have power over them are called benefycyall/ and it followeth afterwards. But it shall not be so with you/ it is plain here and evident that dominion and lordship is utterly forbidden the apostles. And the thing which is worthy of most marvel, and most to be marked and regarded of all men, and to be redressed and brought again to a dew form and manner, by the princes as being the mynystres of god is the institution of the bishop of Rome, with other bishops, for seldom is a divine choose to be bishop of Rome. But for the most part one is taken of the company of lawyers and pleders of causes/ which thing is utterly contrary to the scriptures of god, and disagreeing from right reason, and most shameful of all things in the face of all churches. So also conveniently, and no less in a manner it is to be marked/ concerning the company of cardinals/ that unto this dignity at taken wanten young men/ and very many of them not learned or skylled in the holy scriptures, notwithstanding that this bishop of Rome and his church or college aught to be an example unto all other. But of these things thus farforth beit spoken/ and now returning to our purpose, whereof we spoke before: let us say that the bishop of Rome, of the fullness of power: doth give the greater multitude of the greatest, the mean, and the smalestest dygnytyes & ecclesyastycall promotions, to unlearned men/ or to them that be ignorant of the holy scriptures and would god that he gave them not, to crymynous persons, as well those that be known of himself, as those that be not known/ to children and infants also through simony other of their own party, or of the intreaters/ or through some other corrupt affection, for the most party. So than the greatest & most principal seats being thus infected, by the promoting, yea and also by the intrusyon of such manner persons: all the other smaller cures or offices belonging to the gift of them, are also through the contagyousnes of them made corrupt and are poisoned. For they being glad of like people unto themselves, as ever like is glad of like, as man of man, horse of horse (as the gentle philosopher said) they set upon the gate of symonye, or of some other unlawful way, by which themselves entered or came in to the ecclesyastical offices: unto other unlearned people and lewd of manners. For they willing to do according to their own manners, which manners dignity hath not changed, but often times hath showed & brought to light: do hate, and reject, eschew, and oppress, holy, ryghttuous, and learned men/ which go not about to enter in to the house of god, by such manner paths: as being enemies unto themselves/ for as Christ which is the immortal truth saith, he that evil doth: hateth the light. And I can not overhip this also/ that the aforesaid bishop, for to purchase and get the love and favour or thanks of great men, and peradventure also for money received beside that, hath promoted certain young men unto bishops in famous cities, notwithstanding that they have been ignorant and unskilled of the law of god, and of other dyscyplynes and sciences, and moreover not promoted to any holy order. And yet for all that saint Iherome saith to Euandre, that priesthood is contained in the offyce of a bishop or overseer. The ecclesyastycall governors than being thus infected, doubtless all the whole mystycall body of Christ is sick and diseased/ for when the prelate's of the churches omytteth and leaveth out exhortations, obsecrations, and increpations, to the other curates, according to wholesome doctrine. And doth commit detestable and abominable things openly, the people is offended, and taketh occasion of synning through the example of them, for as a mark is set up to shoters, so are they, set to be an example to the people/ which thing Chryste considering said in the. u of Mathewe. Let your light so shine in the sight of men, that they may see your good works. And hereof, cometh the rote and first perversyte of the manners used now adays, unto which inconclusyon followeth eternal damnation/ for as Chryste saith in the. u of Mathewe/ if a blind man be guide to a blind man, both do fall in the dyche. But what shall we say of the distribution and bestowing of the temporalles/ where the residue of the said temporalles that is superfluous to suffice the necessity of the ecclesyastycall mynystres, aught to be dystrybuted unto poor impotent beggars, and other miserable people (as every man in a manner doth know) now they are turned in to shameful uses, or to speak more truly in to shameful abuses/ unto which this new kind of almose is one, that the most part of the said temporalles are spent and bestowed upon men of war, both horsemen and foremen: to raise up & to nourish continual wars among chrysten people/ that at the last they may subdue them and make them subjects to their own tyrannycall power. Thus than of the aforesaid things it appeareth, and is evident, that by reason of the fullness of power, the mystycall body of the church/ as touching to the matter or principal members of it specially as (for cause of example) the prelate's, is on every side infected and near to corruption.  
¶ Now to speak of the form or fashion of this body, which form aught to consyste in the order & dew situation of his members: this same body, to him that lust diligently to behold it, & to advise & mark it well: shall seem as an evil favoured and mysshapen monster/ for what man would not judge the body of that beast 
A similitude.  to be mysshapen & unprofitable to convenient operations: in which body every one of the members thereof is immediately joined & knit unto the heed: for the finger or hand, if it be joined & knit immediately unto the heed: because it wanteth his due place, it shall want also his virtue & convenient moving and operation. But it shall not be so if the finger be joined to the hand, and the hand to the arm, and the arm to the shoulder, & the shoulder to the neck, & the neck be knit to the heed by convenient joints. For so the body is made comely in his shap/ and so the heed may send convenient virtue in to the other members, in to one of them by an other, according to the nature & order of them. And the said membres by the reason hereof: may do the operations convenient & belonging unto themselves/ which form and manner we aught to regard in every/ both ecclesiastical and also cyvyle regyment or governance/ for the bishop of Rome can not immediately behold & look upon the syngulare & pertyculare acts of every pertyculare person, in all provinces, & immediately direct them/ but if these things should be done sufficiently & accordingly, they aught to be helped by special mynystres according to a due order/ for the body of the church being so ordered: may continue & also increase/ which thing Paul the doctor of the gentiles perceiving said in this wise in the. iiii. chapiter to the Ephesyans. Let us grow in him which in all points is the heed Christ/ in whom all the whole body being compacted and knit together, by every joint of subministration, according to the operation of every part in his measure, maketh increase of the body/ but by the fullness of power permitted unto the bishop of Rome: all this order or dew form is taken away. For he alsolueth all prelate's archebysshops, bishops, chaptours, collegyes, abbots, freers, monks, and pryours of religious houses from their allegians due unto their prince. And hath subdued all these to his own cure and immediate correction, for no evident profit or utility, but rather (as it is openly known) for greadynes and desire to heap suits or stryves in the law unto himself, to the gathering of money, and to the spoiling and robbing of the prelate's, & also intending the greater subduing of them. But yet how great insolency and pride hath followed thereof in a manner every man knoweth/ for these aforesaid people lacking the cure and obedience dew to their prince are made stubborn dysobedyent, and without the reverence or dread of them, to whom they aught of right worthily to be subjects and obedient/ and taketh also hereof unto themselves, & to other, occasion & liberty to sin more at large/ To this add a new spring or branch of the said rote: that the bishop of Rome of his fullness of power, hath forbidden them which have any ecclesiastical benefice where ever it be, without his licence to make any testaments/ & hath decreed that the goods of them that dieth intestate are to be conveyed & brought immediately unto his see. And add this also which is a greater thing and more of the devil, for it is most large symonye although it be fulfilled after the dead, that by the same power, he reserveth the rents and profits or fruits of all the benefices, in whatsoever places they be, the first year that they are vacant/ gathering after this manner unto himself all the treasures of the world, and robbing all kingdoms and provinces of the same, in which provinces they aught to be dystrybuted to the mynystres of the gospel, and to miserable people, or else to be turned in to the subsydie & secure of the common wealth, whereof they are taken if need shall require/ for herefore they have been ordained and assigned. This again is a more intolerable thing, that he saith, that the legacies or bequestꝭ in the testaments of chrysten say men, for the passage beyond the see, or for other causes, according to the disposition of certain determynate persons, whom they call commyssaryes, doth appertain to his ordering, by the same fullness of power. And no marvel hereof, saying that a certain bishop among them hath said, that he himself hath dominion of all kings, princes, realms, & communities, notwithstanding that in very deed/ none of all the aforesaid things doth appertain unto his power/ and of the same rote, mother & grevouser things than these shall chance to spring up, which can not all be told for the so divers nature of them. For one inconuenyent granted, namely such one in which all other inconuenyencꝭ that may be thought or imagined about cyvyle acts, are contained, it is no hard thing for any other inconveniences whatsoever they be, to chance according to the gentle philosopher Arystotle/ for this full power being due unto him: it followeth, that he may do whatsoever helyste/ wherefore he doth suspend, dysanulle, & revoke, all the ordynations & laws of men at his own pleasure/ which thing, as being the extreme & uttermost inconuenyent, that may be in the worldly regyment & governance: as well sayntis as philosophers hath hated & refused/ as it was proved by demonstration in the. xi. chapiter of the first diction, & also was more largely confirmed in the. u of this dyction/ by the authority of saint Augustyne, in the .vi. chapiter of the first epistle to Timothe. So than by the fullness of power permitted unto him: that whole body of the church is infected/ & the order of all the ecclesiastycall iconomie is broken/ & cyvyle regyment & governance is letted utterly, or troubled in part. Upon the which bishop if chrysten men will cast their eyes (as I beseech them to do) which hath been dusked & bleared many adaye to the most part of them, by a certain cover or cloak & colour of sophistycall honesty: they shallse clearly themselves, who soever hath visyted the court of Rome, or to say more truly, the house of merchandise, or the horrible den of thieves (to use Christ's words) or whosoever hath not visyted it, shall learn by the report of a great many of credyble people: that it is made in a manner the receptacle & sanctuary of all mischievous men, and of merchants both spiritual and temporal/ for what other thing is there, than the concourse of symonyacall people, from all countries? what other thing than the babbling noise of proctors & pleaders of causes, & the assault of quarelers and false accusers, & the vexation of just men? There the justice of innocent people is in ioperdy, or at the lest wise it is so greatly dyfferred & put of, if they be notable to buy it with money, that at the last they being clean beggarde, their money all consumed/ and themselves wearied with innumerable labours, are compelled to give over their ryghtful and miserable causes. There the laws of men thundre and sound loud/ but the law and doctrine of god: other keepeth silence or else soundeth very seldom/ there are treatises, rolls, and rentalles & privy casts devised, how to invade the provinces of chrysten men, & by violence & power of arms to get & to take away the said provinces from them to whose custody they have been lawfully committed. But how to get or win souls: there is no thought nor care/ no counsels at all. Moreover there is none order: but continual horroure inhabyteth and dwelleth there. And I which have been present there and seen the manner, do think in my mind, that I do see that terrible and dreadful Image, which Nabugodonozor did see in his dream (as it is recited in 
The interpre tacyon of the Image which Danyell describeth.  the second chapytre of Danyell) having his heed of gold/ his arms & breast of silver, his belly and his thighs of brass/ and his legs of iron/ and the one part of his feet yearn/ & the other of earth/ for what other thing betokeneth this great Image, than the state of the court of Rome, or of the pope, which in old time was terrible to lewd & evil men: & now is horrible to behold unto good and virtuous men. For the superyoure members of this Image, the heed, the breast, and the arms/ what other thing are they in sight, in affection, and love, than gold and silver and the works of man's hands? And the belly and the thighs of it, what other thing are they: than the great noise and sound of seculare strifes or causes, or of false accusations and quarrels, and of symonyacall byenges and sellynges? for I will not now speak of the thundres & lyghtnynges of curses & excommunycacions, both written, & given forth by mouth against chrysten men/ which do refuse (though ryghtuouslye) to be seculerlye subjecteth unto the bishop of Rome, and to his church, & to give temporal goods unto them. And I beseech the tell me, what other thyngiss at the thighs of brass: than the, pompouse & proud ordynauncꝭ of pleasures, riot, & well near of alvanyties, yea such as are unsemelye for say men? which pompous ordinance they do imprynte in the senses of men: which aught to be the example of chastity and honesty unto all other. And the legs of iron, & the feet and the toes, whereupon the Image standeth and is made fast, being partly of earth: towards what other thing go they, than the usurpation, invasyon, and occupation of seculare domynyons kingdoms, and provinces, by the violent power of armed men, or men harnaysed with yearn/ bringing with them for this purpose the superyoure membres, that is to wit the giving of gold and silver, which provoketh the armed men here unto/ and also bringing with them the brazen belly and thighs, by their lewd promise of such things, and by vocal absolution (though dysceytful) of sins and pains: and by the injust condemnation & cursing (though through gods defence it doth no hurt) of them, which defendeth their own liberty, and are willing to observe their faith and allegyaunce dew to their princes and governors? But the soles of the feet, & the toes being of mould or earth, and by reason thereof brittle and easy to break: what other thing do they represent, than the unconstancy and unstableness of the court of Rome/ what other thing do they signify or betoken, than the feebleness of the occasions (because I will not say the falsytie and iniquity of them, evidently known of all men upon which occasions the pope of Rome groundeth himself, and whereunto he leaneth against the faithful people of Christ for to oppress them? But as the same prophet doth witness and record upon this Image shall fall a stone cut out of an hill without hands, that is to say a king, whom god shall raise up elected by his grace of the university of men, that is to wit by giving to him power, and whose kingdom shall not be given to an other. This king I say more by the virtue or grace of the trinity, than by the work or power of that hands of men: shall first of all, crusshe & break the earthy part of this terrible, and horrible & monstrous Image, that is to wit his feet, where upon he standeth unconuenyently/ that is to wit causing the false and unjust causes and baulde occasions (as I may call them more truly with the poetet) to be known unto all princes and peoples, the sopheme and dysceyte of them being opened and dysclosed, and impungned by human demonstrations, and destroyed and annulled by the veryties of holy scripture/ and afterward shall break the iron partis of the same, by putting away his cruel and wicked power/ and consequently shall 'cause the brazen parts, that is to wit the authority of cursing, which he hath presumptuously taken upon him, upon peoples and princes, and the troublous noise and strife of seculare jurisdictions usurped, and consequently of causes, and vexations, to keep silence and to be dumb. And the excesses and superfluyties of voluptuous pleasures, and the pomps and vanities to cease/ last of all he shall subdue and destroy the gold and silver of the same Image, that is to wit, the covetousness & the robbery of the bishop of Rome. And so according to the mind of the aforesaid profit, the iron, the earth, the brass, the gold, and the silver of the said Image: shall be broken all together/ that is to say, all the vices and excesses of the abovesaid court, shall be quenched and destroyed, as it were straws brent unto ashes and carried away with the wind/ for that thing which is both against nature, and against the law both of god and man, & contrary to all reason: that thing can not long abide or continue.   

¶ how and after what manner the bishop of Rome hath used the aforesaid manners of fullness of power, inespecyall without the ecclesiastical lymytes/ towards say men and towards cyvyle or temporal things.  
The, twenty-five, chapytre,  
Now it remaineth unto us to search out, after what manner and fashion, and in what things, the bishops of Rome have used hitherto, and do use the fullness of power (which they have taken unto themselves) without the ecclesiastical lymytes/ but yet we will first make rehearsal and call to remembrance the usage and customs of the primitive church, and the proceeding of the same, even from the beginner and heed thereof, which is Christ/ and from the first promoters and setters forward thereof the holy apostles. For he, that is to wit Christ, came in to 
what Christ taught.  the world to teach, and also to exercise the offyce of a priest, or of a pastor and feather of souls. For he being the interpretoure and expounder of the law of eternal health: declared breyfly the same law, wherein was comprehended the form and exercise of the sacraments/ the precepts also and counsels of the things to be believed/ of the things to be done/ & of the things which are to be despised and eschewed/ to the inheryting or deserving of eternal felicity or beatitude, which we call eternal life. But as for the judgement of cyvyle or temporal acts, & the offyce of a secular prince or governor: he refused it, & expressly renounced it and commanded or counseyled all the apostles and the successors of him, & them in the offyce aforesaid, to renounce the same likewise/ and expressed, himself, by the ordynation of god, to be subject to the judgement or coactyve power of pricꝭ of this world, with all his apostles/ & they also expressed themselves to be subjects to the said secular pricꝭ, both by their deeds, & also by their words & doctrine/ doctrine/ as it hath been evidently showed by the scripture, & the expositions & auctoryties of saints & doctors, in the. iiii. &. u chapytres of this dyction/ and hath also been somewhat declared by polytyke reasons, in the. viii. &. ix. chapytres of the same. And he exercised also those powers/ and granted the same to be exercised of the apostles, and to their successors in the person of them/ and observed also most high and perfit poverty himself, and taught, commanded, or counseled, them and the successors of them to observe and keep the same, according to the manner before rehearsed and declared.  
¶ This form and manner of living, and of exercising the said offyce according to the aforesaid power: the apostles did observe and keep: as being the children of obedience. The same also the bishops of Rome, and other successors of the apostles hath observed many of them, though not all: well near until the time of Constantyne the first emperor of the Romans. For certain of them did possess lands or lordships/ among whom Orbane the first bishop of 
Orbane was the first bishop of Rome that possessed lands.  Rome, is read to have been the first/ for until his time, the church and college of preestis lived after the manner of Christ's life, and of his apostles/ that is to wit, observing meretor your & most high or perfit poverty. And albeit peradventure that the aforesaid Orbane did this thing principally (that we may judge his intent as cherytably as we may to the best) for pity, & for the succurring and releving of poor people, & for mercy: yet for all that, if he took unto himself the power, to challenge such manner lands or the proventꝭ or rents thereof, afore a coactyve judge: or if he had power and authority to cell the said landis, and to dystrybute the price of them unto poor folk and did not cell and dystrybute them: whether he did it willingly or through ignorance: doubtless he declined & swerved from the most high poverty aforesaid, or from the state of perfection which manner also very many bishops of Rome did follow in this thing: until the time of Constantyne/ In which space of time the bishops of Rome with their college made unto themselves certain ordinations concerning the ceremonies and customs ecclesiastical, as about the divine service, and the honest state of the college and company of priests/ and the same ordinations as being profitable: they did communicate unto other churches, namely to such 
Note this again.  as required them and they did also take upon themselves of pity & charity: the cure and diligence of other churches of the world, according to their possybylytie/ Because that very often times they wanted sufficient governors, postors, or prelate's/ and therefore they did exhort, monysshe, and counsel the people of other churches in those things: which appertained to honesty, to faith, or believe. And the other churches thankfully, kindly, and willingly, received the exhortations and monitions of them. In which churches also, when otherwiles some of the preestis or bishops, or some of the deacons', or of other people were froward, and did not cease from trobling of the other, as touching manners or faith, at the brotherly monytion of them that were present: than peradventure those persons, which were most discrete among them, and willing to live godly and virtuously in Christ, procured excommunications or curses to be given 
How excommunycacyons came first from Rome.  by the bishop of Rome and his church (whose monitions chrystened people most feared, for the causes aforesaid) against rebellyous persons, & to the dystroublers of other men, or otherwise crymynouse persons/ or else the bishops of Rome did it of their own accord undesired: for the zele and love that they had to the faith. Therefore the chrysten people which were in other places, for the most part of them: agreed to obey the bishop of Rome, & his church, for the conservation of the unity of the faith, and of quietness among them selves one of them with an other, because these said things could not be kept by power coactyve, or by any other more convenient way, for as much as that time the human lawemakers in a manner or princes every where was heathen and not chrystened. But when the time of Constantyne the first Emperourr of Rome 
How councils were first congregated and gathered.  was come, which first of all emperors permitted and granted, that chrysten people might assemble and come together openly, than was first made general councils of priests or bysshopes, by the commandment or authority of the foresaid emperor/ by which councils, the doubtful senses, of the holy scripture, were defined and determined and the true senses of the same sequestered, and dyscevered from the false and erroneous senses/ which false, corrupt, and mad senses some of the priests, otherwiles through ignorance, and most communely through superstyciousnes & malice, had sown and sparpled abroad among Christ's faithful people/ in which councils also, ordinations and statutes were made about the ecclesiastical usage and customs, as concerning the divine service, and the honesty and good order of deacons and preestis/ and as touching the promoting of them unto the ecclesiastical offices, as well in separable which they call ordres: as separable which they call prelacyes or cures 
Offices seꝑable and inseparable.  of souls/ and to such other offices incertayne places and provinces/ and also concerning the distribution of the temporalles or benefices, as the oblations and other things which were given unto them, both movables and unmovables for the mynystering of the gospel: the form and manner was determined, set, and appointed in the said councils/ of the which form and manner to be observed and kept: the prince and governor gave or made a coactyve precept, or law, binding every manner man, both priests and say men, by a pain or punishment other real or personal to be done unto the transegressours of it, according as every one did require, for the state & in the state of this present world. 
The canony call laws were first made against priests and not against lay men.  And such manner laws were made against preestis & bishops, more than against other men/ because communely, at that time, they were priests which gave the cause of making such coactyve precepts or laws. And neither the bishops of Rome, neither any other bishops who ever they were, did resist or speak against the human law maker or prince, as being not subjects to the laws and statutes of princes: but always made supply cacyons to princes, that they would make such laws/ as it appeareth by the aforesaid book of Isodorye, and by other approved histories.  
¶ Moreover by the same princes or emperors laws were made and hath been made, concerning the certain number that should be of priests, according to the provinces/ and concerning temporal goods belongnnge to them both movables and unmovables, which hath been given to them (as it is said) by them said constantyne and by the other emperors of Rome, or other princes or governors/ and 
As it is falsely feigned.  successyvely also by some other singular persons. And again concerning the cyvyle or contentious acts of them, albeit the said laws hath been moderated, with special favours of the grace and goodness of the human law makers or princes considering and regarding the dignity and reverence of the order of preesthode, because by it according to the truth the offyce of Christ is represented/ regarding also the gravity of their manners, and the symplycyte and innocency of the parsons, which at that time were ministers of the gospel, 
The privileges of prestis.  and bore the said offyce: even like acts they ordained, and made less rigorous laws for them than for say men, granting unto them also many privileges. For at that time they were in number but few, and devout, & through 
And now they be many & undevoute.  humility and humbleness, easylye giving place, and making no resistance to the assaults of lawyers and pleaders of causes/ nor strengthened and compassed about (as they been now) on every side with violent or armed power for the defence of themselves, & the offending or hurting of other. For in the old time it was a great abomination, and should have seemed a cyvyle monster, if clerks, namely, priests, or bishops, had taken harness or weaponed themselves: or had commanded other men to take on harneys to fight/ wherefore saint Ambrose in the place afore alleged in the. ix. chapiter of this diction: saith thus. I shall 
Ambrose of the armure of priests.  be able, or may be sorry/ I may weep/ I may wail and sigh/ my tears are my armour or weapons, against wars/ soldiers/ and also against the Goths/ for such things are the munymentes strength and aids of a priest/ but otherwise than thus, I neither aught, neither may resist. And for this cause they needed at that time special favours and pryvylegies: that they might live 
But now the contrary needeth.  quietly and safely, and might escape the vexations of quarrels and false accusarers/ howbeit now adays: there is a conversion and change made in this thing, of them, in respect and comparison to say men/ in to the contrary qualytye. So that in the old times, they lived under the laws and cyvyle ordinations of secular princes/ and a long season the whole college or company of 
Mark this you princes, & lose not your hono ● regal.  priests, took of the same princes and of the people: the gifts/ the confyrmations/ and the investytures of their offices/ as of the prelacyes, cures/ and of other like or else of smaller offices/ and also power to dystrybute and bestow the temporalles or benefices. Neither did the bishops of Rome in the old time, strive against the emperors of Rome, for cause of such manner subjections, neither against the people, or partyculer people, being patrons of the churches. For they knew that they were bound to this subjection: by the law of god, and also by the law of man/ as we have showed suffycyentlye by scripture and politic reasons, in the. iiii. u viii. and. xvii. of this diction. For so we read of Symachus being a man of Sarde by birth and nation/ that he being coelected with one Laurence, through discord, was confirmed pope of Rome by the judgement which Theodorichus king, made or did give. So also writeth Martyne, of saint Gregory. This Gregory (saith Martyne) is choose pope, and Mauricius the emperor confirmeth him by his letters emperyall. So also the bishops of Rome, were wont to desire the confirmation of their pryvylegies, humbly, of the emperors/ as it is read of Vitelliane which was a Syguen born/ and of 
Vitellianus papa.  Constantyne which was a Syryane born/ and of very many other bishops of Rome/ yea moreover they were wont to go personally unto the emperors 
Constantyne pope.  by places far dystaunte, for these and other supplications, and their confirmations to be obtained/ as it is read of very many of them in chronicles and approved histories. And also (which is a greater thing) Iohn the. twelve. was deposed 
To this point they would be brought again. Iohn the twelve. pope is deposed by Otto & I pray god that I mayese such things again, both in this land & otherwhere.  from the popeshyp, his demerytes so requiring: by Otto, the first, being emperor, all the people consenting thereunto, both the clergy, & also the say men. So also in the cronycle of Martyne, where he speaketh of Benedicte the. ix. it is read of two, that were elected contenciouslye, and deposed by the emperyal censure and judgement of Henry, which than was emperor of Rome. For to the same principal or cheyfe authority it appertaineth, to depose, & destitute any thing if it shall be expedient, to which it belongeth to instytute it. For asmuch than, as every bishop aught to be elected by the prince, by the authority of the same he may be destytuted or deposed/ as it hath been certyfyed in the. xvii. of this dyction. ¶ The bishops of Rome therefore, and of other provinces, and the priests, and all the college or company of clerks, lived after the example of Christ and of his apostles, under the coactyve jurisdiction, and governance of them: which were princes and rulers. But through the entysement and prycking on of the prince of this world, the first father of pride and ambition, & the suggesture, and butter in mind of all other vices, the devil: certain of the bishops of Rome were deduced, nay rather seduced and brought out from the way of chryst and of the apostles: in to an other clean contrary way. For avarice and covetousness invading and coming in to the minds of them: did thrust out from thence the highest merytoryouse or perfit poverty, which Christ had planted & set in the church. And again pride, and ambition or desire of honour, and of seculare dominion, invading and coming upon the same: hath driven out from thence most high and perfit humility which Christ had commanded & charged to be observed. and kept of the same clergy or universal company of preestis. Among which bishops one Simplicius Tibertinus bishop of Rome is read 
Simplicius Tibertinus was one of the first traitors bishops of Rome.  to have been, the first that suffered this thing/ for this Simplicius taking to him authority, I wot never from whence, albeit that I know certainly, except he be excused by ignorance, whereof he took this rasshe and mysavysed presumption, ordained and decreed, that no clerk aught to take his investiture of a lay man, understanding and meaning the investiture of benefices & offices, of which we have spoken here tofore/ albeit, yet that by his statute and decree it is evidently signified: that his predecessors willing to give dew humility 
investiture.  and reverence to the princes and emperors, were wont to receive the aforesaid investytures of say men. Again an other successoure of his though not next after him, Pelagius the first of that name: ordained & decreed, that heretics 
This good honest man gave the emperor a pygge of his own so we.  should be punished by the secular powers or officers/ of which statute or decree it is also to be marveled, for asmuch as he knew well enough, that such a law was made against heretics, in the time of Justinian emperor of Rome, And because it belongeth not to his auctorytye to make such manner of laws, in that he was a bishop: unless peradventure this thing had been granted to him by the authority of the temporal prince. Therefore likewise as Simplicius aforesaid did: so also did Pelagius put in his scythe in an other man's corn, by usurping the authority unto himself: which appertained unto an 
Adriane the three pope was a worshipful prelate I warrant you.  other man. To whom again Adryane the third succeeded, though not imedyatlye: in the said usurpation/ for he ordained and decreed, that none emperor should intromytte, or meddle concerning the election of the Pope (that we may use the words of the said Martyne) which statute or decree being utterly of no strength, for asmuch as it was made by him that lacked authority to make such manner laws: did contain also an open inconvenience/ as it hath benshewed 
Here you mayese that no writer of histories is to be trusted at all times, & that a man may soon be deceived in them, except he have a right judgement first in scripture. Martin was a freer beggar  in the. xviii. chapiter of this diction beside that that the contrary of it had been roborated and established by long and laudable custom. For albeit that Martyne doth say, where he maketh mention of Leo the. x. that the Romayns of a lewd and wrong custom desired a bishop to be given unto them by the emperor: in that he confesseth it to have been a custom: we grant that the said truth/ but in that of his own authority he calleth it a lewd or crooked custom, intending thereby to iustyfye the aforesaid usurpations of the bishops of Rome and to deface the authority & laws of the emperors, in this he going about to please man, rather than to please god and the truth: saith falsely and untruly/ but he showeth plainly the beginning and mystery of this thing to have been shut up and closed from himself. Neither credence is to be given unto Martyne in this behalf/ for he with his order were partakers of such manner usurpation. For the ordres which they do call begging freets, have obtained or believe that they have obtained of the bishops of Rome, an exemption/ that is to wit, that they are in no point subjects under the jurisdiction of their own pastors the bishops/ or other superyoure prelate's. ¶ But now to return to that whereof we spoke before, it was no lewd nor unlaudable custom, that the bishops of the church of Rome were instytuted by the emperors, as we have said. For we do rede, and they also which labour with the said Martyne, to contrary and to be against this truth, do confess or grant, that this authority, and after a larger manner than is aforesaid: hath afterwards been granted to Charlemagne/ and to Otto the first king of Almaigne, & emperor of Rome, by all the people of Rome/ as by the bishop, the clargye, and other secular people wherefore it is read in approved histories, and it is true also that this decree following came forth by the common consent of the people of Rome. Leo pope in the synodye which was congregated at rome, in the church of saint saviour, according to the example of blessed Adryane, bishop of the apostolic see, which granted unto lord Charles the most vyctoryous king of France & Lombardy the dignity of a senator, and the ordination and the investiture of the apostolic see. I also Leo the servant of the servants of god, bishop, with all the clargye & the people of Rome, do constytute, confirm, and roborate, & by our apostolic authority do grant & give to Otto the first king of Almaigne, & to his successors of this realm or empire of Italye forever, as well power to choose a successoure unto themself, as also to ordain and assign the bishop of the apostolic see/ & by this also to ordain arch bishops or bishops/ so that they shall take their investiture of him, and their consecration of them of whom they aught to take it. Only these excepted whom the emperor hath granted to the pope and to archebysshops. And that no man from henceforth, of what so 
This he means of bishops within the emperors dominion for else the emperor hath naught to do in the leccyon of bishops in England. This punysment would be put in ure. Steven. Nicholas.  ever dygnytie, religion, or holiness he be: shall have power to elect other senatoure, or bishop of the highest apostolic see, or to ordain any other bishop, who soever he be, without the consent of the said emperor/ which for all that shall be made without any money/ and that he shall be senator, and also king. And if it so chance that any bishop be elected by the clargye, except he be lauded & allowed of the aforesaid king, & have his investiture of him: let him not be consecrated/ if any man do enterprise or go about any thing agynst this authority, we have decreed him to be under excommunication/ & accursed/ and except he shall repent, to be punished with perpetual exile or banysshement/ or else to be punished with the extreme punysshementꝭ or death. This decree also Steven the pope successor unto the aforesaid Leo hath confirmed/ & also one Nicholas the successor of Steven/ commanding it to be observed & kept under the pain of the terrible curse/ that is to wit that the transgressors & brekers of it ought to be accounted among the wicked men, which shall not rise again in judge meant/ as the profit saith in the first psalm. And of this decree it is specially to be noted, that this authority concerning the investytures, which the bishop of Rome with the whole people did translate unto the emperor: as touching on the pope's party: was a certain renuncyation. For the first and principal authority hereof was and is appertaining to the emperor, which had than granted to the pope this authority of giving the investiture unto bishops and arch bishops. For because all temporal things, by whom soever they shall have been translated in to any manner church: as touching to this thing, were & are subject to the prince of the province in which the said temporalles are sytuate or lyenge. And this is signified by the aforesaid decree, where it is said, except those, whom the emperor hath granted to the pope and archebysshoppe. So also to instytute the bishop of the apostolic see, appertaineth to the power and authority of the emperor. This notwithstanding certain bishops of Rome usurping the jurisdiction of the peoples and princes, aswell in the making or giving, as in the laws given, have enterprised to make, promulgate, or publysshe these laws, though unduly and wrongfully/ and by little and little have proceeded and go forward in them/ namely the emperyall see being vacant/ whereupon commonly and for the most part, & for the occupation of certain temporalles (so far as may be perceived by the chronicles, or approved histories) strifes have been raised up between the emperors and the pope's of Rome. Howbeit 
The bishops of rome have caused moche strife debate and blood shedding.  the said bishops in this have done against the council or precept of chryst and of the apostles/ which in that they aught to succeed the apostles in the offyce of preesthode or apostleshyp: they aught also to observe and keep most high poverty and humylytie/ but they turning out in to a certain other way, & contrary to it, through ignorance, or malice, or through both, as we have showed here tofore: have begun this immortal and perpetual contention or strife against the said emperors which same contention most of all among all other, a certain bishop of Rome called Paschalis, began against Henry the. iiii. king 
Pope Pascal a good man but small  of Almaigne. For as the histories do record the said bishop did prohybyte the said Henry to come up unto the emperyall dignity/ reysing up against him the people of Rome, until such time as the aforesaid Henry being in Tusky, by ambassadors and letters, did grant in a manner by compulsion, unto the same bishop, the investitures and institutions of all bishops, abbots, and all other clerks. Of which Henry again, the aforesaid pope requiring an oath, after he was entered in to the city, concerning the things, which he had extorted & got of him by compulsion: was taken, and all his college of Cardynalles/ and in conclusion being delivered: had peace with the aforesaid emperor. Against whom he raising again the old strife: had moche to do to end it at the last, with great labours and pains.  
¶ But (as Martyne telleth) the aforesaid emperor repenting (to use the words of the same Martyne) & waxing wise again: freely resygned by the staff and the ring, to one Calyxte the successoure of Paschal, the investiture of bishops 
Calixte pope  and of other prelate's/ and granted that canonycall election should be made in all churches throughout the whole empire/ and all the possessyones and regalles of saint Peter, which through his discord, or any other strife or debate 
He dared none other do then, but I think that freer Martyne lieth. Otto the. iiii. emperor.  with the church had been alienated: he restored to the church of Rome/ and disposed and ordered, that all other possessions aswell of clerks as of say men, which by the occasion of war had been taken away: should be faithfully and truly restored again/ which said grants or privileges, Otto the. iiii. and Frederyke the second emperors of Rome, afterwards willing (for a lawful cause peradventure) to revoke, or revoking utterly, or else in part: suffered very many dysceyptes, persecutions, and impedymentes or vexations of the bishops and of the clargye of Rome. And some of their predecessors have not been helped 
Frederyke the second.  by the people, subjects unto them, by the reason that the rule and regyment of the bysshppes of Rome, or of their officers and mynystres, hath otherwiles tasted peradventure of tyranny. This than (as we have said) is and hath been the first and principal occasion, and noryssher of the present strife & discord between the emperors and the pope's of Rome/ which enemyties and dyscordes, on the behalf of the emperors and other princes have many times been cessed, upon a blind zeal toward the law of god, and for fear that else they might be taken of other as heretics and rebellyons against the holy church, as men call the clargye. But the bishops of Rome will for all that unduelye and excescessyvely possess temporal things, and not be under the laws, statutes, or decrees of the emperors clean against the example and doctrine of chryst and his apostles/ as it hath been showed here tofore. Notwithstanding that they ought not only in these things which are not their own, but also in things being their own, rather to give place: than to contend and strive/ according to the counsel which Paul giveth to all chrysten men in the. vi. chapiter to the Corynthians where he saith thus. Is there not one man among you, which may judge between brother and brother: but doth one brother strive with an other brother in judgement, and that afore infidels? Truly in so doing you declare sin to reign in you/ why have you iudgementis between you? why do you not rather take wrong? why do you not rather suffer hurt or loss? and it followeth afterwards 
Be not angry.  in the same place, which may conveniently be said, well near unto all the bishops of Rome, and to all other clerks. But you do wrong and work dysceypte, and that to your chrysten brethren. Do you not know: that unjust persons, shall not possess the kingdom of god? Be not beguiled or do you not mistake or err. Neytheyr fornycatours, neither worshippers of Imagies, neither adulterers/ neither bouggardes, using the sin of the sodomytes/ neither thieves/ neither covetous men/ neither dronkerdes/ neither evil sayers/ neither extortioners and robbers, shall possess the kingdom of god. Which saying or counsel of saint Paul, the bishops of Rome with the residue of bishops & clerks, little marking or regarding, if at any time they think themselves to be grieved by the emperors of Rome, by reason of taking of tithes or of such temporal trybutes, to the sustentation and maintaining of their soldiers, the necessity of war being toward and near at hand: for the favour and benefit of temporal things, which they have received and taken, gracyouslye given unto them by the emperors of Rome, they being lifted up in to pride, ignorant of their own condition & estate, and most unkind of all unkind men, of a certain unbrydeled presumption, have brest forth in to horrible blasphemies and cursynges, aswell against the emperors: as against the chrysten people subjects unto them. Albeit the said curses have returned again unto their own wretched souls and bodies, rather than have hurted the emperors & the innocent flock of chrysten people.  
¶ And they not being contented with the temporalles granted unto them by 
The bishops of Rome been thefes and robbers.  the emperors/ through the unsacyable desire which they have unto such things, have violently entered upon many of the temporal provinces appertaining to the right of the emperor/ as the temporalles of the cities of Romandiole/ and of Farrarie and Bononie/ also of the lands and other jurisdictions: specially when the emperyall seat hath been vacant. And (which thing is 
Tyranny & usurpation  the uttermost inconuenyent of all cyvyle inconuenyentes) they have made themselves princes and lawmakers, to the end that they might bring kings and peoples in to their bondage, most intolerable/ and shameful. For the most part of them descending and born of a low and vile stock or lineage, whiles they are taken to the state and dignity of the pope, not knowing or skylled in secular governance, and as ignorant in the ordering of riches, being also undyscrete persons, and lately made rich, are now made or become importable & intolerable unto all chrysten people.  
¶ Moreover believing that it was lawful for them to do what soever they lust by reason of the fullness of power, which they do challenge as dew unto themselves: they have made, and do make certain Oligarchicall ordinations, called decretals/ by which they do decree such things to be observed and kept/ as they suppose to be agreeing unto the temporal profit of themselves, & of their clerks, & other say men, of the exemption whereof we have spoken though they be to the great preiudyce, of all princes, and other chrysten men. And who soever are dysobedyent unto these decretals: they do strike them, as we have said before, with their sentence of curse, other by mouth or else by writing. yea more 
O shame of all shames.  over some of them have braced forth at the last in to so great madness that by these their decretals, they have pronounced all the princes and peoples of the world to be subjects unto them by coactyve jurisdiction/ and that every manner man is bound of the necessity of eternal salvation, to believe that this is true/ which thing for all that, how greatly it is worthy to be mocked and laughed to scorn I have showed heretofore.  
¶ These excesses and trespasses than, which we have rehearsed to have been done by the bishops of Rome, with the college or company of their clerks, against all princes and peoples, though most largely, and manyfestlye against the people of Italye, and the princes and emperors of Rome: they are willing to conserve/ 
Obstynacye.  and as obstinate people frowardly to defend/ & not only these: but also they are willing and goth about with all care and diligence to seche or get unto themselves the same excesses, or else greater excesses preconceyved, and desired against other kingdoms/ and doth give also hereunto all the outward 
As against England.  loboure and diligence, that they dare. And they verily considering and knowing well enough (though they do dyssemble it and with certain rethorycall colours and cloaks of words do go about both to obscure and deny it) that it belongeth to the authority of the princes and their parlyamentes, to give and to take away what soever privileges or grants hath been made unto them/ yet when soever it shall seem expedient to the emperor and his counsel to receive at Rome his crown emperyall, then as traitors untrue with all malicious diligence and enforcement they do prohybyte and let the creation and promotion of the emperor of Rome: because they know the unkindness and demerytes of themselves or else of their predecessors, for which they do fear least their privileges and grants shall be revoked, and taken from them by the emperor/ and that they shall suffer punysshementes such as they have deserved. And again, by the reason of the said fear and dread, and because that by the aforesaid privileges there was no way open unto them, to get or enter upon the domynyons, iurysdyctions, and possessions of other kingdoms with out cavillation/ for that that the emperors privileges doth not bind other princes, as being of as great power as he, within their own domynyons they have therefore I say sought and go about to enter unto these things by a certain other craft & subtel medytation and devise. For they have taken upon them the title, which they preach openly of themselves/ and which they go about, to make the instrument of this wickedness and mischief, that is to wit, the fullness of power, which they do say to be granted syngulerlye unto themselves by Christ in the person of saint Peter the apostle. whose successors they say themselves to be. By which cursed title, and sophysticall oration, because 
Fullness of power is an execrable title.  it may be taken diverse ways, & as being false. in all senses & always & at all times to be denied of all chrysten men: they have hitherto deceived, & doth new deceive & goth about more & more to beguile and deceive, & to bring under their servitude and bondage, all the princes, and people's collegyes, and syngulare persons of the world. For after the bishops of Rome had taken this said title of full power unto themselves, first of all in that sense, after which, fullness of power seemeth to betoken for the unynersall cure of all souls, or the offyce of general pastor or herds man, and again in the sense after which it betokeneth power to absolve all men severally from all sins and pains, under the colour and appearance of pity, charity, and mercy: from these, by little and little, and secretly, as we have declared in the. xxiii. chapiter of this diction they have go further/ and at the last have taken unto themselves this title in and after that signification, by which they do understand by fullness of 
Folnes' of power, full enough I trow: and if the devil be not in it.  power, universal authority, and highest jurisdiction or coactyve governance and dominion of all princes and peoples, and all temporal things/ taking the beginning and ground of such fullness, by the metaphorycall and allegorycall expositions, whereof we have spoken in the. u part of the. xxiii. chapiter of this diction. And this is an evident and manifest sign to all men, that the bishops of Rome doth according to this sense, ascribe unto themselves, and brag themselves to have fullness of power, that is to wit that they will have the authority of highest jurisdiction, or coactyve domination, over all princes, peoples & partyculer people, to be agreeing and appertaining unto themselves by this fullness of power. For in the. seven. book of their narrations, which they do call decretals/ in the title Desentencia et re iudicata, Clement 
Desentemcia et re iudicata.  the. u pope of Rome, which is entitled the maker thereof, and he which afterwards published the same, being called the successoure of the same Clement asmuch as in them was, revoking a certain sentence of the most honourable Henry the. seven. emperor of the Romans, among other things, after very many words of contumely, rebuke, and irreverence there promised, after their wont and accustomed manner, both by word of mouth and also in wrytyngis against the said Henry: at the last (I say) they bring for that this sentence following. We as well by the superyoryte, which it is undoubted that we have in comparison to the empire, as by the power and authority in which we do succeed 
Marsilius of padway, the herolde of truth.  the emperor, the empire being vacant, and also by the fullness of that power, which Christ the king of kings and lord of lords hath granted to us though unworthy in the person of saint Peter: do declare by the council of our brethren, the sentence and processes aforesaid, and what soever hath followed of them or by the occasion of them, to have been, and also to be utterly 
Here all kings take heed, if you will not have your crowns pulled of your heads, or the succession of your bodies betrayed, for in y● decretallꝭ is manifest treason conceived against you all, & eke the succession of your bodies.  void and of no strength. And because the dysceypte and gyle of these bishops shall not from hensforthe be hid and unknown. I as the common proclaymour and cryere of truth, do cry strongly and say unto you kings, princes, peoples, and men of all nations and languages, that the pope's of Rome with the company of their clerks by this their decretals being most openly false as touching to every supposition of it do the most high preiudyce that may be, unto you all/ for they do go about to bring you in to their subjection, if you shall suffer that Decretal to remain, and namely to have the virtue and strength of a law. For mark well this/ it followeth of necessity, that he which hath principal authority to revoke the sentence of any manner prince or judge: hath also jurisdiction and coactyve dominion upon the same prince or judge/ and hath authority and power to instytute and to depose him from kingdom rule, and governance. But the pope of Rome ascribeth this authority unto himself, over all princes and kingdoms of the world indyfferentlye/ for by that full power and auctorytye, which he saith that Chryste hath granted to him in the person of saint Peter: he hath revoked the cyvyle sentence of the aforesaid Emperor of Rome Henry/ which power, it followeth of necessity, to have been granted to him, no less upon other kings and governors of the world, than upon the emperor of the Romans. For Christ no less hath been is, or shallbe king and lord of other kings and princes or governors: than of the king & governor of the Romans/ which thing also their own speech or scripture witnesseth openly, when they do say or write, king of kings, and lord of lords. For if their saying or writing were under this form, syngulerlye, that of the fullness of power granted unto them by Christ king and lord of the king or emperor of Rome. etc. By this peradventure might the exception of other kings and kingdoms be somewhat perceived and comprehended. But now for asmuch as they pronounce this sentence plurally, absolutelye, and indyfferentlye, even as it is written of the evangelist (though not to that sentence or purpose, which the bishops of Rome do intend) by it there can be made none exception of any king or governor/ no more than they themselves do understand or mean any prince to be excepted from it, but every one to be contained in it/ as in an other place their predecessoure Boniface the. viii. did plainly and dystynctely express/ and we have brought in his saying here tofore. To whom yet let no man continue envious minded for their saying or writing. And albeit that the evangelist said true, when he called Christ the king of kings and lord of lords, yea if he had said also of all creatures: yet for all that he said and written a false and an open lie, and contrary to the many fist and evident sentence of Christ, and of the apostles Peter, and Paul, & james, which said and affirmed the foresaid full power of dominion or of coactyve jurisdiction, or any such power at all to be given in the person of saint Peter or of any other apostle, to the bishop of Rome, or else to any other bishop. But such manner of power is, hath been, and shall be utterly for bidden to the bishop of Rome, and to all other bishops in the person of what soever apostle he be, as we have undoubtedly certyfyed by the scripture and the auctoryties of saints, in the. iiii. u and. ix. of this dyction. But in that new feigning, and which was never afore hard of any man, the bishop of Rome no less falsely 
The bishop of Rome is both false & presumptuous.  than presumptuously, is not afraid to speak openly against his own mind, & against the mind well near of all chrysten men, being partakers of this consideration, whiles he doth styffely affirm, that it is undoubted, himself to have superyoryte (as he intendeth & means) of coactyve jurisdiction or dominion in comparison unto the emperor of Rome. And again that the empire being vacant: he succeedeth the said emperor of Rome. For by these words is manifestly showed the wrongful and unjust usurpation of the emperyall iurysdyctions, which the bishops of Rome hitherto have exercised, and now adays do exercise: namely when the emperyall see is vacant. For who is so far from shamefastness and utterly shameless, as to say that thing to be undoubtedly true, which thing, was never afore hard, neither hath been strengthened and confirmed by the law of god or of man, or by right reason/ and whose contraryety according to the said laws and right reason: hath always been conceived and spoken forth as a token of the truth believed of all men? wherefore likewise (as the proverb of physicans is) as he doth heal most men, of whom most men have confidence and trust: so may we say in very deed he is willing to deceive & beguile 
Asymylitude  most men, to whom most credence is given now adays.   

