THE HISTORY OF THE WARS BETWEEN THE TURKS AND THE PERSIANS.  
Written in Italian by john-thomas Minadoi, and translated into English by ABRAHAM HARTWELL.  
Containing the description of all such matters, as pertain to the Religion, to the Forces to the Government, and to the Countries of the kingdom of the Persians.  
Together with the Argument of every Book, & a new Geographical Map of all those Territories.  
A Table containing a declaration aswell of diverse new and Barbarous Names and Terms used in this History, as also how they were called in ancient times.  
And last of all, a Letter of the Authors, wherein is discoursed, what City it was in the old time, which is now called Tauris, and is so often mentioned in this History.  
Imprinted at London by john Wolf 1595.   

Faults escaped in the printing.  
Folio Line Read 16 13 make his coming 76 24 to pay his Capigi & janissaries withal for lxxxv. Maidini 97 28 Mustaffa with all his troops, 133 24 governor of Nassivan, 147 7 ran all headlong and as it were 167 14 confirmed in Aleppo by the 207 21 brought into Teflis with so great quiet 217 6 towards Heri, 233 20 Cicala Bassa, 239 27 that all the Chans  30 being with all  31 accompanied by all his said Army. 303 31 far to pleasure him, 327 18 daunt and fertile:   

To the most Gracious and Reverend Father in God, JOHN by the providence of God, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all England, and one of the Lords of her majesties most honourable Privy Council.  
MOst Reverend and my singular good Lord, May it please your Grace with honourable favour to accept of this paper-Present, which by starts I have drawn out of Italian into English. Sundry reasons there were that at the first, about three years ago, moved me to begin the translation thereof, but because they are such as concern matter of estate, where withal I list not to meddle for fear of burning my fingers, I thought it good rather to conceal them, then in print to publish them. The only occasion, that caused me after so long time having laid it aside, to take it up again and finish the same, was the grave judgement of Sr. Moil Finche a right worshipful knight in Kent, who this last Summer being with you at your Manner of Beakesbourne, upon speech than had about the great preparations of the Turk against Christendom, and the huge victories that he had achieved upon his enemies that sought to weaken him, did very highly commend this book, and the Author thereof: whose eloquence although my english pen cannot possibly reach and express, yet is it truly and faithfully done in as plain and significant Terms as I could: whereunto I was once minded to have added certain advertisements and collections, as well out of the old ancient writers both sacred and profane, that have written of the most stately & magnificent Empire of the Medes and Persians in times past, as also out of Leunclaius & others, that have lately written of the modern and present estate thereof, which hath scarce a shadow of the antic government, wherewith it was then ruled & governed. But that matter grew to be so long, that I gave over my purpose therein, lest the volume should have waxen too great. I was also minded to have inserted into this Treatise, a certain prophesy touching the Catastrophe of the Turkish kingdom, which Antonius Torquatus of Ferrara did deliver to Mathias king of Hungary in the year of our Lord 1480. De Regnorum Europae Mutationibus. But because he doth peremptorily set down, that the Turks shall fall into the hands of the Christians about the years 1594. & 1595. and that the house of the Ottomans shall utterly decay in their thirteenth or fourteenth king, and that it shall not exceed that number, nor pass the year of our Lord 1596: He shall pardon me, if I do not believe him, nor commend his credit to future posterity. For (with great grief it must be uttered) we see all things go so quite contrary to this prognosticon, and the power of the Turks grow so huge and infinite; and their enemies so divided and weakened, that unless God come down as it were out of an Engine, to protect the Gospel of his Son jesus Christ, and the Professors thereof, I fear greatly that the half Moon which now ruleth & reigneth almost over all the East, will grow to the full, and breed such an Inundation as will utterly drown all Christendom in the West. God for his mercy's sake rebate her Horns with the glorious shine of his brightest Son. The hours, that I have employed in writing this translation, were stolen from your Graces graver businesses whereon I should have attended: And therefore no man can by any right challenge the same from you, nor I in duty offer it to any other but to your Grace, whose wholly I am and must be, & of whom I may truly and justly say as Oedipus saith in Sophocles. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Lord God long maintain your Grace in all honour and health under the most blessed government of our most happy & renowned Queen ELIZABETH, for the continuance of the peace of this Church of England, and comfort of all those that are bound to honour and love you. At Lambehith, this New-yeares-day 1595.  
Your Grace's most humble Servant at commandment, Abraham Hartwell.   

The Author's Epistle to the Reader.  
ALthough Strabo do write, that the writings touching matters of Persia, had always but small credit even until his time: and therefore it may seem likely, that I, who have taken upon me to write such things as have happened in those countries within the space of nine years, ought greatly to fear lest these my writings should have the very same success, that they had: yet I have thought it necessary to advertise the reader, that for that respect I did not surcease, or refuse to publish this my history, (though indeed for divers other wants and defects it may seem peradventure not so worthy to appear before the learned persons of this present age:) But rather, even for the self same cause, it may rest assured, that without manifest wrong & injury it cannot be despised or discredited. For if those former Historiographers (if algates they were ever worthy of that name) have deserved, that little credit should be yielded unto them: this default was imputed unto them not for any despite or reproach, but in justice and in reason: because (as Strabo himself saith) they loving more to delight then to profit, inserted many fictions & many fables in the truth & purity of the History. And so the things that happened in deed, being mingled and confused with such as were cogged and feigned, they that read them, could not be so truly informed of those adventures and actions, as they desired, and peradventure as they had great need at that time to be instructed in. But I have written this history, with a full and sound resolution, never to decline from the truth, & not to suffer, that upon any occasion whatsoever, any thing should be discoursed therein, but that which either I myself have seen, or possibly could understand to be true. Wherein, although I have found many difficulties and used great labours, (aswell through the ignorance of the people, who being not able to tell me any other name of the Cities, of the countries, of the fields, of the Rivers, & of the hills, but only the barbarous names of them, they made the certain knowledge of those places, wherein these battles were fought, to be very difficult unto me: As also because it was very requisite, that I should have an eye to the sever all qualities of divers nations, who are sometimes given to lying, and by whom many things are wont to be spoken, and many things concealed, for their own particular respects.) Notwithstanding I have endeavoured by all the best means I possibly could, to discharge my duty therein, overcoming these & such other difficulties, with continual conference among divers men in divers places, to the end I might find them agree together in their reports, and expecting withal, that Time itself would at last bring forth the truth. Neither did I ever content myself with the first or second advertisement delivered unto me, but always justified the first with the last, by conferring together the testimonies of both sides. And lastly, without regard of danger, of expenses, or of labour, I have informed myself of every particularity, that possibly I could, by such men, as were esteemed no liars, but men of great authority, who were present for the most part at all these actions. Which purpose and resolution of mine, was greatly favoured and assisted by three private & extraordinary means. First, by the credit and authority of Theodoro Balbj, and Giovanni Michele, being then the right honourable consuls in Soria for the Venetian Senate, two most noble, prudent, and valorous subjects of the State of Venice: who most magnificently without sparing of any costs did favour me herein, & in all my other studies, where, unto I applied myself in those countries. Secondly by the familiar conversation which I had with one Christoforo de Buonj, chief Interpreter to the said most honourable Lords, a person of great valour, well friended and beloved among those nations, and above all, of singular faith and dexterity. Thirdly, by my knowledge in Physic, which I was not squeamish to practise among those people, to the end I might the better, & without ministering any suspicion to any man, enter into their most secret & important advertisements: and so by this means to purchase familiarity in the principal houses of those Cities, wherein for the space of almost seven whole years together, I lived and was entertained. And of thus much it shall be even sufficient to have advertised the readers, who without any other Apology or justification of mine, may rest contented and satisfied with my desire, which hath been to represent unto the world Accidents, that have happened so far off, so strange, and so important, that thereby they may reap great profit both in peace and war. Which satisfaction if I shall obtain of their gratitude, I shall think myself to have gained enough, in am of all the traveles, of all the dangers, & of all the expenses, that I have sustained, & I shall rest assured that I have not been an unfruitful labourer herein.   

The First Book.  
The Argument.  
The causes that moved the Author to write this History.  
The Original of this war.  
The causes of the same war.  
Aidere beheaded.  
Ismahel the king useth great cruelties, publisheth a new Religion, and spreadeth abroad a speech that he would pass into Babylonia.  
Amurath resolveth to move war against Persia.  
Periaconcona beheaded.  
New stirs in Persia, whereof Vctres Bassa advertiseth Amurath: who thereby is confirm in his opinion to make this war.  
Consultations at Constantinople, of the manner how to manage this war.  
Amurath will not in person go with the Army: but chooseth Mustaffa Bassa to be his General: who passeth to Chalcedon, and from thence to Erzirum, where he mustereth and surueigheth his Army, and then departeth for Siruan.  
Mustaffa a truth at Char●● goeth under the Mountains of Chi●lder, and there encampeth himself artificially.  
The King of Persia sendeth Soldiers against the Turks: and over them he maketh 〈◊〉 the Sultan his General.  
Tocomac cometh toward Chars; he findeth out his Spies, and being deceived by his Spies, he doth confidently assault the Turks.  
At the first, Tocomac doth happily overcome the Turks, but afterwards he was discomfited, and saved himself by the opportunity of the night.  
The particular of the Victory.  
Manucchiar the Georgian yieldeth himself to Mustaffa, and is entertained by him.  
The wars between the Turks and Persians.  
I Writ the sundry successes of the war between Amurat king of Turkey, & Mahamet by surname called Codabanda king of Persia, both of them among the Barbarians being most mighty & most warlike Princes. A war not only long & bloody, but also very commodious and of great opportunity to the Christian Commonwealth: for that it hath granted 
The war in Persia commodious for the state of Christendom.  leisure to the Champions of Christ to refresh and increase their forces, being now much weakened by wars both Foreign and Civil. A matter in truth rather divine then human, there being now newly arisen among the Turks, fresh hopes of victories, by means whereof (contrary to the custom of such contentions) the wrath of these two Princes was drawn in length, which if they had been converted against Europe, might have made our state most troublesome and turbulent. These successes and all the rest, that together with the like motions have come to pass, sometimes intermingling among them the privy treacheries of the Tartarians, sometimes the oppressions of the people of Drusia, and sometimes also the insolences of the Arabians, I here take in hand to describe, being thereunto moved, principally upon two occasions. The one is, for that they all seem to me of themselves very worthy to be known both of the men that live at this 
The causes that move the author to write this history.  day, & also of those that shall come after us: neither have I as yet seen any man that hath made any full or true report thereof Which notwithstanding I hope shallbe herein performed by my myself who have been entertained almost seven whole years (during the said wars) partly in Soria, partly in Constantinople, and by occasion of my practice in Physic, have been familiarly conversant with many Bassas, Ambassadors, and other great men, aswell Persians as Turks, that have been agentes and dealers in these affairs. The other is, for that I do verily persuade myself, that I shall breed great profit and delight to all nations Christian by the reading of this history, wherein they shall understand how mighty the forces are of these two enemies of the name of Christ; and in what terms they stand even at this day: by means of which knowledge it may peradventure fall out, that our Christian Princes will be encouraged to take up arms against the Barbarians, under whose government so many famous and potent nations are already reduced. A loss (to say the truth) very great, and not to be thought-of without shedding of tears, that whereas a people so renowned for their Nobility, & glorious in all ages for wisdom and science, did in times past govern so many nations, as though they were Lords of the whole world: Now being either driven from their proper Colonies, from their own houses, from their domestical confines, they go wandering up and down poor, & needy of other men's help: or else being brought into a most vile kind of servitude, some serve as sclaves, & some yield obedience to the enemies of Christ in such sort, that even in Greece itself, the very name of Greece is quite extinguished, and all because it was departed from the bosom of the Catholic Church. But let not this my history take his beginning at these quarrels and complaints, which peradventure to some men's humours would seem the more unpleasant, in that they would prove more necessary to be set down in this respect: And therefore my conceit is rather, that in mentioning such things as are nearer to our remembrance, I should begin at the death of old Tamas the most famous king of Persia, and withal discourse upon the state and condition of that kingdom whilst it remained in the successors of the said Tamas, videlicet Ismahel and Mahamet, his sons: for that by this very brief narration, every man shall manifestly see the true occasions of this war, and so we shall avoid the inserting of any superfluous replication in the contexture of this our history.  
I say then, that Tamas after the wars, which he valorously waged with Soliman the first of that name, and the eleventh Emperor of the Turks, at such time as the said Tamas did drive Soliman out of Tauris (being of old called Ecbathana, the very same, wherein Herodotus writeth, that the king's richesses' & treasures were then kept, & not Terua as P. Giovius would have it) a City which the same Turkish Emperor had sacked, and having concluded a peace, wherein it was agreed that the Castle Cheiseri, by 
A peace between Tamas & Soliman, & the conditions thereof.  the Turks called Chars, & by Ptolomee (as a man may reasonably conjecture) Corso, being in this great change reduced by Soliman, into a fort, should be razed: he withdrew himself to the government of his own kingdom. Under whom the Persian Empire flourished in sacred & redoubted laws, the people demeaned themselves after the best manner they could, abundance of collections came plentifully in, the Rents of his chambers increased wonderfully, Arms, Arts & Sciences did happily prosper, and were highly esteemed: neither was there any more fear that Soliman would renew the wars, as one that had altogether bend his thoughts another way. When as after a few years, wherein both Soliman and his son Selim, which after him had enjoyed that damned 