¶ Now the bishop of Rome hath used the same fullness of power, more specially, against the emperor, and the empire of Rome.  
The, xxuj. chapiter,  
THus than the bishops of Rome have so used hitherto the aforesaid fullness of power, continually, ever longer worse and worse, and so do still, but yet most of all against the emperor & empire of rome. For against him they may most largely exercise thus their wickedness, that is to wit of subduing the empire unto themselves: by reason of the discord which hath been hitherto raised up, and continually is raised up and norysshed by those men which been called pastors or most holy fathers, 
The frutis of oh ● holy herdesmen or bishops.  Between the inhabytantes of the empire among themselves: and also against their prince. And again because this empire being once subdued unto them: they suppose and believe, that they may easily have a way open to subdue other kingdoms also/ and yet are they most largely and syngulerlye bound to the emperor & empire of rome: for benefits received of them, as it is known unto all men. But that we may speak a thing not unknown to any man or neding my words or testimony, they smitten with covetousness, with pride, and ambition, and by unkindness made worse than ill, search and go about all manner ways: to prohibit and let the creation of the romayne emperor: yea and in conclusion go about to destroy his empire or else go about to translate it in to an other form or fashion, being subject unto them, and this they do lest the excesses might be corrected and redressed, which they have commit against the empire, by the authority and power of the said prince or emperor, & jest also themselves might suffer chastysment according to their deservings. And though for that intent which we have said, they do evidently lay some manner stop or impedyment unto the aforesaid emperor, yet gylefullye they pretend an other thing, to cover and hide this their intent/ saying that they do it, to defend the right and lybertyes of the spouse of Christ, that is to wit of the church/ but this pypyked pyetie & sophistycall devotion is to be laughed to scorn. For I am that 
The spouse of chryst, and the church must be a cloak to cover alwyckednes.  temporal things, yea rather their covetousness, their ambition, and desire of jurisdiction or dominion, is not the spouses of chryst neither have Christ coupled it unto himself by matrimony, but hath expressly refused and forsaken it/ as it hath been here tofore declared by divine scriptures. Neither is it the inheritance which the apostles have left to their true and unfeigned successors, as saint Batnarde saith openly and plainly to Eugenius pope in the book De 
The spouses of Christ. Barnarde  consideratione & in the. iiii. chapiter. This is Peter (saith Barnarde) which is not known to have come forth at any time, other adorned and decked with precious stones or silks/ or covered with gold/ or riding on a white palfray, neither guarded with men of war/ neither compassed about on every side with seruauntis making noise/ and yet without those things he supposed, that him 
The pope's have succeeded not Peter but Constantine or rather Ninroth that cruel thief & tyrant.  self might sufficiently fulfil that wholesome commandment or charge, if thou lovest me feed my sheep. In these things that is to wit gold, precious stones, & other temporal things, thou art successor not to Peter, but to Constantyne. So than by striving for temporalles, the spouse of chryst is not defended/ for the pope's of rome that are now adays do not defend, but offend the very spouse of Christ/ that is to wit the catholic faithful multitude of chrysten people, and they do not save and keep: but do defile and blemysshe the beaultie and fairness of this spouses/ that is to wit the unity thereof, whiles by sowing cockele and scysmes, they do tear the membres thereof, and do dyssever them one from an other. And whiles also they do not admit and receive the true accompanyers and waiters upon Christ, poverty, & humility, but done utterly exclude them, they do show themselves not to be the mynystres of the spouse, but rather his enemies. The bishops of Rome therefore going about to subvert and destroy this empire, do suppose the thing, which we have brought in here afore of their own narrations called decretals, 
Treason toward the emperor of Rome in the decretals.  that is to wit, that themselves, by the law of god, or of man, or peradventure by both, have superiorite in comparison to the prince or emperor of Rome other being already created, or else to be created/ and that the emperyall power or jurisdiction doth appertain unto them when the empire is vacant/ which suppositions for all that, are most evidently false/ and strengthened by no law of god or of man, or right reason/ but the contrary of them hath been proved by demonstration in the. twelve. of the first diction, and hath also been more largely confirmed by scripture in the. iiii. u and. ix. of this diction. And the occasion of these suppositions, nay rather presumptions with other aforesaid was a certain superfluous yea superstycyous devotion/ for it fondly pleased/ certain of the princes and emperors of Rome sins the time of Constantyne friendly 
The coronation of the emperor.  and amyablye to signify and give knowledge of their election unto the bishops of Rome/ that in the person of the bishops, they giving syngulare reverence to Chryst: they might obtain of chryst by the intercessyon of the bishops (as they thought) larger benediction and grace to govern their empire. And in 
Let all kings by this take heed how they suffce the bishops to exercise any ceremonies about or upon them, yea or bishop upon bishop under what colour of holiness so ever it be, for in conclusion an other day if they may come a loft, they will challenge thereby a certain power and make thereof a certain refygyon necessary holiness and a law of god.  the same manner or much like, certain emperors of Rome for a solemnity and sign of their intronization or coronation, and for the more large grace of god to be obtained: have caused the emperyal diadem to be put upon their heads, by the bishops of Rome/ which setting on of the diadem, who will say that it giveth to the bishop of Rome more authority upon the emperor: than it doth to the arch bishop of Rhone over the king of France? For such manner solempnyt●es do not give authority: but they do sygnifie that authority hath been had or given. Of this reverence than so given by the emperors of their own free wills, the bishops of rome oftentimes seeking those things which are not their own: have brought in a custom, & to say more truly an abuse by reason of the symplycite (because I would not say the cowardenes and dastardnes) of the princes & emperors, to call the approbation of the person elected, and the benediction which they sent upon the same person by word of mouth or in writing, the confirmation of the election aforesaid. And whiles the emperors of rome in the old time did nothing regard nor take heed, what preiudyciall intent and purpose was hid under this manner of so calling it: the pope's of rome have so secretly and privily brought it in from time to time, yea & now doth it openly, that no man, be he never so conveniently elected king of the Romans, may be called king neither yet may have or exercise the authority of the king of the Romans, except he shall have been approbated before by the bishop of rome/ which approbation rests only, in the will and pleasure of the bishop of rome as he himself saith, because he recognyseth or knowledgeth no man here in earth to be superior or equal to himself in such manner judgement. Neither he is bound (as he saith) to follow the counsel of his brethren whom he calleth cardinals in this thing or in other things, albeit that he doth use their counsel, but that he may do contrary to their counsel in what soever things if he list, of the fullness of his power.  
¶ But in this the bishop of Rome after his own wont and manner, concludeth false of true things, and evil of good things/ for it doth not follow, because the emperor through devotion of his own free will gave this reverence to the bishop of Rome, that he gave him knowledge of his election, and desired his benediction and intercessyon unto god: that therefore the election of the emperor of Rome hangs of his will and pleasure. For this should be none other thing than to loose or destroy the empire of Rome, & perpetually to prohybyte or let the creation of the emperor or governor. For if the authority of the king or prince elected, should hang only of the will and pleasure of the bishop of Rome: than is the offyce of the electors utterly void and of no strength, for as much as he that is elected by them, neither is emperor, neither may be called king or emperor, afore that he be confirmed by his will or authority, who is said to sit in the see apostolic/ neither may he that is so elected exercise any regal auctotytie. Yea and moreover (which is a very painful thing, not only to suffer but also to hear) it shall not be lawful to any man so elected, to take unto himself so moche as his cotidiane and daily charges of the proventes of the empire: with out the licence of this said bishop/ what other authority than doth the election of the princes, give unto the emperors, than only the name: saying that the determination of them hangs upon the will and pleasure of one man alone, that is to wit the bishop of Rome. For seven barber's/ or seven blere iyed men might give as much authority unto the king or emperor of Rome, as doth the. seven. electors/ but yet let no man think, that we do speak thus to the contempt of the electors/ but to the mocking and derision of him, that would deprive them of the authority dew unto them/ for he is ignorant, what is the virtue & nature of an election, and for what cause the power and authority of the said election doth consyste and rest in the bigger part of them that aught to elect & those the emperor, and that the effect thereof neither aught, neither may depend or hang upon the will of any one man alone, if it shall be reasonably instytuted/ but only it shall hang upon the will of the electors. So than the bishop of rome evidently is willing to destroy the offyce of the electors, all though he goth about by meruaylouse craft and subteltye, to blind, cirumvent or beguile them. For he saith in certain of his scriptures, that no man being elected to be king of the Romans is king or aught to be called king, afore his conformation/ the authority whereof he saith to belong to his own free power. And he means also that the institution of the electors, also doth belong to the same authority. For the same bishop as he saith hath translated the empire from the Greeks, in to the person of great Charles otherwise called Charles main. And again in other certain decrees where he saith plainly that a certain emperor which was elected by them, was by Christ and his apostolic see deprived of all the authority, which the electors might give unto him/ he putteth afterwards craftelye and gylefullye these words. And yet we will not that by this any preiudyce be gendered to the electors, or to their offyce. And yet he doth manyfestlye preiudyce unto them/ nay rather to speak more truly: he doth anulle their offyce utterly, in that he said before, that by their authority: the regal authority of the Romans is given unto no man/ and again in that that without their consent and determynation he doth deprive him, that was elected by them: of the right and the authority of the election given to him by them/ and so mocking and beguiling them he doth none otherwise preiudyce unto them, than he doth hurt one, that pulleth out hisiye: although he do say, that he will not hurt him, when he doth so.  
¶ Again to ascribe this confirmation of the emperor elected, unto himself and to say that without the said confirmation no man is emperor, nor aught to be called king or emperor, nor aught to mynystre the things appertaining to the emperor, that is none other thing, than to prohybyte perpetually the creation and promotion of the said prince or emperor/ or else to bring the said empire holly in to the servitude and bondage of the bishop of Rome/ for the bishop of Rome if he list not: will never approve or confirm any man that is elected king or emperor of the Romans, for as much, as he affirmeth himself to be superyoure unto all men/ and in this thing to be under no college or syngulare person/ now shall he never list or be willing to approve or confirm any man elected/ because that afore he doth approve him, which is elected king or emperor, he will require of him promises and oaths. And among other he will require the oath, whereby the emperor shall say and express himself to be subject unto the said bishop, in fealty, or temporal and coactyve jurisdiction. And he will require also the unlawful and unjust occupations of certain provinces, to be kept and maintained unto himself by the said elected emperor/ and this thing he will require to be promised and confirmed by the oath of the said elected emperor/ which unlawful promises and oaths, being not possible to be made, neither to be held, and kept after they 
The unlawful oaths of the emperors to the bishop of Rome.  are made, saving the conscience of the emperors majesty, and the lawful oath given or made in his creation to conserve and maintain the liberties of the empire. Never any man being elected emperor will give or make to the bishop of Rome, or to any other bishop, except he be more soft and cowardlye than a woman/ and also manyfestlye perjured in swearing and promising such manner things/ wherefore none of the emperors elected, shall ever be created emperor of the Romans, or shall deserve the name of the emperor: if the regal or emperyall authority of the persons elected doth hang of the bishop of Rome/ For as long as the said bishop may let and prohybyte them (though he doth this unjustly, and seeking those things which appertain not to him) no question but he will let them/ both by his words, and also by his works & deeds/ so long as he may. And yet there followeth also a more grievous preiudyce & more untolerable hurt than these aforesaid/ that all princes communities, & singular persons which been subjects to the emperor been by this reason also subjects to the empire & dominion of the bishop of Rome. For saying that the said bishop doth say & affirm himself to succeed the aforesaid emperor in offyce, the emperyal seat being vacant: it followeth of necessity, that it belongeth to the authority of the said bishop, to exact and require oaths of fidelite of all princes, and other that oweth fealty to the emperor and to compel them to make or give the aforesaid oaths/ and also to demand of the same, trybutes and other seruycꝭ, which hath been wont to be done by the same unto the emperors of Rome, with other things which the said bishop shall list to fain, to be dew unto himself beyond the custom, of his fullness of power, which he saith openly to belong unto himself. And it followeth also that the collation, or giving of pryncedomes, of fees, and of other lybertyes, which the emperor of Rome may give, for default of hairs male, or for any other reason or cause: doth likewise appertain to the authority/ of this said bishop, the emperyall seat being vacant. Yea it followeth moreover (which is most preiudycyall and most grievous thing of all) that when the emperyall see is vacant, which after the power and diligence of the bishops of Rome shall perpetually be vacant: the princes, colledgies, communities, and syngulare persons which are subjects to the empire of Rome, contending and striving cyvyly one with an other, by the reason of appellations coming between/ or through complaints made of them brought unto the court of the bishop of Rome/ as well real as personal shall be compelled to come to the court of the said bishop by his citations/ and there to abide cyvyle and temporal judgement. And no prince community or judge being subject to the emperor of Rome shall be able to put any sentence: by the reason that the people condemned shall always, to stop such execution, appeal from the temporal sentences of them unto the court of Rome. And if they that be subject to the empire of Rome, will not obey the said bishop or be under him in the aforesaid things (as they are not bound) than the said bishop shall continually without ceasing, and with all malicious and froward enforcement, pursue them by sentemcꝭ as they are called of cursynges, of blasphemies/ of excommunications/ of heresies/ of interdictions/ and last of all of being deprived and losing of their temporal goods/ making such manner temporalles common, and granting them to who soever shall be able by any manner way to pluck them away/ and by granting to them that doth pursue such persons with all their subjects, and adherentes, and which also by whatsoever mean can kill or slay them: false and dysceyptfull pardon of all manner 
Pardons.  sin and pain/ and also by absolving (though heretycally) the subjects of them from their oaths other afore given, or afterwards to be given unto 
Absolutions  the said princes. And if the bishop of Rome, pretending after his wont manner, the cure and love of the people, shall say, that therefore it appertaineth unto 
An objection  himself, to confirm or allow the election of the emperor of Rome, lest peradventure an heretic might climb up unto the emperyall dignity. Which by the reason thereof would do very much hurt to the community of chrysten people: verily answer is to be made unto him conveniently, that the said election needeth 
Answer.  not therefore to be allowed of him for asmuch as the same election is celebrated and made by. iii solemn archebysshops of Christendom (which each one of them hath taken as great authority of preesthode, or epyscopall power of Christ, as hath the bishop of Rome. And also by. iiii. seculare chrysten princes, with whom, when the aforesaid religious pastors or prelate's do agreed together: than the election of the aforesaid emperor is made perfit. And it is not like to be true, that these. seven. will so err or be moved by perverse intention or corrupt affection, as doth the will of the bishop of Rome alone by himself, which thinketh & supposeth, that he may of right, leave unto his own judgement alone, by the reason of that fullness of power, which unaccordyngely he doth ascribe unto himself. For so he might at his pleasure judge whom soever he list to be an heretic, and so deprive him of the right of his election/ by reason whereof the offyce of the princes electors should be made void/ and the creation and promoting of him that is elected should be always prohybyted and letted for the causes aforesaid. But yet the case put, that according to the mind of our adversary, the emperor of Rome other afore or after his election hath fallen or doth fall in to heresy, and that the princes electors had no knowledge thereof: yet it is to be said, that the judgement or correction of him doth in no wise therefore appertain to the bishop of Rome. Moreover it is to be demanded, 
Not nor yet to any other creature or creaturis living  why the abling of other kings doth not belong also to their said judgement and power of approbation. For I dare be surety, that they do intend this also, though they dare not as yet attempt it or set upon it, but do wait a meet and a convenient time therefore/ whereof also peradventure we shall speak somewhat. So than of these said false suppositions, not we last of all a certain one called pope of Rome entering in to the way of error and iniquity with all his study and inforcementes letteth and prohybyteth noble Ludovic descending of the dukes of Bavaria, which, is elecced king of the Romans: to proceed unto quiet possession of the high emperyall dignity. For the said Ludovic both by his word and also by his deed, killeth and destroyeth, & not with out a cause, the suppositions of the aforesaid bishop. For albeit that he hath not yet been approved or confirmed by his words or writings, as we have evidently showed here before, neither needeth to be confirmed: yet that not withstanding from the time of his election made and published by the electors hither to continually: he hath caused, and doth cause himself to be written and named king of the Romans, as in very deed and according to the troth, he is and hath been/ and also he doth admynystre all things belonging to the said king or emperor in all points: as he may and also is bound to do of right/ wherefore according to the tale of Esope worthy to be marked, and very well agreeing to our purpose, this serpent the bishop of Rome, that now is, albeit that he hath been exalted, relieved, and advanced, in his predecessors, by the said Ludovic or his predecessors, from great poverty, vylenes, oppression, rebukes, and persecution, unto abundance of temporal goods, to that high dignity and honour/ and to power and tranquyllite: yet like an unkind person, and one that had forgotten all the aforesaid benefits, he hath lifted up himself against the aforesaid Ludovyke. first after his lewd and wont manner spytting out many words of rebuke, dysworshyp, and irreverence, against the said prince. But yet offering this venom or poysone under the appearance of honey, he pretendeth after his old craft and deceit, a colour and apparence of virtue and charity/ where he saith in certain of his epistles which he calleth decrees, that he writeth or speaketh such things to the end, that he might bring again the said Ludovyke from the bypathe or error, unto the right way or path of truth and of health/ not regarding himself which speaketh neither what he speaketh, neither to whom he speaketh. To the which bishop as being out of the way from all truth, and parteles of all equity, we may say conveniently and verily truly with Christ, that text in the. seven. of Mathewe and in the. viii. of Luke/ why seest thou a straw in the iye of thy brother, and dost not see a bealme in thine own eye? or how sayest thou to thy brother, brother suffer me to caste out the straw out of thine eye: and haste a bealme in thine own eye? Thou hypocryte first cast out the bealme of thine own eye/ and than shalt thou see, to cast out the straw of thy brothers iye. There is no good tree, which bringeth forth evylfruyte/ neither evil tree bringing forth good fruit. Every tree is known by his own fruit. Why than doth this hypocryte, the most evyltree, bring every where the fruits of all malice and seduction and discord, as it is sencyble known of all men, and why doth he go about to defame this virtuous man, innocent, catholic, and praised of all men, with his words of ignomine and slaundre, under the false appearance and colour of devotion and charity. Let him first cast out from his own mind, being full of darkness, and as it were blind the bealme/ that is to wit, his most great ignorance and error. And from his own lewd affection (being in a manner oftynate and in durated) let him cast a way malice and furious woodness, and than he shall be able to see the small faults of other men, and may by his exortations and monitions the more metelye and conveniently cast them out of other men. And afterward the aforesaid bishop, which under such deceitful and feigned words, doth intend not the amendment of the man, but the cyvyle death and destruction of the common weal, hath powered forth and spread abroad against the aforesaid moste chrysten prince, the venoms and poisons of cyvyle life, which he hath supposed to be most deadly unto him/ in that that he hath excommunicated him, with all those that pertyculerly, do cleave unto him/ and hath also forbidden the exercise of the divine service unto all communities of chrysten men, which do give or are about to give help, counsel or favour, unto the same prince as being king of the Romans, little or nothing marking or regarding the counsel of saint Ambrose in his book, which is entitled De sacerdotali dignitate. For there Ambrose treating of the text of Paul in the third chapytre of the first epistle to Timothe. If any man desireth preesthode. etc. And among other things in the. viii. chapiter of the said book, he saith thus. Not brawlers that is to say/ let not a priest louse his tongue to railing and evil words, left by the same tongue, by which he giveth praises to god and offereth up the divine service, he do bring forth the venom or poison of brawling and strife. For it is not seemly that both benediction, and malediction should issue out of a priests mouth. And again left by the same tongue by which god is lawded, man may be despraysed and evil spoken of. For he may not bring forth both sweet water and bitter water out of one fountain or spring. And in conclusion peradventure he shall send forth the prick or sting of his malice, which he supposeth to be most utter and extreme in noyenge or dystroyenge, supposing to fasten it upon the said prince/ that is to wit a certain blasphemy, called of him a sentence, though in very 
The fruits that have comed and proceeded these many hundred years from the seat of Rome from our holy fathers there, & maintained by oh ● holy fathers here.  deed it may be called a madness by which he hath pronounced the aforesaid prince with all that doth cleave unto him, or that doth obey him, or favour him as king of the Romans: to be heretics & enemies or rebellyons unto the church. And by the which sentence he hath deprived and bereft them the right of all their temporalles both movables and unmovables/ in making the said temporalles common by his aforesaid sentence (unworthelye so called) & by granting them also to who soever list to enter upon them, & to win or get them by violence, & by spreading abroad in all provinces by his words, or else by his writings in parchment, by himself or else by certain other false preachers, that this may be done lawfully. And again by condemning them to death/ and by granting remission and forgiveness of all sins and pains or punysshementes, and of all crimes unto those that do kill or invade them. And by bringing them if they betaken prisoners a live, where soever they shall be, in to the seruytute of those persons that taketh them. Moreover he granteth the greatest ecclesiastical offices/ as bysshopryches, archbishop riches, and patryarkeshypes with the mean and smaller ecclesyastycall offices also/ he spendeth thereto the ecclesyastycall temporalles called the benefices, the treasures and money of the church: that he may raise up all men to envy and rebellion, to war and discord again the said prince. And this he doth albeit/ that it doth nothing at all belong to his authority to give forth sentence of any of the foresaid things/ as we have before evidently declared. And beside all these horrible malygnytes aforesaid, he exercyseth a new kind of wickedness and malice, which seemeth manyfestlye to smell of heresy/ for he raiseth up in to rebellion against the said catholic prince his own subjects and leyge people/ assoyling them by his devyllysshe sayings or writings, which he calleth (for all that) apostolycall wryttes: from the oaths of fidelyte, by which they had been, and in very truth are bound to the oft rehearsed prince. And such manner absolutions he publyssheth and preacheth every where by certain mynystres of his mischiefs: which by such manner exercise do hope or trust to be promoted by the said bishop unto ecclesiastical offices and benefices.  
¶ That this work is not an apostolic but a diabolycall deed, it is evident. For according to this, and by this, the said bishop with all his complyces, ordynatours, consenters, and executors, in word, writing, or deed/ being blind with covetousness/ with pride and ambition, and filled with most great iniquity (as it is evident to all men) be guides and leaders of all them, that do give credence unto them, or that follow them, by work or deed, in all the aforesaid sayings or writings: unto falling and going down heedling in to the dyche or pit of deadly sins. first in to manifest & open perjury/ afterwards in to treason and injury open and plain to all men/ consequently he causeth them to fall in to ravin or robbrye, manslaughter/ and in a manner in to all kinds of mischievous sins/ in which they dying without repentance, and being beguiled by this most holy father and his ministers, and yet not be excused before god for their gross ignorance: are cast down heedlonge and drowned in hell/ that is to wit in the pit of perpetual dampened persons. For this is and aught to be undoubted to every man that hath reason, and that is able to use it, that neither the bishop of Rome, neither any other priest may assoil any man from such manner or any other lawful oath, other given or made, or else promised. Now it is evident to every man, which will stand to his own conscience, and which is not troubled with any synystre or crooked affection: that the cause which the bishop of Rome pretendeth, against the devout prince Lewes & against any other prince in like case: is not reasonable, but unreasonable, undyscrete, and unjust/ wherefore the gyding, doctrine, and exhortation of this bishop and of his ministers, in such things, is to be eschewed and avoided/ and utterly to be despised/ as the thing which leadeth and bringeth in conclusion unto the eternal death of souls. For it is plainly and openly contrary to the wholesome doctrine, words, and sentence of the apostle Paul in the, xiii. to the Romans/ in the. vi. to the Ephesyanes'/ in the. vi. of the first epistle to Tymothe/ and in the second and third chapytres of the second epistle to Tite. For there the apostle teacheth openly, that subjects 
Of true obedience toward kings and princes, which the bishop of rome with his church, yet never taught.  aught to obey their carnal lords, not only being good and gentle: but also being hasty and froward/ as saint Peter saith in his first canonycall epistle the second chapytre. How moche more than aught they to be obedient when they are bound to them by an oath? which thing the gloss also after the minds of saints in the same places more largely do declare/ saying manyfestlye, That subjects are bound and ought to obey their lords, yea though they be infydelles and never so froward or evil/ but yet understanding & meaning this, in such things as be not contrary either in word or deed to the law of god. ¶ But it is undoubted, that the words and works by which the bishop otherwise called the pope of Rome inveheth and proceedeth again the emperor of Rome: are neither the commandments of gods law, neither consonant or agreeable unto it/ but rather dissonaunt and manifest repugnant and contrary to the said law/ as it hath been showed, by the scripture, in the. iiii. u and. ix. chapytours of this diction. Again to obey to the bishop of Rome, or any other bishop reaching or preaching these things, is none other thing: than to suffer the rote of all regymentes and governaunces to be cut up, and the bond and knot of every cyvylyte and kingdom to be loosed or broken insunder, for I do suppose that such manner root or bond is none other thing, nor it aught none otherwise to be taken, but the oath and fydelyte of the princes and their subjects of each of them to other. And in deed this fydelyte of the foresaid subjects (as Tullius saith in his first book entitled De officiis) is the fundament or groundesell of all justice/ which fydelyte between the governors and the subjects, whosoever goth about to dyssolue or break: he goth about to get unto himself no less thing, than that he may according to his own intent and pleasure, overtourne and destroy the power and high authority of all princes and governors of the cyvyle community, and afterward to bring the aforesaid subjects, in to his own seruytute and bondage. And besides this also to trouble the peace and tranquillity of all men that liveth cyvylye/ and so by reason thereof or by some other means to deprive them of their sufficient life in this world/ and finally to bring them that been so disposed in their mind if they may thereto attend, as we have said, unto the eternal destruction of their souls. Wherefore let all Chrysten men despise and beware of the vain promise of pardon & forgiveness, for it is a thing clean contrary against the law of god. And the pernycyous and mad doctrine of the bishop of Rome, or to call 
The virtue of the popysshe pardons.  it more truly, the seduction of souls, of this bishop of Rome and his complyces which be the college of clerks or of cardinals, worse than the doctrine of the pharyseys/ regarding Chryste which counseleth and teacheth the same in the. xv. chapiter of Mathewe, when he saith to all chrysten men, but yet in the person of the apostles. Suffer them or let them alone/ that is to wit the pharyseys/ which at that time were supposed to be the teachers of Moses' law, but for all that they were of erroneous opinion in the understanding of the law, and in a manner continually contrary unto Chryste and against him and all his doctrine of the gospel. By which pharyseys were signified and understanded 
The pharysyes were a figure of our sophistical Dunsers, & Thomatistes.  all sophistical and false teachers of holy scripture, of which sort be these persecutors of the Roman emperor and of other innocent true chrysten people/ in the person of whom being the membres of Chryste: these wicked persons (that is to wit the bishop of Rome and his complyces) also doth persecute Chryste and doth against him with all their diligence and labour. And Chryste showeth the cause afterwards why we aught to despise these false teachers. For they are (saith he) blind and the guides of blind men/ wherefore (saith he) if one blind man be guide to an other blind man: both of them falls in to the dyche. So than according to the counsel and teaching of Christ which teaching every chrysten man aught to follow: these false teachers are to be let alone and to be despised: because they are both blind with avarice or covetousness, with pride, and ambition themselves, & also the guides of blind men, that is to wit of covetous, proud, and rebellyous persons. Which false teachers, also not regarding, or not listing to regard the precept of the apostle, or rather of god, saying plainly without any metaphor in the. xiii. chapiter to the Romans. Let every soul be subject to the high powers, do teach openly 
Who soever resisteth the power of a king or head prince: is of the devil yea though he were an angel of heaven if it were possible, moche more than a bishop, or a priest, a popysshe, pilled freer, monk, or cannon, or a pevysshe nun.  subjects to rebel against their princes and governors. And such persons so rebelling and by their gylefull and unjust perswasyons inducing other men to rebellion, do resist the ordination of god. So saith the apostle in the said chapiter/ who soever (saith he) resisteth the power (that is to say the seculare governor) resisteth the ordination of god. Of whom the same apostle hath prophesied in the fourth chapiter of the first epistle to Timothe, and in the third of the second epistle, to the same Timothe, when he said/ This know thou, that in the last days there shall be perilous times toward/ and there shall be men loving their own selves/ covetous/ proud/ high minded/ blasphemous person's/ not obedient to their parent's/ under this word parent's comprehending princes and governors/ wherefore Tully De officiis in the first book saith. The princes been the country, and our parent's/ by whose great benefits we are bound to be obedient, dysobedyent therefore to their parents, is as much to say as dysobedyent to the princes, and it followeth in the saying of Paul. Unkind persons, full of myscheyfe/ unfaithful/ keeping no promise/ without compassion in any goodness, without peace/ traytoures, lecherous persons, cruel, without benygnyte, false accusers, lewd tonged/ froward/ swollen or puffed up with pride/ lovers of pleasures, more than 
Disobedient.  of god/ having in deed the face of holiness: that is to say appearing to do those things/ which they do, for the honour, reverence and love of god: but in very effect denying the virtue of it/ that is to wit of such holiness or devotion/ which thing it is easy for all men to know by their works, according to that text in the. seven. chapiter of Mathewe. Take you heed and be ware of false prophets, which do come unto you in the apparel of sheep: but inwardly are ravening wolves/ by their fruits you shall know them. And the apostle saith comformablye to the aforesaid counsel or precept of Chryste, and such persons avoid thou/ that is to say do not believe them neither obey them in such things. But alas it is a pytuous case, for they have through this appearance of godliness so greatly deceived and beguiled men, that now they trusting to the vyolente power which they have obtained and got under the appearance and similitude of holiness, partly of men's free gift, and a great part by secret and privy usurpation, and now by open and violent usurpation can not well be avoided or eschewed, in doing violence and persecution to Christ's faithful people. Which also being unkind/ proud/ without peace/ cruel/ and in very deed such manner persons in all points/ as the apostle hath describe, affirming good to be evil/ and light to be darkness/ according to the saying of Esaye the prophet, by the collation and gift of the ecclesyastycall offices, both the greatest, the mean sort, and the smallest, and by the exhybytion or promising of the temporalles or benefices, as well of the movables, as unmovables, and of the tyethes, which have been ordained for a good end/ and by abomynable convencyon and bargains hereof made before: do stir up against the chrysten princes their own subjects/ and also their own cousins and alliance of strange countries not being their subjects/ which thing although they with their complyces do now seem to do only against the emperor 
The emperors are vexed of the bishop of rome, & so be all other kings of their bishops & clargye.  of Rome: yet let other princes learn by the example of the said emperor, which hath been so greatly benefyciall to the bishop of Rome and to his church: that the same things may of likelihood chance unto themselves also/ and that the aforesaid bishop shall be full busy to do the same things against them also, when occasion of such assault, shall offer itself unto him for he is without good affection towards every man. And he affirming both by his words, and writings aforesaid, that all princes and peoples are subjects to his governance or coactyve jurisdiction, because of the fullness of his power (as he calleth it) which unaccordynglye he ascribeth unto himself: and 
For what day, the bishops & clergy do wait.  coveting also and desiring greatly to bring this to effect, waiteth such times in which there appeareth scysmes and contentions of chrysten princes and people one with an other/ and rebellion of subjects against their sovereigns or rulers/ which seditions, contentions, and rebellyons himself also procureth otherwiles to be raised or stirred up to the intent that so the one of the parts being at discord between themselves, being weak and feeble, or being not able to resist the adversary part: may be compelled to beseech his help or aid and to submit himself to his dominion. For albeit that under the feigned face or appearance of holiness devotion, or charity, he seemeth otherwiles to defend impotent and weak people, & peradventure wrongfully oppressed/ and to give unto them his seculare favour: yet for all that he giveth not this favour, except he be sure afore, that they which need his favour/ and that do require it, will be content to come under his governance or seculare dominion/ hoping thereof in conclusion that by such oppressing & envy of each to other, both partis being so at variance, shall be compelled to come under his dominion, wherefore such contentions and actions are to be avoided, which may bring in or 'cause necessity, unto any man, of his favour or help/ for at the last, they are turned in to the destruction of liberty/ and in to the servitude and thraldom of them that receive the said favour.  
¶ So than after this manner this said bishop by little and little creepeth successyvely through the kingdoms of the world, that he may at the last be able to subdue & make subject unto himself, all the empires & domynions of the world/ which thing incessauntly he desireth. He dareth not attempt such manner processes in all or many of them together at one time/ but he abideth until such 
A cunning point of practicasyon.  time, that by little & little so great secular power shall have grown privily unto himself: that he doth perceive & believe, that he may without any iopardy overcome the power of other empires or domynyons/ and than he doth boldly open & show forth upon other realms the sense and meaning of this title of fullness of power, which he hath presumed to take upon him. And doth expressly say forth that all other princes and empires are subject to his dominion or coactyve jurisdiction, likewise as he saith the empire of the Romans to be now subject unto him/ and those that would refuse (although they might: do it lawfully) to be subject unto him, he doth then pursue by blasphemies, & other like sentences to these afore, maintained against the emperor of Rome and his faithful subjects/ & also by violent or armed power even unto their utter undoing. Thus by these means or ways, the said bishop with his complyces have well near seduced 
He studieth to bring the same to pass in Almaigne.  and brought all the princes, communaltyes, and people of Italye, in to contentions & scysmes/ and he hath begun to do the same, and studieth to bring the same to pass, continually in Almaigne. For he hath raised up certain of the subjects, traitors, and ungracious persons, by secular favours, as by giving to them ecclesynstycall offices, and by exhybytion of tyethes and money: 
Who been the sons of the church as the bishop of Rome calleth them.  unto rebellion against the emperor of Rome/ and he procureth without ceasing, to raise up whom soever he may, both great, mean, and small people/ and those that shall so be beguiled by him, and which shall obey him: he calleth and nameth the sons of the church, and true chrysten men/ and who soever continueth, & are willing to continue in due faithfulness, obedient to their prince or sovereign, he nameth them scysmatykꝭ & heretics/ & he persecuteth them as 
Who been heretykis as the bishop of rome calleth them.  enemies of the church, by blaspheming, diffaming, & excommunycating them as much as ever he may, and by condemning them in their people and goods by secular sentence/ albeit that no such manner judgement after such fashion is belonging to him in that he is such one, neither by the law of god/ neither by the law of man/ as it is evident of the things afore go and hath been rehearsed heretofore.  
¶ But the most mischievous thing of all, and the thing which doth greatest noyaunce or hurt generally: is this (whereof we have spoken somewhat heretofore, and which may not be passed over with silence of him that willeth not to fall from the law of Chryste and of his gospel) that the bishop of 
The bishop of Rome devoureth the sheep.  Rome eternally confoundeth and devoureth all the sheep of Chryste: whom he saith to be committed unto himself for to be fed with wholesome doctrine/ for he putting or saying evil to be good, and light to be darkness, granteth by mouth and in writing unto all men absolution from all manner sin and 
Absolution from sin & pain, to all that will be traitors to their princes  pain, unto all them, that warreth at a certain time other on horseback or foot against the said Chrysten subjects of the emperor of Rome obeying and willing to obey him constantly as being their king and sovereign. Whom also as being heretics & reblles to the cross of Chryste: he pronounceth by himself or by other men, as well by word of mouth, as by writing: that it is lawful by all manner means to impugn, to rob, and finally to destroy. And which also is abomynable to be heard he preacheth it openly, and causeth it to be preached openly every where by certain deceitful and false frears which hunger and thryste after ecclesyastycall dygnytes or promotions, as if it were as acceptable to god, as to fight against the pagans in the parts over the see/ and to destroy them, which deceitful and false pardon or forgiveness the said bishop granteth likewise unto them: that are not able for feebleness of body to fulfil and perform that myscheyfe, if at their own proper costs and charges they shall procure it to be done by other men or shall give a sufficient sum therefore unto his cursed and ungracious exactours or gatherers. notwithstanding according to the catholic faith and religion, of 
Let chrysten men be a shamed of their madness.  Chryste no man ought to doubt, that to them that so war or fight, this foolish and vain absolution doth no profit or good at all, but doth moche hurt unto them. But yet thus he begyleth simple men, to the accomplysshement of his own wicked & lewd desires/ grannting unto them that thing, which lieth not in his power, yea moreover he doth by this mean bring and lead them out of the right way, unto eternal death and destruction of their souls For they being the invadours of other lands provinces and countries, and the unjust destroyers of them, and the troublers of the peace & quietness of innocent chrysten men, whom they do know to be true catholic men, & the defenders of their own country, and the observers of fydelyte to their own true and lawful lord, prince, or governor of the said country. I say in tobbing or killing or otherwise impugning such manner persons, they are made not the 
Champions of the devil & not of Christ  champions of Chryst, but the champyons of the devil. For they do commit and fall unto ravynes/ brynnynge/ thefts/ murders/ fornications/ advoultryes/ and well near all other kinds of crimes and trespasses/ whereof it is evident and undoubted, that they do not deserve pardon or forgiveness: but rather that 
He calleth him self the vicar of Christ he aught more truly be called the vicar of the devil.  they are made guilty and debtors of eternal damnation, to the doing whereof and for the which things they are seduced by his sayings and probations of the holy scriptures, which calleth himself, though he be not: the vycare of Christ in earth. And this blodsheder and gylefull man, being not contented nor thinking it enough that such horrible things are exercised by say men at his commandment, or through his entysementes and persuasyons, hath sent over a certain priest one of his brethren or complyces, whom they do call cardinal 
A captain cardinal. An abbot of chivalry.  with a great number and company of horsemen and footmen, in to the province of Lombardye. And also hath sent likewise an abbot in a certain marchye of Italye, which is called Anchone, for to impugn and to destroy the faithful chrysten people, whom (because they will not obey his wicked and unjust commandments against the prince) he doth vex without ceasing with all manner aforesaid persecutions/ and hath presumed of his wont temeryte to call in his sayings and writings, their devout prince the aforesaid Ludovyke, 
The emperor is called of my lord abbot, a favourer of heretics.  because he hath compassion on them and cheryssheth them according to his power, a favourer of heretics. In to which and in to like uses this bishop consumeth and turneth the ecclesiastical temporalties, which devout chrysten men aswell princes, as their subjects, comunalties, and singular persons, have appointed and ordained to the sustentation of the mynystres of the gospel/ and to the succurring and releving of impotent poor people/ and also unjustly challenging the temporalles bequested in testaments unto virtuous uses, as to the passage over the see, and to the redeeming of the prisoners taken of the infidels, and to other like uses, I say challenging them as belonging unto his power: he goth about to turn them in to the aforesaid uses. Albeit that it is no work meet for the successoure of the apostles, or a priest, neither it doth become a priest or a man consecrated unto god, to move weapon, or to bid war, to be made among Christ's faithful people, and namely unjustly/ but rather by convenient exhortations to call again the same 
It is not only not seemly but also forbidden by the law of god for priests to be men of war.  people unto concord and unity if they shall be at discord or debate among themselves one of them with an other/ as it hath been suffycyentlye showed by the authority of the apostle/ by Chrysostome, Hilary, and Ambrose in the. u. and ix. chapytres of this diction/ it is not therefore from hensforthe to be permitted or suffered, that this bishop or any other shall have so general absolute, or so great power, to give or dystrybute the ecclesiastical temporalties/ but the said power is by the princes and parlyamentes utterly to be revoked from him: or else so to be tempted and measured that those things which hath been statuted and ordained hitherto, to the health of chrysten men, both present and for to come, and continually are ordained may not turn to the continual vexation of them and in conclusion to the everlasting tornement or damnation of them. Also he that is called pope even now adays with his mynystres, whom he calleth legates, have proceeded of late days, and continually do proceed with such manner processes, so laudable, and so pleasant unto god: as every man being of right mind and not cortupted in affection may perceive, against the foresaid Ludovic king of the Romayns. And so they have proceeded against his deputies, and faithful subjects namely in the province of Lombardye, of Tuskayne, and of the matches of Anchone. Among whom, most specially 
The bishops been false bacbyters & slanderers of virtuous people: spiritually of such as writ or speak a 'gainst their abominations.  and syngularlye he hath hitherto persecuted the gentle, noble, and famous catholic man, syngulare among all other Italyons in honesty of manners, and in gravity, Mathewe of good remembrance sherefe and by the emperyall authority his lyefe tennaunte vycare or deputy in Mylayne with a very great multitude of chrysten people adherentes unto him/ for this said Mathewe, the aforesaid bishop (though very unjustly) by his profane and wicked sayings and scriptures, doth pronounce to have been of a shameful life, and of an evil & dampened memory. But not the said Mathewe, but he by whom slanders & offentions do come, & which bringeth forth of the treasures of his malice always cuylles: is counted openly of dampened memory afore god and man, and it shall be more largely accounted and laid to his charge both afore his death and after his death, according to the manashing of Chryste, which is very troth in the. xviii. chapiter of Mathewe, where he saith/ woe be to that man by whom slander cometh, and again in the same chapiter/ who soever shall offend one of these little one's, which believeth in me, it were more expedient for him, that a mylnestone be hanged in his neck, and that he be drowned in the depth of the see, which sayings he nothing marking or regarding, likewise as he regardeth not the other monitions and counsels of Chryste (as being froward/ and unpenytente) continually without ceasing, doth persecute and blaspheme very many other noble men, for the prosecuting of their faithfulness and constancy to ward the said prince or emperor of the Romans/ whose fame being sweet, both afore god and man, by his aforesaid prophanacyones, and blasphemies he goth about to spot and defile. This is the bishop, the judgement of whom and of his church, god doth not follow/ because he judgeth by surreption and ignorauncye/ as the master of the sentence saith in the. iiii. book the. xviii. distinction and the. vi. chapiter. And the cause hereof saint Iherome showeth upon that text in the. xuj. chapiter of Mathewe. And to the I shall give the keys of the kingdom of heavens. For he saith which I am not grieved to rehearse. Certain men not understanding this place (as for example this bishop understand thou, take unto themselves somewhat of the 
Note well these words of Iherome upon the. xuj. of Mathewe.  pride or high mind of the pharyseys, that they do suppose themselves to condemn innocentes/ or to loose and assoil malefactors and guilty persons/ and it followeth afterwards to the same purpose, albeit that in very deed afore god not the sentence of the priests but the life of the persons accused is sought for. God therefore doth not follow the judgement of such manner priest, bishop, or church, being so unjust and contrary to equytye/ wherefore the blasphemies of him and of his complices, are not to be dread or feared of any Chrysten man, as we have said: for they do not enter in to the flock of Chrysten men, but they have learned rather by the power of god to strike and light upon the 
The injust curse of any bishop, hurteth no man, but himself  fowl bodies, and the cursed and wretched souls of them, that brest forth in to such blasphemies. These than which we have rehearsed are the true beginnings of the things inquyred/ and those things which also have both duly and unduelye proceeded and go forwards/ albeit that by reason of long time, and the folysshenes and idleness of men they are fallen out from the sights and memories of them and in the stead of these things, through custom of hearing false and feigned things: certain falsehodes have been brought in secretly, and fastened in the souls of very many chrysten men, which things are contrary clean to truth. The beginning and fountain thereof was averice, or covetousness, and Ambition, or pride. And no little instrument of the increase and maintenance thereof, hath been that execrable opinion and saying, 
The maintenance of all myscheyfe  by which the bishop of Rome and the company or college of his clerks or cardinals do affirm, that unto the same bishop in the person of saint Peter the apostle, was granted and given by Chryste fullness of power. But after much diligent and labourfull searching and exquisition of the scrypturis of god, from the scriptures of men (which certain bishops of Rome had confounded and almost set at naught the said scriptures of god, and mengeled the one with the other, and wresting it to their pleasures, supposing & believing, that of such mengling & gathering of them together, the same authority which is due only to the holy scripture should be common to their own institutions and ordynations) we have determined the senses of the said title/ and have suffecyently opened and declared in the. xxiii. chapiter of this dyction to all that useth reason, at the lest wise which are not troubled with crooked affections: that the said senses are false/ and most of all other, that sense, unto which the bishop of Rome hath last translated the aforesaid oration, that is to wit ascribing by it unto himself universal or highest jurisdiction coactyve (which under 
jurysdyccyon coactyve, or the temporal sword.  a metaphorye of words he calleth the temporal sword) upon all princes communytyes and peoples of the world/ albeit that he doth now express this title only against the emperor of the Romans, as we have said, and have showed also for what causes/ but in time to come he shall express the same title against all the residue of princes, when he shall perceive and see sedition to be in their realms/ and shall see also that himself hath violent power to usurp and to occupy or win them. So than the fullness of power, through cowardenes being permitted unto the bishops of Rome, they have hitherto used about cyvyle acts/ and continually do use, and shall use in time to come worse and worse, if they be not stopped or letted/ for they have made certain olygarchycall laws, by which they have exempted the college or company of clerks, and certain other married men, from the cyvyle laws duly given or made to the most high preiudyce of princes and peoples. And yet not contented to keep them with 
Of the judgement of offycyalles and of other.  in these bonds, they do now cause say men to be cited and called afore their offycyalls or judges (as they are called) and will there punish them/ utterly destroing the jurisdiction of the princes or governors. And this is the syngulare cause of strife and cyvyle discord, and very secret in the beginning of it which we purposed even from the beginning to show and declare. For many chrysten men being deceived and beguiled through the darkness & myngling together of the scriptures of god, and of the scriptures of men: have been induced and brought in mind to believe, that the bishop of Rome, with his clerks whom they do call cardinals: may make statutes & decrees upon chrysten men, what soever he and they lust/ and that all men are bound by the law of god, to observe the same/ and that the transgressors of them been bound unto eternal damnation, which thing we have showed of surety heretofore, neither to be true, nor yet near to the truth, but manifestly contrary to the truth. This again is the cause as we said in our prolouge or entresse, whereby the kingdom of Italye hath been of long season cumbered, vexed, or diseased, and is continually vexed, and this contagyon is now no less ready to creep in to other cyvylyties and realms/ yea and hath somewhat all ready infected them all/ and in conclusion if it be not stopped or letted, shall infect them utterly, as it hath enfected the empire of Italye/ wherefore it is expedient unto all princes and peoples, by a general counsel to be called together, to interdycte and utterly prohybyte the bishop of Rome, or any other bishop, to have or use this title/ least through custom of hearing false doctrines: from hensforthe the people be seduced and beguiled. And the power is to be revoked from him, of giving and dystrybuting ecclesiastical offices, and temporalles or benefices/ and that because this bishop of Rome abuseth them to the hurt of the bodies, and to the damnation of the souls of faithful chrystened men. And this to do all that have jurisdiction, chefelye kings: are bound by the law of god. For herefore they are constytuted 
Take heed you princes unto your duties.  & ordained: to do judgement & justice/ which thing if they be neclygent & do not regard to do: from henceforth they are in excusable, in as much as they do know the hurt that groweth of such omyssion forbearing or rather negligence. And let him which is bishop of Rome with his successors in the aforesaid seat, and all other priests and deacons, and spyrytual mynystres/ to whom I speak these words not as to enemies, I call god to witness against my body 
The protestation of Marsilius of Padway.  and soul, but rather as unto my fathers and brethren in Chryste: let them I say study and enforce themselves to follow Christ and the apostles/ renounsing utterly and putting away seculare empires, and domynyons of temporal things. For I have opennlye reproved and rebuked them, which do sin in the sight of all men/ according to the doctrine of Christ and of the apostle/ and I being the common herolde of truth: have go about by the divine & human 
Herolde or messenger of truth.  scrypturis, to reduce and bring them again unto the path or way of the truth that they, and namely the bishop of Rome which seemeth to have go most largely out of the way: may avoid that indignation of all mighty god &, of the apostles Peter and Paul, which he singularly often times threteneth to other men. Wherefore let him regard the order of charity so that first avoiding the said indignation himself, consequently he do teach other to avoid the same. For he is not ignorant, or at the least wise shall not from henceforth be ignorant, that beside and without the commandment of god, yea clean, moreover against the precept or counsel of Christ and of the apostles, he setteth upon the empire, and unjustly letteth and troubleth the emperor. Again he is not ignorant, that through the slander or occasion raised by certain of his predecessors and himself, in Italy: many battles have sprung: by reason whereof so many thousands of chrysten men have been slain by violent death/ whom it may be presumed of likelihood, to be eternally dampened, for asmuch as very many of them have been prevented with death being full of hatred and evil will toward their brethren. And they that are left alive of the same sort are wretches abiding the same, or very like ieopardous chance and miserable end: except the helping hand of god be their succour or leche/ for hatred hath entered into the minds of them with strife and contentation, whereof afterwards, fyghtꝭ and battles do follow. And moreover also honest manners and dyscyplynes being corrupted: in a manner all kinds of vices, wantonness, mischiefs, and errors have utterly possessed and occupied the minds, and the bodies both of men & women. The succession of their children is cut away/ their substance or goods are consumed/ their houses are plucked insunder, and destroyed, great & famous cities are empty and destitute of their inbabytaunce/ the fields untylled & no we being desert: are dyswonted and have ceased to give their wont fruits. And (which is the thing most to be bewailed and sorrowed) the true divine service and honouring of god, hath ceased in the same place being in a manner utterly destroyed and put away/ and the churches or temples have remained as deserts or wilderness, being destitute of preachers/ unto all which said miserable & piteous things, the wretched inhabytauntes blinded in mind, through hatred and discord among themselves one to an other: have been provoked and pricked and continually are pricked and provoked by that great dragon the old serpent, 
The great dragon and old serpent antychryste of Rome.  which aught and may be worthy called the devil and Satan for asmuch as with all his power and enforcement he seduceth and goth about to seduce or beguile all the whole world.  
¶ what so carlysshe or unmannerly son of this country or mother of Italye, (which in old time was so fair and beutefull, and is no we so evil favoured & torn) saying these things, and having knowledge and power: can find in his heart to keep silence, and not to cry out unto the lord, against them that do so unjustly hale or draw her here and there or pluck her in pieces/ for to such a son it shall be said very truly, as the apostle saith, that he tenounced the faith, and is worse than any infidel or heathen person. As touching to the fullness of power and the manners or significations of it/ also concerning the beginning, and increase or going forward thereof, and again after which sygnyfycations, and in what wise the bishop of Rome hath taken the said fullness unto himself, and how he hath used the same both as touching to the ecclesyastycall customs and ceremonies, and also about the secular cyvyle acts of men: let it have been determined in this wise as is afore go.   