Soliman & Selim dead.  
Tamas dieth.  
Tamas leaveth eleven children.   felicity of his Empire, departed out of this life, Tamas also himself died in the year 1576, the xj. day of May, having left behind him eleven children, one called Mahamet the eldest, who passed his life a while in Heri, (in times past called Aria,) and afterwards in Sirrah, (of old called Persepolis) by the appointment of his father, being now waxed proud for his issue of many sons. Another named Ismahel his second son, who for the fierceness of his courage was banished into a Castle, called by the Persians Cahaca, situate between Casbin (otherwise called Arsacia) & Tauris. The third, who had to name Aidere, was kept in the custody of Zalchan, Piry Mahamet, Acta Hussain, and other of his kinsfolks, by occasion of the mother of the said Aidere, all being chief Captains in the coast of Istigelù. Other eight children there were partly by the same mother partly by other women, whose names were Mamut, Solimano, Mustaffa, Emanguli, Alichan, Amet, Abrahin, & Ismahel the younger.  
This Tamas, before he died, did solemnly appoint by his will, that his son Ismahel the elder should be set 
Tamas his last will.  in the kingdom: who although, because he was younger than Mahamet, could not be his lawful successor, yet did he yield great hope of his most excellent wit, and singular virtues: insomuch that he seemed to promise every man an happy government, & sufficient ability to defend himself against his enemies, were they never so fierce and warlike. Ismahel, after that he was confined by his father Tamas into the eastel of Cahaca, had ever sought to show himself superior to his brother in the Art milirarie: and although he gave himself by secret industry to learn the precepts of the Turkish law (a thing which if it had been publicly known, would alone have been enough to have barred him from succession of the kingdom:) yet had he always endeavoured himself to be 
The simulation of Ismahel.  an open enemy to the Turks, and thereupon with his often invasions (which was the cause of his imprisonment) whiles the peace held between Tamas and Soliman, he was so bold as now & then, contrary to his father's commandment to assault the Territory of Erzirum and beyond all honesty to spoil the towns & castles of that region withhis sudden incursions. By means whereof he made show of his great valour to all people, but principally to his father Tamas, who although in outward show he seemed greatly to mislike those his youthful heats, yet was he daily confirmed in the opinion, that he carried of him, to name him his successor, thinking verily that of so great a dignity he would prove himself either altogether, or at lest more worthy than his brother Mahamet. Which Mahamet (to speak the truth) aswell for the disease 
Why Mahamet was called by surname Codabanda.  of his eyes, whereby for his surname he was called Codabanda, as also for the manner of his life altogether given to that ease, which is proper to such as are studious and quietly minded, never showed himself sufficient to sway the burden of the Empire,, and to bridle the fierceness of his enemies: yea and he protested himself that he 
Mahamet loveth not the charge of a king.  did utterly abhor so great a weight, and those so many cares, as are wont to follow so ample and so many-partied a kingdom. And yet for all that did not Mahamet remain altogether deprived of all the whole favour of his father: forsomuch as Abas Mirize, the middlemost 
Abas Mirize Mahamet's son, in Her  of his sons, was confirmed in the City of Heri, (where he was before borne,) and honoured with the title of the Visier of that remote and abundant Country: yea and Tamas himself had established Emir Hamze, the eldest of 
Emir Hamze Mahamet's son.  Mahamet's sons, in some great dignity, if death, though some what tardee, yet not altogether unlooked for, had not by preventing him, bereaved him of his life, and taken from them all hope of greater matters.  
King Tamas then being thus dead, the said Ismahel was called by the Sultan's, for the execution of his father's will, 
Ismahel called to Casbin to be crowned king of Persia.  to Casbin, that he might (as he ought) be saluted & proclaimed king. But while the Posts (whom the Turks call Volacchi) ran with these great advertisements to Ismahel, there arose a stir within the City of Casbin, or rather within the palace of the king, where remained at 
Stirs in Casbin.  that time Periaconcona, a woman in years elder than all those her brethren, the sons of Tamas, who was niece to Sahamal the Georgian on her mother's side, being sister to Sahamal, 
Periaconcona, sister to Mahamet, Aidere & Ismahel, yet elder in years than they.  & wife to the said Tamas, of whom also was borne the young Mustaffa, being one of the eight sons above named. She having the care committed to her, and other Sultan counsellors of estate, to see the last will and testament of the dead king put in execution, was by sundry devices diversly attempted, that the place might not be preserved for Ismahel, but unlawfully yielded to Aidere: who whiles Tamas was sorest afflicted with his sickness, boldly 
The singular boldness of Aidere.  entering into the chamber, where he lay, had adorned his forehead with his father's Crown, and in the sight of his old and weak parent, with an action more rash than became his honesty, showed himself desirous of this ambitious succession. And besides this error, (for the which he was presently & sharply rebuked) after the death of Tamas, he with drew himself to his sister, most instantly beseeching so desired a dignity at her hands: with whom, as also with the rest of the Counsellors of estate he had used so many prayers & favours, that the inheritance 
Aidere procureth to be made king be fore Ismahel.  could not be any longer kept from him, but by the help of some secret deceit. His sister durst not be so bold, as to move any important mitigation of these matters before the Counsellors, neither would her heart suffer her to set forward any action, that might be prejudicial to her brother Aidere: neither could she tell how to permit so great an injury to be done to Ismahel, who was chosen by his father into the succession. And therefore in this perplexity she sought means to satisfy the ambitious 
The subtlety oh Periaconcona to entertain Aidere.  youth being present, the right and reasons of Ismahel being absent, the honour of her dead father's will and testament, and the profit of the kingdom. For having consulted with all the Sultan's, she resolved to yield, that Aidere, being invested in his regal apparel, and settled in the great gallery, should attend the acclamation of the people, and be publicly installed, as though he were elected king. And even thus did this unwise & bold youth suffer himself to be led by the blind desires of gluttonous glory: who being set in his majesty persuaded himself, that he should now see his friends and foes obedient unto 
Aidere stalled king in Casbin.  him, and himself reverenced of all men, as king of the Empire. But to these designments so hasty and so prosperous, the successes that sprung from the subtlety of those Counsellors, and his dissembling Sister, were nothing conformable: for that by their advise she took order, for the gates of the Palace to be presently locked, leaving at every passage azure guard, and permitting that one narrow wicket only should remain open, and safely warded with a company of most faithful and valorous Captains, wholly devoted to Tamas & Ismahel, who had straight charge also given them to suffer every man to enter in, saving only the followers and keepers of Aidere. In this sort did she think to entertain the young man, until such time as the nominated king should arrive from Cahaca, and so put in execution what he thought best, for the honour of himself, for the custody of the kingdom, which fell to him by inheritance, and for the general quiet of all Persia.  
Thus then sat the young man Aidere, replenished with unwonted joys, receiving honour from all the people of Casbin, saving only from his friends and keepers. By means whereof, perceiving now the prohibition of them, and the great stir of Zalchan his chiefest favourite, (who discovering the prepensed deceit, and crying upon king Aidere, threatened the lady, the Sultan's, & all the rest that waited upon this feigned succession, which was indeed ordained but for a scorn & despite of him) he acknowledged this public derision, and secretly together with all his misfortune, he abandoned his fresh-begun honours, and of a king (as he presumed to be) he had the grace to 
Aidere acknoledging his public derision, ssieth all fearful among certain women.  make himself a fugitive, and being become all fearful and sorrowful, with all the force he could he withdrew himself closely among certain women of the palace, hoping so to find some way to escape with his life.  
In the mean time so greatly increased the cries and threatenings of the friendly company of Istigelu (and now all of them had prepared themselves for some dangerous & pernicious attempt against Persia) that the counsellors, with consent of the lady were enforced to take order, that to bereave these tumultuous and seditious people of all their hope and courage, Aidere should be deprived of his life. And so Sahamal the Georgian uncle to the young man, after long search made for him, at last found him hidden among the women, and without any stay, taking his head by the locks, cut it quite from his carcase: 
Aidere beheaded by Sahamal his uncle.  and in the place, where Zalchan with the rest of unfortunate Aidere his favourites stood crying and threatening, among the greatest medley & thickest press of the proud conspirators, he flung the head all bloody, & as it were breathing for heat, crying out unto them, Behold there 
The head of Aidere thrown among the conspirators.  your king, enjoy him at your pleasure. At this sudden and horrible spectacle every man burned in rage and anger: neither did there want for the present time many a rash head, that meditated most cruel revenge, & turbulent stirs: Yet in the end when they perceived that the near succession of Ismahel was inevitable, and the death of Aidere (that followed) irrevocable, every one betook himself to his own private affairs, & at last divided themselves one from another, and severally departing from the palace, some saved themselves here, and some there, leaving those courts and lodgings all in quiet.  
In the mean time was Tamas buried according to their profane rites, and Ismahel the successor arrived from Cahaca, who without any stir at all was embraced by his sister, saluted by the Sultan's, and reverenced of all men, as the lawful heir of so great an Empire. But he, assoon as he began to sway the regal sceptre, and saw himself superior to all men in liberty & authority, without any pity at all (swerving therein from the Persian custom, and imitating the Turkish manner) caused the heads of all his eight younger brethren to be cut off, and with all used such f●nder diligence, that not only all those which were near unto them in blood or affinity were bereaved of their lives, but also all the favourites of the late slain Aidere, were unhappily destroyed in that public slaughter, so that the streets of Casbin were defiled 
Ismahel putteth to death many kinsfolks and friends of his dead brother Aidere.  with blood, and all the City resounded with mournings & complaints. Which unexpected cruelty, being altogether unworthy of so worthy-a-thought king, did in such sort increase that opinion of great successes, which all the Persians had conceived of the person of Ismahel, that there was not a man to be found, which changed not his former hopes into new fears, & bitterly sorrowing for the calling of such a Lord to rule over them, did not hate 
Every man bewaileth the cruelty of the new king Ismahel.  this new fierceness of his mind, & bewail so untimely & miserable a massacre. But much greater and far more lamentable did these miseries grow, assoon as certain speeches were published and spread of the king, That he would change the religion, (if we may so call it:) & assoon as he commanded openly, that whosoever desired to live under his standard, & loved to obey his laws, should 
Ismahel publisheth a new superstition.  detest the superstitious worships of Aly, the foolish and false prophet of the Persians, & according to the impious custom of the Ottomans, observe and maintain the impure and wicked rites of Abubac, Osman, and others, that were reverenced & honoured by the Turks with a profane worship. So that by this great novelty, quite contrary to the late public and famous acts of Ismahel, and altogether repugnant to their hope, whereby they expected glorious matters from him, to the general benefit of Persia, the minds of all men were so afflicted, that the country never felt greater trouble, nor ever endured a 
New public griefs & new deaths happening by occasion of Ismahel.  more dangerous & uncouth a change: by means whereof, & by force of this public Edict of the new king, (whether he did it because he was in love with this wicked worship, and had learned this abomination rather than any other, as we said before: or whether he did it to revoke his neighbours the Mesopotamians, the Babylonians, and Assyrians, under his banners:) many of his profane priests, many of the Governors of his friendly and subject Cities, being too much inflamed with the former superstition, were driven into exile, many put in prison, some had their eyes plucked out, (among whom was the caliph of Casbin) and not a few others in sundry sorts deprived 
The caliph of Casbin deprived of his eyes by the commandment of Ismahel.  of their lives: yea many Ladies, joined in blood with Ismahel himself, & divers others of his kinsfolks, to whom neither sex, nor age, nor innocency could be a sufficient defence, did endure sundry torments and strange calamities.  
In this so great an innovation, and among these tumults, there went abroad with all, an universal rumour, not only among the Cities of Persia, but in the regions of the Turks also, (Fame the publisher of evil, rather than of good newer, arriving even to the City of Constantinople) that with all these disorders, Ismahel sought to put in order 
A rumour spread that Ismahel would pass to Babylon with an army.  a great number of such soldiers, as favoured this new proclaimed vanity, & passing with them to the city of Babylon, now called Bagdat, there, to the imitation of Soliman, would receive the Crown of the Empire at the hand of him, that (who soever he was) he should find to be the successor of their great caliph, and in the chiefest place among their unclean priests. In this divers variety of matters, and in so great novelty of events, beyond all common expectation, whiles there increased rather fears of new motions, than ensued hopes of ancient quietness, by the help of the aforenamed Lady Periaconcona, (who as the kings greatest favourite survived all the rest) he was suddenly bereaved of his life: whether it were that this his death happened by occasion of certain amorous practices of Ismahel himself, or whether his sister had cunningly conveyed poison into some electuary prepared for him: or (as some more probably do 
King Ismahel suddenly perished, & the manner of his death.  affirm) that his said sister having privately conspired with Calilchan, Emir-chan, Piry Mahamet, Curchi Bassi, being all at that time captains of great account, & as it were Presidents of the kingdom, had brought them in, appareled in women's weeds & gowns, & that they strangled him, at such time as Ismahel had privately withdrawn himself among his paramoures. Howsoever it was, sufficient it is, that by the help of the said Periaconcona, the 24. day of November being S. Katherins even, in the year of our salvation 1577. this king, being generally termed by his people a seditious man & a contemner of the law, was suddenly taken out of this world, to the exceeding joy of all those Nations, that by his death thought they should remain freed from great and manifold troubles.  
Ismahel being thus dead, the Lady began presently to 
Periaconcona parleeth with the captains of Persia.  parley with all those Sultan's, that were the ministers of this fraudulent death, & told them, that as they had given advise, for the greater benefit of all Persia, that Ismahel should be deprived both of his kingdom & life: and that as yet it was not known, who should worthily succeed in that Crown, which now remained in their hands, forasmuch as the king, that dead is, hath left no issue behind him: so it touched them very near to take upon them the protection thereof, and preserving the majesty of the Sceptre, the liberties of the people, and the peace of the subject Cities, strongly to defend and deeply to settle the safety of that nation, which only possesseth the true orders of the elect disciples of crafty and wicked Mahamet. There were at that time many governors and Captains assembled in Casbin: and every one of them had withdrawn himself thither, for the accomplishment of his own private designments, these gaping after the mutations of the world. Emir-Chan he burned in ambitious desires, and hoped by the means of a match, to be concluded with a sister of Periaconcona, (who was already greatly inclining to him) that he should be exalted to the sovereign degree of all Persia. Mirize Salinas, chief among the Sultan's, of that court, he hoped on the other side to advance into the estate, either Mahamet brother to the dead king, or else Hamze the eldest son of the said Mahamet Codabanda: and by bestowing upon him his daughter to be his wife, (as afterward he did) so to increase the glory of his house. Others there were that hoped they should be able to draw Abas out of Heri, and to create him king of the Empire. There was also one of the Tutors of the infant Tamas, who waited likewise for some opportunity to settle Tamas in the kingdom, and so by means of his greatness to exalt himself to the sovereign Title of chief captain among his fellows. Neither did there want a number of others, that secretly watched to usurp any occasion that might be presented unto them. How be it in this so great variety of thoughts, 
The answer of the Captains to Periaconcona,  the Sultan's answered the Lady with one consent, and promised her in most liberal terms all the protection, that their forces could afford, or their weapons procure: and yet did every one of them both in action and word clerkly dissemble their several imaginations where unto they myrid was as prove and deady, as their heart was cunning to conceal them closely. And in this sort were ended those great novelties which arose (I know not upon what occasion) & were brought in by this ambitious king.  
In the mean space, which was one year seven months and six days of king ismahel's reign, Amurat the new successor also of his father Selim, who was now wakened at the death of old renowned Tamas, and at the rumour spread abroad of the desire which Ismahel had to pass to Babylon, & at the fresh report of this new published superstition, & had thoroughly learned of all sides, what harm this late inconstant & variable king had wrought in Persia, what dissensions he had raised, & how hardly all the Provinces of the Persian Empire had endured those strange calamities, & so hoped in himself either in ismahel's life time, or after his death to succeed him, for that hereby occasion might be ministered unto him to take up 
Amurat at the stirs in Persia, entereth into mind to make war upon them.  arms against Persia, & matter suggested to put in execution his unmeasurable desires of some new conquests: which desires had always made both him and other his predecessors not only suspected, but also terrible & fearful aswell to his friends as to his enemies: for as much as there is an ancient custom, which is grown as it were to be a law among the Ottoman kings, that those Emperors cannot challenge their due honours in their life time, nor 
An ancient custom of the Turks.  their proud monuments after their death, (which are so durable, as at this day they remain equal with Eternity,) unless they attempt some great and ambitious actions & enterprises, and unless they perform some exploit, that may be conformable to their majesty. Amurat 
Amurat intentive to the matters of Persia.  therefore bending all his cogitations to these great stirs, would not direct his mind any other way, or move war against any other nation, until he might first see what issue these marvelous innovations would bring forth which in the succession that followed, & namely in the person of Mahamet now king, simed to be more pregnant and perseverant, then ever they were before, and ministered to Amurat new occasions of victorious and strange hopes, for that assoon as Ismahel departed out of this life, by the aforenamed Mirize Salmas, (being in dignity the chief man among the Sultan's, though in blood and nobility inferior to them all) after many letters dispatched too and fro, Mahamet Codabanda was at last assured, how with all quietness of mind and security of person he might come and take possession of the kingdom. He was also certified by the same Salmas of the whole conspiracy plotted against his Brother to put him to death, and likewise made acquainted how the fraudulent lady with the Sultan's had capitally consulted against him, & how she favouring Emir-chan & Abas Mirize of Heart, her nephew and his son, more than became her, did little regard the due and rightful succession of him being her brother. And for these causes did Mahamet greatly bear himself bold of the faith and diligence of Mirize Salmas: and had withal no small desire to see his eldest son Hamze Mirize, advanced to some such sovereign dignity, as he saw was due to the lively hope, that every man perceived to bein him, in regard of his virtue & prudence, for managing the common wealth, and dispatch of matters of war: wherein also he showed himself to his father very jealous and suspicious, lest some other man should usurp upon him that honour and authority which so properly appertained unto him. And thereupon did Mahamet in the end resolve with himself, not to leave the kingdom in the hands of private persons, not in the lightness of an inconstat woman, who by the occurrents sent him from his counsellor, was detected to be an unshamefaced quean, and arebellious conspirator against her own blood, where with she had now twice defiled herself, without any pity or remorse of conscience. And therefore he wrote back again, that he was minded to take the rightful succession upon him: 
Mahamet Codabanda resolveth to come and be crowned King.  that (God so favouring, aiding and assisting him) he would enforce himself to profit Persia, to prove a more thankful and commodious a member to the common wealth, than his dead brother: & that for the same purpose he was putting himself on his journey: with strait charge notwithstanding, that Mirize Salmas, to make his cunning seem the more acceptable, should before his entrance within the gates of Casbin present him with the mischievous head of Periaconcona, a woman (in respect of the scorn exercised against young Aidere, and of the treacherous death practised and executed upon his brother, and of the perucise imaginations which she conceived to cause the succession to fall into other men's hands, and of the prodigal familiarity which she had with some of the Sultan's,) well worthy of a thousand deaths. Secretly did Mirize Salmas put in execution whatsoever Mahamet had privately enjoined him, so that by his means he was presently & solemnly proclaimed king of Persia. And afterwards having gathered together many squadrons of men, wholly devoted to the blood and name of Mahamet, the same Mirize Salmas put himself on his way to meet him, carrying the head of that audacious & manlike virago upon the top of a lence▪ 
Periaconcona beheaded.  with her hair dispersed, and some other uncouth behaviours that moved terror to the beholders. From which novelties (one mischief as it were huding upon the neck of another) there sprongup divers inward hatreds, sundry tumultuous seditions, and many civil wars, insomuch that the king for his part being continually solicited 
New stirs and mischiefs in Persia.  by Mirize Salmas, (the chiefest and dearest favourite he had,) sought by all means to take revenge of those treacherous companions and complices of his brother's death, who on the other side did even burn in immoderate desires to advance their own private estates, and withal their might opposed themselves against his power and authority, whereby the state of Persia began to fall into greater inconveniences, and of these novelties to reap new losses. Sahamal the Georgian, (he that by the appointment of his niece Periaconcona, and of the conspiring Sultan's, was the minister of Aidere his death,) assoon as he heard of the misfortune of his niece, fled to 
Sahamal the Georgian flieth from Casbin into the mountains.  his places of rest in his mountain of Bruz, fearing greatly the wrath of this new lord Leventogli likewise one of the Lords of Georgia, who by reason of these accidents, which happened to his brother at his own peril, did reposesmall confidence in the Persian protection, understanding 
Leventogli desirous of innovation.  the flight of Sahamal, being very near unto him both in country and blood, estranged himself so far from his old love and ancient devotion, that he seemed to desire some new innovation. The Nations also that were neighbours to the Turks, and the people of Media 
The people of Seruan evil affected towards the new king.  Atropatia, where Seruan is at this day, remained malcontent at the same of this new king, & in the end it appeared that Persia under this fresh successor, through many murations, was fallen into a most notable misery, & the state thereof more weakened then ever it was wont to be.  
Of all these late successes, aswell as of the former intelligences, was Amurat advertised from divers parts, but specially and particularly ustref the Bassa of the City of Van, a city according to Strabo situate in Armenia the greater, upon the Lake Actamar (sometimes called Palus 
Vstress the Bassa of Van advertiseth Amurat of the stirs in Persia.  Mantiana,) sent him most perfect information of all these stirs in Persia, discoursing unto him of the death of Ismahel, the consultations of the Sultan's, the treacheries & death of Periaconcona, the broils between the king and the Sultan's, the nature of the new king being diseased in his eyes, little esteemed by his subjects, besotted in his affections towades his three sons, (at whose hands he foresaw notwithstanding, that he should receive many injuries and troubles,) the facility to overrule the chief Governors of the Georgiani, and the people of Atropatia, otherwise called Seruan, which were evil affected towards the new king: and to be brief whatsoever had in truth succeeded in Persia, and might inflame the mind of Ottoman to convert his forces against an enemy of small counsel and much cnofusion: adding thereunto, that never was there greater opportunity to overcome that king then now was offered, and that in any case he should not let slip such an occasion, as the Ottoman kings never had before to obtain so certain and so famous victories, with so great glory and felicity in these enterprises.  
Amurat, whose ears had along time been filled with those stirs, that Ismahel had raised, and whose cogitations were wholly bend to mark what would be the issues thereof, lived with a mind altogether inflamed with an unmeasurable desire of the news, and assoon as to his own natural inclination, and to other men's reports, there was added also this information of Vstres, (who peradventure had that charge particularly enjoined him) he settled himself more deeply in his former conceits, vz: to prove his forces in subduing a king of an ancient time, dissenting and estranged from the law of Mahamet, a 
Amurat is confirmed in his opinion to make war.  contemner of his majesty, and to be short, his only corrival and odious competitor in all the East: and therewithal began to call to his remembarnce, how Selim father to his grandfather, and Soliman his grandsire would have taken this enterprise to heart, recording privately to himself how they being captains of most mighty armies, went themselves in person, fought with the Persian kings, sacked and took many of their Cities, and reduced their bordering enemies into very straight terms. But no one thing did more inflame the Turkish Emperor, than did so rare an occasion which he thought was now offered unto him, to have for his enemy a king not well practised in feats of war, besotted & confounded in affection & conceyttowardes his children, and weakened through the dissension of his subjects: he measured and weighed his own forces, he considered the peace which his people had enjoyed from the taking of Goletta, even until this time: he collected the infinite number of his vassals aswell horsemen as footmen, he surveyed the rents of his customs, his means to find money, his engines of war (wherein he did far surpass the Persians,) the cities of his enemy laid all open, and without any defence of fire or by such like instruments of death: and in brief when he had called to mind whatsoever he durst attempt and promiss to himself, he did more and more resolve with himself to take the occasion that was now offered him to begin this war. For the compass of which his purpose he was greatly favoured by the present state 
Amurat in peace with the Christian Princes.  of Christendom, at that time being wholly in league & amity with him: and the peace yet continuing that the Emperor had made with him: and the rather, because 
Amurat in peace with the Christian Princes.  he was verily persuaded that he should not have any disturbance by the Catholic king, who no doubt would grant him a truce by reason of his wars in Flanders, wherewith he perceived he was shrewdly occupied, (which truce afterward ensued by occasion of the kingdom of Portugal.) The State of Venice also observing that faith and promise, which with public capitulations, they had faithfully established in concluding a peace, after that singular victory, which they had obtained near to the Islands Echinades against the Turkish Fleet. And to be short the Turk assured himself that he should not any way suffer any annoyance or impedimenr by any prince of Europe.  
In this general tranquillity & common peace with the Potentates of Christendom, did Amurat with more security and boldness discourse with himself about the broaching of this war in Persia: and at last not finding any thing contrary to his designments, he resohied to have a treaty with those chief Bassas called Viziers that use to sit at the Court gate, & to take sound advise with those 
Amurat taketh counsel of his Viziers.  that had the universal government of the whole Empire in their hands, whether it were better upon this present occasion to begin the prepensed war, or if they thought this opportunity not to be so fit, then to lay it aside, & to convert their forces and counsels against the common wealth of Christendom. So impiously and so barbarously is this Empire managed; that whensoever there is any treaty to attempt any enterprise for the advancing thereof, it is lawful to violate any truce and to break promiss: whereupon although this war could not be moved either against the Persians, or against the Prince's Catholic, without breach of their promised saith, (altogether counterfeiting and pretending capitulations of peace, leagues & oaths that ought to be inviolable:) yet in the manifold consultations, that passed among these Viziers, there was not a man found that had any consideration or made any account of that defect: but every one of them (as their manner is in all things) preferring violence before reason, thought it 
Turks make no account of breaking promiss.  convenient to set forward the wicked desire of their Lord, without any godly or honest respect at all. And among the rest, Mahamet the Visier, being chiefest in 
Mahamet the Visier adviseth to make war.  authority, experience, and years of government, was of advice that it would prove a more easy and less dangerous attempt to war with the Persians, then with the christian princes: aswell for that the civil dissensions lately sprung up in the kingdom of Persia, and the condition of the new successor of the Persian Empire in his government and war, promised all fortunate victory: as also for that to wage battle against the Christian Princes, was not to make that Prince only his enemy against whom he should fight, (whose forces notwithstanding, be what Prince soever he may be, have ever been most terrible, some by sea & some by land) but it was to bid battle to all the Potentates of Christendom at once; those potentates (I say) that not many years before had discomfited a fleet of 300. Galleys & more, & awhile after that, had put to flight another fleet either as great as it, or not much inferior, & peradventure was still able 
The general conclusion of them all.  to perform, whatsoever they desired. In these consultations & other like discourses, in the end they all agreed, that it would be much better to make war in Asia against darts, against sword, against Cities either lying open or slenderly fenced, then in Europe, against lightnings and fires, against bows and arrows, against devouring flames, against strong places fortified with munition and instruments of death. And if there were any difficulty at all therein, there were but two only that seemed to be of any weight: one was the great distance 
Two difficulties found in the resolution to make war.  and rough passage of those places, through which they were to lead their horses, their Camels, their artillery and their men, every man knowing that the Country of Georgia is compassed round about with very rough mountains and thick woods, where the enemy useth all good opportunity to lay ambushes, and to work treason against such as pass that way: another difficulty was money, Sinan Bassa among the rest offering to their considerations, that if a man would conquer a new country, it was necessary for the maintenance of the conquest to erect Castles and Fortresses, which being left to the defence of valiant soldiers would require large stipends, without which every soldier willingly forsaketh his charge. Saving these two difficulties (which 
The difficulties answered.  notwithstanding were not greatly debated, but in answer thereof as much spoken by the king himself as was thought sufficient) every man thought the conquest of the kingdom of the Cheselbas to be the plainest & easiest, & promised to themselves undoubted victory of it. But above all other Mustaffa Bassa, he that reduced the 
Mustaffa Bassa the infamous, hath great hope in this war.  I'll of Cyprus under the Ottoman power, infamous for the cruel, barbarous & unjust death of Marc-antonio Bragadino the stout and valorous Captain of Famagosta, whose name shall never die in the tongues and minds of all ages, he (I say) with exceeding audacity set out great hopes of glorious conquests not concealing the virtues of the Latins, & the perils passed in the wars of the said Island, and particularly in the expugnation of the City, preferring the arms, forces, and valour of the Latins before the valour, forces, and arms of the Georgiani and the Persians: and in brief assuring more certain 
Mustaffa prefer th' the valour of the Latins before the valour of the Georgians & Persians.  hope of this war in Asia, then of any other that could possibly be raised in Europe. And in this sort were the first discourses and originals of these motions in the East, begun and practised: whereby all men may see that neither zeal of religion, nor any injury received from the Persian Kings, but only the ambitious desire of Amurat to subdue a kingdom, both in his own conceit and also by other men's relation ill governed by an effeminate and sottish king, and through civil dissension brought into great danger, was the first provocation of making 
Discord dangerous to a common wealth.  this war: and thereby may all Catholics learn, that there is nothing more pernitions to the Christian Common wealth, then civil discord.  
When they had thus concluded upon this resolution to make war in Persia, there arose new consultations touching the manner thereof, and upon what coast they should begin their journey, that so they might expect the more honourable success: which point Amurat did 
Amurat protesteth to the Viziers, that of this war he would both reap profit and honour.  greatly urge, protesting before all his Viziers, that he would not enter into a war, unless he were in great hope to bear away the promised victory. Many were the propositions and opinions of the Viziers: and many questions did the king propound, whereunto he himself did readily answer. On the one side some thought, that it would be very convenient to send the Army to Babylon, and from 
The opinion of some touching the manner of the war.  thence to Syras, (in old time called Persepolis) famous for the pray that Alexander took there, (as Q. Curtius writeth,) and by that way to attempt the conquest of all Persia. Others were of a contrary mind, & did give advice, 
The opinion of others.  that the Army should be sent by direct course to Tauris, there to erect strong fortresses, and to take possession of all the country subject round about. It is reported also, that some there were that thought it better to send two several 
A third opinion.  Armies from both the places above mentioned, that so bringing the enemy into a strait, they might enforce him to retire, and to yield unto them whatsoever they should demand. But Amurat durst not repose such confidence 
The deliberation of Amurat.  in his own forces, as to think that with his battles divided & so weakened, he should be able to overcome that enemy, who had always fought most valiantly against the monstrous and courageous Armies of his forefathers, not without some fear also of the ancient virtue of the Persian people, whereof Fame hath ever resounded an immortal and glorious report. Neither did he make slender account of the Georgiani, the most antic tributaries and confederates of the Persians, by whose only assaults his Army could not but suffer many inconveniences and sundry traveles: forsomuch as if they should assail his battles behind or on both sides, & the Persians should set upon his forefront, though they were many in number and fenced with artillery, yet being ill planted, and in such difficulty as they could not use their Artillery, it would be a very easy matter to defeat them. And therefore he did firmly resolve with himself to send one only Army, and with united forces to seek the overthrow of his enemy. And thus preferring his strong hope to conquer the country of Siruan in Georgia, and the chief Cities of Media the Great, before the difficulty of making war upon the coast of Sirrah, reposing great confidence in the notable help that was promised him by the Cumani in Tartary called Precopenfes, he confirmed his counsellors the Bassas in the same opinion: and withal discovered a matter, which to all of them but especially to Sinan seemed most strange, namely that he was determined not to go in person with his Army about this enterprise, but was minded to send one 
Amurat goeth not in person to this war, and the reasons why.  of his worthiest Captains in his steed. The respects that held Amurat from going himself with the Army, were many: but principally the Falling sickness, wherewith he was troubled: the zeal he did bear to the kingdom, fearing greatly (and that not without good cause) lest his son being in favour with the people might peradventure untimely be advanced before him: and the danger that he suspected at the hands of the Christian Potentates.  
While they were thus in parley about this expedition, and Sinan, Mustaffa, and some other Viziers made means to be sent as Vicegerentes and sovereign ministers of their lords designment, he dispatched away sundry posts and light-horsemen with order to the Bassas, Governors, of Van, of Babilan, of Erzirum, in the borders of Cappadocia & Armenia the greater, that they should by often 
Orders given by Amurat to the borderers to annoy Persia.  inroads spoil the towns and castles of the Cheselbas, and every way do them what harm they could, Which was presently put in execution by them all, and specially by the above named ustref Bassa of Van, who besides 
ustref doth much harm to the borderers.  the burning of diverse towns, brought many a soul into slavery, and in the countries aswell Tributary as subject to the Persians, made many incursions, and wrought much annoyance.  
Through these and other like injuries their minds were greatly incensed with anger, and their wrathful hearts filled with a most ardent desire of revenge: and whiles with shame enough they rome up and down daily, sharpening their hatred as it were against a whetstone, in the year 1577. the abovenamed Mustaffa was 

Mustaffa elected General of the Turkish Camp against the Persians.  
A. 1577.   elected General of the Turkish Camp, provision was made ready for him, and authority given him to prepare whatsoever was needful. So messages were sent, and commandment given, over all the countries hereafter named, that all the Bassas, Sangiacchi, Agaes, Spahini, Gianissaries, and soldiers of all sorts, that were bound by their perpetual annuitees to go to war, should take their journey in the beginning of the spring to the City of Erzirum, (which if it be any of the old cities, it is very likely to be Simbra mentioned by Ptolomee) there to be ready for the charge that should be enjoined them by their new General: who having his dispatch from Constantinople, & passing to Chalcedon (which Herodotus in respect 
Mustaffa at Chalcedon.  of the founder's error calleth Blind and now is named Scutari,) through the countries of Amasia and of Siuas, (the one being the native soil of Strabo, and the other in old time called Sebastopolis), he arrived in Erzirum in the very beginning of Summer, and there stayed 
Mustaffa at Erzirum.  till such time as all his people, corn, artillery and other necessary provision were gathered together, and at last departed for Struan, having first taken an universal and diligent survey of all his Army: whereby distinguishing 
The muster of the army in Erzirum.  the sound & strong from the sick & feeble, the armed from the unarmed, & the courageous from the cowards, weighing in equal balance his own forces, he might assuredly know what to look for at their hands. Then he divided his troops: and first in order were mustered the people of Mesopotamia, to the number of xii. thousand, (their Captain being well checked by the General 
The A●es● potamians.  for bringing so few this year) all of them for the most part Archers, not of any great courage, and accustomed to the use of the Scimitarre. The second were the Assyrians and Babylonians, watered with Euphrates & Tigris, 
The Assyrians and Babylonians.  coming from the very confines of Balsara, (in old time called Teredon,) in number no more than xiv. thousand horsemen, yet all armed with sword and dart, after the manner of their neighbours the Mesopotamians. The third in order were the Sorians, a people more rich in apparel 
The Sorian.  then stout in armour, & rather alluring their enemies with the goodly show of their spoils then terrible to them, being ij. thousand in number, all of them being very cunning to vault and turn themselves round about in fight. Then were mustered the men of Siuas, of Amasia, of Maras, of Bursia, of Angori, and other places comprehended under the name of Anatolia, (where in times past were 
The Natolians.  the Magnesians, the Bithynians, the Phrygians, those of Pontus & Lydia,) to the number of x. thousand, hardy people and well armed, but for the most part archers on horseback. There came next after them those of jury, and Palestina, upon swift coursers, continual darters & archers, more ready for flight and spoil, then for fight and foil, 
The jews & Philistims.  poor in apparel and virtue, to the number of one thousand. The Cilicians succeeded them, now inhabiting Caramania, to the number of iiij. thousand, armed with Scimitarre, battle axe, and bow, a hard and rough nation, 
The Caramanians.  given to spoil and robbery. Then followed the glory and hope of all the Camp, the people of Grecia, 
The Grecians.  soldiers full of frank courage, armed with arcubush and sword, mounted upon good and valiant horses to the number of 10000 And after them the familiar & faithful guard of the General, iij. thousand Gianissaries of Constantinople with arcubush on the shoulder and sword by 
The Constantinopolites.  the side. Under the standard of Beyran Bassa, were likewise mustered the people of the City and jurisdiction of Erzirum levied out of those places, where in times 
The men of Erzirum.  past the Cappadoces bordering upon the Armenians did inhabit, to the number of iiij. thousand: soldiers accustomed to brawls and battles, and first in the field to meet their enemies, armed with sword and arcubush, darts or Indian Canes, and yet all of them on horseback. Every troop had their several Captains, who notwithstanding were changed at the generals pleasure: whose names serving to no purpose we will quite leave out, the rather to avoid the tediousness of the reader, being not acquainted with barbarous terms. 
Voluntary men little inferior to the number of stipendaries but better armed.   
These were then the squadrons of such soldiers as were stipendiaries to the Turkish king, to the number of whom those which went as voluntary adventurers were little inferior, yet better armed peradventure and more hardy to fight: so that there were found in this survey about a hundred and ten thousand horsemen. Neither 
Places that sent no soldiers this year to the wars of Persia.  was there any stirred out of Arabia Felix, out of AEgipt, out of Hungary, out of Africa, or out of other places remote, or situate upon the sea coasts: as also those Provinces, that had sent the squadrons afore mentioned, were not left destitute of their ordinary guards and garnisons, 
500 pieces of small artillery with Mustaffa  no nor without a great multitude of idle persons: yea & Damascus, which in old time carried the name and price for matters of war, kept back their band of Gianissaries being Arcubusiers, to take their ease at home under the standards of their own captains. Mustaffa brought with 
500 pieces of small Artillery with Mustaffa.  him five hundred pieces of small Shot, aswell for safety of his army, as also for service in defending such fortresses and castles, as he should be enforced to erect in the new-conquered countries. He had also of the king many loads of money for his soldiers pay: with further 
Many loads of money.  order and direction to use the chamber of Aleppo and of other Cities, if he should stand in need. He caused likewise to be brought from the provinces aforenamed, by imposition of tenths for grain, and tasks for carriage 
Taxes and tenths for corn and carriage.  of camels (which they call Nosul and Auaris) an exceeding great quantity of corn: which he made to be transported in Galleys by the great sea (in times past called Pontus Euxinus) to the haven of Trapezuntia, or Trabizonda, under the general conduct of Aly-Vcchiali, that for the ease of the army it might so be conveyed from Trabizonda; 
Trabizonda but 4. small days journey distant from Erzirum.  to Erzirum, being but only four days journey distant from thence. He had also gathered together a great number of pioneers and Miners: and to be short having taken order for all things that he thought might be necessary for the war, he departed in comely manner & seemly a●ray from Erzirum, and in the end of eight 
Mustaffa departeth from Erzirum to the ruins of Chars.  days arrived at the ruins of Chars, where among good pasture and abundance of come fruit and wa●●● herested himself. And being surprised with an excessive rain, which falling in great quantity made new pools and brooks, and being mixed with storms, and tempesturous 
An excessive rain.  winds rend his tents asunder, & wrought great harm both to men & cattle, he was compelled to stay in that place three whole days together not without some inconvenience, by means whereof many fell sick & were 
Somefall sick.  constrained to abandon the army. From Chars he departed with all his people that were not hindered with sickness, 