¶ Of certain objections or reasons, that may be made against the things determined in the. xv. chapiter, and the other chapytres consequently following, of this present diction.  
The, xxvij, chapytre,  
But peradventure some man doubting, and not without cause, of the things, which we have said heretofore in the. xv. chapiter, 
The answer of all the objections, that been made in this chapytre been contained & set forth in the next chapytre.  & the other chapytres consequently following of this dyceyon: shall first show that the dygnytie of a bishop is greater, yea and also an other sundry dignity in kind, than is the dignity of him that is but only as they call him a simple priest/ and that not only by the instytution made by man, which afore we have called the separable authority: but also by the ordination of god, which we have afore called the essencyall or inseparable authority. And it seemeth or appeareth, that this may be proved by the. x. chapytre of Luke, where this text following is had. ¶ Afterwards the lord appointed also other. lxxii. & sent them by payers or couples afore his face/ upon which text Bede saith thus/ as there is no man, that doubteth the. twelve. apostles to represent or show before. the form or fashion of bishops: 
1  so there is no man also that doubteth these. lxxii. disciples to have born the figure of priests of the second order. ¶ Again the same is proved by the. u chapytre of the first epistle to Timothe: when the apostle said/ receive none 
2  accusation against a priest: except it be under. two. or. three records or witnesses/ it followeth of these words, that Timothe was superyoure in dygnytie to the other priests/ but not by the election of the priests or of the chrysten multitude: ergo by the ordynation of god. ¶ Again the same appeareth by the epistle of Clementpope, whose superscription is, to james the cozen of our lord. ¶ This also 
3  seemeth to have been the mind well near of all the bishops, which are said to 
4  have succeeded saint Peter or saint Paul in the epyscopall see of Rome/ as appeareth evidently by the aforesaid book of Isodore. Moreover it appeareth, that this may be proved, that saint Peter was superior to the other apostles, in power or authority given to him imedyatly of Christ, and not given by man or other men unto him/ and so consequently, that the successors of him are superyours to the successors of the other apostles in the same authority. ¶ And this appeteth to be so/ first by the. xuj. of Mathewe, where Christ said severally unto 
5  him. And I say to thee, that thou art Peter and upon this stone I will build and edyfye my church/ and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it/ and to the I will give the keys of the kingdom of heavens. By which words, Christ seemeth to have expressed, that Peter shulo be the heed & foundation of the church/ namely Christ being deed/ where the gloze saith in this wise/ he granted that power and authority specially unto Peter: that he might call or provoke us to unity/ for therefore he did constytute or make him the cheyfe or principal of the apostles: that the church should have one principal vycare or deputy of Christ, unto whom the diverse membres of the church should have recourse, if peradventure they were at dissension, and could not agreed among themselves/ for if there should be divers heads in the church: then the bond of unity should be broken. ¶ Again the same is showed by the .xxii. chapiter of Luke, where Christ 
6  said specially unto him/ and I have prayed for thee, Peter: that thy faith may not fail. And thou once being converted, confirm and strength thy brethren/ By this it seemeth to follow, that the principal pastoral cure, and the confirmation of his brethren, that is to wit of the apostles and of other chrysten men: was committed or betaken unto saint Peter, because of the fyrmytie and steadfastness of his faith, for which chryst seemeth specially to have prayed, that it should not faint or be quenched, neither in him neither in any successor of him/ where the gloze saith thus. Confirm thy brethren/ saying that I have made the cheyfe or principal of the apostles. And this is not to be understanded only of the apostles, which were at that time, that they should be strengthened of Peter: but of all chrysten men. And a little after it followeth in the gloze/ by repentance he obtained (that is to wit Peter) to be the principal bishop of the world ¶ Again 
7  the same is showed by the. xxi. chapiter of Iohn, where Christ said severally to him. Feed my sheep/ fede my lambs/ fede my sheep/ rehearsing the same word thrice. It appeareth therefore, that he was instytuted and made principal and general pastor or herdesman immediately of Christ: saying that no partyculare flock of sheep was determined or appointed unto him/ where Chrysostome saith in this wise/ for Peter was the most excelllent of the apostles, and the mouth of the disciples, and the heed of the company/ wherefore his negation being put out of remembrance, he committeth or betaketh to him the oversyghte or prelacy of his brethren. finally this is confirmed by the authority of many saints & doctors, upon that text in the. xxi. of Iohn. if I will, that he shall continue or remain until I come, what is that to thee? But follow thou me/ for saint Augustyne saith. The church knoweth, two lives to be showed unto itself from god above/ of the which, the one is in faith or believe, and the other is in hope. This life, that is to wit in faith, is signified or marked forth by Peter the apostle, because of the prymacye or pryncypalyte of his apostleshyp. Again Theophilus in the same place saith thus/ he hath instytuted to him the prelacy of all chrysten people. And Chrysostome saith thus. if any man will say or ask the question, how or after what manner than took james unto himself the epyscopall seat of jerusalem: this truly I will say/ because he hath intronisated or stalled Peter master of the whole world. And the same Chrysostome saith afterwards. To him (that is to wit to Peter). Also the oversight and governance or prelacy of his brethren hath been committed or betaken/ again the same Chrisostome saith/ therefore because the lord had showed and said before great things unto him (that is to wit to Peter) and had committed or betaken to him the whole world. And again Theophilus upon that text/ if I will that do remain, saith thus. For the I do dymytte or send now to the offyce of the overseer or bysshopryche of the whole world/ and in this follow thou me. Moreover if Christ had not instytuted a heed of the church in his absence: he should have left it heedless or without a heed/ and should not seem to have ordered it according to the better or best disposition/ but now this is to be believed, that he hath left it ordered and disposed after the best wise and manner: wherefore it is to be held that he hath instytute and made a heed of the said church/ but there is none other more convenient heed than Peter wherefore it may be concluded, that saint Peter was superyoure to the other apostles in authority by the immediate institution and ordination of Christ. ¶ Again we may prove the same thing in kind, by showing that saint Paul was 
8  not equal to saint Peter in dignity or authority/ for in the second chapytre to the Salatyans is read this text following. Again after. three years I came to jerusalem, to see Peter/ and I tarried with him. xv. days/ & a little afterwards it followeth. And furthermore after. xiiii. years, I went up to Iherusalem again with Barnabas and Titus/ taken with me/ and I conferred or compared with them the gospel, which I do preach among the gentylles/ and specially with them, which seamed to be greatly esteemed and of authority/ jest peradventure I should run or else had run in vain/ where the gloze saith. Paul showed here, that he was not out of fear or doubt of his gospel: except it had been confirmed and strengthened by the authority of Peter, and of the other apostles. For asmuch than as Paul hath taken securyte of his gospel, of Peter, after the mind of the gloze: it appeareth that he was not equal to Peter in authority/ wherefore it seemeth to follow of necessity, aswell of this reason as of other afore rehearsed: that all the other bishops of the world, are subjects to the bishop of Rome, as being the syngulare or special successor of saint Peter, by the ordynation of god/ and that the church of Rome is the heed and principal of all other churches: because the bishop of it being the successor of saint Peter, is judge, pastor, and herdysman of all other men/ which thing I sodore more largely expressing in his book afore rehearsed, in the chapytre whose title is Incipit prefacio Niceni concilii: he saith in this wise. It is verily to be known/ of all catholic people that the holy church of Rome hath been preferred & made superior to all other, not by any synodal decrees: but he hath obtained prymacie or superyoryte by the words of our lord and saviour in the gospel, where he said to saint Peter the apostle. Thou art Peter/ & upon this stone I shall edyfye and build my church/ and to the I will give the keys of the kingdom of heavens. etc. which prymacye or superyoryte, all the bishops of Rome have used hitherto without any grant of the princes or emperors: from the time of saint Peter, unto the times of Constantyne the first emperor of Rome/ both making Canons or rules & Decrees: and commanding them to be observed throughout all churches/ as evidently doth appear by the process of the said book. ¶ Again I confirm or 
9  strength this by reason/ for faith is but one, according to the mind of the apostle in the. iiii. chapiter to the Ephesians/ wherefore it followeth that the church also is but one/ but it is none otherwise one, but because it hath but one heed principal/ which can be, none more convenient, neither so convenient, as the bishop of Rome the singular successor of saint Peter, which was the stone, whereupon Christ said, that he would build his church. ¶ Again this same 
10  may be confirmed by this reason/ for because likewise as temporal things are reduced to one heed or principal, that is to wit to the prince, king, or emperor: so also it seemeth that the spiritual things ought to be reduced unto some one heed or pryncipal, that is to wit to the bishop or pope of Rome. ¶ Again it may 
11  be confirmed by an other reason/ for likewise as in one church or diocese, it is necessary, and expedient, that there be but one bishop/ jest if every priest with in the same church or diocese did draw and pluck the church unto himself, it might break the unity of chrystis church, as we have here tofore alleged in the xv. of this diction of the epistle of saint Iherome to Euandre: so it is more expedient and necessary, that in the universal church of chryst there be but only one heed, for the conservation of the unity of chrysten men/ for by how much such manner good thing is more common, & the more that are parttakers of it: by somoch it is the more godly & the more worthy to be desired or choose/ wherefore it is read in the xv. chapiter of Iohn. ¶ And there shall be made one fold of sheep, & one herdysman. 
12  Now verily it seemeth, that such herdysman or such manner heed is the pope of Rome most conveniently of all other: for the causes here tofore assigned. ¶ And of the aforesaid things it followeth of necessity, as it seemeth: that only 
13  the bishop of Rome is the principal effective cause of the secondary institution of all other bishops, both medyatly and immediately, because of his universal authority, that he hath upon all other bishops and priests and all other mynystres of the churches or temples. To which sentence, the authority of saint Ambrose doth agreed in his epistle De tradendis basilicis, where he saith thus/ 
Ambrose.  it is the church of god, or the church is gods own/ it ought not therefore to be ascribed to Cesar. The temple of god can not be the right of the emperor/ wherefore it followeth also consequently, that the institution of priests in the same temple doth not appertain to his right, which said institution we have called here tofore in the. xv. of this diction the secondary authority of them. And if it be so, that the gift of the churches may not appertain to Cesar: moche less than may the said gift belong to any other secular prince or governor. This authority therefore shall belong only to him which is the heed & cheyfe or pryncypal of all other priests, the bishop of Rome, by the authority of god: if it may not be the right of any prince or secular governor/ hereof also it seemeth necessarylye to follow, that to him also belongeth the authority of dystrybuting or giving the benefices or the temporalles of the church/ for these manner things are given for the exercising of their offices. ¶ Of the aforesaid things also it seemeth 
14  that it may be inferred and concluded that the same principal bishop hath coactyve jurisdiction upon all other bishops of the world, and all other mynystres of the temples or churches/ for they are subjects unto him by the ordination of god: as it is evident of the reason afore made/ which thing also may be confirmed and fortyfyed by the aforesaid both book and chapytre of I sodore for among other things there, he writeth so as here followeth. ¶ But in that 
15  counsel the prince or emperor did a meruaylouse deed, which I do suppose is not to be passed over with silence/ for when the bishops were come together almost from all places, and (as it is wont to be) had brought certain brawls or contentions of diverse causes among themselves he was often times called on/ and lybelles was offerde, and crimes were offerde of each one of them/ and they gave their minds more unto these things, than to that thing for which they were come/ but he saying and perceiving, that through such brawls and contentions, the cause of the highest and greatest business was hindered, backed, or frustrated/ he set & appointed a certain day, when every one of the bishops should bring in his complaint, if he had any such matter of complaint. And when he was set: he received of each one their lybelles'/ which all together holding in his bosom, and not opening them to see what was contained within them/ he said to the bishops. God hath ordained and made you priests/ and hath given to you power to judge of us also/ and therefore it is welldone and right, that we be judged of you/ but you may not be judged of men: wherefore abide you or tarry you for the judgement only of god, between you/ and your brawls or contentions what soever they be: let them be reserved to that judgement of god/ For you are gods, given unto us of god: it is not convenient, that any man do judge god's/ wherefore, to conclude: the authority of jurisdiction upon them appertaineth to him, which is the god of such gods in earth, as he is called, that is to wit the bishop of Rome. ¶ And of the same things also it seemeth, that the same bishop hath authority to call together & to command general councils 
16  of priests, & in the same councils to propound or put forth, & to determine such things, which he shall think in his mind worthy to be put forth, & to be determined about the law of god, & the ecclesiastical custom and ceremonies. Concerning the authority of gathering a general council. I sodore in the preface of his said work saith thus. But the authority of gathering synods, hath been committed by private or peculiar power & authority to the apostolic see. Neither do we rede any synod to have been of effect or strength: which hath not been congregated & strengthened by the authority of the said see. These things the canonycall authority witnesseth or recordeth. These things the ecclesiastical history fortyfyeth & confirmeth. These things the holy fathers also confirm/ and as touching to the power or authority of defyning or determining the sense or meaning of the scripture: the same I sodore speaking in the same book & chapytre, saith in this wise. Furthermore we have set forth to sight in this volume the Decrees of divers councils, both greake councils & latin, which have been made other afore or after, in dystyncte & sundry chapytres, under the order of numbers & times/ putting after also the other Decrees of the pope's of Rome until saint Bregorie, & certain epistles of him, in which the authority of the apostolic see is equal to the authority of the councils. It followeth than that the pope by the authority of his own self alone: may determine that thing, which the authority of the general council may determine/ for asmuch as his authority is not unegall to the authority of the general councils, after I sodores saying. ¶ The 
17  same also seemeth to have been the mind & opinion of saint Iherome, in his epistle entitled of the exposition of the catholic faith/ where he saith thus. This is the faith. O most blessed pope, which we have learned in the catholic church/ which we have always held or kept/ in which if haply any thing hath been put either not learnedly, or to openly: we desire that it may be amended by you, which do keep the faith and seat of Peter/ but if this our confession be approved and allowed by the judgement of your apostleshyp: who soever shall be willing to spot or defile my name, he shall prove himself to be unlarned or evil willed, or also no catholic person, and not me to be an heretic. ¶ And 
18  as touching to the power and authority of ordaining or decreing those things, which appertain to the ecclesiastical customs or ceremonies and to eternal health: it appeareth by the oracle or saying of chryst in the. x. chapytre of Luke/ for there he saith to the apostles, and to all bishops or priests in the person of the apostles/ who soever despiseth you, despiseth me/ & who soever despiseth me, despiseth him that hath sent me. It followeth therefore, that the statutes of preestis are to be observed & obeyed of the necessity of salvation. Therefore of these powers assigned to the bishop of Rome, and other more large, saint Bernarde making a collection to Eugenius pope in his second book De consideracio saith in this wise. Now are the rest to be repeated, if at the lest any there be, of the place which we have declared or disputed of/ go to, let us search yet dylygentlye, who thou art/ that is to wit, what person thou dost bear for the time in the church of god/ who art thou? ¶ A great priest/ highest bishop/ Thou art heed or principal 
19  of bishops. Thou art heir of the apostles/ thou art in prymacie A bell/ in governance Noye/ in patriarcheshyp Abraham/ in order Melchysedeche/ in dignity Aron/ in authority Moses'/ in judgement Samuel/ in power Peter/ in a anointing chryst. And it followeth by & by after in the same chapytre. And thou alone, art pastor or herdysman, not only of the sheep: but also of all pastors or herdysmen. Askest thou whereby I do prove this? by the words and saying of chyrst. For to whom (I do not say of bishops, but of the apostles also?) hath all the sheep been committed so absolutely & generally without exception, as to Peter? when he said Peter if thou love me feed my sheep/ & a little after he saith. To whom is it not plain & evident, that he did not appoint or make out any certain or partyculer flock? there is nothing excepted or out taken: where no distinction or difference is made. And afterward again in the same book he saith. ¶ Hereof it is, that the other 
20  apostles have taken to their portion, each on of them one nation or peopled knowing the mystery of chrystis words. Finally james which seemed to be one pillar of the church: was contented with jerusalem alone leaving unto Peter the university or general cure of the whole flock. And afterwards concluding, he saith thus in the sixth. ¶ According to the Canons, other bishops are called in to 
21  part of cure/ but thou art called in to fullness of power the power & authority of other bishops is contained within certain lymytes: thy power is extended also unto them, which have received power & authority upon other. Mayst not thou, if a cause shall rise: shytte heaven to a bishop? mayst not thou depose him from his bysshopryche, & also give him to Satan, by excommunycating or cursing him. Thy pryvylege therefore standeth sure & stable unto thee, & unbroken aswell in the keys given unto thee: as in the sheep committed or betaken unto the. ¶ And Bernarde 
22  did not say here that the bishop of Rome had only authority upon ecclesiastical mynystres, as bishops, priests, & the other inferior ordres: but also the same Bernarde seemeth to ascribe unto the same bishop, coactyve jurisdiction upon all princes & governors/ which jurisdiction the same Bernarde calleth under a metaphor, the temporal sword/ wherefore he saith to the same Eugenius, in the. u book & sixth chapytre, in this wise/ why shouldest thou go about to usurp the sword: which thou wast one's commanded to put up again in to the shethe, which sword for all that who soever denieth to be thine: as me thinketh he doth not sufficiently regard or mark the words of our lord, when he said. Turn thy sword in to the skabarde. So than the sword is thine/ & peradventure it is to be drawn out of the sheath, at thy will & commandment: albeit not with thine own hand/ for else if the sword did no manner way belong unto thee: Christ would not have made answer to the apostles, when they said, lo here. two. swords, under this manner as he did, saying it is enough, but he would have said it is to much/ it followeth therefore, that both swords belong to the church/ that is to wit both the spiritual & the material sword/ but this material sword is to be drawn out for the church, & the other spiritual sword is to be drawn out also of the church/ the one is to be drawn out with the preestis hand: the other with the hand of the soldier or man of war, but at the will of the priest, & commandment of the emperor. There be other very many auctorytes of saints, whereby the aforesaid things might be confirmed, but I have over hypped them here, first because that they are of the same or very like virtue & strength with the auctorites afore alleged/ & again because the manner of making answer both to them & these, is all one or very like. And last of all because of shortness to be had in this our ꝓcesse. Moreover these same things as it appeareth may be confirmed & strengthened by certain Decrees & decretals of the bishops of Rome/ for in them it is ꝓuyded & ordained, that all the ecclesiastical offices, & the benefices instytuted & ordained for the same offices, aught to be given by the bishop of Rome & other bishops & in no wise by him that is prince or governor by the authority/ it is ordained also by the same decretals & decrees: that preestis & clerks aught not to come under 
Plain trayson & heresy in the decretallꝭ.  the coactyve judgement of the said prince & governor, but rather that the princes aught to be under their coactyve judgement & by the same Decrees & decretals also it is confirmed, that all the powers do belong unto the bishop of Rome: which saint Bernarde ascribeth unto the said bishop, in his words afore rehearsed.   