Mustaffa departeth from Chars.  
The mountains of Chielder.   and took up his lodging that evening under certain mountanes (now called Chielder) being in mine opinion the hills of Periardo, and because he was advertised, that the Persians were in the field to make battle with him, being now passed beyond their own borders, which were so set out by Soliman in the peace concluded with Tamas, (as before we have said,) & doubting least peradventure they might encounter him, where he little looked for them: he thought it best for the more security of his host to pitch his Tents in such a place as he might well discover them, and yet not be assaulted at unawares. And therefore he planted himself in the plain, and gave order, that Beyran the Bassa of Erzirum should take possession 
The artificial manner of encamping, which Mustaffa used.  of a certain hill that was on the right hand, & Drevis the Bassa of Caraemit should keep another hill that stood on the left hand and with them Osman Bassa, Mahamet Bassa, Mutassade Bassa being adventurers, with many others aswell of the kings stipendiaries as voluntary men, should like wise pitch their Tents upon the same hills, in such sort as they making as it were two Cornets or wings to the camp, might discover the coming of every man, and he himself being shadowed with the two hills might be perceived of no man.  
But whiles all these things with such military preparations were made ready by Amurat: the new king of 
The King of Persia moved by the fame of this expedition made against him, dissembleth his hatred toward the Sultan's.  Persia, who was yet scarce settled in his kingdom, being stirred up by the same of these motions, resolved with himself to send men against the Turks for defence of his state, and was content for the time to dissemble his conceived and hatred, which he bore to some of the Captains of Persia and of Georgia, & to make some apparent show that he was reconciled with them, for that without them he could not promiss himself any form of an army or defence: and for all the hurleyburley, wherewith his kingdom was troubled, & for all the disorders whereinto both the Sultan's & people were fallen, yet he wrought so thoroughly, that all the Captains of account took upon them the protection of his honour & kingdom. And so Tocomac a Sultan; the Chan and governor of Reivan, being elected general of this expedition, 
Tocomac general of the Persians.  a soldier very famous and well known to the Turks for the many ambassades, wherein he served often times to Selim and Amurat, and in Persia deemed to be a man of singular virtue, he gave him in charge, that gathering together 
Orders given by king Mahamet to Tocomac.  the greatest number of men he could out of Atropatia, out of Media the greater, and other places near to the Turks, he should seek all the means he was able to stop their passage into Georgia & Media Atropatia, And 

Commandment given over all Persia, to gather men against the Turk.  
The places whence the soldiers were gathered.   thereupon Edicts and precepts were sent out to all the cities of the kingdom, and principally to Amadan, to Genge, to Taiuris, to Nassivan, to Marant, to Ardevil, to Soffian, to Carachach, to Turcomania, to Giant, & to many other places on this side and beyond Casbin, that all the Chans, Sultan's, and soldiers whatsoever, should come ready priest to follow the commandements of their new General. Many there came that were obedient to the kings proclamation, but many there were that would 
The disobedience of many.  not stir a foot, for their obstinacy in the broils begun, and for the suspicion which they had of unlookedfor mischiefs: wherefore the king remained greatly discontented, and much grieved at this first disobedience of his subjects, and clearly perceived how much better it had been for him to have lived in peace and amity with Amurat: how be it to make the best of the matter he was enforced to take this defence upon him, as also for the satisfaction of the subjects of Georgia, (which desired the same with earnest request by certain ambassadors sent 
Ambassadors from Georgia.  particularly from Daut-Chan for that purpose) to salve his own honour and the succession of Emir Hamze his eldest son. And therefore with those few, which for the love of justice were met together in those parts, being not above twenty thousand, Tocomac was dispatched 
The army of the Persians ●x. thousand and no more.  about his business, hoping that the enemies army (wherein he heard say the king in person was not) might be such, as with these his small forces it were not impossible for him to oppress them in some narrow straits, where the multitude commonly useth rather to be: in confusion & perplexity, then ready and able to help one another. These xx. thousand were all horsemen, armed with Scimitarre and bow with some Harquebuses among and (which is 
The manner how the Persians are armed & their conditions.  wont to stand this nation in great steed) they were furnished with very sign and well tempeted Armour, but specially courageous they were and resolute, and made more hardy by the virtue and valour of their Captain. And therefore with all their provision necessary for victual and fight, keeping the way of Tauris and Genge, 
Tocomac with his host cometh toward Chars.  they came to the turning of Chars, where they were advertised that their enemies army was passed.  
They were now arrived within a days journey near to Chielder, when they were resolved to send quick and faithful spies 〈◊〉 might bring them certain news of the 〈◊〉, condition, and number of the Turkish soldiers: 
Tocomac sendeth spies,  who 〈◊〉 thither even at the very time that the Turks were encamping themselves between the two hills, whereupon the two Bassanes Beyran and Drevis with their people had already pitched their Tents. The Persian spies discovered the Turkish host aloft, and persuaded themselves that there were not any other battle 
The error of the Persian spies.  than those which they saw upon the two high hills: whereof with all the speed they could they returned news to Tocomac, who at ease had followed these his spies a far off. When Tocomac understood their information; agreeing with his former conceit, which he brought from Casbin of the number of his enemies: peradventure also persuading himself, that if a greater army were to come out of the borders, the same might now be at Chars, and these only troops sent before to discover the country: he became very bold & foolhardy through too much desire of glory, and determined with himself to go and assault them: and having discovered his 
Tocomac falleth into the same error that the spies did.  enemies tents, he was thoroughly confirmed in his former opinion, and the spies relation, and with so much the more confidence went forward to assail them. But Beyran and Drevis, who quickly from the hill had perceived 
Tocomac cometh boldly to assail his enemies.  the Persians coming in the plain against them, although they knew them to be full of courage, yet reposing great confidence in their fellow battle, (which did not show itself,) with all speed mounted upon their horses, and ran to meet them: and in the foresaid plains under Chielder within one hour after noon, they joined a most bloody battle: wherein there were slain at last seven Turkish Sangiacchi, with a very great number of soldiers, both stipendiaries & voluntary, without any apparent loss at all among the Persians, who closing themselves 
The Persians obtain a happy and fortunate victory.  together, in great heat and all bee-bloudied in the battle, did prosecute their happy and fortunate victory.  
But General Mustaffa, who perceived all that had passed, and stayed waiting till the fight was at hottest and the medley at the thickest, that so the flight of his enemies might breed the greater disorder: & seeing at length that 
Mustaffa is moved against the Persian conquerors, and succoureth his own people.  his people could no longer endure the fury of their enemy's rage, (even as though it had lightened and thundered, and as though the earth had been shaken,) with such cries and exclamations, as the Turks use in their assaults for the more terror of the enemy, exciting his army, he ran as it were headlong upon his adversaries, and with greater cruelty renewed the terrible battle. The Persians did 
The Persians endure the assault.  courageously sustain this unexpected & fearful assault, and seeing the night now very near approaching, rather than they would suffer the disgrace of a shameful and ignominious discomfiture, with unexplicable signs of valour, in that little time of daylight that was left them, they continued their manifold slaughters, until at last being 
The Persians retire through the benefit of the night.  favoured with the darkness of the night, they resolved to withdraw themselves with as little loss as possibly they might. Mustaffa neither could nor durst any longer pursue them, but was constrained by night to return to 
Mustaffa returneth to his rents.  his paviglions. The Persians for their parts did with all diligence dispatch men in post, to the King being at Casbin, 
The Persians news to Casbin.  advertising him aswell of the success of the battle, as also of the greatness of the Turkish army, and likewise what they were determined to do that they might annoy it: By the Turks also there were presented to Mustaffa 

Mustaffa sendeth posts with news of the battle to Amurat.  
5000. heads, and 3000. Persians alive presented to general Mustaffa.   (who had already sent away Posts to Amurat,) five thousand heads, which by their colour, countenance, and beards bewrayed themselves to be Persians, and 3000. Persians alive. Mustaffa did greatly rejoice at the victory, and to make it seem the greater, (seeking by all means to conceal his own losses, and minding to make the issue more dreadful, that so he might raise a greater terror by the fame that should thereof arrive to the enemy,) he caused the heads of those three thousand 
The art of Mustaffa his cruelty.  that were brought before him alive, to be presently cut from their shoulders, and using a most strange Art to breed terror in the Persian, he gave order, that of those 
A bulwark made of heads.  heads there should be framed a bulwark in those fields, for a most horrible and uncouth spectacle.  
The same day, that Mustaffa the Turkish Capitayne employed himself about this barbarous & cruel work, there came unto him certain messengers from Manucchiar 
Ambassadors from Manucchiar the Georgiano.  the younger son of the Georgian widow, called Dedesmit, who being brought into his paviglion, told him, that with his good favour and licence Manucchiar their Lord and master came to salute him, & to offer himself unto him as his obedient and devoured servant. At which news Mustaffa redoubling his joy, gave commandment, that all the Bassas & Captains of the host, with all solemn pomp, with trumpets, drums, peals of Artillery, and with all other signs of magnifical and joyful entertainment should go forth to meet the said Manucchiar, and to accompany him to his presence: which they did accordingly, and encountering him with all signs of honour, 
Manucchiar honourably received by Mustaffa.  conducted him with an infinite train to the great paviglion of Mustaffa, who also caused him to be saluted again with an other peal of ordinance and Arquebuseshot, and with a second reply of trumpets and drums. Manucchiar dismounted from his horse, and (although against his will) he beheald the strange and uncouth pile of heads all pale and filthy to look on, and indeed imagined what the matter meant, all which Mustaffa himself discoursed at large unto him from point to point: notwithstanding before all other things, having done his 
The speech of Manucchiar.  due reverence to the said Mustaffa, and according to his degree placed himself next to his side, after he had presented him with such gifts as his country yielded, he gave him to understand, That for the honour and estimation which he bore to the Turkish valour, he was always devoted to the house of the Ottomans: and as he had oftentimes desired to spend his goods and life in their service, so at this present being moved by his ancient desire, alured by the strange fame of this victorious and wonderful army, and stirred up by a particular fantasy to learn the painful and hard precepts of Art Military under such a Captain, being a master of other captains, he offered him all devotion and service, more than ever he had done heretofore: and himself, having nothing in the world more dear unto him, consecrated his own life to his commandements, desiring that the same might be employed in the conflicts of war, under his banners, among warriors and soldiers of same and renown, & therefore he besought, him, that he would accept of him in the name of Amurat, whose obedient vassal he vowed himself to remain for ever. Mustaffa did graciously receive all this discourse of Manucchiar, and having showed him again the pile of heads, together with his 
The answer of Mustaffa.  battles, armour and provision of war, told him, That as all these forces are the gift of god, who always favoured the righteous counsels of the Ottoman kings (an impudent speech too bold & unbridled) in such sort, that they lord it over all the world, even to the astonishment of all that live in the world at this day: so had he for his part chosen the better part in coming now to yield himself & to submit his obedience to his king although it had been good if he had do one it before. And as concerning the desire which he had to be his companion & fellow in these warlike affairs, he did very friendly accept of his coming, & promised him all good entertainment and assured safety. And so in exchange of the presents which he brought him, he appareled him in cloth of gold, honoured him with a battell-axe and target, wrought with gold & enamel: & never permitted him to go from his paviglion without a train of his slaves.  
But to the end that from things unknown, and principles not understood, the course of my history proceed no further, for that in certain strange and important successes, the readers will be desirous to know the several nations, situations, Cities, rivers, mountains, counties, Dukedoms, kingdoms and provinces: it shall not be amiss in a distinct book by itself to declare, what these enemies are, against whom the Turks make war, and to describe what and how great forces they have, what kingdom they possess, what provinces are subject unto them, their worship or religion, their kind of government, their weapons, their manner of fight, their form of battle, their revenues, their expenses, and to be short whatsoever else shall be necessary to be known, and so with greater perspicuity to proceed in the continuation of our interrupted history.  
The end of the first book.   