¶ Of that answers to be made unto the aforesaid objections or reasons.  
The, xxviij, chapytre,  
THe resyde we of the second part of this book, is to expound conveniently & accordingly the auctorytes of the scripture, & to dissolve the human reasons & objections, which have been brought in, in the. iii chapytre, & also in the chapytre immediately afore go, of this diction/ which appear & seem to prove the contrary, of our determinations/ but first it shall be very expedient & welldone, to call to remembrance that, which we have said in the. xiv. chapiter of this dyction, according to the mind 
What scriptures we are bound to believe & to give credence unto  of saint Augustyne, & an infallible reason grounded upon the scripture/ that is to wit, that we are not bound of necessity of soul health, to believe surely, & to confess any scripture to be undoubtedly true, save only those scriptures which are called holy scriptures, that is to wit those which are contained in the body & volume of the Bible/ & those also which necessary followeth of the said canonycall scriptures/ wherefore we shall follow utterly the manifest lytterall sense of such 
How moche the expositions of old ancient doctors do bide & when they are to be admitted, and when with reverence to be refused.  auctorytes of the holy scripture, which needeth not any mystycall exposition/ & in such as needeth mystycall exposition, I shall leave & cleave unto the more prove able sentence & mind of sayntis. And as touching to the sentences, which they have spoken forth of their own proper authority, beside the scripture: such as are consonant & agreeable to the scripture or holy Canon, I will receive & allow/ but such as are disagreeing unto the said scripture, I shall reverently deny & refuse/ but yet none otherwise than by the authority of scripture, whereunto I will always leave & cleave fast/ for the holy exposytours & sayntis otherwiles do not agree together, but are of contrary opinions & sentence/ both about the scripture, & also in other things beside the scripture/ as Iherome & Augustyne dysagre about the text in the second chapytre to the Galatians/ the words been 
Iherome & Augustyne. dysagre.  these. And when Peter was come to Antyoche, I resisted him openly to his face because he was reprovable/ & again Ambrose & Iherome dysagre about the vyrgynyte of josephe/ yea moreover otherwiles one of the saints speaketh at 
Ambrose & Iherome dysagre.  one time contrary to that which himself spoke at an other time/ as it shall manifestly appear & be open of those things which hereafter followeth. ¶ Now therefore to make answer first unto the objections made in the last chapytre afore 
Answer made to the first objection, in the chapytre last paste.  go/ where it is reasoned, that bishops are of greater essencial or inseparable dignity, then simple priests (as they are called) by the. x. chapytre of Luke, where it is said/ that the lord marked forth or assigned also other. lxxii. etc. by whom after the exposition of Bede is figured the order of preestis, which he calleth the second order, that is to wit the next after the order of bishops, it is to be said, that according to the mind of the apostle, and to those things which have been brought in and alleged of the authority of saints in the. xv. chapiter of this diction, by these. lxxii. is figured more conveniently the order of deacons, than of priests/ or else it may be said conveniently, that it followeth not hereof of this, that a bishop hath a greater essential order than hath a priest. But that sending, whereby Christ sent them in to the world to preach, did signify rather the human election or instytution, by the which in deed one of them should be preferred unto an other in the ecclesiastical I conomye or admynystration/ for Christ did not then give unto them any essencyall dignity, when he said. Go you therefore & teach all nations: but he had given the essencyall dignity unto them afore that time/ and the case put, that at one or like time he had given to them both dygnytes or auctorytes: yet I do say, that the sending of them to preach, did not add unto them any intrynsecall perfection, which they had not before, when they received preesthode by the holy ghost/ and this secondary instytution of the apostles, above other that should be made preestis, was done by chryst, for because that at that time there was no multitude of chrysten people, by whom such manner election might be celebrated/ and though there had been: yet could it not have yet been done so conveniently by any multitude, as by chryst himself. For which cause the apostles also, after the passion & resurrection of Christ, reduced & brought themselves to election in devyding the provinces among themselves/ for it is read in the second chapytre to the Galatians thus, james, Peter & Iohn, gave the right hands of society & fellowship unto me/ & Barnabas, that we should go & preach among the gentiles, & they unto the jews/ and therefore the case put, that this choosing of the. lxxii. had been a figure such as Bede saith of the state of priests: yet I do say, that a bishop hath not any greater intrynsecall dignity, or perfection, or characte given immediately by god, than hath a priest being no bishop/ and the cause hereof hath been sufficiently assigned in the. xv. of this dyction. ¶ And to the second objection taken of the. u chapytre 
An answer to the second objection.  of the first epistle to Timothe, against a priest. etc. I do say, that Timothe received of the apostle no secondary instytution essential, over the other preestis of that province/ the institution & will of the which said apostle, was equivalent & of equal strength to an election/ because of the lack & insuffyciencie or rudyte and ignorance of the multitude of chrysten men/ wherefore the apostle in the. iii chapytre of the first epistle to the Corynthians, saith in this wise. And brethren I might not speak to you, as to spiritual persons: but as to carnal/ as unto babes in Christ: I have given you milk to drink, and not meat/ for you were not as yet of strength, no more you are of strength now/ for you are yet carnal people/ & this text we have opened & declared more largely in the. xvii. chapiter of this dyction & the. seven. part. ¶ And as for the authority which is alleged of the 
To the tfyrd objection. The epistle of Clement. Suspect Canons.  epistle of Clement, which is entitled to james the cozen of our lord: I do not receive it as undoubted/ for it is very greatly suspected, that it should not be the epistle of Clement, for cause of many things that are contained in the same epistle. Again these canons or epistles are suspected/ for in that epistle which is intyteled of the sacraments, of the apparel or vesture, and of the vessels unto james the cozen of our lord, and also in that which is entitled of the common life of the apostles, it is written as if Clement did tell unto james those things, which Christ did or wrought with his apostles. But this should have been a great ignorance, because I will not say a great presumption, of Clement: that he would go about to give knowledge of these things, which he had only hard, & as it were to teach them unto him which had been present at the doing of them, & had himself seen Christ and his apostles, of whom himself also was one/ for who could better instruct the disciples which were in jerusalem, of the life of Christ, & of his apostles: or whether aught to know more of the ecclesiastical custom or usage, the apostle think you, or he that was but the successor of an apostle: there is no man I trow that doubteth/ wherefore the epistles are to be accounted among the apocryse scriptures/ but though we did grant that the said epistles were the epistles of Clement (so as some men do affirm) trusting and grounding themselves upon fables & lyenge tales, yea in somoch that they do say, Clement because he was bishop of Rome, to have been of greater authority 
Clement bishop of Rome  in the church of god, than james the apostle/ of whom this question conveniently may & is to be asked, why the epistles of Clement are not put in the body of the holy Canon or bible, as well as the epistle of saint james is put there? yet for all that I will make answer unto these things, which in the said epistles shall seem to beconsonaunt & agreeable to the sentence and mind of Christ & of the apostles when we shall treat of the auctorytes of scripture, whereupon they seem to be grounded. ¶ But unto that objection, which saith, that this hath been the 
4  sentence or opinion & mind of all the bishops which hath succeeded saint Peter in the episcopal see of Rome. Answer is to be made, as we have answered to the first objection/ that their meaning was so as we declared there/ or if they understood or meaned otherwise than so, we do leave or forsake them, and do follow the apostle & Iherome in the. xv. and. xuj. chapiter of this dyction. ¶ But 
5  unto those auctorytes of the Canon or holy scripture, wherein it seemeth to be showed & proved, that saint Peter was superior to the other apostles in dignity, not only by man's law, but also by that immediate ordynation of chryst. And first where it was alleged of the xuj. of Mathewe. Thou art Peter & upon this stone I shall build & edyfye my church/ & to the I shall give the keys of the kingdom of heavens. etc. by which words Christ should seem to have made & instytuted Peter the heed & fundament of the church, at the left wise in his own absence: I do say that there hath been, & also is but only one heed, & foundation or groundwarke of the church, by the immediate ordynation of god, & that is chryst/ as we have proved undoubtedly by the scripture. Therefore unto that authority or text/ upon this stone I will edyfye my church: I do say accordingly to the gloze, the upon 
Chryst is the stone.  this stone, betokeneth upon Christ, on whom thou believest/ where the gloze between the lines, therefore called the gloze interlinear: addeth the words following. Thou art Peter, that is to say of me which am the stone/ but yet so that I do reserve & retain unto myself the dignity of the foundament or groundwarke. And Christ called him Peter, that is to say constant in the faith/ which thing we 
The interpretation of Peter.  do not deny/ for though we do grant that he was more constant & more perfit in merit than the other apostles: it followeth not therefore that he was afore them in dignity/ except only peradventure in time/ as we have evidently proved by the scripture in the chapytres afore alleged. And this sense which we have said to be the sense of the scripture, the exposition of saint Augustyne helpeth upon the same place. For Augustyne saith, & it is taken of his book of retractions/ I have said in a certain place of the apostle Peter, that upon him as upon the stone the church is edyfyed or builded/ but I know that I have afterwards very often times so expounded that saying of our lord/ thou art Peter & upon this stone I will edefye or build my church: that it should be understanded to be buyinded upon him, whom Peter confessed, saying/ Thou art Christ the son of the living god/ as if Peter called or having his name of this stone, should figure the person of the church, which is builded upon this stone/ for it was not said to him Tues Petra. i thou art the stone, but Tues Petrus. i Thou art Peter/ but the stone was Christ/ whom Simon confessing likewise as the whole church confesseth him, was called Peter. And the reason or cause hereof may be assigned according to that scripture. For Peter as log as he was a pylgryme in this world might err and sin by the liberty of his fire will/ wherefore he is read to have denied Christ/ and otherwiles not to have walked aryghte according to the verity of the gospel/ but such one could not be the foundament or ground stone of the church/ but Christ only was this stone (as it appeareth in the third chapytre of the first epistle to the Corynthyans') which could not err or do amiss/ for from the first instant of his conception, he was so confirmed and established in grace: that he could in no wise sin/ wherefore saint Paul in the place afore alleged saith. No man may put any other foundation, than that which hath been put or set: which is Christ Jesus'. And as concerning this addition. To the I shall give the keys of the kingdom of heavens this addition I say, giveth none authority to Peter upon or above the other apostles/ for this self same judiciary power he gave also to the other apostles, after the mind of saint Iherome, and of Rabane/ whose expositions or gloss we have brought in here tofore in the sixth chapytre of this diction, & the third part. Moreover because Christ seemeth not by these words to have given to him the power of the keys/ for he 
Chryste said I shall give the keys & not I do give.  saith I shall or will give to the/ which soundeth it for to come. He said not I do give/ but in the. xx. of Iohn he said indyfferently to all the apostles. receive you the holy ghost/ and whose sins you shall forgive: they are forgiven. etc. But this admitted that Peter by these words had received this authority: yet it is not concluded nor followeth hereof, but only that he was instytuted pastor or herdysman afore other in tyme. And in that that chryst vouchedsafe to give these keys singularly to him, albeit it were so in deed, yet he would no more thereby, but signify and betoken the unity of the church in faith, unto which unyte Christ hath called or provoked chrysten men, by the singular tradition or promise of the keys, as the gloze saith. Or else peradventure, because Peter did first of all other confess boldly, openly, & plainly, that Christ is the son of god: therefore he in time is first endowed & is honoured with the keys given to him, or is promised to be honoured/ that by such reward promised: an example should be given to the other also, so to confess Christ openly & boldly/ but yet for all this it is not therefore proved, that he was superior and afore other in dignity or authority. Albeit that some of the exposytours seem to say this of their own self, not 
That Peter was not superior.  having this of the scripture/ and that I do say the troth: the text of the gospel here following doth infallybly signify and declare, which is had in the. xx. of Mathe we, where Christ openly determining this question, said that none of them was superior one an other, for there was a contention risen or made among them, which of them should be greatest. And the same is had in the. xxii. of Mathewe. For Christ said unto them. But be not you in will to be called master/ among yourself one to an other/ for you have but one master and all you are brethren/ that is to say all you are equal. It followeth therefore that he excepted not one/ in as moche as he said all you are brethren or fellows/ 
An exposytour is not to be credeted be fore a plain text.  and it is a meruaylouse thing if we aught rather to give credence to the authority of the exposytoure or gloze maker: than of Christ himself, who soever that exposytoure is/ yea though he be a saint/ and specially saying that he speaketh this not as an exposytoure or gloze maker, but of his own proper mind. For the text of the scripture is so open & plain, that it needeth no gloze in this thing. Moreover because the gloss selves say the contrary, expounding the second chapytre to the Galatians/ as it hath been declared in the. xuj. of this diction. And we have treated this matter suffycyentlye and seryouslye in the. iiii. and. xv. of this diction/ neither we will Iterate or rehearse again all the probations, because the thing is evidently known/ and for cause of speed and shortness to be had. ¶ But to the other authority taken of Luke in the. xxii. chapiter, where 
6  Chryste said to saint Peter/ but I have prayed for thee, Peter: that thy faith shall not fail. And when thou art once converted, confirm thou thy brethren. Of which text some men do infer and conclude two things/ the one is that the faith of the church of Rome only can not fail/ because that Christ by the faith of Peter, understand also the faith of the successors of Peter/ and consequently, that the bishop successoure unto him is the cheyfe and principal of all other. The second is, that by these words Chryste made him prelate of the other apostles/ but I do say, that neither of these two things do follow of the words of Chryste, by the virtue and strength of the words. For in this consequence or argument, the contrary rather of that that is inferred and concluded, standeth with the antecedent or with that whereof it is inferred. Secondarylye I do prove by the scripture that neither of them doth follow/ and that by the words of Christ himself and none other. The first of the two, that is to say, that the faith of the church of Rome only can not fail, I prove to be false, in that that Christ said to them all in the last chapytre of Mathewe. Go you therefore and teach all nations. etc. And loo I am with you at all times even unto the ending of the world. If Christ than did promise himself to be with the other apostles, at all times, even unto the world shall be at an end, it followeth than that he understood also of the successors of the other apostles, if the other aucthory ●ie brought for them, aught to be understanded of the successors of Peter. Again if the bishop of Rome be called syngularelye or specially the successoure of Peter, it is undoubted and evidently known, that a certain heretic, or certain heretics have been made bishops in that see/ as it hath been showed of Liberius and of certain other pope's & it hath been proved in the. xuj. of this diction: that the bishop of Rome is not syngularlye or severally the successor of 
Liberius pope.  saint Peter/ for the causes assigned according to the scriptures in the same chapytre. And the second consequence or argument likewise is of no strength that is, that the bishop successor unto Peter is the cheyfe and principal of all other which thing I prove also by the scripture. For Paul gave somewhat unto Peter, and did profit and help him in the gospel, and not contrary wise Peter unto Paul/ as we have alleged heretofore sufficiently of the second chapytre to the Galatians in the. xuj. chapiter of this part. And (which is a more evident thing) The words of Christ afore alleged of the. xx. of Mathewe, and of the. xxii. of Luke: destroyeth this consequence, by which words plainly & openly Christ defined & hath determined the contrary/ wherefore the gloze expounding this place saith thus. As I have defended the by my prayer, that thou shouldest not fail: so do thou comfort the weak brethren, by the example of the penance or repentance, that they do not despair of forgiveness/ understanding & meaning by brethren indyfferently all chrysten men/ which words also he speaking to Peter: gave knowledge to the other apostles, that they should do the same/ wherefore in the. xiii. of Mark he said. That I say to one, or else after the other letter, but coming all to one sense. That I do say to you, I do say to all. Or peradventure he spoke these words, specially to Peter (& this seemeth also to be the mind of the gloze) because Christ knew before, that Peter should deny him, wherefore thou being once converted & repentant, comformeth and strength thy brethren, by the example of thy repentance, because he would that he which had obtained forgiveness, should by his words, & example of himself, comfort or confirm singularly those that were weak in the faith, that they should not despair of for gyvenes. ¶ And to the other authority of the scripture taken of the .xxi. of Iohn, by 
7  which certain men go about to prove and conclude the same, because that Christ said to saint Peter, fede my sheep/ fede my lambs: it is to be said first, that after the mind of the gloze this is the sense and meaning of this text, that to feed the sheep: is to comfort them that believeth, that they do not despair, and 
To feed sheep what it betokeneth.  to provide earthly subsydyes, succour, or releave, if need be: to their subjects/ to give them examples of virtues/ to withstand the adversaries of the faith/ to correct or amend them that sin or do amiss/ and it followeth in the gloze. And when he heareth the third time, that Peter doth love him: than he biddeth 
Mark this.  him feed his sheep. This knowledging of his love toward Christ three times: is set against his thryes' denying of Christ/ that his tongue should no less do service to love: than it had afore done service to fear. But yet it is not hereof proved or concluded, but only that chryst did instytue him apostle or feather of sheep and it followeth not for all that hereof, that he made him superior or afore the other apostles in authority or dignity/ neither again it followeth hereof, that the other apostles have not been instytuted pastors and herdysmen. For the contrary of both these conclusyons: standeth with the auncedent/ that is to wit with the words or saying of Christ afore recited/ & that these aforesaid things are true: it may be proved by this, that the catholic church singeth one preface 
The preface of the Mass upon the feast of any of the apostles, is alone.  indyfferently of all the apostles, which is this following. Verily it is according, and right, reasonable, and wholesome, humbly to beseech the at all times, that thou which art the eternal pastor do not forsake thy flock: but that thou do keep them with continual protection by thy blessed apostles, that it may be governed by the same governors & rulers: whom thou hast given to the same church as pastors or herdysmen, vycars & debytꝭ of thy work or offyce. Lo here that the church calleth the apostles in the plurell number governors, vycars, & herdysmen by the immediate collation or gift of chryst/ & she doth not call any one of them alone, a governor/ vycare, or herdysman constytuted by Christ/ and to him that will ask, why Christ spoke these words syngulerlye to Peter: it is to be answered/ that Christ sometime directed his speech to a man in his own proper person/ as in the forgiveness of sins/ in the healing of sick men/ and in the reysing of deed men to life/ and otherwiles he did direct his speech to one in the person of all, or of many as in the. u chapytre of Iohn, when he said, 
Chryst directeth his speech sometime to one in the person of all.  go and sin no more jest it chance or happen worse unto the/ wherefore Christ in commytting or betaking that offyce to Peter: he spoke unto him in the person of all the apostles/ as he himself witnesseth or recordeth this manner of speaking of his own, in the. xiii. of Mark, when he said, that which I do say to one, or to you: I do say to all/ but yet he directed his speech specially unto Peter: because he was more ancient or aged, or because he was more fervent in charity/ or else because he would signify and give knowledge to the church that was to come after, what manner herdysmen aught to be instytuted/ that is to wit, men ripe in age/ by which is betokened wisdom or knowledge, and also men 
Mark this my maystres of the church for your discharge.  fervent and full of charity/ by which is signified cure and diligence, which herdysmen or curates ought to have. Or else peradventure jest Peter might seem more abject or vile, and more out of favour, because he had denied chryst/ which seemeth to be the mind of the gloze, where it saith/ against his thryes' denying: he now maketh thryes' confession or knowledging/ that his tongue should not do less service to love, than it had done afore to fear/ for this is sure and undoubted, that it was said indyfferently to them all in the last chapytre of Mathewe, Go you therefore and teach all nations or people's/ and he said not to Peter go thou and send thou other/ in which thing he signified them all to be of equal authority, as we have also afore alleged of the. xiii. of Mathewe, when he said unto them, be not in will to be called master/ understand thou, one in comparison of an other, or one upon an other or other of you/ for you have all but one master, and all you are brethren. Or else it is to be said, and very probably, & as me think agreeable & according to the truth, that for so moche Christ said unto Peter, feed thou my sheep: that he would commit and betake specially unto him, because of his constancy and boldness, the people of Israel or of the jews which was a styfnecked and stubborn people toward god/ as it appeareth in the. xxxiii. of Exodus, and the apostle allegeth by Esaie the profit, in the last chapytre of the acts/ for chryst came principally to convert and save the said people/ wherefore he said in the. xv. of Mathewe, I am not sent but unto the sheep, which are perished of the house of Israel/ understand thou, I am not sent principally. And therefore he seemeth to have committed the cure of this people specially unto Peter, when he said/ fede thou my sheep. And this also seemeth to be the plain and open sentence of the apostle, when he said in the second to the Galatians when they had seen and perceived, that unto me was committed and betaken the preaching of the gospel unto the gentiles, as unto Peter was betaken the preaching of the gospel unto the circumcised people of the jewe. etc. where the gloze after the mind of saint Augustyne, saith/ when they had seen, that the gospel of incyrcumcision was betaken unto me (as being faithful, & principally) as the gospel of cyrcumcysion was betaken to Peter. For chryst had given unto Paul, that he should mynystre the gospel to the gentiles: which also 
Peter preached to the jews and Paul to the gentiles.  had given to Peter, that he should mynystre the same to the jews/ but yet for all that this dyspensation was so dystrybuted unto them, that both Peter might preach to the gentiles, if a cause had required it so to be done: and Paul also to the jews. And I do not see or perceive, that Paul or any other saint could take or gather of any other place of the scripture, that the people of the jews was specially and principally betaken unto Peter: but only hereof: because Christ said unto him, feed my sheep, saying that Paul doth say in the second chapytre to the Galatians, that the preaching of the gospel to the gentiles, was betaken to him: as the preaching of the same to the cyrcuncysed people was betaken to Peter. For if the preaching of the gospel unyversally or generally had been committed unto Peter more than to Paul, or to the other apostles: than truly Paul should have spoken the aforesaid words inconuenyently/ yea more over all his speech had been vain, and the comparison which he made in it/ according to the gloss of saints and of other doctors. Upon these three points of the scripture aforesaid: we shall speak in the end of this chapytre, lest it might chance us to iterate or rehearse again one and the same thing very oft.  
¶ But unto the saying of the apostle in the second chapytre to the Galatians 
8  by which it seemed that he was inferior or less than Peter in authority, for as much as he said, I conferred or compared with them the gospel, which I do preach among the gentiles, jest I might run or had run in vain. etc. It is to be said first, & answered according to the gloze of saint Augustyne upon this place/ for he saith. And I have not learned of them, as being greater or superiors unto me: but I have conferred with them, as being nigh friends & egalles. And as touching to that, which the gloze bringeth in according to the mind of saint Iherome upon the text, jest I might run in vain. etc. he showeth here (saith the gloze after Iherome) that he had not securyte, nor was out of doubt of the gospel that he preached, except it had been confirmed and strengthened or fortyfyed by the authority of Peter & of the other apostles: I do say with reverence, that this gloze other should be contradictory & plain against it own self, in that which is said afterwards after the mind of the same Iherome, if it be so understanded, as he doth seem to intend, which is adversary to this sentence, which we have said: or else this gloze after the mind of Iherome must be understanded, according to that which followeth in the same gloze after the mind of saint Augustyne. For this was not the cause, why he did confer his gospel with them, for that he doubted that he had not the certainty of the gospel: but this was the cause of the said conferring, that it should be the more be 
●he cause w●● Paul conferred with Peter & other  leved of the herers, when he said, that he had conferred it with them, which had been conversant with Christ/ whose witness or testimony was the more probable and like to be true/ wherefore that saying, jest I might run in vain or had run. etc. aught not to be referred to the default of the apostle by himself, or of his own part: neither to any doubting which he had in the gospel/ for this gospel he received or learned not of man, neither by man, but by the imedyate revelation of god/ as he saith his own self in the first to the Galatians. Moreover in the second chapytre to the Galatians the apostle making mention of this collation or comparing of his gospel: saith in this wise. And they which seemed to be of authority and greatly esteemed: gave no thing unto me: but I to them/ where the gloze after the mind of Augustyne saith/ as who should say, I do not therefore have recourse again the former things, done by me, for they are sufficient for the commendation of me, saying that they which seemed to be somewhat, that is to wit, Peter and other which were with the lord, have given, that is to say, have added nothing unto me/ wherein it is evident, that I am not inferyor unto them, which am so made perfit of the lord and of god that there was no thing, that they could add to my perfection, in this conferring of my gospel with them. For he that gave wisdom & knowledge to those three unlearned men: he hath also given knowledge unto me. And it followeth afterwards in the gloze after the mind of saint Iherome. They gave or addednothing to me: but I gave or added somewhat to Peter/ and again afterwards/ I resisted or withstood him, as equal unto him/ for he would not have been bold to do these things: if he had not known himself not to be unegall. Therefore that saying jest I should run in vain. etc. ought to be referred unto the 
Jest I should run in vain.  hearers which peradventure would not have given credence else unto him: or at the jest wise not so much credence unto him/ and by the reason thereof should have remained void or empty/ and he likewise should have been void in them/ that is to say, should have been dysapoynted and have myssed of his purpose and intent in them. For asmuch as he should not have engendered any faith in them, which he intended by the course of his preaching. And this is it also which followeth afterwards in the same gloze after the mind of saint Augustyne/ for the apostle Paul being called by a voice from heaven, after the ascension of Christ, if he should not communycate and be partner or fellow with the apostles, and should not confer his gospel with them so that it might appear that he was one of the same fellowship or company: the church would give no credence to him at all/ but when the church had known, that he did preach the same gospel that the apostles did, and that he lived in the communion and unity of them, such miracles also being done by him, as they did work/ then by such commendation of the lord he deserved authority, and to be regarded in the church, that his words be so heard in the church: as if Christ were herd speaking in him, as he himself said most truly. Than it followeth of these words of the gloze, that Paul deserved authority or to be regarded, by the commendation of Christ/ and he said not, Peter or the other apostles commending him/ or causing him to be accepted. And it followeth a little afterwards in the gloze, after the mind of the same Augustyne/ wherefore he conferred his gospel with them, & took their right hands. For he preached the same word of god that they did: though he 
Why saint Paul conferred the gospel with the apostles.  received not it by them. For that conferring of his gospel with them, showed that it was all one kind of doctrine: all spots or dyversite of lepry clean shaken away. This than was the cause of his conferring of his gospel with them/ that all scrupules and doubtfulness of the varyete and diversity of his doctrine & theirs, should be rid and taken away from the hearers. And this is it which the gloze had said afore: after the mind of Augustyne. For he said I went up again to Iherusalem. etc. I went up I say, with Barnabas which was of the jews, taking also Titus unto me, which was of the gentiles/ As who should say, I have witness and records of both nations/ by which it should be plain & evident, that it was not true, but false, that I did preach one thing to the jews, and an other thing to the gentiles. And I did ascend not only after this disposition and order, as I have rehearsed: but also according to the revelation of god. And I have not learned of them as being greater than I or superyours to me/ but I have conferred with them, as with my friends & egalles, the gospel of chryst which I preach among the gentiles. This thing he did for the assertion and defending of his own preaching for many men were in doubt of the doctrine of the apostle, the jews trowbeling and disquyeting their minds which scruple and doubt it pleased god to take away. And therefore not by the delyberation of man, but by the revelation of god: the apostle, (as he saith himself) went up to jerusalem, to confer his gospel with them/ not for any doubtfulness that he himself had of his gospel that he preached: but that the said scruple or doubtfulness should be rid out and taken away from the minds of his hearers. And where it was alleged of the gloze upon the second chapytre 
How Paul was an hyndermore pastor than Peter was.  to the Galatyanes', that Paul was an hyndermore pastor than saint Peter the apostle: it is to be said, that the gloze maker spoke properly. For saint Paul was called the later of them two unto apostleshyp/ and therefore he was posteryor, that is to say hindermore in time/ but he was not therefore inferyor in authority/ neither did the gloze express this: but rather the contrary/ so than of the aforesaid & now rehearsed things, it appeareth evidently, that neither Peter, neither any other of the apostles was greater than Paul: but that he was friend & equal to them, in the authority immediately given unto them by Christ. And if there have been any pryoryte among them: it is to be considered to have been ꝑaduenture by the election of them among theyr selfe or else after such manner, after which we said saint Peter to have been head or cheyfe of the apostles, in the xuj. chapiter of this dyction. And to the saying taken of the book of Isodore, in the chapiter, whose title is Incipit pfatio Niceni concilii, where it is said thus: it is to be known verily of all catholic men, that the holy church of Rome is preferred to other & made princypal, not by any synodal Decrees: but it hath obtained prymacie by that voice or words of our lord and saviour in the gospel, so also understanding of the bishop of the same church: the saying of Isodore, & of who soever saith so beside Isodore without the Canon: is to be denied/ for the church of Rome 
The church of Rome hath been preferred unto other by man's law only.  hath been instytuted and made most principal and the heed of the other churches, by the Decrees of the Roman emperors, and by the consent of the other churches, as it were by a certain election. Moreover that doth not follow of the aforesaid authority of the Canon: which Isodore doth infer. But the illation or argument of him may be put by, or if any other man, who soever shall so say by those things which have been determined of us in the. xv. chapiter of this dyction in the. viii. part of it/ and in the. xuj. chapiter in the. xiii. and. xiiii. part. And unto the auctortye whereby he goth about to fortyfye these sayings, taken of the. xuj. of Mathewe, Thou art Peter and upon this stone I wylledyfy my church. etc. it hath been answered heretofore. ¶ And unto that reason or argument, 
9  by which it was deduced that the church is but one/ and that there is but one principal or highest bishop, because of the unity of the faith, according to the mind of the apostle in the. iiii. chapiter to the Ephesyans: it is to be said, taking the church in his proper signification for the multitude or congregation of chrysten people: that there is so but one church as there is but one faith. 
One church.  And because there is not one singular faith in number, in all chrysten men, but one faith in kind or in general: therefore the argument concludeth not, that the 
One faith in kind.  church is otherwise one than so, that is to wit in general/ And when it is added, that the church is not one but by the reason that there is one syngulare bishop in number, which is superyoure to all other. I deny this/ and though I did grant it, yet to the other illation that this pryncipal bishop or heed is the bishop of Rome by the instytution of god imedyatly: I deny this illation or argument with all his probations. For asmuch as neither Peter was the stone, upon which the church was grounded or builded, but Christ, as we have showed here above in this present chapytre, & in the. xuj. chapiter of this dyction, by the scripture/ and again because the bishop of Rome is not so syngulerlye or specially the successor of saint Peter, or of any other apostle imedyatly, by the instytution of god, that any superyoure authority should be therefore dew unto him in comparison of the other bishops/ as it hath been showed in the chapytre of this diction afore alleged/ but if any such syngularyte be in the said bishop: it belongeth to him by the instytution or election of men. ¶ And to the confy: 
10  macyon of this reason, where it is said, that there aught to be one bishop or bysshopryche, which should be as the principal and heed of all spiritual men and things, likewise as there is one prince or cheyfe governor of all temporal men and things in one realm, this comparison or similitude may be denied/ for 
It is necessary that there be but one prince in one realm. 11  it is necessary, that there be but one prince or heed governor in number in one realm, for all the contencyous acts of men/ as it hath been showed in the. xvii. of the first dyction/ which munerall unity is not necessarily required to be in any of the other offices of a community or realm. ¶ And to the other reason or argument, where it is said, that as in one temple or church there is but one bishop, so likewise it ought to be in whole chrystendome/ it is to be said first, that it is not of the necessity of health, neither by the precepts of god's law, that there is but one bishop in one church/ but there might be many bishops in one church as we have showed in the. xv. chapiter of this dyction, by 
Many bishops in one church. By what authority there is but one bishop in every diocese.  the. xx. chapiter of the acts, and by the apostle in very many other places, and by the epistle of saint Iherome to Euandre/ but that afterwards in later time there is instytuted but only one overseer or bishop so called by excellemye, in one church or diocese, which is preferred to other priests in the Iconomye or ordering of the church: this cometh imedyatlye of the instytution of man, and not of any necessity compelling thereunto by the law of god. And if there were any such necessity compelling hereunto by the law of god: yet the similitude holdeth not. For it is not all one and the same necessity that there be but one orderer or governor in one house, and that there be but one gonernoure in a whole city or community or in many provyncꝭ. For they that be not in one and the same house or family, needeth not to have one orderer or governor in number, for as much as they are not partakers one of them with an other, of meats and other things necessary to their sustenance/ of mansion and of bed & board/ neither are conversant together in such manner unity, as they be which are of one famylye or household. For this reason should conclude also that there ought to be but one orderer or governor in number, in the hole world/ which is neither expedient, neither true. For it is sufficient to the quiet conversation and living together of men, that there be but one prince or head governor in number, in every one province, as we have said in the. xvii. of the first diction or part. But it seemeth not yet to have been proved, that there aught to be but one coactyve judge of all men of the necessity of eternal salvation, albeit that the unity of such a coactyve judge seemeth to be more necessarelye required among chrysten men than the unity: of one universal or general bishop/ for because that a general prince may keep crysten people in unity: more than may an universal or general bishop. For in the old times sysmatykes were compelled by the princes to keep the unity of the faith, But they could not have been compelled by the bishops, because they lacked authority coactyve, which said authority is not due to them nor sitting or seemly for them in that that they are bishops, as it hath been proved in the. x. chapytre of the first part of this book, and hath be more largely confirmed by the scripture and auctorytes of saints, and by other reasons in the. iiii. u viii. ix. and. x. chapytres of this dyction. ¶ And unto that authority of john in the. xv. chapiter, that there shall be made one fold, and one pastor, or 
12  one herdysman: it is to be said that Christ spoke of his own self/ for he only was the general herdysman, and the head or cheyf and principal of all pastors 
One pastor or herdysman  and herdysmen, and none other after him likewise as he only was the head and foundation of the church, as we have showed in the. xuj. of this diction and also have repeated in very many other places/ & this was the open & plain lyteral sentence & mind of saint Peter. For in his first canonycal epistle & the. u chapytre he saith/ when the heed or principal pastor shall come (speaking of chryst) you shall receive glory that never shall fade. This also is the sentence and mind of saints upon this place/ for the gloze after the mind of Gregory saith/ he maketh as it were one fold of two flocks/ for he joineth together the people of the jews, & of the gentiles, in his faith/ Lo how & after what manner there is 
One fold, & after what manner.  made one fold/ that is to wit, in the unity of faith/ saint Gregory did not say that there was made one fold, because that all chrysten men are set or put under the bishop of Rome, or any other one bishop beside Christ. Again Theophilus saith upon that same place/ for there is all one & the same seal or mark of baptysme, to all men. One herdysman, the word of god. Let Manicheis therefore take heed & mark, that there is one fold, and that there is one herdysman, of the old and the new testament/ for the making of this unity of the fold, in no place Peter or Paul or any other apostles is named, but only the unity of faith, and the person of Christ/ which alone by the imedyate ordynation of god, is heed and foundation or ground work of all the church, and principal or cheyfe of all herdysmen/ as we have said by the premisses, and have showed of certainty in the. xuj. of this diction. ¶ And to the other objection or argument, whereby it is 
13  concluded, that the bishop of Rome alone, or with his college of cardinals one lie, is the principal cause effective of the secondrye institution of all other mynystres of the church/ and that it is in his power other medyate, or imedyate, or else both, to assign or determine temples to the same mynystres/ I make answer denrenge it. And when it is confirmed by the authority of Ambrose, of De tradend is basilicis, which saith, that it can not be the right of Cesar, to determine or instytute priests to temples or churches, because the church belongeth to god, it is to be answered and said, that Ambrose spoke this therefore, because at that time, and in those days, it was ieoperdouse to permytte the gift of such manner offices, that is to wit, the cures & charge of souls, unto the Emperors of Rome: because they were not yet sufficiently confirmed and established in the faith, but rather certain of the said emperors and romayne princes, did faver more other whiles the preestis that were heretics than those priests which were verily faithful & in the true belief. As did the same Ualentiniane the 
Valentinian the Emperor.  emperor, to whom saint Ambrose written & directed the aforesaid epistle, De tradendis basilicis/ but yet for all that, the faith being rooted & established both in subjects & in the princes & in such manner community: the election & instytution of bishops, & of other curatis, having charge of man's soul, is both more surely & safely, & also more profitably, & more conformably to the law of god▪ made or done by the authority of the chrysten princes: than by the will of one priest, which we do see lightly, and in a manner daily, to be perverted and corrupted, through prayer, or money/ love/ or hatred/ or else by some other synystre & crooked affection. Neither did Ambrose ever say, that this authority did belong to the bishop of Rome, or else to any other bishop/ but for the aforesaid cause he said, that the church or temple belongeth only to god, and to his faithful multitude of chrysten people, as being the church in his principal and first signification, of the which church Christ is the heed. Neither did Ambrose other say or think the contrary hereof. And it is a sign hereof, that is to wit, that Ambrose as being a bishop and herdysman of chrysten men, did strive only herefore, that the chrysten flock should not be committed to the governance of an evil priest or being an heretic: for as much as he said in the first epistle to Ualentiniane in this wise. And would to god I known surely and evidently, that the church should not be committed to the Arrianes I would then willingly of mine own 
The church is not to be committed to heretics. A bishop infected may be deposed.  mind offer myself to the will and pleasure of your majesty. And that he must needs have meaned so about the tradition & gift of churches, as we have now said, and have manyfestlye proved also in the. xvii. of this diction. For if a bishop or priest, which were infected with heresy, should occupy a rometh in any church in a community of chrysten men, and would not give place: it is undoubted, that such manner person may lawfully be compelled and rightfully, by a judge coactyve, and by power of arms, according to the laws of men. But this coactyve, judgement and power is not the authority of any priest, as the same Ambrose witnesseth, and truly, in his epistle, which is entitled Ad plebem/ that is to say to the common people/ for he saith. Against the Goths, & men of war also, my tears are mine armour and weapons. For such are the munymentes & defence of a priest/ otherwise I neither may, neither aught, to resist/ howbeit this thing also hath been concluded by demonstration, in the. xv. and. xvii. of the first diction/ and hath been also confirmed by the authority of scripture and of saints, and by other probations also, in the. iiii. u viii. and. ix. of this diction. And therefore it is safely to be held, that saint Ambrose did so mean as we have said. For the apostle Paul also appelled unto Cesar/ as we have heretofore alleged of the. xx. chapiter of the acts. So than it seemeth to appertain to the authority of the prince and governor, to give the temples or churches to be disposed & ordered, and to instytute priests in them/ which thing also the catholic kings of France do in certain churches/ recognysing neither bishop or priest, as from whom this authority should be derived unto them. And so we do believe and suppose, that Ambrose did mean, and ought to mean, if he meaned truly. And if he meaned contrary to this, which we do know and 
Remember ever that the authority of doctors, is of no force with out the authority of holy scripture.  believe to be the sentence of the holy Canon or scripture: than leaving his opinion, which we are not compelled or bound to believe of the necessity of salvation, for asmuch as his scripture is not canonycall/ & cleaving to the canonycall scriptures: I do hold the sentence, which I have said as being true, And where as it seemed, of the same authority of Ambrose to be inferred and concluded, that unto the bishop of Rome appertaineth by the authority of god immediately the highest jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical temporalles, which for their offices are given to the evangelical mynystres: it appeareth of the aforesaid things, that this illation or argument is weak, & of no strength/ as we have also sufficiently concluded in the. xvii. chapiter of this dyction/ which sentence in this point saint Ambrose also doth confirm in the aforesaid epistle De tradendis basilicis. 
Ambrose.  i of the giving of churches, where he saith thus. If he desireth tribute (that is to wit the emperor) we do not deny it him/ the lands of the church payeth tribute. If the emperor desireth the lands: he hath power & authority to challenge them. None of us letteth or stoppeth him. The collation or gift of the people may be sufficient and more than enough to poor men/ let them not make envy of the lands, let him take them if it pleaseth him I do not give them to the emperor: but I do not deny them to him/ but peradventure some man will object, which secheth always to defend the lands, saying that these lands are the right of the spouses of Christ (having little care for the defending of the true spouses, that is to wit, of the holy catholic faith) as the king & kingdom or 
The holy catholic faith is the true spouses of Christ.  realm of Armenye can manyfestlye bear witness unto him, that saint Ambrose spoke these words, not because that the lands of the church of right aught to pay tribute: but because it was required of them by the violence & oppression of the emperors. Forsooth this is a false exposition, which certain also of the bishops of Rome with their complyces oftentimes doth use for to decline and avoid the coactyve jurisdiction of the princes or emperors saying that theyr selues in deed are brought violently, and not by right or laufullye in to secular judgement/ for Christ said the contrary in the. nineteeen. of Iohn/ and we have alleged his words here tofore in the. iiii. chapiter of this dyction. And this is it which Ambrosesaythe afterwards, according to the sentence which we do hold agreablye to the Canon or scripture, when he saith these words following/ we do pay to Cesar, those things which belongeth to Cesar/ and to god: those things which appertaineth to him. Tribute belongeth to Cesar: it in not denied him. Therefore tribute, & jurisdiction upon the ecclesiastical temporalles belong 
The churches pay trybutꝭ. 14  to the emperor, not violently: but of right. ¶ And to the other illation or argument, by which it seemeth to be concluded, that all the college of clerks is subject to the bishop of Rome by coactyve jurisdiction, because he is cheyfe and heed of all by the ordination of god: the auncedent is to be denied. For it hath been showed afore, that no bishop or priest is by the immediate ordination of god, or by the law of god, inferyor or subject to the bishop of Rome, in any authority, other essencyallye or accydentallye dew to a priest. ¶ And as touching to that which is consequently brought in of the book of I sodore, 
15  of the words of Constantyne, it is to be said, that it was a word of speech of exhortation and of monition, by which the said honourable and devout Constantyne did show what manner men bishops and priests aught to be/ For they ought to be such manner men both one of them to an other among themselves, and also unto other men/ that they ought not, or need not to contend or strive in secular judgement/ according to the doctrine of the apostle in the. vi. chapiter of the first to the Corynthyans'/ wherefore do you not (saith he) rather take injury? why do you not rather suffer damage: than have iudgementis among you. etc. And to that which is added, of the saying of Constantyne. God hath given unto you power to judge of us. etc. it is to be said, that it is true by 
I think this to be a loudelye forged in the name of Constantyne, as was the gift, called the donation or gift of Constantyne. The bishop of Rome is no more gods vycare, nor beareth his stead in earth otherwise, than an other bishop.  judgement of the first signification, but not coactyve of any man in this world of which judgement it hath been spoken suffycientlye, in the. vi. seven. viii. and ix. of this dyction. And yet it followeth not of the aforesaid text brought in of Isodore, whether it were spoken of Constantyne, or not spoken: that the other bishops are subject in jurisdiction to the bishop of Rome. For Constantyne saith/ Abide you or wait for the judgement of god only between you/ and your brawls or strifes, what soever they be: let them be reserved to that divine judgement: he said not to the examynation or judgement of the bishop of Rome. And where it is added that the bishop of Rome is god's vicar and beareth god's stead in earth: it is to be said that he beareth no more the stead of god by the ordynation of god imedyatlye: than doth any other bishop/ as it hath been showed and said here tofore: Neither if he did bear the stead of Christ in earth/ as touching to the teaching and ministering of spiritual things: yet for all that it followeth not therefore, that he beareth the stead of Christ as touching to coactyve judgement upon any lay man or clerk/ as it hath been showed heretofore of the. iiii. and. u of this dyction, & very many other places/ but in this thing that is to wit, in coactyve judgement: the princes are the mynystres of god/ as the apostle Paul said in the. xiii. to the Romans/ and saint Peter in the second chapytre of his first Canonycall epistle. Again I put the case that Constantyne had affirmed and said openly this to be true: I would deny his saying. 
Constantine'S sayings are not Canonycall/ or any part of the Canon or scripture.  For it is neither Canonycall, neither necessarelye following of the Canonycall scripture/ but if he had ordained this to be observed by the manner of a Decree or constitution: it should be expedient that it were observed and kept as other laws of men, but not as a thing imedyatly ordained by the ordynation of god/ but it appeareth evidently and openly of the very words of Isodore, that all bishops are subject to the emperor of Rome by coactyve jurisdiction/ for the bishops of their own accord, and uncompelled did bring their contentions & stryves to the judgement of the emperor, & not to the judgement of the bishop of Rome/ desiring his examynation & judgement/ as Isodore telleth in the same place. ¶ And when it is furthermore inferred of the same auncedentꝭ, that 
16  it belongeth to the authority of the bishop of Rome alone, or else of him with his college of preestis only, to call together general councils of priests, & of other chrysten men, and to ordain other things in the same counsel, whereof we have made mention in the argumentation or objection. The illation or argument is to be denied with his auncedent. For the contrary of the auncedent, & of the consequence is true. And to the confyrmations hereof grounded upon the authority or saying of Isodore, because they do not suffer or receive interpretation, for as much as he hath expressed this sentence: I do answer denying them all/ because they are dissonaunt and disagreeing from the holy Canon or scripture/ and from the demonstration or argument grounded upon the same scripture. ¶ And unto that which Iherome said in his epistle, entitled the exposition 
17  of the catholic faith, in which exposition dyrecting his words to the bishop of Rome, he saith in this wise. We desire to be amended of thee, which keepest or holdest the faith and the seat of Peter. In which words he seemeth to mean, that the bishop of Rome is syngularely and specially the successoure of saint Peter: it is to be answered & said, that saint Iherome for so much said, that the bishop of Rome holdeth or keepeth the faith or seat of saint Peter, because saint Peter is read to have sit as bishop in the church of Rome/ and because this church by the statute and ordinance of man is the heed and principal of all other churches, therefore he nameth it, and the bishop thereof to be the successor of the most worthy and most perfit apostle. Albeit that by the imedyate ordination of god: Peter neither is, neither hath been, in any authority immediately given to him by Christ, superior to the other apostles/ as we have heretofore brought in & fully proved in the. xuj. of this dyction/ and to that which Iherome addeth/ But this our confession be approved and allowed by the judgement of thine apostleshyp & in which saying Iherome seemeth to mean, that it appertaineth to the authority of the bishop of Rome alone, to define & determine the doubtful sentences of the law of god, also in the articles of the faith: it is to be answered & said, that Iherome did not so mean/ but he spoke these words only for so much, because it did belong to the bishop of Rome, to give answers of such doubts, which had be defined & determined by the general council, about the catholic faith/ and about the ecclesyastycall customs and ceremonies. For the bishop of Rome & his church was for this cause made heed & most principal of all other churches. And a token that Iherome did mean so as we have said, is this/ for that in his epistle to Euandre, repreving & rebuking certain usagꝭ & customs or manners about the deacons: of the church of Rome he saith thus/ if authority be sought for: the whole world is greater than a city/ that is to say the authority of all the churches of the world: is greater than the authority of the church of Rome. But yet if it had been so, that Iherome had meaned that the bishop of Rome alone, had this said authority appertaining to him: I do refuse his sentence, as being not canonycall/ neither necessarelye deduced & concluded by the canonycall scripture. ¶ And to that which was brought 
18  in of the. xv. of Luke, he that heareth you heareth me. etc. it is to be answered & said, that it is true, who soever heareth you in teaching the true word of god/ and speaking accordynglye & agreablye to the scripture, & not blasfeming unjustly/ after which manner Christ said of the pharysyes. Do such things as they do say/ that is to say, do such things which they do say according to the law of god, as saint Iherome saith in the .xxiii. chapiter of Mathewe upon this saying of Christ imedyatly afore rehearsed. Or else thus/ who soever heareth you. etc. in the things commanded or prohybyted by the law of god, he is bound. ¶ And to the reasons of Bernarde, and first of all unto that, which is taken of the second 
19  book De consideratione, unto Eugenius pope, who art thou? (saith Bernarde) & the same making answer, saith/ a great priest/ highest bishop. It is to be answered & said, that if he understood this by the imedyate ordynation of god, or 
Sacerdos magnus.  by the commandment of god's law, his answer is to be denied/ for so it should not be consonant & agreablye to the holy Canon or scripture, neither to the things necessarelye deduced and following of the said scripture. But if he did understand this prymacye or pryncypalyte to agree or belong unto him by the election or instytution of men than it is an other thing. And when he addeth, thou art the principal or cheyfe of bishops, it is true taking this word princeps 
Princeps episcoporum.  largely/ that is to say more pryncipal by the aforesaid institution/ but taking this word princeps straightly & narrowly, the saying of Bernarde is not to be granted. For the same Bernarde denieth the same Eugenius, & consequently any other bishop to have dominion or soveraygnte/ as we have alleged heretofore in the u. chapytre of this dyction, of the first book, and the. u chapytre to the said Eugenius. Thou art the heir or successor of the apostles/ so also are the other bishops Thou art (saith Bernarde) in prymacie Abel/ that is true, thou art taken 
Abel.  choose for him, but yet by the election of men, or for the reverence of him, which in time was first of all the apostles. In governance thou art Noe. This is 
Noe.  true by the instytution of men, among clerks and above clerks/ In patryarkeshyp thou art Abraham. This is true in ministering spiritual things 
Abraham.  only, and by the institution of men. Thou art the father of all spiritual father's/ In order Melchisedech. This is true as touching to preesthode, which was figured of Christ, by Melchisedech/ after which manner all other preestis are 
Melchisedech  also. But not as touching to kingdom/ for as touching to this: Melchisedech figured Christ only (and signified none other priest else) which was both king & also priest/ and yet for all that he did not figure Christ in this, as touching to worldly kingdom. For Christ neither came to reign, neither would reign after this manner/ that is to wit worldly/ as we have showed in the. iiii. of this dyction. But Melchisedech which was both a priest, & a worldly king: figured the preesthod of Christ, & his heavenly kingdom, not worldly. And so much the less than he figured earthly or worldly kingdom or dominion in any priest or bishop. For saint Bernarde denieth such manner kingdom to belong unto the bishop of Rome, in the place afore expressed/ & more expressly/ neither also as touching to the prymacie of preesthode. Melchisedech did figure any other besides chryst: but this prymacie or principalite is in other preestis (as we have said) by the instytution of men. In dignity Aron. This is true, as touching to the 
Aron.  similitude of prymacie & pre-eminence among priests, but yet after a diverse manner & sundry fastion. For Aron was cheyfe priest by the imedyate institution of god/ but not so the bishop of Rome or any other bishop being the successor of the apostles. In authority Moses. The same Bernarde said the contrary 
Moses.  hereof openly in the first book De consideratione, in the. u. chapiter/ & in the. iii book & first chapytre. For Moses was prince & governor as touching to coactyve law/ as it appeareth in the. seven. of actis/ which thing Bernarde denieth to belong to any successor of the apostles in the place afore alleged. Again Moses had this by the imedyate ordynation of god, & upon all Israel. But the bishop of Rome hath this imedyatly by the grant of man only, & only upon the evangelical mynystres & the mynystres of the temples. In judgement Samuel/ this 
Samuel.  is true, to the likeness of Samuel/ but yet after a diverse & sundry manner & fashion. for. two. causes. first because not by the imedyate ordynation of god, as Samuel. Secondarylye because only upon preestis & other inferyor mynystres of the gospel/ but Samuel was indyfferentlye upon all the people of Israel. In power Peter/ this is true in the essential power, & by the working of god imedyatlye/ 
Peter.  & so is also every other bishop or priest/ but yet every bishop of Rome hath his prymacie above other bishops or preestis, only by the instytution of man imedyatly: whether Peter had it by the imedyate instytution of god, or not, or else by the election of the apostles/ which thing rather we believe or suppose according to the scripture, if it be so that he had any such prymacy at all as we have showed in the. xuj. of this dyction. Inunction Christ. if he do mean by unction, the unction 
Chryste.  of grace or of the holy ghost, which is given with the carecte of priesthood it is true/ which unction every priest also doth receive/ but if by unction he do mean/ prymacie upon all the church, by the imedyate instytution of god, & not of men, which Christ only & none else hath had upon all preestis: than I do refuse his sentence/ because the apostle saith the contrary in very many places of the scripture/ as it hath been showed in the. xuj. of this dyction. And to that which he doth add afterwards. Thou art not only the pastor or herdysman of the sheep: but also thou alone art the very pastor of all herdysmen/ if he dydmeane by the instytution of men imedyatlye: I would grant his saying/ but if he do mean by the ordination of god, or by the statute of the law of god, so as he appeareth to intend: than I refuse his sentence/ for it is not canonycall, neither necessarelye deduced and following of the canonycall scripture/ but rather the contrary. And when he go the about to fortyfy his sentence or saying by the scripture, saying afterwards/ askest thou where I do prove it? by the saying of Christ. if thou lovest me Peter feed my sheep/ for to whom (I do not say of the bishops, but also of the apostles) was the whole flock of sheep so absolutlye committed, and without any diversity or distinction/ to whom is it not plain, that Christ appointed or marked not forth any pertyculer flock of sheep unto thee? there is nothing excepted or outtaken: where no diversity or distinction is made. It is to be answered but always with reverence, that this question is to be marveled at, by which he demandeth, to whom of the apostles he doth not say only of the bishops, the whole flock of sheep hath been so absolutely committed or betaken & without any diversity or distinction made/ I do say, that to all the apostles both jointly and severally. Ask thou whereby I do prove this? by the words & sayings of Christ more evidently, than he/ for in the last chapytre of Mathewe, and in a manner last of all his precepts. Chryste said to all the apostles. Go you therefore and teach all nations or peoples. etc. And I say more 
The sheep were rommytted to all the apostles  evidently than he. For Christ said in the. xx. of Iohn. Feed my sheep/ but he said not all my sheep/ now it is undoubted that he comprehendeth more sheep, which delivereth all unyversallye, than he which delivereth them only indefynytely, sayengs feed my sheep/ for which cause, again with reverence, the scripture which Bernarde allegeth and bringeth in: seemeth to receive an other interpretation and more agreeable to the scripture/ which interpretation we have touched 
A place of Bernarde is declared.  heretofore in the. ix. part of this chapytre, and it grieveth me not to rehearse it again/ for Christ in the. xv. of Mathewe is read to have said, I am not sent but to the sheep which are perished of the house of Israel/ which oracle and saying of Christ, after the interpretations of saints, aught to be understanded, not truly as Iherome saith, but that he was sent also to the gentiles, but he was first or pryncipally sent to Israel. etc. But Remigius saith, and more to the purpose and more agreablye to the letter, he was sent specially to the salvation of the jews, that he should teach them also by his bodily presence. Albeit that Christ according to the exposition of saints, was sent to the salvation of all men, yet specially and principally he was sent to the salvation of the jews/ as the words also of chryst do sound in the gospel of Mathewe, when 
Chryste was sent to the jews.  he said. I am not sent but to the sheep which are perished of the house of Israel. These sheep than he did appropryate unto himself, when he said, which are perished of the house of Israel. And because this people hath always been hardnecked, & sturdy or stubborn, as it appeareth in the. xxxii. chapiter of Exodus, and also a kyller of the prophets, as Christ, which is very trouche itself, said in the. xiii. of Luke. And because Christ knew Peter to be more constant 
The jews were recommended unto Peter, when Christ said to him Peter feed my sheep  in the faith, and more fervent in the love of him, and of his neighbour, therefore he did recommend these sheep syngulerlye and specially unto him/ when he said. if thou lovest me, feed my sheep/ that is to say, specially labour to teach the people of Israel. And that this is true, it is a token, saying that it is written thus in the second chapytre to the Galatyans. When they had seen, that the preaching of the gospel to the gentiles was committed unto me, as was the preaching of the gospel to the people of cyrcumcysyon was committed unto Peter. etc. Neither could this saying of the apostle be confirmed by any other place of the gospel: than by this, feed my sheep. And again in the same chapytre to the Galatians. They gave their right hands of society and fellowship unto me and Bernabas/ that we should go and preach unto the gentiles and they unto cyrcumcisyon/ that is to say unto the jews. Chryste therefore, when he had said unto Peter, fede my sheep: he did not by this commit a more general cure or charge unto Peter, than unto other, but rather a more special charge of a certain people. For there can not be a more general cure or charge than that, which he gave to all the apostles in the last of Mathewe/ and in the. xx. of Iohn/ when he said. Go you therefore and teach all nations. And take you or receive you the holy ghost/ whose sins you shall forgive: they are forgiven. etc. For by these words all the apostles received pastoral authority and cure/ and that in comparison unto all men indyfferentlye/ as saint Augustyne also 
By what words the apostles received authority  did say in his book of the questions of the new testament, in the. 94. question, and we have alleged and brought in his words heretofore in the. xuj. chapiter of this dyction. Let Bernarde also tell, what more general cure Christ hath committed to any man, than he did unto Paul, in the. ix. of the actis: when he said, he is a vessel of election, or a choose vessel unto me, to bear my name afore the gentiles, nations & kings and the sons of Israel. ¶ And as for that which 
20  followeth in Bernarde, when he saith, hereof it is, that each one of the other apostles hath taken to their part, one pertyculer nation or people: it appeareth to be dyssonaunte and disagreeing from the scripture/ neither the tyxte of the epistles of Paul agreeth unto it/ neither can it be proved by the scripture: but rather the contrary/ as we have showed heretofore. ¶ And where he saith afterwards 
21  in the sixth, according to the canon's, the other apostles are come in to part of the cure and charge or business. etc. if it be meaned by the imedyate institution of god, than I refuse the sayings both of the said Canon's of Eugenius, and also of Bernarde agreeing unto the same/ because neither they are canonycall/ neither aught to be called canonycall scriptures, but only scriptures: framed of their own brains. And also because we have oftentimes by the scripture proved the contrary, of that which they do say. But if they do mean or understand, that full power, by the institution of man immediately, than I do grant his saying to be true. And again to that which he addeth saying. The power and authority of other is coarcted & restrained within certain lymytes or bounds/ thine authority and power is extended also upon them, which have received authority upon other. Mayst not thou, if a cause rise: shytte heaven to a bishop? etc. it is to be said as before, that by the immediate ordynation of god: the bishop of Rome or any other bishop hath no more authority upon the resydewe of bishops, than they have upon him. For the bishop of Rome may not excommunycate or depose an other bishop, for any crimes or trespass, by the authority given to him by Christ immediately more than they may excommunicate or depose him/ as it hath been showed and proved by the scripture, in the. xv. & xuj. of this dyction. And hath also been lately repeated and rehearsed again in this chapytre But if Bernarde do mean this prymacie, which he hath by the grant of man immediately, than he hath that prymacye, which hath been granted to him above other, by the human power. And to that which is added last of all, as touching to this oration. Thy pryvyledge therefore standeth unbroken and inviolated, unto the. etc. it is to be said, that it is true/ for the bishop of Rome hath power and authority, to bind and loose men from sins/ and to teach them, & to mynystre the sacraments of eternal salvation. And so hath every other bysshyp or priest, by the law of god/ but if by pryvyledge, Bernarde doth mean & understand any prymacye due to the bishop of Rome upon other bishops, by the law of god, or by the immediate ordination of god: than as I did before, so do I now refuse his sentence/ for the causes afore assigned. ¶ And to the other saying of the same. Bernarde in the. iiii. book, & chapytre to Eugenius, by which 
22  he seemeth to mean, that unto the bishop of Rome belongeth coactyve jurisdiction, which under a methaphore he calleth the temporal sword, not only upon clerks, but also upon lay men, when he said, which sword truly who soever denieth to be thine: me thinketh he do not mark well, or sufficiently give heed to Christ's words. etc. And in the end concluding he saith. Both swords therefore belongeth to the church/ that is to wit the sprytuall sword, and the materyal sword: it is to be said with reverence, and with no less marvel that the same Bernarde hath openly spoken in this matter, dyssonauntly and contrarylye 
Bernardus non vidit omnia.  to his own self. For in the place immediately afore alleged, speaking of this authority and power: he said/ why shouldest thou (that is to wit the Pope) go about again to usurp the sword: which thou hast been once bidden, to put up again in to the sheath or scabarde. And it is undoubted, that the thing which 
We usurp those things which are not our own but belongeth to an other man  any man usurpeth: belongeth not to his authority. But Bernarde or his interpreter shall say peradventure, according to that, which Bernarde said in the end of his speech or oration, that though the authority now said doth belong unto a priest yet the execusyon thereof aught not to be done by a priest/ which he called the drawing forth or exercising, of the material sword/ But this answer is not according to the intention and mind of the scripture For Chryste did not only refuse & deny from himself, the drawing out of this material sword. But also that iudgemment, and bidding or commanding it 
Chryste refused both the sword and also judgement or the offyce of a judge.  to be drawn out/ when he said in the. twelve. of Luke, to him that desired such manner judgement of him. Thou man who hath made me judge or divider over or upon you? Of which saying of chryst, with certain other sayengis, both of chryst and of the apostles, saint Bernarde treating in the first book and the. u. chapiter De consideratione, as we have alleged in the. u of this diction: destroyeth the interpretation of him that doth so expound or declare him in this place. For this he saith to the same Pope. hearken what the apostles mind is concerning such manner authority. That is to wit of judging temporal things and it is 
Bernarde  in the. vi. chapiter of the first to the Coryntheans. Is there not so wise a man among you, which may judge between brother and brother? And it followeth I do speak it to your rebuke and shame. Those, which are most contemptyble in the church, make and ordain them judges. And therefore after the mind of the apostle, thou dost unsemelye, which being an apostolical person, dost usurp unto thyself a vile offyce, and the degree of contemptyble people. Mark here that he speaketh of the offyce, not of the execution/ wherefore the apostle Paul also instructing a bishop, that is to wit Timothe, said in this wise. Let no man that is a warryour to god: entangle himself with secular businesses/ but I spare or forbear the/ for I speak not strong things, but possible things. Supposest thou that men now adays would suffer, if when men did strive for erthlye inheritance, & required judgement of thee, thou didst answer them with the words of Christ, O men who hath made me judge upon you. In to what manner judgement shouldest thou come, and what would be judged of thee? what would a rustycall and unlearned man say? Thou knowest not the prymacye and pre-eminence. Thou dyshonourest the honourable and most high feat/ thou dost derogate the apostles dignity/ and yet for all that they that so shall say (as I suppose) will not show, where at any time any of the apostles hath sit as judges of men, or as dyvyders of terms, or bounds and dystrybutors of 
The disciples were judged and did not judge.  lands. To conclude I rede, that the apostles have stand to be judged/ but that they have sit judging: I do not rede. This shall be in time to come/ it hath not been yet. Is the servant than a dymynyssher of the dignity, if he will not be greater than his lord and master? or the disciple, because he will not be greater than he that sent him? or the son, because he will not pass beyond the bounds or lymytes, which his fathers hath set? who hath ordained me judge upon you? saith that lord and master. And shall it be injury to the servant and disciple, except he do judge all men? Saint Bernarde therefore, yea rather Chryste and the apostles, do remove or take a way from their successors the bishops and priests, not only the execution of secular judgement: but also the offyce or authority of judging of such manner matters/ wherefore the same Bernarde saith afterwards. These worldly things have their meet judges, the kings and princes of the earth/ why do you invade the bounds of other men? why do you extend or put forth your sith, in to an other man's corn? This sentence again he doth repeat, confirm and fortyfye, in the second book, and. iiii. chapiter/ and we have alleged it here tofore, in the. u of this diction/ where, unto the purpose here intended: he saith thus/ did he (that is to wit Peter the apostle) leave dominion & lordship to his successors? here what he saith his own self, not having dominion, or being lords over the clargye: but being made the example of the flock. And because thou shalt not suppose, this to be spoken of humility, and not rather of truth, it is Christ's own words in the gospel. The princes and rulers of the gentiles, have dominion and lordship over them/ and they which have power and authority upon them: are called benefyciall. And it followeth/ but you shall not do so/ it is plain here, that dominion and lordship is utterly forbidden the apostles. Go thou than, and be bold to usurp to thyself other apostleshyp, being a lord: or lordship, being an apostolic person. Verily thou art prohybyted from both (understand thou from having both together.) And this is it which the same Bernarde addeth afterwards/ if thou covet to have both together at one time, thou shalt lose both. For else think not thyself to be excepted from the number of them: of whom the lord god complaineth thus. They have reigned: and not by me. They have been princes and rulers, and I have not known them. Again he expresseth the same sentence, in a certain epistle to the archbishop of Senone, where he saith thus. So saith these suggestours and counsellors of dysobedyence/ but Christ both commanded, and also did otherwise. give you (said he) unto Cesar, those things, which are belonging to Cesar/ and unto god: those things which are appertaining to god. And this which he spoke with his mouth: he did give diligence to fulfil anon after in his deed. He that was the creator and maker of Cesar: was ready without delay, to give tribute to Cesar. For he hath given example to you, that you should do likewise. And how should he deny dew reverence to the preestis of god, which cared or regarded to give this reverence even to the secular powers also? Chryst than would not have temporal dominion upon the princes of this world, but he would be subject unto them/ and also give unto them due tribute and reverence, giving an example to all his successors, first to the apostles, and in conclusion to priests and bishops, to do the same. Again expressing the same sentence afterwards more plainly: he saith thus/ why than O religious men, doth the authority of preestis grieve you? do you fear infestation & noyaunce? but if you do suffer any thing for righteousness sake, you are blessed/ you contemn and despise secularyte, that is to say secular princes. But no man was more secular or worldly, than pilate, afore whom our lord stood to be judged. Thou shouldest not have (said he) any power over me: if it were not given to the from above. Even than he spoke for his self, & had experience on his own person, of that which he cried afterwards by the apostles, in churches or congregations. There is no power but of god. And who soever resisteth the power: resisteth the ordination of god. Go your way now than, and resist the emperor the vycare and depute of Christ: when chryst did not resist, not not his adversary or say, if you dare, that god doth not know the dignity of the bishop of Rome, when Christ granteth the power even of the Emperors deputy in Rome, to have been ordained upon or over himself, from heaven above. The bishop than usurpeth the offyce of an other man, and extendeth his sith in to an other man's corn: when he presseth himself in to the judgement of secular acts between men, of what so ever condition or estate they be. And as 
Secular judgement appertaineth not to be a bishop  touching to that, which Bernarde saith in the aforesaid objection, which sword for all that who soever denieth to be thine: he seemeth to me, not to mark suffycyentlye the words of Christ. etc. I do say, that no man that ever I have herd or seen, hath denied that, or can deny it more expressly: than he himself hath done/ as it is evident of his sayings afore brought in and rehearsed. To which this also is to be added with reverence/ that the exposition of other saints, is always more convenient upon this place. For (as all men doth agree) the locution or speech of Christ was metaphorycall, when to the disciples saying. Lo here two swords: he answered, it is enough or sufficient/ wherefore Chrysostome saith/ for if he had willed, that they should use worldly subsydye and 
Chrysostome  aid: An. C. swords would not suffice or be enough/ but if it was his will, that they should not use worldly subsydye or aid: then even two are superfluous, & more than needeth/ wherefore it appeareth, that the sense of Christ's words was mystycall/ which thing even his own words evidently signifieth, in the. xxvi. of Mathewe & in the .xviii. of Iohn, when in the time of defence if any defence aught to have been made by those swords: he said unto Peter. Turn thy sword again in to his own place, or in to the skaberde/ in which saying, he signified himself not to have commanded, that any defence should be made by the apostles with the swords, but that they had spoken mystycallye. After which sense, saint Ambrose suffycyentlye regarding and marking the saying of our lord: he expoundeth the aforesaid words saying in this wise. Two swords are permitted/ the one of the new testament, and the other of the old testament/ by which 
Two swerdis are the two testaments by Chrysostommes exposition.  we are armed and fenced, against the dysceptes of the devil. And it is said, it is enough or sufficient, because he lacketh no thing at all, which is armed and fenced with the doctrine of both testaments/ but these priests which have great desire, and do labour also with all outward enforcement, though unduly and unaccordynglye, to usurp domynyons and kingdoms, they receive willingly and gladly strange expositions of the scripture, which seemeth to taste or smatch of their own corrupt opinion, and lewd or crooked affection. And yet for all that, though the words of Christ were taken lytterallye. yet are they nothing against our sentence & opinion. For the material sword is not dominion, neither the judgement of secular acts/ neither also after the metaphor, according to the sentence of Christ, it may signify dominion or the offyce of a secular judge: which Christ hath committed to Peter or to any other apostle/ as the same Bernarde hath proved manyfestlye in an other place, as we have alleged/ and brought in here tofore, and also have undoubtedly proved by the scripture, in the. iiii. and. u chapytres of this diction. And where the said Bernarde saith after following. Peradventure the sword is thine, and to be drawn forth at thy bidding and commandment: I do say, that he saith here peradventure, albeit that he ought not to doubt in this, unless peradventure he do mean this, that a prince or secular governor in drawing forth the sword, aught to have regard & respect unto the bidding or will of the priest that is to say to the counsel of the priest in general or special counsel, after as the deed chanceth to require, as in making war, if he do doubt, whether he shall do justly after the law of god, he aught to use the counsel of priests: lest he do run in to deedlye sin/ likewise as he ought to do in all other his monastycall and cyvyle acts/ namely in which he doubteth through ignorance to run in to deedlye sin/ not therefore because he is subject to a priest in such manner offyce. For after this manner also in giving lycences of dyscyplynes, and in expelling of leprous people out of the city/ he ought to use the counsel of expert and welskylled men, to whom for all that he is not subject in jurisdiction/ as we have said in the. x. chapytre of this dejection/ wherefore Bernarde in the end of the aforesaid sentence saith/ that this sword ought to be drawn forth at the bidding of the priest, and the commandment of the emperor/ he did not therefore by bidding understand commandment or coactyve authority/ but counsel. For this authority he hath expressed to appertain to the emperor or prince. Albeit that the bishop of Rome very often 
Bysshopps raise wars unjustly.  times unjustly commandeth, the sword to be drawn forth also among chrysten men, one of them against an other. And to be short and speak at one word/ if Bernarde by these words understand and mean, that such manner offyce or judgement doth appertain to the authority of any priest or bishop, as being in this superior to any secular prince, according to judgement of the third signification, in this world: I do say, that manyfestlye and openly he doth say both against his own self, and against the holy scripture, which he bringeth in and allegeth, as it appeareth of the premisses/ wherefore utterly in 
The authority of doctors may be refused.  this place I do refuse his sentence (if it be such manner one) as being not canonycall, but dyssonaunt and contrary to the canonycall scripture. But to the sayings of saints and doctors, and namely upon the scripture alleged of the. xuj. of Mathewe. Thou art Peter and upon this stone. etc. And again upon that text in the .xxii. of Luke, but I have prayed for the Peter. etc. Again upon that in the. xxi. of Iohn, if thou lovest me feed my sheep, by which sayengis they do seem to intend, that power and authority hath been given to saint Peter above the other apostles, by Christ immediately, calling him the prince or heed of the apostles, and universal or general pastor or herdysman, yea & some of them also calling him the heed of the church: it is to be answered and said, but yet with reverence, that Christ immediately gave unto saint Peter none authority essencyall (which we have called the authority of preesthode) neither any accydentall excellency or pre-eminence of a pastor or bishop, upon the other apostles/ But all such manner authority of one of them above an other among themselves 
Preestes are equal in dignity.  he took away both from Peter and also from the other/ as we have showed evidently in the. xuj. of this dyction, by the scripture, and by the exposition of saints and doctors. And after a certain manner we have rehearsed it again about the beginning of this chapytre/ wherefore I following Christ, and the apostle, and the sayings of certain of them in other places, what soever sentence they do seem to say upon the places of the scripture now recited and any other like places, concerning such manner prymacye or pryncipalyte, otherwise than we have said in the. xuj. and. xvii. of this dyction: I do refuse it. For such sentence is neither canonycall, neither necessarelye followeth of the canonycall scripture/ yea moreover some of them in expounding the scripture in other places: hath said the contrary/ but here they speak such things without the scripture, of their own proper minds/ following the custom/ & regarding more certain common famous sayings: than the words of the scripture/ for who will not marvel, that, when the apostles did contend and strive among themselves, which of them should be greatest. Chryste answered, that there should be equalyte always among them/ and that none of them should be superyoure in authority to other/ if he did intend that saint Peter should be more principal and heed among them: why did not Christ also give a commandment or charge to the other apostles, that they should be under Peter in pastoral offyce: least so great a mystery might be hid from them and their successors, how great was the heed of the church? for it is not red any where in the scripture, that Chryste gave any such commandment to the apostles. How also did Peter than give the right hand of society and fellowship unto Paul? Nay he ought rather to have given him commandment, as being superyoure unto him. And to say at one word all the whole scripture where this matter is touched: say the openly the contrary hereof. Again, though we did grant, that pastoral cure of the other apostles had been committed to saint Peter by Christ immediately, which thing for all that we have denied according to the scripture/ yet could it not therefore be proved by the scripture, that the bishop of Rome or any other bishop, after the death of saint Peter, is pastor of all the other bishops, by the immediate ordination of Chryste. And when it was brought in, that the church than should be without a heed, and not have been ordered of Christ, after the best disposition and order, if he had left it with 
Heed of the church.  out a heed in his absence: we may say after the mind of the apostle, as before. That Christ hath alway remained the heed of the church/ and all the apostles and ecclesyastycall mynystres are membres/ as it appeareth plainly in the. iiii. 
Membres of the church.  chapytre to the Ephesyans, and in very many other places, of which we have brought in and recited many, in the. u part of the. xxii. chapiter of this diction. And this, Christ himself also did manyfestlye signify in the last of Mathewe, when he said. And I am with you until the end of the world. And let him that maketh this objection and reason, say, whether the church also be not without a mortal heed oftentimes, when the Roman seat is vacant and without a bishop/ and it is evident and undoubted that yet/ And yet it is not therefore to be granted, that it was left inordynate or evil ordered of Christ/ wherefore we must return again to the things aforesaid, and to those which we shall say in the solution of the objection following/ but to satisfy and make answer more largely to the reason, which is apparent, let us say formablye or in form. For when it is deduced and inferred of it, that Christ hath not ordered the church after the best disposition or order/ if he had not left a determynate man to be heed unto the same church in his absence: the illation or argument is to be denied. And as touching to the saying of Augystyne, upon that text of Iohn, if I will have him to abide so, what is that to thee? where he saith, that the life which is in faith, is signified or figured 
Prymacie or pryorytye in tyme.  by Peter the apostle, for the prymacye of his apostleshyp/ I do say, that Augustyne meaned the prymacye or pryoryte in tyme. For Peter among other was first called by Christ unto apostleshyp/ likewise as the same also first in time received the promise of the keys/ after the mind of the said Augustyne, in the. xuj. of Mathewe, apon that text. To the I will give the keys of the kingdom of heavens. For the life which is in faith, that is to say of this corruptible world? in time goth before that life, which is in hope, that is to wytthe incorruptyble life of the world to come. And unto that confirmation of the obiccicons which was brought in of the Decrees or decretals of the Popes of Rome: it is to be said generally, to all such manner scriptures and sayings being not such as we have said, that we are not bound to believe or confess and knowledge them to be true/ no more we are in such things wherein they do contain the contrary of the aforesaid sentences which we do hold accordynglye to the 
We are not bound utterly to give credence to the Decrees & decretals.  scriptures. But we do refuse them and openly deny them. And where they will conclude specially, that unto the bishop of Rome alone, or else with his college of clerks, authority belongeth of instituting people to ecclesyastycall offices, and of giving the temporalles or benefices appointed for the said offices: it is to be said, that if by the ecclesyastycall offices be understand the institutions or determinations of priests and of the other said officers, to the cures and charges of souls, other greater or smaller, in certain places and to the governing of certain people/ I say that to instytute such offices, or to make the determinations of persons to the said offices, and to dystrybute 
The benefices are to be dystrybuted by the prince  or give the ecclesyastycall temporalles, appointed for the said offices/ appertaineth to the chrysten prince, after such manner as we have said in the. xvii. of this diction. And it is to be said that generally and every where, this doth not belong to the authority of any one bishop, or one college of priests alone/ neither it were expedient so to be/ as it hath been showed in the. xvii. of this diction. Therefore where the contrary of these things is objected and laid against us, by the Decrees and decretals of the bishops of Rome, it is to be said, that albeit such manner Decrees or decretals, and any other like scriptures or sayings, may contain very many documents and counsels, profitable both for the state of this present world, and of the world to come. Yet in that that they are made by the bishop of Rome with his college of clerks: and also, without the licence of the chrysten prince and governor, such statutes do bind no man to sin or pain, and namely temporal. For 
The makers of the decretals are disposed as were the pharisyes  they that make such manner traditions are likewise disposed, as were the pharysyes and scribes, to whom Chryste said in the. seven. chapiter of Mark. But they worsshyp me in vain/ teaching the doctrines and precepts of men. For you forsake the commandment and teaching of god/ & do hold or keep the traditions of men. And a little after it followeth/ you do well make void the commandment of god/ that you may keep your own tradition. That is to wytthe Decrees and decretals, concerning the usurpation of temporal things. 
The decretals are neither gods laws, neither man's laws.  For the decretals, in that that they are such/ are not the laws of god or of man/ but narrations or documents/ and very many of them in many points, are certain oblygarchycall statutes/ wherefore the makers of such manner statutes or Decrees, against the form and manner, and without the authority afore said/ and inducing any man to the observation of them, and as it were, compelling him, by threatening eternal damnation to the transgressors of 
The canonystes been they that make scysme & division and stir up treason.  them/ or inferring or sending forth against any man blasphemies, curses, or other maledictions other by word or by writing/ are to be punished corporallye with extreme punishment, as being conspyrers, and the reysers of cyvyle scysme and division. For this is the most grievous kind of treason, that may be. For it is directly committed against the offyce of the sovereign or prince and governor of the realm or communytye, and it bringeth also to the pluralyte cheyfe governors/ and so consequently of necessity unto the undoing and destruction of all manner cyvyle governance, and also of all common weals.   