The Second Book.  
The Argument.  
The birth of Mahamet and his proceedings.  
The Testament and Death of Mahamet.  
The Original of the Persian and Turkish Sects.  
The errors of iovius and others, touching the Original of the Name of Soffito or Soffi.  
The increase of the Persian kingdom.  
The Geographical description of the kingdom of the Persians, first universally and then particularly.  
The Geographical description of Georgia.  
The Historiography of them both.  
The Orders of Dignities or Offices in the Persian Religion.  
The Orders of Dignities or Offices in the Persian government.  
The Persian Soldiers.  
The Arms and weapons of the Persian Soldiers.  
Their horses: and the manner of Ordering their Armies.  
The Survey of the Persian Armies.  
The revenues of that kingdom.  
The Expenses of the same.  
The causes of the declination of that Empire.  
Certain advertisements of the Author to the Reado●●.  
THE SECOND BOOK.  
MAhamet, or (as some call him) Mahomet was borne in the year of our salvation 593. or (as others writ) 567. of Abdalla, the son of Abdel Mutalep, who had also an other son called Abutalep, father to Aly, all of them among the Arabians of a very base and poor estate: which Mahamet by good hap being married to Cadige, (or as some 
Cadige the wife of Mahamet.  term her) Hadige, a woman of noble parentage and notable wealth, & by her having had a daughter called Fattime, who afterward was the wife of the aforesaid Aly, departed into Egypt, with rich wares and important merchandises, where withal his wife had furnished him. And being ambitious to know many things, and to fit his humour, which he perceived in himself to be given to matters of fame and of glorious report, he entered into strict familiarity with one Sergio, a fugitive of Christendom, 
Sergio a fugitive of Christendom.  of whom learning many particulars of the holy testament, he digested them in his mind, & was in good hope by means of the great authority, that he had already purchased at home with his fortunate marriage, to cause the simple people there to believe him of his own credit, and thereupon persuaded himself, or rather was confirmed in the wicked opinion which he had conceived, that he might usurp the name of a Prophet or Divine. And so being assisted by diverse lewd and ungodly persons, he began to give out the report that he was a worker of miracles and a favourite of God himself, and besides the counterfeiting of a cloud, which (as Sergio & 
The suttlenes of Mahamet to cause himself to be held a Saint.  other fautors of his shameless lies most falsely feigned) did continually cover him, he made a show to the world of dissembled abstinence, hypocritical solitariness, & ambitious contempt of worldly riches, inventing also certain superstitious prayers, and false visitations of an Angel, and to be short a number of other lying and enormous miracles. By means of all which things having gotten the credit to be a devout person, a Saint, a Prophet, (being assisted by the temporal authority which he had obtained with his riches and his wives kindred) he made that fickle & miserable nation subject to his wicked law: and among other filthy and unrighteous orders, which are scattered in the Alcoran, and other books of 
Certain Injunctions ge●en by Mahamet, as it were for a law.  treacherous invention, this was most singular, which he imposed unto them touching the manner of praying, covering all his wickedness with an honourable kind of prayer, made to that one God, whom this people being but lately revolted to these idols and monstrous lies did little understand. This prayer he appointed should be 
A prayer invented by Mahamet, common both to the Persians and to the Turks, and to all those that profess Mahamet.  thus. In the name of the religious & merciful God. Praised be the sovereign Lord of the worlds, the pitiful, the merciful, the Lord of the day of judgement. Thee we serve: from thee we look for help: show unto us the right way, that which thou hast showed to the prophets, not that, for which thou art angry with the wicked, Amen. And commanded that it should be said five times a day, namely, in the morning, at noon, at Evening, at night, and at two of the clock after midnight: & that in saying thereof this order following should be precisely observed. The Fachis, that is to say, he that hath the charge of the ceremonies, being somewhat before all the rest, when they are assembled together, prescribeth unto them all, the manner and pronunciation of the prayer, not only by falling down flat upon the ground with his face and raising himself up again, but also by singing and crying out himself, causing all the rest even as it were in the same moment to do the like. Mahamet was the man, that where soever he was himself, performed the office of 
Mahamet was priest & Prince.  Fachi: & all those that in other places did order the prayers did represent Mahamet, though indeed they were far inferior unto him. For he was the chief man not only in the Church (which they call Moschea,) but also in the Court of judgement: so that he had both temporal & spiritual authority, (as we may say,) if so be it be lawful to such impure and fifthy institutions to apply the religious and holy terms which are proper to our most pure & sacred profession. The others were chief in the Moschea, but yet were subject and obedient to their Governor and king: so that at this day besides the king, the Bassa, and the Sangiaceo, which are the Temporal Magistrates in the court, there are the Musti, the Fachis, & such like, which are the principal ministers in the Moschea, and in the law.  
By means of these lewd Institutions, the filthy and lecherous wretch, having obtained the name of a Wise man and a Prophet, persuaded his wife Cadige, by whom he had gotten all his state and wealth, that by the commandment of God, it was necessary for him to marry with eight other women, meaning under the colour of a divine Oracle to satisfy his beastly lusts. His credulous wife granted unto him that which he required at her hands, and so in profane uptialles he satisfied his unclean 
Mahames is married to 8. other concubines.  desires with eight other wives or Concubines: among whom of greatest account were Aisse the daughter of Abubacher, Ofesa the daughter of Omar, and Fara the daughter of Ottoman ●● by whose means he assured his temporal authority over the people, and sound rooted his new inventions in their minds. But (as it is the property of all flesh) at the last he was brought to his end in the sixty & third year, or (as some say) in the sixtieth year of his age, having reigned about thirty, or (as others writ,) 
The death of Mahamet.  about five and twenty years: and whiles he was sick, to the end that his treacherous orders should not cease, but specially that his new-devised manner of prayer should not be left, he appointed Abubacher his second father in 
Abubacher left successor to Mahamet.  law, for him and in his steed to keep the first and chief place in the Mos●hea at Me●ra. With great silence although with as great marvel, was this determination of Mahamet tolerated: but particularly as great grief had Aly and his hinse folks to hear these news, supposing that the succession should rather have belonged to Aly, being both Nephew & Son●e in Law to Mahamet. Yet did Abu●●cher excercise the dignity appointed unto him, without any strife or contention for the same, until the death of Mahamet: and then Aly with his kindred, no longer fea●●●g the false Prophet deceased openly made challenge thereunto. At whose first demand it seemed that Abubacher was some what willing to have yielded, making a show that he would do it to gratify such persons, as sued for Aly (being a man more worthy, for his nearness in blood for his agility in body, & for his valour in Arms) rather then for that he was resolved to surrender to another the honour, that Mahamet had granted to him. But afterwards having secretly understood the minds of some that were more mighty than his adversaries, who counseled him in any case not to spoil himself of the honour which he had obtained, he began openly to resist Aly, and to use not only reasons, but force also against him: so that he established himself in the said Succession. Which Aly, for that he would not disturb the new-devised sect, did brook better than it was thought he could, although at last in recompense of this his toleration, being forsaken of all his friends and fautors, he and his wife Fattime were also spoiled of all the substance that was left unto them by his Uncle: Abubacher vouching for 
Aly driven out by Abubacher, and spoiled of all his substance.  a reason of this his cruelty, That the inheritance of riches belongeth unto him, to whom the Charge of the Law and of Wisdom belongeth: and That he being adjudged lawful heir of the Wisdom, ought also to inherit the riches. Leaving it (as it were) for an Ordinance to the people, That a Prophet cannot separate his substance from his dignities and knowledge: but whosoever is left heir of a man's wisdom, is also to be taken for the heir of a man's wealth. Whereupon divers wise men 
Books written by those first wise men.  of that age took occasion to write books, and therein disputed, whether a Prophet might have authority to make one and the self same person, the heir of his learning and of his riches. Howbeit this Aly lived so long, that he saw the death of his predecessors Abubacher, Omar, and Ottoman, 
Aly succeed in the dignity of Mahamet.  and after their decease he himself also succeeded in the Dignity, which till then they had usurped upon him. For conservation whereof he was compelled to make battle with Mavi Lord of Damafco, over whom with great glory he gained the victory, and so ever after to his immortal praise and commendation he exercised that Office. At the last he died also, (leaving behind him the report 
Aly dieth: leaveth behind him a good report.  of a magnanimous, variant and just Prince,) and was buried with two of his Sons Hassan and Ossain, in Cafe, a place with in two days journey near unto Babylon: among 
Two sons of Aly burie● in Cafe.  whose Successors was always thoroughly observed, whatsoever Mahamet had commanded to be observed for a Law.  
And although the East was divided into divers and sundry States and governements of many persons, yet notwithstanding the superstition of Mahamet, was with all conformity maintained by them all neither was there heard either of any schism, or insurrection, or weighty dissension among that people: but for all the inequality of those countries and dominions this opinion continued equal and uniform. At what time, even on a sudden & beyond all expectation, there arose a superstition in the minds of certain mahometans, which in few years being sown and scattered over all Asia, did breed a great contention and war among those nations, that, being before united together by Mahomates devise, seemed to be more than friends and in league one with an other. Of this novelty one Sexchiuni, or (more distinctly to express 
The author of the Persian superstition.  his name) one Siec Giunet was the author, who under the name of Sofi and of Siec, (that is to say, of a wiseman & an author of Religion,) or rather, under the pretence of holiness began to persuade the people, being by nature inconstant & superstitious. That those three first Successors of Mahamet, were unjust and unlawful usurpers of the dignity, That modest & just Ali only ought to be named the lawful Successor. That he alone ought to be called-upon in their prayers for help, and that by all possible means all honours should be yielded and rendered to him, and taken from those three first, as from persons that were undoubtedly damned and altogether reprobate. With many arguments did Giunet approve his Invention, & at last persuaded many thereunto that began very readily to follow him as the head and founder of so new a verity: Whereupon by the appointment of this new master they did all with one conformity use this form of Prayer, Cursed be Abubacher, Omar, and Ottoman, and God be favourable 
The new prayer of the Persians.  to Aly, and well pleased with him. From the time of this invention forwards, the Sepulchre of Aly and his sons in Cafe grew in great credit, and the followers of 
The sepulchre of Aly held in great reverence.  this new superstition began every year to visit it, in all respects even after the same sort, that the Turks do visit the Sepulchre of the three first Successors: Yea the very kings of Persia themselves used to be crowned and girt with their sword in Cafe near unto Babylon, (as it is said before,) where ever after, their great caliph was wont to keep his residence, as being the man that represented Aly, and occupied the chief room of their filthy and damnable Priesthood.  
Upon this occasion it is not amiss to advertise the Reader, how false that rumour hath been and is, whereby it is noised abroad, that the kings of Persia performed these ceremonies in Babylon. The cause of which falsehood was, for that Case lying near unto Babylon, and being a very little place, as resembling rather a village then a town, or a City, the people reported that all these things were done in Babylon that famous City: no otherwise then as Strabo writeth to have happened about the overthrow that Darius had when he lost the Empire. Which overthrow although it was at a little village called Gaugamela, (that is to say, the camels house) yet the writers and people do say, that it was at Arbella, a notable City near to the said place called Gaugamela. Whereupon it is not much from the purpose to note also, how greatly they are deceived, that think Arbella to be that which is now called Tauris, whereas Strabo doth plainly say that Arbella lieth in the Country of Babylon which is Assyria, and it is very manifest, that Tauris is in the Country of Media. By this brief narration it appeareth that Paulus Giovius 
The error of P. Giovius.  hath erred, where he writeth that the superstition of the Persians did begin in Persia at the very same time, that the heresy of Luther was sown in Germany: and where he maketh one Arduelle, who was also called Aidere, to be the author of the Persian Faction: whereas he is notably deceived both in respect of the time, and also of the person: of the time, for that it sprang up before the publication of Luther's religion: and of the person likewise, for that Arduelle was not the first inventor thereof, (as he saith) but Giunet Siec, called also the Sofis, as shallbe declared a little after. The Turks in the mean time, by reason of this new devised novelty, thinking themselves to be of a sound and sincere opinion, did always call themselves Sunni, (that is to say, men of a good faith) and on the other side they called the Persians Rafadi, that is to say, men of a false faith and going-astray, only because they forsook those first successors of Mahamet, Abubacher, Omar & Ottoman, whom they believe to be the lawful heirs of that chief dignity. And in this sort began the Persian superstition, and not (as some think) from the 
The error of many.  divers interpretations of the Alcoran, much less from the execution of the law of Aly. For as touching the Aleoran, they do all expound it after one and the self same manner: and as for Aly, he never framed any law, but only confirmed that which he found already ordained by Mahamet their only lawmaker. Besides that the Turks do reverence Aly together with the other three Abubacher, Omar & Ottoman, as him that was also a successor to Mahamet: But the Persians, although indeed they worship Aly, yet for all that they do not only not reverence the other three, but curse them & hate them as impious and damned persons.  
Afterwards the Persians were called Cheselbas, of a certain red mark which they carried on their heads, 
The Persians called Cheselbas.  by an ordinance that was instituted for the same by Arduelle, who was esteemed a very holy man. Which name was confirmed afterwards in the succession of Ismahel, 
The name of Sofi renewed in Ismahel.  who renewed the name of Sofi, being first usurped by Giunet, for his invention of the superstition that was spread abroad by him: and so continuing the said name of Sofi even until our age, among the people of Asia, who by the forces of Alexander were in old time subdued with 
The ancient Sofiti subdued by Alexander the great.  a number of other nations, that were famous in those days (if Quintus Curtius may be believed) for the value of their jewels, for the beauty of their bodies, and for the excellency of their dogs. Of this name Sofi, and Sofiti many particularities we could rehearse, if we were not afraid to departed from our matter now in hand; and therefore differing them till some other occasions, it shall be sufficient to repeat, & with diligence to note, that the first man which merited this name was Giunet, who, because he found out this notable sect, obtained the name not only of Siec, but also of Sofi, although in deed he had not gotten the name of Saha, and that because he gave his mind rather to matters of learning and study, then to matters of Arms & government. After whose example there succeeded three other, who were content to be called by the name of Siec, but not of Sofi, until that after 
The succession of the Persian Kings.  them there succeeded Ismahel, who contemning the name of Siec was called Saha, that is to say, King, & did in such sort enlarge the bounds of his kingdom, that, in respect of his greatness, men will hardly believe at this day the intolerable oppressions, which those Provinces in truth have suffered and endured. And herein is Paulus Giovius 
The error of P. Giovius.  found to have erred also where he writeth, that this Ismahel was the first of all the Persian kings that merited the name of Sofi, which indeed he did rather renew in his own person, having received the same from Giunet, the first author of the damnable superstition, who first took that Title upon him.  
This Persian superstition was first brought in by Siec Giunet the Sofi, afterward maintained by Siec Sederdin, and 
The names of the Successors in the kingdom of Persia.  after him by Siec Giunet the second, then, by Siec Aider (called by Giovius, Arduelle,) and at last so increased & emenlarged by Ismahel the Saha and Sofi, that under his government Persia seemed to envy the glory of Cyrus & Darius. After the death of Ismahel it descended to Tamas, who reigned with less felicity than his father did, being many a time and often greatly damnified by Soliman, and after Tamas succeeded Aidere the second, who reigned but for certain days and hours, as the History setteth it down: and then followed Ismahel, who troubled all the Cities of his kingdom with manifold hurley-burlies: & last of all the king that now is, being more unfortunate and unhappy than all the rest. And even as Giunet, founder of this sect, being a man that was esteemed to be wise and holy, did renew the name of Sofiti, which for many ages past had been extinguished in Asia, and in other his successors Sederdin, Giunet the second, & Aidere Sisopi, who were contented only with the bare name of Siec: so was it again revived in the sprouting glory of Ismahel, who did so largely dilate the confines of his kingdom, that it seemed he had (as it were) founded it anew: and yet afterwards, it was suppressed again in his successors Tamas, Aidere, Ismahel & Mahamet, who leaving the names of Sofiti and Siec retained only the Title of Saha. In this sort, began increased and declined, the kingdom of the Persians, who were followers of the division and superstition of the false law of Mahamet.  
What the occasions were, why in so short a space, so famous and redoubted a kingdom began to decline, it shallbe declared hereafter: for that it is now time to proceed in the narration of more important matters, beginning at the Geographical description of the kingdom itself: wherein it shall behove the reader to walk with good circumspection, because the confines thereof are set down neither so ample and large as they were in the time of Ismahel, nor less than they were at such time as these wars were moved. For Ismahel had in such sort enlarged the limits of his Empire by his new devised superstition, 
The changes of the Persian state.  that he had not only stretched them on the East beyond Aria, and on the South upon the red sea in the golf of Persia, but on the West also he had made the Georgiani tributaries, subdued the Armenians, the Mesopotamians, the Babylonians, the Assyrians, and threatened that he would Lord it even to the confines of Europe. But this so notable felicity of his continued no long time, because both he himself was dispossessed by those that were mightier than he was, and after his death, Tamas was so straightly shut up, even into the innermost places of his kingdom, that it were but a small matter for writers to describe the compass and quantity of that which was left. For being deprived of Bythinia, of Mesopotamia, of Armenia, and of Assyria, the poor Persians had much ado to retain the people of Georgia and Atropatia at their commandment and devotion: but avoiding the outrages and incursions of the Turks, they were enforced to transport their Regal seat to Casbin, & to forsake Tauris the ancient Palace not only of these princes, but also of all the other kings of those provinces.  
And therefore setting aside the first felicity, and large compass of this kingdom, (the memory whereof can serve to no other purpose then to bewail so great a decay, and to teach us that we ought not to put too much confidence in worldly riches, nor wax proud in the great authority of rule and government:) measuring the state of this realm, as it was when these wars began, we say, that for the North part, beginning at the very uttermost East of the sea of Baccu, and coasting all that Sea, and then 
The North part of the Persian kingdom.  entering into Seruan and Georgia even unto Mengrelli, and so a little lower unto Chars, lying in the champain country under the mountains of Periardi called Chielder, where also is erected a Castle called Childerum for defence of the borders, you have the description of all that the Persians possess on that side. From thence drawing a line by the East, and rolling the same over the Lake Actamar, and over 
The West.  Coy in the champaign of Caldaran, & then carrying the same line towards the South to the City of Salmas, and a little higher towards Seresul, even to the channel of Euphrates, there is comprehended all the West part of this kingdom. From the channel of the said river, where 
The South.  the Bassora lieth, coasting all along that side of the sea, even until the mountains Techisnandan, and more towards the East to the kingdom of Candahar, & there making an end of that compass, all the South part of this present Empire is figured. The East whereof is included 
The East.  between the borders of Corassan, and of the Tartarian Iesselbas, even from the City of Samarcante on the east part of the Casptan Sea, otherwise called the sea of Baccu.  
The compass appeareth to be very great and of importance, comprehending in it many provinces, not only famous in our times, but also much more glorious in the days of those Ancients: for that in the West is included with the country of Georgia, part of Turcomania, and of Cussestan: in the North, Seruania, the country of Gheilan; and Massandran: in the East, Candahar, Corassan, and Heri: and in the South, all the kingdom of Fars, (the chief City whereof is Sirrah,) with Caramania the Desert. In the very middle and Centre of this Circle are the Territories of Casbin, Cassan, and Hispahan. So that in 
The provinces of the Persian kingdom.  the beginning of this war, the King of Persia ruled over all these provinces, Georgia sometime called Iberia, Seruania, otherwise called Atropatia, Tauris with the territories belonging unto it called in times past Media the Great, Gheilan or Gely, Masandran or Hyrcania: & more inward Parthia, Aria, Candahar or Peripaniso, Farsi or Persia, and part of Cussestan in old time called Assyria. All these provinces in times passed subdued by the Macedonians, the Grecians, and Barbarians, wasted by so many mutations and States, and outrages of Armies, have also lost their ancient names, and according to the several languages therein used, have had divers and sundry appellations, which (as a man may probably conjecture) are in truth those, that are last named. Of all which provinces, Anania, Pius the second of happy memory, Negro the Venetian, & some other late Geographers have been so bold as to write many things, rather fabulous then true; after the example and imitation of those that are so greatly reprehended by Strabo and Thucydides: & therefore avoiding the danger of lying, and laying also a side for this time, the History of things Natural, Miraculous, and Poetical, (for of Poetical matters especially, the particular Geography of Danaeus reporteth) we will only speak of such things, as will serve our turn for the better knowledge of the State and condition of this kingdom.  
Tamas had under him, (and so he left the kingdom to Ismahel, in whose time and by whose means these wars were raised) threescore and ten governements, all bearing the Titles of Sultan's & Chan: so that in his whole Empire, he had seventy Cities of such state and condition, as they deserved to have a Governor of the same dignity, that the Bassa is with the Turks, as shall be declared in the exposition of Names. Now what they were, it would be a very hard matter precisely to know; yet some of them we have learned; and the principal thereof peradventure were, Sumachi, Sechi, Eres, Seruan, Derbent, Caracach, 
The Cities of the kingdom of Persia.  Ardovil, Tauris, Reivan, Genge, Hispahan, Masandran, Gheilan, Heri, Cassam, Sirrah, Starabat, Chilmisnar, Candahar, jesed, Sapanec, Sultania, Bargo, Cum, Coran, Seva, Casbin, and others, all which have jurisdiction over many Villages and Towns, from whence there are levied many men of war. Hispahan only hath in her government twelve Sultanes: Casbin three Sultanes & the king: Heri three also and Abas Mirize: Candahar three, and Rustan Mirize. Of all these places to make an exquisite description Geographical, to tell the Mountains, the Rivers, the Champains, the Distances, the Situations, the Altitudes of the Pole, and such other particularities, it would not be an enterprise fit for our handling, except we would insert many lies therein, (as a number of writers have heretofore done:) & therefore, seeing neither the battles of the Turk have entered into those parts, nor any thing happened in them that requireth any great diligence of discourse, Let that little be sufficient, which we have already touched in this History by occasion of Abas Mirize, and of the Turcomanni: and returning to Georgia, to Seruan, and to Media the Great, with a piece of Armenia, we will use our best diligence, even as need shall require, and our informations will serve us.  
Georgia then is that province, which in ancient time 
The prouin●c of Georgia.  was called Iberia, which on the West is bounded upon Colchis, at this day called Mengrellia: on the East upon Media Atropatia, at this day called (as we said afore) Seruan: on the North upon Albania, now called Zuiria: and on the South upon Armenia the Greater, now called Turcomania, whereof it doth also possess a part, so that Iberia and part of Armenia is comprehended under this name of Georgia. It is for the most part full of hills, woods, rocks, and ruins: and hath abundance of silks, fruits, wild beasts, and Falcons. It is watered with many famous rivers, (and so was even in the time of Strabo) but principally with the river Cirus, whose gulf openeth in that country, and is joined with Araxis. The river Araxis springeth out of the hill Taurus, in that part, where 
The river Araxis.  Periardo is situate, on the side of the hill Abo, and so running by East even to the confines of Seruan, windeth itself towards the west by the North, where it is joined with Cirus, and then passeth to Artaxata a city of the Armenians, right against a place, which is very famous in this war, called Reivan, and so watering Armenia, and coursing all along the plain of Araxis, (which peradventure is the champain called Caldarana,) dischargeth itself into the Caspian Sea, at this day called the sea of Corazun, and of Baccu, on the one side by south leaving Armenia, and on the other side by North leaving Seruania, whose chief City is Eres, which is so famous in this book; as in fit place it shallbe showed. It is a river very deep and large: but yet at this present it containeth not those marvels; that Herodotus reporteth of it, as also it is very hard to understand that which Quintus Curtius writeth touching the course thereof, and that which Natalis Comes hath left written of it in his history. Cirus likewise springeth out of the same hill Taurus, and yet in Armenia, and so descending into the Champains and plains of Georgia, 
The river Cirus.  charging itself, and being greatly increased with other rivers, it is joined with Araxis, and so maketh his issue also into the Caspian sea. This river the inhabitants of the country at this day call by the name of Ser in their own language, but the Turks call it Chiur: the other River both the one nation and the other do uniformly call Arasse. In that part of the land, where Araxis insinuateth itself between Media Atropatia, and Armenia, it receiveth into it divers Rivers that spring out of the hills of the said region of Armenia, among which is Canac, very 
The river Canac.  famous in this history, which making (as it were) almost an Island, a little on this side of the City Eres, uniteth itself in the Channel with Araxis, as in his place shall be showed.  
This Province is in habited by sundry Earls, Dukes, & Lords, aswell in the plain and champain, as also in the rough and mountain country; and these inhabitants are for the most part Christians, (& yet observers of the rites and schisms of the Grecians,) stout people, strong of complexion, and obstinate in their opinions. The principal Potentates of this Province, (besides many others that enjoy whole Counties and divers Lordships) are the Widow and her Sons, Manucchiar and Alessandro: the Sons of Lavassap deceased, David and Simon: Leventogli, who by his countrymen is called Schender, and by us Alessandro, surnamed the Great: Giusuf the Son of Gori: old Sahamal, of whom we made mention afore, when we wrote of the death of Aidere: and the sixth is Basacchiuc.  
Sahamal keepeth his government between the territory 
Sahamal the Georgian and his state.  of Siruan, and of Alessandro, by nation rather an Alano, than a Georgiano, and hath one Son, which succeeded after him, when Osman Bassa deprived him of his life for his treason that was discovered, whereof shall be spoken in place convenient. He dwelleth in a rough & high mountain, by the Turks called Brus, whose top is covered 
The mountain Brus.  continually with white and hoary snows: he is in religion, by his own choice, a Soffian, although by nature a Georgian: he is in money poor, but in shaking a lance and shooting a dart very valorous: few cities, or rather no one place worthy the name of a city doth he possess, but certain Villages and some base Towns he hath: and the people that is subject to him is altogether a favage people, and given to robbery and flight.  
Giusuf is in deed by country, by nation, and by religion 
Giusuf the Georgian and his state.  a Georgian, although touching his religion he hath altogether abandoned the name of Christ, and having voluntarily revolted to the Turks, hath changed his Grecian Faith into another religion, that among all wicked religions is most impious. He hath his place at Gori, and his territory lieth on the West bordering upon Basacchiuc, divided from him by the Lake of Esecchia, and on the East upon the County of Derbent. He being brought into a narrow straight by Osman Bassa on the one side, and by the whole Camp on Teflis side, resolved himself to yield to the Turks, as in fit opportunity shall be declared.  
The Widows younger Son called Manucchiar, is he that came to yield his obedience to Mustaffa, as we have 
The widow of Georgia and her state.  told you before, and the elder is named Alessandro, of whom we shall speak sufficiently when we come to describe his misery. She holdeth many ●ownes, but hath put her elder Son in possession, and left unto him the universal care and charge of her whole estate, which afterward was fraudulently taken from him by Amurat and by his younger brother Manucchiar. Her territory lieth in the confines of Chars on the West, & the State of the two brothers Simon and David on the East, watered with a River by the Turks called Chiur, which perhaps may be some branch of Cirus: The palace of this Dominion is Altunchala, so called in Turkish, and in our language may be interpreted the Golden-Castell: there is beside, a very commodious and remarkable place called Clisca, and also Carachala, so termed by the Turks, and signifying in our tongue the Obscure or Blacke-Castell: and diverse other jurisdictions both of Towns and Castles. This palace aswell on the side of Teflis, as on the side of Chars is compassed with the rough mountains of Periardo, and with horrible thick woods, very fit for treacherous ambushes, and in all respects most dangerous for an Army: But Altunchala itself lieth in the midst, being (as it were) most cunningly defended by nature.  
There follow, as ye go towards the East, rather in Armenia 
Lavassap the Georgian and his state.  then in Iberia, the places that sometimes belonged to Lavassap, but now enjoyed by the two brethren David & Simon, of their father's valour and of their father's estate, both by nature & by virtue the rightful heirs, although 
Simon and David.  in truth they had greatly desyled themselves with a beastly change of their religion, whereby they did wonderfully obscure their glory, being otherwise worthy of singular commendation: and principally Simon, who by his knowledge in Art military, and by his learning in matters of Poesy and Philosophy had merited the grace and familiarity of Ismahel the Son of Tamas, whiles he was in captivity in Persia, of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter in due time. But what virtue could there be in them glorious and renowned, which was not obscured by this soul fault committed by them both? it being the occasion why the one and the other were not only deprived of their goods, their State, and their honour, but also that they abandoned wholly the most sacred and glorious name of Christ. For Lavassap their father being dead, who by his last will and testament left Simon his 
The history of the two brethren Simon and David.  Son to be his Successor in the kingdom, not only because he was the elder in years but also because he excelled his brother in valour, David, being of an intolerable nature, greatly envying his brother's succession, & over-greedie of glory and rule, began to seek means how to drive Simon out of his State, & with force and Arms to arrive to that place, whereunto neither the will of his father, nor the laws of nature could bring him. And therefore withdrawing himself into the field, being followed by a kind of people desirous of Novelties, and rather loving seditions and tumults, then easy peace and quiet rest, he began to take up those rents; which his brother did yearly expect from such places as lawfully were subject unto him, converting to his own use whatsoever he could by any means most unhonestly usurp: and by these spoils making his followers and soldiers more bounden unto him, he did in such sort increase his squadrous, that being waxen very terrible to all Georgia, he put his brother Simon also in a marvelous great fear: who having understood his malignant and mischievous intent, and having none other means to maintain & defend himself, fled for help to Tamas king of Persia, & opening unto him his great necessity, requested succours at his hands. Tamas was nothing slow to gratify Simon herein, but dispatching four thousand horsemen under the conduct of one of his own captains, sent him into Georgia, with special order, that he should take David alive, and bring him into Persia, in case he would not change his religion, and so be settled in that State as his lawful subject, and not as a frank tributary, such as he was before. Which if he would be content to do, than the king commanded his Captain to seize upon Simon, and in case he would not change his faith, to bring him away with him, and substitute David in his place: but in case Simon should be ready and willing to do as his brother had done, then should he be caused to put the matter in execution, and so be confirmed in his possession, & David should be brought, as we have said before, to Casbin. The Persian Captain departed into Georgia, and without any stir, or any delay he took David, & in the name of Tamas made unto him the former offer, whereunto he did strait way consent, and so forsaking his religion, and changing holy Baptism for Circumcision, 
David denieth Christ & becometh a Persian.  he did most impiously consecrate himself a voluntary sacrifice to false Mahomet, & (which is most horrible & fearful to write) renounced the Saviour of the world. Then did the Persian Captain seize also upon Simon, & told him, that to gratify him, he was come into Georgia at the commandment of Tamas, that all things were performed which he required, and that he had taken his enemy-brother prisoner. Howbeit that he must not think to enjoy that kingdom under the protection of Tamas, unless he would change his faith, and become an observant of the same prophet and of the same law, whereof king Tamas is a champion and defender: & therefore he must resolve himself so to do, otherwise his brother David should be settled in his place, who had already very voluntarily chosen that part,  
Most bitterly did Simon bewail the fall of his brother, & being now more settled & constant, then ever he was, in the most sacred & holy faith of Christ, he surrendered up his earthly kingdom, because he would not lose the kingdom of heaven, which he hoped for, and of a King became a prisoner, being betrayed by those very persons, whom he had called to be his defenders. After that Daut-Chan (for so was David now called) had mumbled up with his unclean mouth, the wont and usual blasphemies of the Persians, being circumcised, and apparelled in the habit of a Barbarian, he was in the name of Tamas installed, not by the term of King or Duke, but of the Chan of Teflis, and all the other places, hereafter mentioned: And poor Simon was carried away to Tamas, by whom, for all the many instances and earnest requests, that were made unto him to become a Persian, yet could he not be removed from the foundation of his native faith, & therefore was sent into the Castle or Rock of Cahaea, wherein banished Ismahel, the son of Tamas lived, who afterward was king, as before is declared. And so contented himself rather to remain in temporal prison, then to change his first Christian religion (wherein notwithstanding he was a Schismatic,) and to prepare for himself perpetual chains, and blind & eternal captivity in hell for ever. By this success of Simon we may easily learn 
An advertisement not to trust the promises & helps of the Barbarians.  how dangerous a thing it is, to draw the Barbarians into our states and governments for our defence and help: for that we see most manifestly, there is no one thing more doubtful, more uncertain, or more impious, than their faith or promises, and that to spoil other men of 
The promises of the Barbarians deceivable.  their states, they will not stick most impudently to venture upon any wicked enterprise.  
But following the description of those places, that belonged to the father of these two unhappy heirs, we say, 
The places subject to Lavassap.  that the cities subject unto him, were principally Teflis, Lory, Tomanis, Chieres, Giurgi-Chala & many other towns & villages. But the chief palace of all was ever at Teflis, and near thereunto even at this day are to be seen the sepulchres of the kings of this part of Georgia. It is a place very strong by situation, watered with a small river, which descending from certain hills near thereabouts roameth along this coast and entereth into his neighbour Araxis. This small river the Turks call Chiur, supposing peradventure that it is some branch of the River Cirus, the grand waterer of all this region. On the side of Armenia, 
Valleys and narrow cuts in the mountains of Tomanis.  towards the South coast, where Tomanis standeth, there are many very narrow lanes in the mountains, & very deep valleys, wherein the foresaid river Araxis with most outrageous turnings and windings, and his many rushing downefals among the rocks doth even be-deafe a man's ears, & with his most violent roaming in and out doth drown and overwhelm, whosoever by miserable chance falleth down headlong from the tops of those narrow passages which are upon the mountains. And upon the creastes of the said mountains, on the side of 
Woods and old dark Forests.  the said narrow passage, there grow most hideous woods and antic forests full of 
* Cerri: trees like Poplars carrying mast fit for hogs.  Beech's and Pynetrees, where the horror of darkness, and silence which is oftentimes interrupted, only by the whistling of winds, or by the cry of some wild beast, do make the poor passengers most terribly afraid. On the West side there are most difficult passages on the rocks of Periardo, 
Hard passages.  which maketh both the borders of this country, and the borders of the widows country also most dangerous and full of a thousand annoyances: and there likewise the river Araxis with his crooked courses in the low and deep valleys, maketh a most narrow and perilous passage for any man. On the North side is the rough and noisome mountain of Caucasus: and by that coast the Turks could not possibly get any entrance into this Region, until they had conquered the City of Derbent. So that on all these three sides, by which the Ottomans might make their way into that country, that is to say, by Colchos, by Periardo, and by Armenia, Nature defended the land from foreign and strange nations, as though she had foreseen this calamity and tempest of the Turkish fury, and of her own bounty and benignity supplied those wants of Art, which were in that people, who was utterly ignorant in casting of Guns; and in the use 
Strabo maketh mention of the passages into Georgia.  of such like engines. Of these straits of Georgia as also of the four entrances before named, it seemeth that Strabo maketh manifest mention in his second book, where he also writeth, that Pompeius, & Canidius, did use two of these passages to enter with their Armies into this 