¶ Of the solution of the objections, brought in of the scriptures in the third chapytre of this second part to show or prove, that coactyve jurisdiction doth belong to bishops, in that they are bishops, and that the highest coactyve jurisdiction doth belong to the bishop of Rome.  
The, xxix, chapytre,  
ANd to the other objections brought in of the scripture in the third chapytre of this diction, by reason of which, it might seem peradventure to some man, that it might be proved, that the bishop of Rome or any other bishop is judge (after the third signification of this word judge) upon all clerks, or indyfferentlye upon all men, of every realm or community, without the institution of the prince, or princes, but by the immediate ordination of god/ it is to be said or answered, and first to that objection which was taken of the. xuj. chapiter of Mathewe, when Chryste said to saint Peter, I shall give to the the keys of the kingdom of heavens. etc. That by these said words Chryste gave none other power or authority to saint Peter or to 
The power of priests.  any other apostle or apostles/ than to bind and loose men from sins/ as saint Bernarde saith expressly to Eugenius in the first book De consideratione, and the. u. chapiter/ and we have brought in his words here tofore in the second part of the. u chapytre of this dyction/ where is showed of fullness of power and also of the keys of the kingdom of heavens. Of which power also it hath been spoken seryouslye in the. vi. and. seven. chapytres of this dyction. Neither gave Chryste the fullness of this power to Peter nor none other of the apostles/ otherwise than it hath been said in the. xxiii. chapiter of this diction/ wherefore the bishop of Rome, or else any other bishop or priest, hath not by the reason 
The keys of the kingdom of heaven not of this world  of these words received of Christ in the person of the apostle or apostles, any coactyve authority or jurisdiction in this world, upon any clerk or say man. For it was said I shall give the keys of the kingdom of heavens, to the difference of the worldly kingdom or dominion. For from such manner regyment and dominion, Chryste by the example of his own self, sygnyfied every one of the apostles and every successoure of them bishop or priest, to be excluded/ when he said in the. twelve. of Luke. Thou man who hath ordained or made me judge/ that is to wit of erthlye things. And the same also is proved by other things here tofore brought in, in the. iiii. and. u chapytres of this dyction. And after the same or like manner it is to be said also unto the auctorytes taken of the scripture in the xviii. of Mathe we and the. xx. of Iohn, when Chryste said to his apostles/ what soever things you shall bind upon the earth. etc. And whose soever sins you shall forgive/ they are forgiven. etc. For by these words Chryste gave unto them none other power, than this aforesaid, and that after such manner as we have said. And unto the other authority, which was taken of the. xi. chapiter of Mathewe, when Christ said. All things are given to me of my father: it is to be said, that it followeth not. All things are given to me of my father, ergo I have given power of all things to the apostle or to the apostles/ as we have said also in the. iiii. chapiter of this diction. For by this inquisition it is not doubted, what power and authority Chryste might have given to the apostle or apostles and to their successors: but what power it was his will to give, and what he hath given to them in very deed/ and from what power he hath prohybyted them, by his counsel or precept. For these things have been suffycyentlye showed in the. iiii. u and. vi. and. ix. chapytres of this diction/ wherefore Bernarde also intending & meaning this same in the third book and first chapytre De consideratione unto Eugenius pope: saith in this wise. For I do not suppose that utterly and all manner ways. But as me think after a certain manner, dispensation hath been committed to thee, upon it, that is to wit, upon the world and not possession thereof to have been given unto the/ if thou do hold on to usarpe the world: he speaketh against thee, which saith. The world is mine, and the fullness of it. Thou art not he, of whom the prophet saith. And the whole earth shall be his possession. Chryste is he which challengeth the possession hereof unto himself, by the right and title of creation, and by the merit of redemption. And the same Bernarde speaketh into things afterwards to this same purpose, which I have left out and overhypped here, because the premisses are sufficient, and also for the more speed and breyfnes of our process. Therefore Christ did not give all things to the apostle or the apostles, that were given unto him, and after such manner as they were given to him of his father/ but he committed only certain things to them and after a certain and determynate manner or fashion. Moreover after the exposition of all sayntis and holy doctors upon this place, Chryste intended and meaned this gift of all things to have been made unto himself, as touching to his godhead, by which he was eternal/ which thing could not be agreeing to any of the apostles or of their successors. Wherefore these words of Christ, do not so much as apparently infer or conclude any thing contrary to the sentence which we do hold. And to that objection which was taken of the xxviii. of Mathewe, and the last chapytre, when Chryste said. All power is given to me in heaven and in earth: it is to be answered and said likewise as unto the objection last afore go/ for although we do grant that Christ as touching to his humanity also, had received all manner power in earth/ yet it followeth not therefore, that he hath given all manner power to the apostle or apostles/ but only that power whereof it is spoken in the last of Mathewe and the. xx. of john/ which power we have declared also in the. vi. and seven. chapytres of this diction/ for after such power only, Chryste came to reign. Wherefore saint Iherome upon this place saith thus/ power was given to him in heaven and 
Iherom  in earth: that he which reigned afore in heaven: might reign in earth, by the faith of them that should believe in him. And unto that objection which was taken of the. viii. of Mathe we and the. u. of Mark where it is read that the fendes or devils prayed him saying. Byve us leave to enter in to the swine, it is to be answered and said, that this text also doth not make against the sentence which we do hold. For though we do grant (as the truth is) that Christ had, if he had would, all dominion and power of temporal things, even as touching to his humanity also/ yet can it not hereof be concluded of necessity, that he gave like power to the apostle or apostles, or to the successors of them. Nay rather Chryste, both by his works, and also by his words, taught them to flee and esche we the possession and dominion of temporal things/ and so all coactyve jurisdiction or judgement of any man in this world/ as it hath been showed in the. iiii. and. u chapytres of this diction/ and hath also been repeated or rehearsed again in the chapytre last afore go. And if it so be, that at any time 
Note here well how Christ sometime used coactyve jurisdiction, and note the answer to the same  Chryste hath used the power or dominion of such manner things/ yet he did not use it after the manner of a worldly prince or judge/ but wonderfully, and very seldom, by the power of his godhead rather than of his manhede/ as in the expulsyon of these spirits whereof mention is made in this present objection/ and in the dryenge up of the fig tree/ willing by this to signify unto his apostles the nature of his godhead/ by reason whereof he might strength them the more in the faith/ or else also for some better intent & purpose unknown to man & known to him, as Chrysostome & Iherome saith upon the same place. That the occasion (saith Iherome) of the salvation of men might be, by the killing of the hogs. And therefore chryst did not teach them to do miracles/ as we 
The hogs drowned of the fiends.  have brought in here tofore in the. iiii. of this diction, of saint Augustyn De ver bis dni in the. x. sermon upon Mathewe. And therefore much less he would, that they should exercise power to the hurt or offending of other men. Wherefore he did not exercise such manner things, to the intent that they aught to exercise such things: but that he might show unto them himself to be very god. And to the objection which was brought in of the. xxii. of Mathewe, the. xi. of Mark, and the. nineteeen. of Luke: where it is red. Than Jesus' scent. two. descypses, saying unto them. So you in to the castle which is over against you: and you shall find an ass bound. etc. it is to be answered, likewise, likewise, as unto the obieccy on imeoyatlye aforegone. And that objection of the two swords, which is taken of the. xxii. of Luke, & the other of the feeding of the sheep, taken of the. xxi. of John: doth make nothing against, neither doth infer or conclude any thing necessarily, which is contradyctorye to the sentence which we do hold/ as we have showed seryously in the chapytre aforegone. For Chryst by these words did not give to saint Peter, or to any other apostle, or to any successoure of them, iurysdyceyon or judgement coactyve of any manner in this world: but he gave to him only the offyce of a pastor or herdysman, of which offyce we have spoken sufficiently in the. ix. of this last part. And as touching to that which the apostle saith in the. vi. chapiter of the first epistle to the Coryntheans, Do you not know, that we shall judge angels? How moche more than shall we judge secular things? This text is neither itself contradyctorye, neither infereth any thing contradyctorye to the sentence, which we do hold. For Paul in the aforesaid words or scripture did not monysshe/ speak/ or counseleth unto preeses only/ but generally unto all the chrysten people of Corinthe he written that epistle, as appeareth and is evident by his salutation. For they did contend, and strive one with an other, about secular things, drawing one an other afore heathen judges/ wherefore the apostle monysshed them, as a pastor or herdysman giving them council, that they should constytute and make judges unto themselves of the company of chrysten men. And chose not bishops or priests, but other that were not bishops or priests/ wherefore the apostle saith immediately following. Therefore if you shall have secular judgements/ ordain and set them to be judges, which are contemptyble in the church. I say it to your rebuke/ is there none so wise a man among you, which may give judgement between his brother and brother? but doth one brother contend and strive with an other brother in judgement, afore infidels and heathen judges? which text of the apostle the gloze expounding, after the mind of Ambrose, Augustyne, and Gregory, saith in this wise. In like manner as he hath reproved them, for that they pleaded causes, and strove in judgement afore infidels, despising and smally regarding chrysten men/ even so now he rebuketh them, because they made contemptyble persons judges, although they were chrysten. And therefore he saith if you shall have secular judgements, because such judgements are not to be had, but rather to be despised/ but if you have such judgements, ordain and set to give judgement, those contemptyble, that is to say, undyscrete and vile persons, which are in the church. That is to say thus have you done, by reason whereof, the brethren might be compelled, to have recourse against unto infidels or heathen judges. The apostle repreveth and rebuketh this in them, speaking Ironycallye/ that is to say, meaning the contrary to that, that his words doth sound. And because it was not seemly or convenient that they should do so therofre he saith by and by after. I speak to your shamefastness/ or to your reverence/ that is to say, I do not command/ but I do speak, that you should be ashamed/ and you ought to be ashamed, that there is not one man among you so wise/ that he is able to judge between his brother and brother, but that you must nedelye make fools judges. And yet for all that these fools are to be made judges, rather than you should go to heathen judges, if there want wise men among you. I say is there not so wise a man among you, but doth one brother strive with an other brother, in judgement? which is an evil thing/ yea and that afore heathen judges/ which is a worse thing/ or else thus. Therefore if you shall have secular judgements. etc. Because the apostle had said, that they might judge of these least or smallest things, therefore he doth now determine, who are to be ordained and appointed judges to the determining of such matters/ that is to wit, the contemptyble persons, which are in the church. For the greater or more worshipful persons ought to give attendance to spiritual things. But you which aught to judge, for asmuch as you must judge: yet do after this manner. If you have secular bysynes or matters/ ordain or set them to be judges, which are contemptyble in the church/ that is to say, some wise men, which for all that are of less merit/ for the apostles, which went about to preach the gospel, could not give attendance to such businesses. The apostle would therefore, that those wise chrysten and holy men which continued and abode still in one place, and not those which ran about from place to place to preach the gospel/ should be the examyners and judges of such manner bysynes and causes. From which we can not excuse ourself by no manner ways: although we would. For I call god to witness and record that I had liefer each day work somewhat certain hours with my hands, and to have certain hours at liberty, to rede, and pray, or to work somewhat of the divine scriptures, than to suffer the troublous perplexites of causes concerning secular matters and businesses or stryves which are other to be decided and ended by judgement, or else to be prevented & put away by entreating or going between. I say, ordain you or appoint you contemptible people, and this I do say to your reverence/ that is to wit, that they should examine and judge earthly causes/ which have got the wisdom and knowledge of exteryoure or outward things. And they which are enriched with spiritual gifts, aught not to be entangled with worldly matters or businesses/ so that whiles they are not compelled to dispose these worldly goods, they may be able to do service to the superior or celestial goods. But yet it is greatly to be provided and taken heed of, that they, which are excellent in spiritual gifts, do not in any wise utterly forsake the businesses of their we ache neighbours, but let them other commit the said businesses to be ordered and brought to an end, unto other meet and convenient persons, or else take the same matters in hand their own selves. And these scriptures of the apostle and of saints, are to be noted and marked/ for first it appeareth by the said scriptures, that all contentions (between what soever persons) about such things which do not appertain to the law of god, are secular and not spiritual and do belong to secular judgement. For the apostle speaketh generally/ and so like wise doth the saints upon this place/ making no difference (as there is none in deed) between the temporal or cyvyle contentions of priests among themselves one with an other, and generally of clerks, or which are between preestis and say men, and between them which are among lay men selves, one with an other. For let the sophyster or mysuser of words (I beseech him) which calleth that spiritual, which is utterly secular after the mind and calling of the apostle and of saints, let him, I say, tell me, whether a priest doing injury to his brother being other priest or not priest in word or deed, doth a spiritual injury, more than doth a lay man, if he do like injury. For to say so, it is a foolish and a scornful saying/ and to believe it, is uttermost madness. 
The outward offence of a priest is more secular a great deal then is the offence of a lay man.  For without doubt the injury which is done by a priest, is more secular and more detestable injury than that which is done by a say man/ For he sinneth or trespasseth the more grievously and more shamefully, which is bound to teach an other man, both by his words and also by the example of his works, not to do injury/ as it hath been seryouslye showed in the. viii. chapiter of this diction. And that such acts of clerks are secular and not spiritual, and that they ought so to be called, saint Augustyne witnesseth openly in the afore said gloze, when he calleth the contencyouse causes of priests and of clerks, which were pleaded afore him which was a bishop, troublous perplexites of causes about secular businesses/ making no difference of these causes or contentions, notwithstanding the condition or estate of the persons/ for this difference of a priest, and of him that is no priest, as touching to this thing, is but accydenttall/ likewise as the difference of a hoop or ring being of gold, and of a ring being of silver/ which difference no crafts man or cunning man doth assign, because it maketh or causeth none essencyall distinction in the effect or thing wrought. It appeareth also secondarylye, that the judgement or to be judge of such manner acts belongeth not to priests. And that to instytute such manner judge, doth no more, but peradventure less appertain to the authority of them, than of other chrysten men as it hath been showed in the xv. of the first dyction. And therefore the apostle said not to any bishop or priest. Constitue that is to say ordain or appoint thou. For where any thing was to be done, which appertained to the offyce of a bishop or priest, he gave charge syngulerlye to him, that he should do it, as to preach the gospel/ or to exercise other offices, which are properly belonging to a priest or pastor/ wherefore in the first chapytre to Tite, he saith. For this cause I have left the in Cretelande that thou shouldest correct or amend those things, which are wanting/ that is to wit, as touching the wholesome doctrine and manners/ and that thou shouldest constytute and ordain priests, throughout all Crete in every city: so as I have disposed & ordered to be done/ but yet he said not to him, appoint thou, or ordain thou a judge to examine secular businesses or matters. Neither when he written to the Coryntheans, did he say, the bishop or priest shall constytute or appoint to you judges, but gave them council, or told them what was best to be done/ wherefore the gloze upon those words I do speak it to your shame, saith thus/ as who should say, I do not command you: but I do tell you that you should be ashamed. For the apostle knew very well, that to instytute such manner judges, did not appertain to his offyce/ & by so much the less than to any other priest or bishop. Neither moreover did he council, that any priest or bishop should betaken or choose to the exercising of such manner offyce: but rather the contrary. For no man (as he saith) that warreth to god: entangleth or wrappeth himself in secular or worldly businesses. But he counseled, that 
He calleth them contemptible, which were not meet to preach, not because they been so indeed, but after a manner of spekinge, wherein he meaneth by contemptible men, lay men.  judges should be appointed and ordained, out of that sort which were contemptyble in the church/ that is to say out of the number of chrysten men and such people, as were not able nor meet to preach/ howbeit not all/ but after the exposition of saints the apostle willed or counseled that they should examine & judge erthlye or worldly causes: which had gotten knowledge of outward things/ but they which are enriched with spiritual geftes: aught not to be entangled or wrapped in secular businesses/ which thing saint Bernarde said openly and plainly to Eugenius in the first book and the. u. chapiter De consideratione/ and we have brought in his words, in the chapytre immediately aforegone. But peradventure some man shall object, and say against us the saying of saint Augustyne in the gloss afore rehearsed. For saint Augustyne speaking of the judgement of secular contentious acts: saith thus/ from which we can not excuse ourself although we would/ whose sentence also Gregory confirming in the same place: saith thus moreover. But yet it is greatly to be 
An objection that priests may be iudgis & apoynte judges.  provided & seen unto, that they, which are excellent in spyrytual gifts. etc. But let the bishops other commit these judgements of secular acts, to be taken in hand of them, which are people convenient and meet thereunto: or else let themselves exercise the said judgements. So by these words than it seemeth, that to judge such matters, and to ordain or appoint judges of such matters, doth appertain to bishops or priests in that they are bishops or priests/ saying that after the sentence and mind of saints, the bishops and priests may not be excused from such judgements. And that they must greatly provide. etc. But to those objections, and to other like sayings of saints and doctors, 
An answer to the foresaid objection.  let us answer and say/ that in the old time, and in the times of the aforesaid saints, for the reverence of the estate of preesthode, and for the confidence of the manners and virtue of priests at that time, & for other causes whereof we have spoken in the. u part of the. twenty-five. of this diction: it was granted by the chrysten princes, to bishops, and to the principal pastors and curates of souls, to exercise the offyce of a judge in the third signification, over or upon the persons of clerks and their temporalles/ to the intent, that they should be the less vexed or troubled from the divine service/ and that they should be the more honestly entreated in secular causes. And because certain of the saints a foresaid were made bishops in the provinces or places, whose princes or inhabytauntes had given the iudycyall offyce to the bishops: except they would have renounced and refused or forsake the bysshopryche they could not have been excused from such manner care of the secular causes or matters between clerks. But here again some man shall doubt not without a cause, and ask a questy 
How riches possessions, and judgements crept in to the church.  on, why holy men as saint Sylvester, and many other have taken unto themselves secular judgements, and powers, and the possession, and administration of temporal things: if such manner things be not agreeing, neither hath been agreeing, or convenient, to the offyce of priests, bishops, and other preachers of the gospel? I suppose it is to be answered and said, according to the verytes afore brought in, namely in the. xvii. and the. twenty-five. of this diction, that the church or multitude of chrysten people being very little or small about the beginning & so consequently also along season after suffered oftentimes of the heathen princes & subicctes, very many persecutions, even unto martyrdom and death/ and lived in great poverty/ wherefore the holy bishops, and true pastors or herdysmen, for the salvation, augmentation, conservation, and sustentation of the flock: obtained and gate of the devout chrysten emperors, being favourable unto them, graces, and favours, grants, or privileges, or else received them when they were offered: to the intent, that they might do good to the chrysten people, and defend and comfort them. So than the holy bishops, for these said causes cheyfly, took unto them the judgements of seculeractes and contentions, namely between clerks. So also they took the administration and charge or ordering of certain temporal things, without possession, or dominion, or authority of challenging them: that this might turn or redound to the profit and succour of the poor chrysten people. Wherefore saint Ambrose De tradendis basilicis, in the place heretofore alleged saith in this wise/ if the emperor do desire the lands, he hath power and authority to challenge 
Ambrose.  them/ none of us doth let him, for the collation of the people may be sufficient and habundaunt to the poor folk. None of the priests then or of the bishops did strive or entreat for the lands. For they following Christ and the apostles: renounced the dominion of them/ but they strove constantly and boldly for the faith: even unto the death notwithstanding that our bishops now a days, and namely the pope's of Rome, do fight strongly and manfully for lands and secular domynyons. And for the same do on every side raise up wars between Christ's faithful people, saying that in this they do defend the 
The bishops of Rome been warryours.  right of Christ's spousesse. Albeit that in very deed they are not the rights but the wrongs of the said spousesse. And in a manner they do nothing at all regard, to defend the very true spousesse of Christ, that is to wit the faith, the doctrine, and manners of chrysten people, that she be not corrupted by crooked and 
The spousesse of Christ.  lewd uses or acts, or by the cruel violence of infidels. For these causes therefore in the old time some of the saints received such manner offices and benefices: which the bishops and priests now a days might conveniently renounce, at the lest wise in the communities of chrysten people, the clargye being sufficiently defended from oppressyons/ yea the clargye can scarslye be repressed, from offending and hurting other men. But to renounce such manner secular offices, and the possession and dominion of temporal things: is not the purpose 
The purpose of our prelates now a days.  of our prelate's and pastors now a days/ but their purpose is to fight also with armed power, not only for the conservation and maintenance of such manner things which they have all ready: but also to usurp the resydew of such manner things which they have not as yet/ (as every man be he never so unlearned: may learn by his senses, if by none other thing) very greatly slandering and offending the hole multitude of chrysten people: by this example of ambition/ not regarding the commination of Christ, in the. xviii. of Matthew, when he said/ who so ever shall offend, or give occasion of evil to one of these little one's. etc. Where the gloze saith thus/ after the mind of saint Iherome. Albeit that it may be a general sentence against all men, which do give occasion of evil to any man: yet after the process of the text, it may seem also to have been said against the apostles/ which in that they asked who should be greatest: seemed to contend and strive among themselves about dignity/ And if they should have continued in this vice: they might by their occasion and example given, have hurt them whom they called to the faith, whiles they should see the apostles strive and fight among themselves about honour. And that which Iherome saith of the apostles: is to be understanded also of all the successors of them, bishops or priests/ which for all this if they will not of their own good wills renounce and forsake such manner iudycyall offices, and the authority 
judycyall of fyces are to be revoked from priests.  of dystrybuting temporal things: but do mysuse them: the chrysten princes may lawfully, both according to the law of god and also of man, yea and aught in deed to revoke the said offices and temporalles from them/ as it hath been showed and proved in the. xv. of the first diction, and in the. xvii. of this diction. And as to wching to that which was objected of the apostle in the ix. of the first to the Corynthyanes' & in the third of the second to the Thessalonianes, have not we power etc. it hath been dissolved & answered unto, in the .xiiii. of this diction. For such power (as it was said there) is not power of jurisdiction: but power of asking lawfully according to the law of god (how be it yet not in coactyve judgement) meat, drink, and clothing, due to himself for the ministering of the gospel, of such as are able to give such things. And to that objection, which was taken of the. u chapytre of the first to Timothe, when the apostle said. Against a priest or senior receive thou none accusation. etc. It is to be answered and said that the apostle understood and meaned here if a priest aught to be openly rebuked of his superior pastor, or doctoure. For the apostle did not bid any bishop or priest to exercise coactyve jurisdiction apon any man because he known, this thing not to appertain to his authority nor to the authority of any successoure unto him. And the apostle sygnyfied here that the correption, which belongeth to a prelate or pastor: is only by words, as it appeareth by the words that followeth. Rebuke sinners afore all men: that the other may have fear. And he said not, take them, or enpryson them. But he taught, that such which were incorryble and would not be amended with words: should be eschewed and the company of them avoided. Wherefore in the third to Tyte he saith, Eschew or avoid his company that is an heretic: after the first and second correption, for because he is condemned by the judgement of his own self.   