Pompeius & Canidius used these straits.  
The Turks sought to occupy all the 4. entrances into Georgia.   province. But in this present war the Turks sought to use them all four at one time: by the way of Colchos, sending their fleet on the great sea into the Channel of the river Fasis: by the coast of the Albanians leading Abdilcherai the Tartarian into Seruan: and by these two straits carrying all their Army, as in fit places it shall be set down.  
As ye walk towards the North, on this side of the lake Essecchia, (which perhaps is the marish called Lychnitis) 
Basacchiuc the Georgian and his state.  there standeth the City Basacchiuc, with certain other Towns and Cities, for a long time subject to Basacchiuc being a Lord of that name. Who was always more rustical and uncivil than all the rest, as one that dwelled far out of the ordinary ways, by which the Turkish Army made their journey, and by that means never endured the like troubles and inconveniences that others did: so that in all these stirs and hurly-burlies among his neighbours, withdrawing himself into these forts made and framed by nature, he sat as it were in a watchtower to behold the accidents of this doubtful war. Which rest certainly he had not so quietly enjoyed, if the Tartarians had not failed in their promises made to Amurat: whose 
Breach of promise in the Tartarians, damageable to the Turk.  breach of promise did in deed frustrate and thwart many important enterprises and singular conquests, that Ofman the Bassa had plotted in those quarters.  
Now the Son of Levent, called by the inhabitants 
Leventogli the Georgian and his State.  there, Schender, and by us Alessandro surnamed the Great, and brother of 〈◊〉, hath his state between Reivan & Siruan, wide of Tomanis, and though it be accounted among the Georgian States, yet is it situate rather in Armenia the Greater in the borders of Atropaiia, then in I●eria. This man in steed of arms hath continually used prayers and presents, and as he that more than all the rest lay open to the passage through Siruan, and dwelled near to Reivan and Teflis, he was likewise subject to the Persian fury: yet for all that he handled the matter so well with the Turks on the other side, that by his rich and liberal gifts, in steed of arms and weapons, even in the greatest heats of this war, he kept himself equally untouched and free from the violence both of his foes and friends. His chief palace is Zaghen, fruitful of silks, he hath also Grin, and divers other villages & towns: he surpasseth at this day all the rest of his neighbour Georgians in riches & money, & 
The Cities of Leventogli.  enloyeth withal greater tranquillity and quiet than they all. He was in times past greatest affected to the Crown of Persia, but since the time, that Tamas sought by unjust and unlawful means to deprive him of his state, and in his room to substitute his brother Ixis, (who being become a Persian, and having given himself to Tamas and to Satan, like a wicked wretch, gaped after it above all things in the world,) he then began to repose small confidence in the Persian succours, and resolving with himself to remain a Neuter, he followed the camps of the conquerors, and favoured the Ensigns and name of those that were mightiest. And in this case standeth the state of Georgia at this day.  
But the country of Siruan, which on the West is joined 
The country of Siruan.  with this Province, (whereof we will make but a brief discourse,) hath also on the North side the Albanians, and a little beyond them some wandering and vagabond Tartarians called Pericorschi, between Caveasus & the river Volga, whereupon it may be that the Tartarians are comprehended under the name of the Volcenses: on the East it hath the lake (if with Polycletes we may so term it,) or rather (as other call it) the sea of Corazan: on the South side Armenia, and more toward the South and 
Polycletes calleth the Caspian sea by the name of a lake.  southeast Media the greater. The Metropolitical city of Siruan is Sumachia, situate between Derbent and Eres: and as Derbent lieth in the way for the Scythians, so doth Eres make way for the Armenians and Medes to enter into 

Sumachia.  
Derbent.  
Eres.   the country that is subject to the said City. All Atropatia, was subject to the Persian King, and was obedient to him, being induced thereunto first by Aydere, and afterward by Ismahel Sofi, saving only that it seemed the people of Derbent did ordinarily love rather the fame and renown of the Turks, than the government of their native Prince, sticking also to the ancient religion which Aidere shook, and Ismahel subverted. The whole country is fruitful, and watered with Araxis and Cirus, and 
Atropati● is fruitful.  other rivers that are famous even in antic writers: and principally Eres, which yielded in times past great store of those fine white silks, commonly termed by the merchants Mamodean silks, whereof at this day there is not to be found, no not a very small quantity, by reason 
Eres made Mamodean Silks.  of the monstrous ruins and overthrows, that have happened in those countries. The king of Persia maintained in Derbent and Eres, after the natural Lord was driven out of them by Ismahel, certain governors with the title of Sultan's: and in the City of Sumachia one only Governor with the title of Chan, who ruled both over Sechi, & also over the other Cities that were subject to that jurisdiction. But Derbent, as we have already written, even as 
Sechi a city of Siruan.  it was the last city on that side which was subdued by the Sofi, & made more resistance, than all the rest, in receiving the superstition of the Sofiti or Cheselbas, insomuch that Aidere left his carcase under her walls: even so, though at the last it was overcome, yet did it always remain most affectionate to the first faith & opinion that it held, when the law of Mahomet had not yet tasted of the Schism of the Sofians: howbeit, it could never find opportunity to receive the Turkish captains into her, and so utterly shake-of all obedience to the Cheselbas.  
Between Seruan and Tauris is situate the country of Caracach, fertile and rich in corn and cattle, very commodious 
Caracach.  for the feeding of Beasts, in situation not greatly subject to winds, by reason that it lieth rather allow then aloft, but yet pleasant and temperate: and it seemeth that this country on that side, bordereth upon the atropatian's and the Medians, where the City of Tauris standeth, even at the roots of the mountain Orontes, which according to strabo's opinion is a portion of Taurus. 
The mountain Orontes, The mountain Taurus  Of this City we have sufficiently spoken in this History, & much more largely in the Letter, which in manner of an Appendix we have added in the end of this work, for the more manifest declaration of our opinion touching the recognition of this place: the reading whereof may peradventure more distinctly express the Geography of these countries. And now taking this City of Tauris for the middle, or (as it were) the Centre in a circle, we will also use it for an object in all the considerations, which very briefly we shall here ser down. All those that come from Van or from the Lake of Vastan, and make their voyage towards Media, do arrive at Tauris, 
The voyage from Van 〈◊〉 Taurus.  traveling always by East, or by East & by North, being nine days journey or thereabouts, and leaving Coy, Merent, and Soffian. And this was the way that Osman Bassa, and Ferat Bassa kept when they went with their Army to this city, and which Angiolello also held, when he was in Persia,, as is manifest to be read in Ramusius. Besides this 
The voyage from Reivan to Tauris.  way, there is also another coming from Reivan, from whence as ye travel by a direct line (as it were) by East, leaving Nassivan and Chiulfall, you shall arrive at Tauris, within the space of nine or ten days journey of an ordinary carriers pace: and therefore Ferat Bassa, the first time that he was general, attempted this way beginning at Reivan, which he made a Fortress. Above Nassivan, & Chiulfall is Seruan, and the country of Caracach which 

Nassivan.  
Chiulfall.  
Siruan.   (I know not whether it be true or no) they say the Turk goeth about to strengthen with forts, and to subdue, as he hath begun. From Tauris towards the south by west standeth Salmas, and on the south Sirrah in Persia, and on 

Salmas.  
Sirrah.  
Casbin.   the South by east Casbin, distant from Tauris about eight or nine days journey, (as saith Barbaro and Angiolello) with certain other cities among, whereof there is sufficient mention made by us in the history, & therefore we will not stand here to repeat them. More towards the East is Cassan, and further beyond is Hispahan, four and twenty 

Cassan.  
Hispahan.  
Heri.  
Corazan.  
Ieselbas.   days journey distant from Tauris. Then followeth Heri, and Corazan, & the Ieselbas, who were so troublesome to Ismahel, that by their means he was overcome and put to flight by Selim.  
In Armenia the Great there are divers Lakes, whereof the greatest according to Strabo his opinion, is the lake 

Lakes in Armenia the Great.  
The Lake Martiano or Actamar The Lake Arasseno or Tospite.   Martiano, called by the inhabitants there Actamar, and by us the sea of Vastan. Next to this is the Lake Arasseno, called Tospite & Toeti, which breaketh and teareth apparel asunder, as Strabo writeth: and through this river doth Tigris run with such violence and swiftness, that it doth not mingle his waters with the lake. Above the lake of Actamar are the champaigns of Caldaran, famous for 
The Caldaran Champains  the battles between Selim & Ismahel. But not to stand long in repeating such things as are written by us and others upon other occasions, it shall be well to descend to those particulars, which as they have not been hitherto precisely described by any man that I know, so may they bring unto us more certain knowledge of this Empire.  
There is resident in Casbin their profane Priest called 
The chief Priest of Casbin called Mustaed-Dini.  Mustaed-Dini that is to say, the chief of the law, who is as the Mufti among the Turks: and in the other subject Cities are certain peculiar Heads, obedient to this chief Priest: who notwithstanding are not chosen or displaced at his pleasure, as our Bishops and prelate's are by our most holy Pope, the true Vicar of God and pastor of the holy Catholic Church; but by the King himself, who, (as we have said before) should be not only a king, but also a Priest, even as Aly and Mahamet were. Howbeit for avoiding of greater trouble, he granteth that favour and putteth over that burden from himself unto others, to whose judgements he also referreth himself; whensoever there is any consultation or treaty touching their law and obstinate religion. Under the Mustaed-Dini are the caliphs, and these are they that execute their daily service in their Mosques or Temples. The chief of these 
The caliphs,  caliphs is he that putteth the Home upon the kings head, when he is first in thronized: A ceremony now performed in Casbin, because the Turks for bad it to be performed in Cafe near unto Babylon, where also in times past (as we have said before) the Persian kings were wont to gird themselves with their sword. Those three Sultanes that remain at Casbin for the general government of the 
The Sultan's.  whole Empire, have their several distinct charges. One hath the care of matters of war over all the kingdom: and the other two gather up all the revenues, and keep a diligent reckoning thereof: which two may be rather called Treasurers then any thing else, such as the Turks call Deftardar. Next unto them there are at Casbin two great 