¶ Of the solution of the reasons or arguments, brought in, in the same third chapytre also, for the same purpose/ and of the translation of the romayne empire, & of any other empire or dominion, as much as may be and aught to be done according to right reason.  
The, thirty, chapytre,  
THe resydewe and the last chapytre of this diction is, to solve the reasons or arguments, which also we brought in, in the third of this 
Answers to objections, made in the third chapytre of this part.  diction, to confirm and fortyfye the error of them, which do say that coactyve jurisdictions doth appertain unto priests or bishops, in that they are priests or bishops/ and that the highest coactyve jurisdiction of all in this world/ doth belong to the bishop of Rome. To the first therefore of the said reasons, where it was said, that as the body hath itself in comparison unto the soul/ so likewise hath the governor of 
The first argument. Answer.  the body, himself unto the governor of the soul: this proposition, if it be unyversally taken: it is false/ For albeit that there is a distinction or difference between the soul and the body, because the soul is not the body: yet for all that, there is no prince or governor of the body, but the same is also some manner way prince or governor of the soul, and likewise backward again/ taking this word prince in his proper signification as it appeareth in the. viii. and. ix. chapytres of this diction. But if by the prince or Ruler of the body, after a metaphor, be understanded the physician, which hath the cure and governance of the body as an operative or practyke doctoure, and as touching to the acts & operations of the unreasonable & nutrytyve part of man: and if also by the prince or governor of the soul, be understanded the sprytuall leche, and the teacher or operative master, as touching to the acts and operations of the reasonable and appetityve part of man, as well in the state and for the state of this present world, of which sort be the doctors and teachers of the human sciences or dyscyplynes, as for the state of the world to come, of which sort be pastors and curates and priests: than the said proposition taken indyfynytlye but not generally/ may be granted. For if it be taken genreallye: it might always be impugned and reasoned against by manifold objections. For there are many dyfferences between the soul and the body, or between the reasonable portion of man and the brutysshe, which same dyfferences are not between the governor and teacher, as touching to the works of the one part, and the governor or teacher as touching to the works of the other part. For the reasoble part made unto the likeness or Image of the trinity: can reason and make syllogysmes. And the unreasonable part, can not do so/ and yet this difference is not between the governors and teachers as touching to the acts of these said. two. parts/ and so likewise in many other things. Though we therefore do grant this proposition in some sense, that is to wit, that likewise as the reasonable and appetityve power of the man is more noble than the body, as touching to the nutrytyve power, so in like manner the teacher and governor of 
A doctor or teacher is more noble than a leche or physician.  the reasonable part of man. etc. Is more worthy and noble than he which is orderer of the body/ or if this comparison or similitude also be made between the orderer of the body, for the state or end only of this present world, and him which is teacher of the soul for the state or end of the world to come/ I say though we do grant the one teacher to be more perfit than the other/ yet it doth not follow hereof, that he which is the perfyter of these two is ruler, judge, or prymate over him that is the less perfit, by judgement coactyve. For so should the mathe matycall doctor or teacher be prince or governor and coactyve judge over the physician and very many other inconveniences manyfestlye should follow hereof. But if by the governor of the bodies be understanded the prince or coactyve judge of men: or a judge of the third signification, in the state, and for the state or end of this present world only or pryncypallye, and by the governor of souls be understanded he, which is judge after the third signification, pryncypallye, for the state or end of the world to come (so as the maker of the reason or argument seemeth to intend) this comparison or proposition and similitude might be granted, after some sense, if it be taken indefynytly. But taken unyversally, (as we have said before) it may be proved false by diverse & many reasons. And when it is added or put to afterwards, that the body is under the soul, or that the unreasonable part is utterly or else after a certain manner under the reasonable part: though we do grant the body to be under the soul as touching to perfection: yet it followeth not hereof, that the one is under the other, 
How the body is under the soul.  as touching to jurisdiction/ for he that should make that illation or argument should commit the vice or fault of argumentation called fallacia consequentis. And though we did grant (albeit not for this argumentation) that the prince or governor of the bodies, that is to wit the coactyve judge of men, for the state of this present world only, is under, as touching to jurisdiction, the coactyve judge of souls for the state of the world to come: yet it followeth not therefore, that any prince or coactyve judge of this world, is as touching to jurisdiction, under any bishop or priest. For no bishop or priest, in that he is such one, is prince or coactyve judge of any man for the state of this present world, or yet of the world to come/ as it hath been showed in the. iiii. u and. ix. chapytres of this diction. For the coactyve judge of souls, or for the state of the world to come 
Chryst is the only judge coactyve of souls.  is only chryst: wherefore it is written in the. iiii. of james, and it grieveth me not to repeat it again. There is but one law maker and judge: which may destroy and deliver. But this judge purposeth not to judge any mortal man by sentence irrevocable, neither he doth ponysshe finally or reward any man in this world/ but he purposeth to punish or to reward only in the world to come/ as we have said, and have proved by the scripture, in the. ix. of this diction Now the bishop of Rome, with other prelate's or pastors, is the teacher of souls, 
The byssop of Rome is but a teacher.  and as it were the leche or physician of them: but not prince or coactyve judge of them/ as we have showed in the place afore alleged, by the text of the gospel and by the apostle, Hylarye, and Chrysostome, and also by strong reason. And as touching to the reason, which we brought in moreover, that likewise as 
objection.  corporal things are in comparison of sprytuall things, so is the governor of corporal things in comparison of him which is governor of sprytuall things: for as much as it is grounded upon the same rote in a manner with the reason aforegone: it is to be avoided and dissolved in a manner under the same or like manner. For the first proposition of this reason may be impugned and proved false 
The answer. objection. Answer.  many manner ways. And as touching the second proposition of this reason where it is said that corporal things are under sprytuall things, if by this words be understanded that they are less perfit: it aught to be granted, if these words sprytuall and temporal be taken in, in their proper significations. But when it is said afterwards that the bishop of Rome is prince or judge of sprytuall things, if this word judge be taken according to his first signification, and as speculative or operative judge of these things: it is true, that the bishop of Rome and any other bishop is or ought to be such manner judge. And hereof it is concluded that he is perfyter than that man which judgeth by such manner judgement only of corporal things. Namely because of the goodness of the things which are judged. But it followeth not herefore, that such manner judge of sprytuall things is superior to the other manner judge in jurisdiction or coactyve judgement. For so he that considereth sensible creatures, should be prince or coactyve judge of the astronomer or geometrician/ or contrariwise/ and yet neither of these for all that is necessary true/ but if they do intend or mean, that the bishop of rome or any other bishop is judge of spiritual things after the third signification of this word, that is to wit coactyve judge: than this proposition is to be denied, as being manyfestlye false/ as we have alleged here tofore of the. iiii. of james, both in this chapytre, and also in the. ix. of this diction. For Christ only is such manner judge/ unto whom we never have denied, neither do deny the judge of this world to be subject, as touching to coactyve jurisdiction for the state of the world to come/ wherefore the apostle in the. vi. to the Ephesyans, and in the last chapytre to the Collossyanes' saith thus. Their lord or master, and yours: is in heavens/ other than only Chryst/ wherefore the judges of this world: shall be judged of this judge only, by coactyve judgement. And they which have offended: shall be ponysshed by coactyve ponysshement/ but yet in an other world, according to his own law, as it hath appeared in the. ix. chapiter of this diction. This said reason therefore is a gylefull reason, and did beguile by the reason of equyvocation or manifold significations 
The second argument.  of this word judge. And as touching to that argumentacion or reason, which saith, that as the one end hath itself in comparison of the other end & the one law in comparison to the other law, so likewise the one judge hath himself in comparison to the other judge: this proposition if it be taken generally, 
Answer.  may be denied/ but yet if it be granted taken indefynytly and the second proposition joined unto it: it followeth and is concluded peradventure in good material consequence or argument, that he which is coactyve judge according to the law of god (that is to say Christ) is superior to him that is coactyve iudgs according to the law of man, that is to say, to the prince or princes, which thing we have granted here before. And than if it be said, moreover that the bishop of Rome, or any other bishop, is judge according to the law of god. A distinction is to be made of this proposition because of the many fold significations of this word judge. And it is to be denied in that sense, according to which the maker of the argument goth about to conclude, that the bishop of Rome or any other bishop is coactyve judge in this world, or in the world to come, according to the law of god. And as touching to that 
objection.  reason which saith, that he, whose action or operation is the more noble, ought not to be subject as touching coactyve jurisdiction, unto him whose action or operation is the less noble or the less perfit/ & that the action or operation of a bishop or priest is more noble, than the operation of a prince or secular governor, for it is a more noble and a more perfit thing to consecrated the sacrament of the altar, and to mynystre the other sacraments of the church, which is the work of a bishop or priest, than to judge and give commandments of the cyvyle or contencyouse acts of men which is the work of a prince or governor, or of him that hath coactyve jurisdiction, only, in that he is such one 
Answer.  the first proposition of this reason or argument is false, and to be denied if it be taken generally, as it must needs be taken here, for else this reason should not have convenient form. And the second proposition also if it be taken generally, for what soever preesthode or priest, may likewise be proved false by manifold reasons. For the action of priests in other laws: is not nobler than the action or operation of the prince or secular governor as the contrary hath been before showed and proved in the. xv. chapiter of the first diction or part. But in the law of chrysten men only, the operation of priests is the most perfit operation/ which thing for all that we do hold by faith only. The first proposition therefore of this argumentation is false/ for nothing letteth, but that he which hath the more noble and more perfit operation absosutly: may in some things and some manner way, depend of him, that hath the less perfit operation. And so in some point and some manner way be more imperfect/ For the body of man, which absolutlye is more perfit than all manner bodies other simple or composyte and mixed, at the lestewyse which are generable: as touching to some thing that may be assigned, is less perfit than many simple or mixed bodies. This also may we see in the parts of one hole thing. For though the iye be a member or a part more perfit than the hand or the foot, because it worketh a more perfit operation/ yet nevertheless it hangs of them and receiveth some operation or moving of them. And they likewise again do depend of the eye. For by the eye they are directed unto the end, unto the which they move or are moved/ so also the apostle said in the. twelve. of the first to the Coryntheanes. But the eye can not say to the hand: I need not thy help or labour. And after this or like manner verily the prince and governor also dependeth and receiveth some things by the actions or operations of some inferyor parts of the community (of which we have spoken in the. u chapytre of the first diction) howbeit not as touching to coactyve judgement. And yet do those inferyor parts of the comunyte as touching to some better and more perfit thing, and as touching to coactyve judgement, depend of the prince and governor/ as it hath been showed in the. xv. of the first diction. So than priesthood or priests do depend and receive some what of the prince or secular governor: and the prince or secular governor dependeth and receiveth some thing of the priest. For the priests do receive of the prince and secular governor, in stytucyon of their cyvyle acts, and defence from Injury that they shall neither do injury to any other man, neither any other man to them, in the state and for the state of this present world/ for this is the offyce of the prince or high governor, and of none other part or member of the community as it hath been showed in the. xv. of the first diction. And this also the apostle expressed in the. xiii. chapiter to the Romans/ and we have brought in his words in the. u chapytre of this diction/ this same also he mened in the. u chapytre of the first epistle to Tymothe, when he said/ I beseech therefore, that obsecrations be made, first for kings, and all that are in high authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life. Likewise again on the other part, the prince dependeth and hath need of the action or operation of the priest. For of the priest, he receiveth doctrine, and the sacraments dysposing men in this world, and removing or putting away such things as are contrary to salvation or eternal beatytude, for the state of the world to come. But yet dyfferently and after a diverse manner they work and receive these operations each of other. For the prince being coactyve judge in this world by the ordination of god, may lawfully exercise or impress his operation, by coactyve power by doing ponysshement upon any priest: yea though he be not willing or content, if he hath been a transgressor of the law of man, which is not contrary to the law of god/ as it hath been showed and proved, in the. u and. viii. chapytres of this diction and in the. xv. of the first diction. But the byssoppe or priest, because he is not according to the law of god coactyve judge of any man in this world (as it hath been showed in the. xv. of the first diction and in the. iiii. u and. ix. of this diction) but is a judge after the first signification of this word judge, and as it were an operative teacher, as a leche or physician: he can not by his operation or precept, compel any man/ neither he aught to compel any man, by pain or ponysshement other real or personal, as touching to this present life. So than the first proposition of this said argumentation was false, wherein it was said, that what soever thing worketh the more perfit operation, aught not as touching to jurisdiction to be under the thing that worketh the less perfit 
An inconuenyent or absurdytye.  operation. For of this proposition with the aforesaid propositions joined unto it, there followeth necessarily an other manifest inconuenyent and a false proposition/ that is to wit, that no speculative dortor or at the lestewyse that the highest or principal philosopher or metaphysician is not under the jurisdiction of the prince or governor according to the law of man. For as much as none of the practive habits or sciences and qualytes besides faith, in the prince and governor, or else in any other man, neither any operation proceeding and brought forth of the said habits or sciences, is equal in perfection to the habit or science of the metaphysician, or to the action or operation brought forth by it which habit or operation, it may chance a prince or governor for to lack. And where as it was afterwards objected, that it seemeth an inconuenyent, and an unseemly thing, that the bishop of Rome, or else any other bishop, aught to be under the coactyve judgement of him, that is prince and worldly governor, it is to be answered and said that it is none in convenient at all, that he or any other bishop be under that same or like judge, under whom the lord and master of the said bishop of his own free will hath determined to be, for a convenient ordination or order of this world to be observed/ For Christ, which was both god and man, willingly submytted himself to the coactyve judgement of ponce Pilate, which was the vycare or deputy of him that was Emperor/ so also did the holy apostles and taught other also to do the same, accordingly unto the law of god/ as it hath been plainly and evidently showed by the scripture and by the sayings of saints, and of other doctors, in the. iiii. and. u of this diction/ and hath been also repeated or rehearsed again in the. xxviii. of this same diction/ wherefore also in as much as the servant is not greater than the master, neither the apostle greater than he that hath sent him as we have alleged and brought in of the scripture, by the saying of Bernarde, in the. xxviii. chapiter of this diction. For Bernarde among other things: saith thus, in the first Book and the. u. chapiter De consideratione unto Eugenius. Is the servant than a mynyssher of the dignity: if he willeth not to be greater than his Lord and master? or the disciple, if he willeth not to be greater than he that sent him: or the son if he will not go beyond the terms or bounds which his Forefathers have set? Our master and lord said, who hath made or ordained me a judge? and shall it be injury to the servant and disciple: except he may judge all men? It is not inconuenyent but very convenyente, and also necessary to the quietness and tranquillity of cyvylytye or the common weal/ that any bishop and priest and clerk be under the coactyve judgement of the princes and secular governors. And the contrary hereof is utterly inconuenyent, and intolerable. Furthermore, because the bishop of Rome or any other bishop is not the vycare of Christ, or his minister, to exercise all manner offyce in this world: but only as touching to a certain determynate offyce/ as for example as touching to preesthode/ in which offyce, in that it is such one: there is not regarded or considered any coactyve judgement, neither superyoure or inferior as touching to such judgement: as we alleged openly of the words of Arystotle, in the. viii. part of the. ix. chapiter of this diction. But the prince or secular governor 
The prince, is the vycare of god.  is the vycare or minister of god, as touching to the offyce of a prince or governor/ in which offyce is considered and regarded a superior and an inferior or subject as touching to coactyve power/ wherefore in the. xiii. to the Romans the apostle excepting none of the priests or bishops: saith. Let every soul be subject to the high powers/ and he putteth the cause hereof forth with, saying/ for he is the minister of god. See now how the prince is the vycare of god, not violent/ but coactyve of evil men in this world. And therefore it followeth. A ponyssher for wroth unto him that is an evyldoer. But it is so, that a bishop or priest may be an evyldoer/ to whom neither chryst, neither any apostle, hath assigned at any time, any other judge other by their work & example or else by their words: as it hath been showed in this diction in the place afore alleged. And to that objection which is put forth by the manner of a couclusyon, where it is said if it should be expedient and necessary, to correct princes and 
another objection.  governors, when they shall trespass and offend against god's law or man's law: that it seemeth that they may not conveniently be corrected, for as much as they have no superyor in the cyvyle regyment, at the lestwyse the principal and highest of them. And therefore that they aught to be under the coactyve judgement of priests and bishops: it is to be answered and said, that a prince or governor offending or treaspassing against the law of god or of man, 
Answer. How a prince or governor is to be corrected.  may and aught to be corrected conveniently by the ecclesyastycall minister, bishop, or priest, by words of exhortation/ or of increpation, and rebuking/ but yet after a sober a discrete and mesurable manner, according to the doctrine of the apostle in the second and also the. iiii. chapiter of the second epistle to Tymothe and to the exposition of Chrysostome, which we have brought in heretofore in the. ix. chapiter of this diction. But in no wise by coactyve power and authority. For such manner power doth not appertain to a priest or bishop, in that he is such one: upon any man in this world/ as it hath been oftentimes proved and repeated heretofore. And as touching to the reason which was finally added, that he is, as touching to jurisdiction, superyor unto the emperor 
Another objection.  of Rome, and may of right instytute and depose the said emperor, which hath translated the empire from the Greeks unto the Germaynes in the person of great Cherles, as it hath been said & that he that made this translation was the pope of Rome, ergo the pope is superyor to the Emperor & may of right instytute and depose the Emperor: it is to be answered & said. that if the first proposition of this argument be taken indefynytly & not unyversally, 
Answer.  than of it with the second proposition nothing can be inferred or concluded, for as much as no syllogysme may be made of an indefynyte proposition and a partyculer proposition. But if it be taken unyversally, so that it be said, Every translator of the Roman empire from the greeks unto the germaynes, is superyor 
The translation of the to main empire.  to the emperor. etc. Except the subject of this proposition (that is to wit translator of the empire. etc.) be determined/ this proposition might be proved false by very many true reasons. For if any man had invery deed but yet not of right, translated the empire, or else if he had done it not by his own power, but by the power of an other man given unto him as unto a proctor or deputy: this person I say which had so translated the empire, should not therefore himself alone have superyor jurisdiction unto the emperor, neither rightful power and authority to instytute or depose him/ but if the aforesaid proposition be this determined, that every mortal man which hath translated, or may justly and rightfully translate the romayne empire from the Greeks unto the germaynes, by his own proper authority not granted to him by any other person, is superyor in coactyve jurisdiction to the emperor of Rome, and may ryghtfullye instytute and depose him/ this proposition so granted: than the second proposition which is joined unto this, that it is the byssoppe or Pope of Rome, which hath translated the empire/ as it hath been said/ is to be denied as utterly false. For the contrary of this proposition, hath been proved in the. xv. of the first diction. And also the contrary both of it, and of the conclusion which is inferred of it, hath been certyfyed and surely proved by the scripture, and by the sayings of saints and other catholic doctors, in the. iiii. and. u chapytres of this diction/ and hath been repeated or rehearsed again in very many other places. And thus it hath been observed in deed without reclamation or grudge of the old fathers & pastors of the bishops of Rome. Thus than to have go through the doubts moved in the third and the. xxvii. chapytres of this diction/ let it be suffycyente. And thus we make an end of the questyones pryncypallye purposed and intended of us in this work.   
¶ Thus endeth the second diction or book,   

¶ The third diction or part of this work, entytled, the Defender of peace/ which is, as it were a table of the two first dictions.  

¶ Of the rehearsal, & calling to remembrance again, of the things principally intended and determined in the first and second dyccyon/ and of a certain sequel, and necessary following, which the things that shallbe spoken in this book: have unto the things which have been said in the dictions aforegoing.  
The first chapytre.  
FOr as moche, as in the dictions aforegoing, we have assigned and marked forth the singular and special cause, that now is of cyvyle discord, intranquyllyte, and unquyetnes of certain realms, and certain communities, and which same thing, shall also be hereafter the cause of debate, and strife in all other communities, except it be letted and stopped be times: that is to wit the existymation or opinion, and the desire, and enforcement, by which the bishop of Rome, and the company of his clergy, syngulerlye and especially labour to possess secular domynyons, and temporal things superfluously/ of the which domynyons or sovereygntes, the said bishop endeavoureth to challenge the highest unto himself, by the title of full power, which was pryncypallye granted to him (as he saith) by chryst in the person of saint Peter, as we have said in the last chapytre of the first diction. And as it hath been not with out a reasonable cause repeated oftentimes and rehearsed in very many chapytres of the second diction: where as in very deed, not only not the highest dominion or governance, but also no dominion at all or judgement coactyve of any person in this world is convenient or agreeing to him, or to any other bishop priest, or clerk, in that they are such manner person, neither jointly, neither severally, as we have evidently showed and proved in the first diction, by certain human and worldly reasons. And have also confirmed the same, in the. iiii. and. u chapytres of the second diction, by the testymonyes of everlasting troth, and also by the expositions, and declarations of the holy interpreters thereof, and of many proved doctors and teachers of the same, and afterwards also the. vi. & thee, seven. chapytres of the second diction we have by the scriptures and certain reasons, assigned and showed what, and how great, and in what things is the power and authority of priests and bishops. To all whom, or to some one of them, we have showed in the. xxiiii. chapiter of the same, that such fullness of power doth not belong, neither jointlye or severally, which fullness they had taken themselves and usurped, namely the bishop of Rome. By reason of the which things so of us declared & showed it seemeth and appeareth, the rotes of that singular malygnyty very oft named in our prohemy or preface to be sufficiently cut up, wherefore now that the branches, twygges, & graffs of discord & strife, which this pestilence or mischief hath brought hitherto, yea & cesseth not yet daily to bring in to realms & communities, may the sooner dry up & not be able hereafter to have issue or offspring: or to spread any further we shall of the. two. dictions aforegone bring forth the third diction, which remaineth behind/ which diction shallbe nothing else, but a necessary & a plain, clear, & evident inferring of certain conclusions, following of the things afore written, being other evidently known of themself: or else sufficiently proved: to the which conclusions, if good diligent attention be given, both of meditation & study, & also of working & execution/ the aforesaid pestilence or mischief, & also the sophystycall cause thereof, shall easily be excluded & driven out from realms/ so that from henceforth they shall be stopped out from having entrance in to them & other, communities.   

¶ Of the clear and evident inferring of certain conclusyons necessarily following of these things, which have been determined in the. two. first dictions or parts of this book/ by the attention and diligent marking of which conclusyons princes or governors, and also their subjects may the sooner: and the more easily, attain the end purposed and intended by this book.  
The second chapytre.  

¶ Of the which said conclusyons to be inferred: we will make this the first.  
THat there is no scripture, which of necessity, we are bound to believe, to believe to be undoubtedly true save only the divine or canonycall scripture/ or what soever other scripture it be, which necessarelye followeth of the same   

¶ The second conclusion.  
¶ That only the precepts of god in the new law, or else such as necessarelye followeth of them, or such things, which according to right reason; are convenyente to be done or left undone, are nedfullye for the obtaynenge of everlasting salvation to be observed and kept/ but not all the precepts of the old law.   

¶ The third conclusion.  
¶ That in the precepts or prohibitions of the new law: no mortal man may dyspence.   

¶ The fourth conclusion.  
¶ That there is none other human or worldy maker of laws, but only the prince or his perlyament, or (where it is so used) hole university and congregation of Cytezens: or else the bigger and more part thereof.   

¶ The fift conclusion.  
¶ That the decretals or Decrees of the Popes of Rome, or of any other bishops, which been constytuted or made by them, jointly or severally, without the grant of princes do oblygate or bind no man to any pain temporal or punishment of this world. This is declared of certainty in the. twelve. of the first and. xxviii. chapiter of the second diction.   

¶ The sixth conclusion.  
¶ That in the laws of man: only the prince or else some other man by his authority, may dyspence. This is proved in the. twelve. chapiter of the first diction.   

¶ The seventh conclusion.  
¶ That there aught to be but only one chief sovereign in a realm/ this is evidently proved in the. twelve. chapiter of the first diction.   

¶ The eight conclusion.  
¶ That it belongeth only to the authority of the king according to the laws or approved customs: to determine the persons, and the quality, and number of them, which shallbe officers of therealme and also to determine all civil matters by themselves or their deputies.   

¶ The. ix. conclusion.  
¶ That no bishop or priest, in that he is such one: hath any soveraygnte or coactyve jurisdiction over any clerk, or say man, although he be an heretic. This is evidently proved in the. xv. chapiter of the first dyction/ in the. iiii. the u the. ix. and. x. chapytres of the second dyction.   

¶ The. x. conclusion.  
¶ That only the prince or sovereign: hath jurisdiction coactyve, both real and personal, upon every partyculer or singular mortal person: of what so ever condition or estate he be/ and also upon every partyculer college or company of lay men and clerks.   

¶ The. xi. conclusion.  
¶ That it is not lawful for any bishop or priest, or for any college or company of them: to excommunicate any man/ or to interdycte or forbid the divine service to be done/ this is proved in the. vi. chapiter of the second diction.   

¶ The. twelve. conclusion.  
¶ That all bishops are equal in the authority which they have immediately by Christ/ and that it can not be proved according to the law of god, that one of them ought to be above, or under an other in spiritual or temporal things/ this is evidently proved in the. xv. and. xuj. chapytres of the second diction.   

¶ The. xiii. conclusion.  
¶ That the contracts of matrimony or wedlock, prohybyted and forbidden in the law of god, can not be dyspensed by any mortallman/ and that to dyspence with the matrymonyes forbidden by the law of man, doth belong only to the authority of the prince. This is evidently proved, in the. twelve. chapiter of the first diction.   

¶ The. xiiii. conclusion.  
¶ To legyttymate bastards, and those that be begotten out of wedlock: so that they may succeed by inheritance, and receive or take cyvyle or ecclesyastycall offices and benefices/ belongeth only to the prince of a realm. This is proved in the same places which were rehearsed in the last conclusion afore this.   

¶ The. xv. conclusion.  
¶ That it appertaineth only to the princes to judge the persons which are to be promoted to ecclesyastycall ordres/ and also to judge the suffycyencye ●● habylyte of any such person, by coactyve judgement. And that without the authority of princes it is not lawful for any bishop or priest to promote any man to any such ordres this is proved in the. xv. chapiter of the first diction/ and in the. xvii. of the second.   

¶ The. xuj. conclusion.  
¶ That it belongeth only to him that is cheyfe governor or sovereign, according to the laws of chrysten men/ to measure or set the number of churches or temples, and of the priests, deacons, and other officers, which aught to mynystre in the same. The certain of this conclusion is had in the places last rehearsed.   

¶ The. xvii. conclusion.  
¶ That the ecclesyastycall offices which we have called separable or accydentall, with benefices, and other things ordained for godly and chartable causes/ aught to be given, and likewise may be taken away, only by the authority of princes. This is proved, in the. xv. of the first and. xvii. of the second.   

¶ The. xviii. conclusion.  
¶ That to ordain or make notaryes, or other public and common cyvyle officers: doth appertain to no bishop, in that he is such one/ neither jointlye with an other: neither severally/ this is proved in the. xv. of the first part.   

¶ The. nineteeen. conclusion.  
¶ That no bishop, in that he is such one may grant either jointly, or severally, licence to teach, or work or practise openly in any art or dyscyplyne/ but that to grant these lycencyes appertaineth only to princes or to him that is head governor/ this is proved in the places last rehearsed.   

¶ The. xx. conclusion.  
¶ That the king or prince may lawfully & agreeably to the law of god, use the temporalles of the church or clergy, other in the hole, or in part of them, for the public or common utility, or defence of the common weal, after that the necessity of the priests, and other ministers of the gospel, and of those things which appertaineth to the worsheping and service of god, and of the impotent poor folk, is suffycyentlye provided for, and satyssyed/ this is proved, in the. xv. of the first and in the. xvii. of the second diction.   

¶ The. xxi. conclusion.  
¶ That it belongeth only to the cheyfe governor or sovereign, to dispose all temporalles, which are ordained for chartable causes, and to almosse deeds and the works of pity. As for example such things which are bequest in testaments, for the meyntenaunce of soldiers against infydeles/ or for the raunsoming of prisoners being in their hands/ or for the sustentation and releave of impotent poor folk, and such other like things/ and that to him only it appertaineth, to order the said things, according to the determynation, intention, and mind of the testator/ or otherwise giver/ this is proved in the places last rehearsed.   

¶ The. xxii. conclusion.  
¶ That it appertaineth only to the authority of princes to grant the vowson of what soever college or religion/ and the same to approve and to allow: or else to reprove and dysalowe/ this is proved in the. xv. of the first, in the. viii. the. x. of the second diction.   

¶ The. xxiii. conclusion.  
¶ That it appertaineth only to the authority of the governor or sovereign, to judge by coactyve judgement, heretics, and all trespasers, and malefactors, and those which are to be ponysshed by temporal pain or ponysshement/ and to inflycte and enjoin pains personal and real/ and the same pains real to apply unto what use they list. This is proved, in the. xv. of the first in the. viii. the. x. of the second.   

¶ The. xxiiii. conclusion.  
¶ That no subject, or person, which is oblygated and bound to another, by a lawful oath: may be loosed from the said bond, by any bishop or priest, with out reasonable cause, which is to be judged (by the judgement in his third signification) of the prince or king/ and that the contrary of this conclusion: is against all true and right doctrine/ this is proved, in the. vi. the. seven. and. xxvi. of the second diction.   

The. twenty-five. conclusion.  
¶ That it appertaineth and belongeth only to the princes and governors, in the communities of chrysten people, to gather by coactyve power a general council, or else a partyculer council, of priests and bishops, and of other chrysten men.   

¶ The. xxvi. conclusion.  
¶ That the commanding of fasts, and the prohibitions and forbyddynges of certain meats, aught only to be made by the authority of princes. And that only the aforesaid princes may enterdycte or forbid the working and exercising of handcraftes/ or the teaching of disciplynes, which are not prohybyted by the law of god, to be exercised & used in almaner of days/ and that it appertaineth only to him that is governor to constrain men, to the observing and keeping of the same commandments or prohibitions by temporal payneor ponysshement.   

¶ The. xxvii. conclusion.  
¶ That it may be lawful always for him, that is a suitor, or striveth in the law: to appeal from the coactyve judgement, which hath been granted to any bishop or priest: to him that is prince or governor.   

¶ The. xxviii. conclusion.  
¶ That a multitude, or singular person, to whom the gospel is ministered: is bound according to the law of god, and after their or his habylytye, to exibyte and give to bishops, and other evangelical mynystres those things, which shall be necessary and needful to their nourysshement and clothing/ at the least wise their daily food necessary to the sustentation of their life. But in no wise tyethes or any other thing, if it shall be superfluous, and more than shall be necessarelye required, to the supplyenge of the needs of the said ministers.   

¶ The. xxix. conclusion.  
¶ That the faithful lawemaker, or he that is governor, by the authority of the said lawemaker: may in the province subject to him, compel as well bishops as other evangelical ministers, for whose food and clothing it is suffycyentlye provided: to celebrated divine service, and to minister the sacraments of the church/ this is proved in the. xv. of the first & in the. viii. of the second.   

¶ The. thirty. conclusion.  
¶ Other conclusions, both very many in number, and also very profitable, might be inferred, which by necessity followeth of the determinations made in the two first dictions or parts. But yet that notwithstanding, at this time we will hold us contented, with these: which we have all ready deduced. For as much as they do the give easy and sufficient entrance and occasion to the reder to gather and infer other such like more, and be sufficient also to the cutting away of the aforesaid great myscheyfe, otherwise called the bishop of Rome and also the cause thereof.    
¶ The end of the third diction or part/ of the work: which is called, The defender of peace,   

¶ The peroration or conclusion of/ the work to the reader.  
THou haste here most gentle reader, A work, which albeit that it is not peradventure set forth with painted words, and eloquent speech/ yet is there wisdom in it not to be despised. This said work, it hath liked and pleased the auctor thereof: to entytle Defensor pacis/ that is to say in Englysshe: the defender or maynteyner of Peace/ because in it he hath dylygentlye and faithfully gathered together, and also hath in goodly order set forth, all the ways and means: by which most cheyflye, empyers, realms, or any other cyvyle socyetes, or felowshyppes of men, among themselves are or may be best held, or kept, and considered, or joined together, by a certain continual favour and love of the officers or rulers and of the multitude or communes each to other establesshed, and made firm and sure, without fear or dread of any sedition, discord debate or strife, both parts keeping themselves within their own right, as it were within a certain lymytes or bounds: and neither of them challenging or usurping any things unto themselves, save only that, which the laws will give them leave. Which consent, and concord, or agreement between the orders, degrees or estates, because it hath not been so diligently regarded and seen unto, as was meet and according that it should have been: and whiles the one sort, to boldly, against right and law, doth hurt the other how great hurts, and troublous storms, it hath always stirred and raised up, not only in temporal matters, but also in sprytualte matters: both the times of our elders and forefathers partly, but specially and cheyfly these present times, vexed with so many incommodities, and myschevouse evils and troubles by reason hereof, doth evidently declare and prove. Against which evils, would god that some convenient help & remedy were found, afore it come to that pass that they be utterly passed remedy: by those persons, which worthily both aught and also might remedy them. But I exorte and desire thee, most good & gentle reader: dylygentlye to turn over and to labour this work, called the defender of peace. Thou shalt find in it the Image of these our times most perfitly and clerlye expressed and set out. And also, that even afore these days, every one of the best Emperors hath been continually sore vexed & troubled with the same tyranny of Romanystes: wherewith now all good men be accumbered, greaved, and noyed, not without the cruel and deadelye injury of the common weal.   

THis work was written in the latin tongue two hundred & ten years now fully passed/ and now printed in englysshe, for none other intent and purpose (I take god to witness) more than to help further and profit the chrysten comen weal, to the uttermost of my power, namely and principally, in those businesses and troubles: whereby it is and before this time hath been injustly molested urxed and troubled by the spiritual & ecclesyastycall tyrauntꝭ. And that to the great hurt & calamyte of the same comen weal, that by many such histories of old men, set before the eyes and sight of all men: at the last, the very troth might appear and show itself/ and that all darkness dyscussed, and put away, the same may come to light. Wherefore good indifferent reader, take thou that also in good worth, which we have done certainly, of a very good mind and purpose.  
¶ Explicit,   

printed by me Robert wire/ for wyllyam marshal/ and finished in the month of july in the year of our Lord god a, M, LLLLL, xxxv, And in the. xxvii. year of the Reign of our most gracious sovereign lord Henry the eight, by the grace of god, of England, and of France king, defender of the faith, and lord of Ireland/ and supreme head under god of the church of England.  
With the privilege of our most gracious sovereign Lord/ for six years,   printer's or publisher's device 
ROBERT wire