The Deftardari.  
The Mordari   Chancellors, whom the Persians call Mordar, whose office is to write all the orders, Commandments, and letters concerning the government of the kingdom: one of them keepeth the Seal, and the other the pen. There is also in Casbin the magistracy of judges, exercised 
The Gaddi.  by two persons, whom the Turks call Caddi, and whereof in Constantinople there are wont to be three, as also the number of Sultanes there is greater than in Casbin. And these two judges do make answer and give sentence in matters of controversy and civil quarrels. For as touching criminal causes they have no further authority, but only to frame examinations of witnesses, & to make declaration thereof, which they call Sigil: and this Sigil they deliver up into the hands of the Sultan that is governor of the city or of the Empire, & he causeth execution to be done according to custom. And even as the chief city is thus ordered, so likewise all the other Cities have the self same magistrates, but yet all at the king's disposition & appointment: for in them also, besides the Chan, or Sultan, besides the Mustaed Dini, and the caliph, there are the Caddi, the M●rdari, and the Desiardari, which exercise the same authority within their private governements, as the others do● over the whole state. This is then the order of the States of the kingdom: First the Saha, 
The order of the Persian dignities.  than the Mirize and Mirize, the Chan and Sultan, the Mordar, the Def●ardar, the Caddi, the Mustaed-Dini, and the caliph. The king keepeth also for the guard of his Palace-gate certain orders of soldiers whereof the most noble and greatest in number are those that the Persians call Curchi, which are as it were the kings gentlemen, being six thousand, all of them divided under several captains: which Captains also do yield obedience to their general Captain called Curchi Bassa, a person always of great authority. The other next unto this is the order of the 
The kings Curchi.  Esahul to the number of seven hundred, distinguished also under particular Captains, after the manner of the Curchi, and the captain of those captains is called Esahul Bassi. There want not divers other services besides 
The kings Esahul.  these, which do not deserve in this place to be numbered. And this is the state of Persia.  
But as concerning the state of their wars and warfare, 
The state of the men of war in Persia.  it cannot be precisely and particularly describe, neither in respect of their forces, nor of their weapons, nor of the manner of their fight: and yet will we set down that little which we know for certain. The soldiers of this kingdom would in truth be very many and terrible, if all those places, which we have comprised within the compass thereof, as they are accounted, so they were indeed obedient to this crown, and if also all those fables could be verified of it, that are diversly reported by divers writers, of so many horsemen & so many footmen. But for somuch as not only the Tributaries, but also the very natural subjects do not send in their ordinary and due aids and succours, hereupon it springeth that in all their occasions their forces prove so weak, and their Armies of a very small number. Of the discords and divisions in Georgia, which have now been tried by long experience to have been no less hurtful to themselves, then to the Persians, we have already spoken as much as may suffice: and now we will speak of some others, beginning with Amet-Chan, who hath a long time been Lord of Gheilan. This man, although he were of ability to have yielded singular aid to this crown, (it being the general 
Amet-Chan.  opinion of all men, that he could gather together xx. thousand horse) yet could he never be induced to serve in war, but rather enjoying a base and infamous life, he is become both vile to himself, and unprofitable and hateful even to his neighbours & kinsfolks. For which cause king Tamas, when he was free from the Turkish 
Amet-Chan imprisoned by Tamas & enlarged by Mahamet.  wars, employed all his forces against him, and followed him so hardly, that in the end he took him prisoner, & so kept him till he died, which was for the space of xv. years. But assoon as the now king Mahamet was enthronized in his kingdom, being carried away with a vain and foolish pity, he delivered him out of prison, hoping (like an unwise man as he was) that this most covetous and suspicious wretch would have proved courteous, and kind towards him, which was a thing quite contrary to his nature and disposition. And behold, neither thoseverity of Tamas, nor the lenity of Codabanda, could ever persuade him to change his mind: for in the greatest dangers of this present war he could never tind in his heart to apply himself to the performance of any noble act, that was not only worthy of his great forces, but also especially required by the present necessities.  
The like treachery showed Rustan Mirize, the king of 
Rustan Mirize.  Candahar, and son to a brother of king Tamas, who neither for nearness of blood, nor for common honour, nor for the estimation and reputation of his own superstition, could ever be wrought to pity the calamities of Persian: and yet the kingdom of Candahar was very well able to gather about xxv. thousand horse: Neither may his excuses avail him, that he alleged touching the far distance of his country: For if distance of place was no hindrance to the enemy to bring his Armies even to Tauris, to annoy the Persians: Less reason had Rustan Mirize to withdraw his ready forces from defending his friends, the journey from Constantinople to Tauris being no shorter, than it is thither from Candahar.  
Like unto these was, and still is Emir-Miran the Lord of jest, a hard man, and very obstinate in covetousness, 
Emir-Miran.  who doth not only not send any voluntary aid, but also refuseth to pay those tributes which by covenant & composition he is bound to send: And yet is he able to yield four or five thousand horse of great valour in war.  
The Lord of Lar also, called Ebrain-Chan, famous for 
Ebrain-Chan.  his mightiness, although in times past he hath always helped the common forces with his private succours, yet at this day he utterly denieth both the one and the other, and threateneth rather to suppress all Estates, then to advance and increase any that belong to this crown.  
But above all the rest, me thinketh that Abas Mirize this kings son is most impious and wicked, who not only 
Abas Mirize.  would never favour his father's enterprises against the cruel enemies of the common liberty, but also hath sought by all means possible to drive both his brethren and his father out of the State, and to enter himself into the succession and government of this divided and troubled kingdom. So that under his jurisdiction there are idly fed eighteen thousand horse, which would prove very stout and strong in war, if they wanted not discipline.  
In Cussestan, those Arabians that were wont to be ready for any service to the Persian kings, have yielded themselves 
Cussestan.  to the Turks, and often times work great annoyances to the Persians by their sudden incursions. But within the very bowels of the kingdom, the Turcoman nation, that would have been a great strength to these 
Turcomania.  forces, if they would have joined with them, Behold, how it hath not failed to procure many overthrows to this kingdom: a great part whereof we have described in the fourth book of this history. The kingdom of Seruan also is in such sort spoiled and decayed, that the cities 
Seruan.  of Sumachia, Eres, Sechi, Derbent and others, out of which there was wont to be levied a good reasonable number of people, as also Reivan, Teflis, and other countries of Georgia and Armenia, are not able to yield any succours in the time of war: so that the Crown of Persia being deprived of such and so many helps, is at this day constrained to wage war with very slender forces, which very briefly shall be here set down.  
Out of Hispahan, and the territory thereof, (to reckon their Stipendiaries to the uttermost) they levy eight 
The forces of the Persian kingdom, whose service may be used.  thousand soldiers on horseback: out of Bargo, two thousand: out of Cassan, four thousand: out of Seva, one thousand: out of Sultania, one thousand: out of Casbin, twelve thousand: out of Ardovil, one thousand: out of Sirrah eight thousand: out of Tauris four thousand: out of Cum and Cuohive-tauris two thousand: out of Genge & the rest of Georgia, four thousand. Besides these they may hire others, when their occasions do so require, and they have always voluntary soldiers, & that in some good number so that the greatest Army that they can possibly gather, will hardly amount to threescore thousand horse: (always provided that every city aforenamed do send in their stipendiary Soldiers according to their duty.) Whereas if all the other Captains, that are noted above to be obstinate and rebellious, would agree and concur in one unity, they might make an host of an hundred & thirty or an hundred and forty thousand persons or thereabouts.  
Their Soldiers are armed for the most part with Scimitarre, 
The weapons of the Persian soldiers.  lance, and Dart, but specially, the Scimitarre is most familiar unto them, and all the Persians do make a singular profession and use of it: although there want not among them some that can handle the Harquebus also, the exercise whereof hath of late years grown more familiar and usual, than it was in the time of Ismahel, and in the first years of the reign of king Tamas. For their own defence they are armed with good Corselets, and strong helmets, many of them able to keep out an Arcubuseshot, much more to daunt the force of a Dart: Some of their horses also are armed with very good Armour, most finely and sound tempered. And these their horses are 
The Persian horses very good.  of a singular virtue, equal with those of the old time, which (as Strobe writeth) were accustomed to be fed and brought up in Armenia for their king's use. Swift in course, fierce in battle, long breathed and very docible. When they are unsaddled, gentle and mild, but when they are armed, warlike, hardy, and manageable, even at the pleasure of the Rider: so that it is no marvel, if one of them have been sold for a thousand or a thousand & three hundred 
* Ducats.  Cocchini.  
Those that follow & attend the exercises of war are for the most part men of noble me●, and thereupon it cometh, 
The Persians valorous and noble soldiers.  that they are more hardy and valiant to foil then to fly. And being compared with the Turkish people, (who for the most part are very rascals, of vile race, ready to fly and to ravin) they are by good right very worthy to be highly esteemed. The Persians are great deceivers, full of crafty Stratagems, unconstant, and breakers of their word: (a vice that seemeth to have been always proper to the Barbarians.) Never content with any man's government, and lovers of novelties, wherein Persia was 
The Persians given to novelty.  always noted particularly & specially to have offended. For testimony whereof we may vouch those ancient poisonings and wicked treacheries, which were plotted not only by Subjects against their kings, but also by children against their natural father: which name (as justinus writeth) was in so small estimation with those fifty sons of Artaxerxes, that with one consent they all conspired upon a most wicked pretence to murder their father, 
The impiety of the sons of Artaxerxes the Persian king.  without that any one of them, either in regard of his Fatherly Majesty, or reverence to his age, or natural piety, did attempt to prohibit so great an iniquity. An Act (as it seemeth) very well marked by the Sofian kings, who as we may read of Vngher, Mahamut and others, and (as it is written in this History) the Children with the Father, the Father with the Children, and the Children one with an other, have learned it by course, and daily do practise it to destroy one another and so weakening their own forces, do make themselves spectacles of infamy to all the world.  
The people of Persia are afraid of Artillery beyond 
The reason why the Persians do not use Artillery or Canons.  measure, and yet sometimes they have not been afraid with sudden assaults to assail their enemies trenches, & lodgings in their Camps. And although they be so timorous and fearful of that Engine, and know of what moment it is in a battle: yet have they not hitherto received the use thereof, being rather obstinate in their blind ambitious conceit, that it is a sin and shame to exercise so cruel a weapon against mankind, then ignorant how to make it, or destitute of matter to cast it.  
The manner of ordering their battle is after the fashion 
The order o their battle.  of a horn or of the Moon, as a man may call it, and in open battle their Squadrons are ordered on this sort. In the right horn or wing, by ancient custom were 
The right wing.  placed those troops that were guided by the captains of Istigelu, which is now called the traitors line, by reason of Zalchan and the rest, that were so ready & resolute in the conspiracy, which was made in the favour of Aidere, whereof we have already written in this history. In the left cornet or wing were placed the people that were 
The least wing.  led by the captains Zambeluzes, who vaunt of their ancient descent from Damascus, and from the Tacaluzes, a nation never greatly esteemed for any valour or knowledge that they had in warfare. In the body of the battle was appointed the king's guard, who was always accustomed to 
The body of the battle.  be present at war with his Armies, although this king partly by reason of the infirmity of his eyes, and partly for the dissensions in his kingdom durst not venture to go in person, but in his steed sent Prince Amze, a valorous & good warrior. In the midst of the battle also, about the King, went the people of Ausares, which are pressed out of Persia, all of them accounted very warlike, and more valiant than all the rest. Neither would it be greatly amiss to think that from hence were those troops fetched in times past, which Xerxes was wont to term by that proud title Immortal, the immortal soldiers. The Rearward was kept by those that descended from Calirchan, 
The Rearward.  which were never as yet deprived of that honour, for the good deserts that Calirchan showed to Ismahel, when he strained himself, to pass with a mighty Army even into Cafe, to perform the Regal Ceremonies at his Coronation, and yet for all that never stirred the ordinary guard of Casbin. The people of Caribdiler and Chiaperis 
The Vauntguarde.  made-up the Vauntguarde, accounted also to be men of good sort and very warlike, because they have always showed themselves ready in any occasions or troubles of war, and performed their parts very valiantly. And this was the manner of ordering their battles in late times.  
Touching the revenues of this kingdom, the common opinion is, that in the days of King Tamas the 
The Revenues of the kingdom of Persia in the days of king Tamas.  crown did yearly receive into the Chamber of Casbin, four or five millions of gold, which afterward he caused to be worth eight millions, by a sudden enhaunsing of the value of his coin, giving in commandment by most severe Edicts, that over all his Empire, for a certain space, all the money that he had received, should be taken and accounted for as much more as it was worth, and accordingly made pay to his soldiers and Sultan's, & all other that were in his pay. Which example (methinks) was well followed by Amurat the now-king of 
The practice of the Persian & Turkish kings, in enhaunsing and abasing the value of their monies.  the Turks, who receiving at the City of Cairo the Cechino of gold for xliii. Maidini, he put it out again in Constantinople, to pay his Capigi and janissaries, withal lxxxv. Maidini, commanding that it should be of that value over all the City, and countries subject unto it. But in the days of this king of Persia, the revenues of this crown are thought to be so much diminished, that it is the opinion 
The revenues of Persia at this day.  of all men, they amount to little more than two millions in all. Neither is there to be found in him that industry & providence which was in Tamas, and though it were, yet peradventure it would not be regarded by his subjects: & it seemeth that the occasion of this decay is the loss of so many countries as Soliman conquered, and particularly Mesopotamia, and Assyria, besides Erzirum and the Tributes that are denied by the people of Georgia, and by other nations of this kingdom. Next after this kind of revenue, which is paid in ready money, and collected into the Chamber of Casbin from among the Cities that are subject unto it: (although all the country, that was possessed by these kings, were not appointed by division to the payment of a certain number of soldiers, as the Turk useth to do in those Countries that he subdueth:) yet is there a great sort of towns and villages which 
Certain lands assigned for the payment of the Persian soldiers.  are very Feudataries to the crown of Persia, & are so many that they supply a part of the pay that is due to the horsemen above mentioned, to four thousand of the Curchi of Casbin, and to the Esahul aforenamed. Among all the revenues that are gathered out of the cities subject 
The greatest revenues come out of Tauris, Cassan and Hispahan.  to Casbin, the greatest were always paid out of Tauris, Cassan, & Hispahan, all Cities of great traffic, where the merchandise of Europe & all Asia do arrive. And these are the revenues of this Crown.  
The expenses briefly are these. The threescore and 
The expenses of the Persian kingdom.  ten Sultanes, that serve in the government of the subject Cities, are paid in ready money out of the Chamber of Casbin, with a stipend of three thousand, four thousand, or five thousand Cecchins a piece. The two thousand Curchi, that remain to be paid for their attendance, (who have no lands assigned to them for their pay, as the four thousand abovenamed have) do also receive their ordinary wages out of the kings Chamber, from a hundred & threescore, to two hundred Cecchins a man. From thence also are defrayed the stipends for the magistracies of the judges, not only of Casbin but of all the whole empire, & all the Treasurers likewise. Whereof some have a thousand, some five hundred, and some a thousand and five hundred Cecchins yearly. The garrisons of certain Forts, as of Elegy near to Nassivan, Gwergi-chalassi, Cahaca-Calassi and such like, consisting some of a 
Forts that have need of ordinary Garrisons.  thousand and five hundred persons, some of a thousand, and some of five hundred, are paid with these Revenues, and every Soldier of them receives for his pay five Cecchins a month little more or less. I do not here reckon the expenses that go out for the pay of other base Offices, of his household, of the Queen, of the Prince, of his Children, of the Temples called their Mosques, of the buildings, of the gardens, and such like: and so I leave you to make an account, how much remaineth over and above, for the king to put up in his purse yearly.  
And now having respect to the order of those things, which I propounded to myself to treate-of, there resteth nothing else, but only briefly to consider the occasions, whereby it is come to pass, that a kingdom so marvelously increased is so suddenly decreased and decayed. 
The occasions of the declination of the Persian kingdom.  And we think the principal occasions thereof were three. The first, because the enemy did in very short space wax very strong and mighty, by the great conquests that he made both by sea and by land: by means whereof it fell out that those calamities and assaults, wherewith Persia was at sundry times diversly afflicted and traveled, did always prove very grievous and mortal unto it. The second because the empire of Persia had no fenced cities, that were able to hold out or maintain themselves: and if there were any, as Van was one, it was because they knew not how to find the means, either to maintain, or to recover themselves: And who knoweth not, that the country lying open, without any resistance, not only the huge forces of the Turk, but also far less forces had been able to work these mischiefs, yea and far greater than these are. The third, is the conquest of all Arts that the Turk hath made in the winning and subduing of so many christian cities, which are replenished with all kind of diligent study & art. By which conquests the Turk hath not only learned to use his wont and native weapons after a more mortal and deadly manner: but also hath invented new, to the great astonishment & terror of his enemy, who hath not only neglected to make use of foreign instructions, and to learn the true means, to increase his own forces, but (as it were) contemning all other men's wits; hath thought himself alone able to teach and instruct others. And this is that haltiness and ambitious conceit of the Persian, who in this present misery of his own, vaunteth & braggeth of great matters, though all the world can see nothing but most unhappy events in all his wars. The fourth is the concord and celerity of the Turk, whereby he hath attempted whatsoever he would, and hath obtained whatsoever he attempted: yea and oftentimes, before the Persians could take their Armour, he hath taken their countries. The fift, which is the root and fosterer of all the rest, hath always been the discord and dissension in the kingdom of Persia, and the keeping alive of so many brethren or nephews of the king at once: and not only the keeping of them alive, but also the maintaining of them in authority, in government, and in majesty. For hereby it came to pass that all counsels and execution of counsels were divided, Armies weakened, captains minds suspended, and inclining to divers parties, & to be brief there followed a mere confusion of all things. It is in deed a barbarous and inhuman thing for one brother to die his crown & Sceptre with the blood of another, and oftentimes of so many of his brethren, and out of all doubt it is a very hard and cruel position, that a man shall not be able to rule without the making away of his dearest friends: But yet on the other side it cannot be but too much negligence and lenity, to permit that brethren and children, being of special ambition waxen over proud in their own conceits by reason of their princely governements and authorities, should stirre-up arms one against another, and in the mean while scarce leave any means for the poor king to scape with his life: who being by his own blood made (even as it were) a rebel to the honour and quiet of the kingdom, must needs reduce his empire into a most unhappy state. Both these kinds of governements, are in extremities, and therefore infected with vice and barbarism, and not to be exercised by any man. And although Cornelius Tacitus saith, that Great enterprises, which are recompensed with the profit and safety of the Commonwealth, may have some iniquity or unlawfulness in them: notwithstanding every Christian prince ought by all means to avoid them, and to establish the quietness of his kingdom, neither with too great cruelty, nor with excessive lenity, in which two points all the Barbarian kings do ordniarily offend. 
An advertisement to the reader.   
I had here made an end of this book, had there not been brought unto me certain books, some written in French and some in the Latin tongue, some with the title of commentaries, and some of an History, under the names of divers Authors more Poetical than Historical, as faras I can gather: in which books having found many wants, aswell concerning matters of the Persian and Turkish opinions about their lying religion, as also touching the recognition of certain ancient cities, the times wherein things have happened, the actions themselves, the voyages of the armies, and many other particularities, I thought it my duty to admonish all those, that after this our age shall happen to read those books and this history, that they walk very circumspectly in reading such writings. And especially let them take great heed, that they do not believe these things following: namely, That the Turks follow Aly, and the Persians follow Omar and Abubacher: for the matter is quite contrary. Likewise, that Scutar was in old time Chrysopolis, whereas it is a most clear case that it was Chalcedon, the founders whereof were termed blind, because they did not see what error they committed in building a City there, and leaving the place where Constantinople now standeth, as far excelling the situation of Chalcedon, as gold excelleth lead. Also that Esrum or Erzirum, as it should be called, is a city of Assyria, whereas indeed it is not a city of Assyria, but of Cappadocia, if we speak properly. That Seruan is the ancient Media, it being in truth Atropatia. That Osman Bassa took Teflis, Mustaffa himself being there in person with all his host, & not (as one of them saith) Citra memorabile damnum, without any memorable loss, no, not with any loss at all, because he found it empty. That Mustaffa, poisoned himself voluntarily, which he did not indeed, but fell into an Apoplexy. And many other such tales, whereof it is not now convenient to make any particular confutation. And therefore passing them over, we will prosecute our former order of this History.  
The end of the second Book.   

The Third Book.  
The Argument.  
The Turkish Army departeth for Teflis. and cometh to Archichelech.  
A review of the Army, and the number of those that wanted in the Army.  
It cometh to Triala. It winneth a Castle.  
It taketh Teflis, and fortifieth it, and then departeth for Seruan.  
The Sorians forsake the Army of Mustaffa, and in their return home to Aleppo they are assailed and discomfited by the Georgians.  
The Ambassadors of Leventogli entertained by Mustaffa.  
Leventogli himself also entertained.  
Seclis a City under Seruania, yielded to Mustaffa.  
A Dearth in the Turkish Army.  
Victuallers go out for provision of Corn and Victuals, but they are discomfited and utterly destroyed by the Persians.  
Mustaffa with all his Army goeth to fight with his enemies, and foileth them miserably.  
divers disturbances and losses in the Turkish Army, by passing over the River Canac.  
A wonderful kind of ●oorde found out.  
The Turks being refreshed from divers annoyances, arrive at Eres in Ser●●●.  
Mustaffa fortifieth Eres, and leaveth Caitas Bassa in it.  
Mustaffa departeth, and leaveth Osman Bassa, as General and Visier in Sumachia.  
The people of Derbent yield themselves to Osman Bassa.  
Mustaffa returneth home: is in the country of Levent, cometh to Teflis, and there leaveth succours and a ga●●ison.  
Mustaffa departeth thence, in his journey he endureth great cold, and losses in his Army, through the cunning stratagems of the Georgiani, and namely Hassain Bey discomfited.  
Mustaffa at Altunchala receiveth the Widow and her other Son Alessandro.  
He goeth to Clisca, and so to Erzirum.  
He sendeth both the Sons of the Widow to Constantinople.  
Abdilcherai the Tartarian Captain cometh to succour Osman Bassa.  
Ares-Chan withdraweth himself to the River Canac, and is discomfited by Abdilcherai.  
Genge sacked.  
The Tartarians pitch their Tents in certain champeines and there take their ease.  
Caitas Bassa and his people utterly destroyed by the Persian Prince.  
The Tartarians also destroyed by the same Prince.  
Abdilcherai taken alive and sent to Casbin.  
Osman Bassa flieth from Sumachia to Demir-Capi.  
Sumachia destroyed by the Persian Prince, and the people of Sechi also chastised.  
Abdilcherai at Casbin falleth in love with the Queen: he is discovered, and both he and the Queen slain by the Sultan's.  
Osman Bassa taketh to wise the daughter of Sahamal the Georgian. He discovereth the treacheries of his Father in Law: he putteth him to death, and causeth his country to be destroyed.  
Aly-Vechiali returneth from Mengrellia to Constantinople, and reporteth what he hath done in his Navigation.  
THE third BOOK.  
AFter the solemn entertainment of the Georgian Manucchiar, General Mustaffa had given order over all his Camp, that the next morning they should remove from those mountains. And now was every man buckling himself to accomplish the captains commandment, when as there happened very obscure and dark storms that covered the heavens (as it were) with night and terror, and being turned into rain and wind, casting out flashing fires, & scouring the air with terrible lightnings, did freshly afflict the Turkish army. Which rain continued so vehement 
A notable rain.  for the space of four days together, that it seemed the heavens were melted into waters: by means whereof it came to pass that out of the dead carcases, & heads before mentioned, there issued a most horrible stink, so that partly thereby, and partly by the mire, and other filth of the Camels, Mules, and horses, they spoiled their armour, their apparel, their devices, their plumes, their pavilions, and all things else that was of any worth, yea all their bravery and beauty, and in the bodies of the people there arose divers diseases and infirmities, though not very pestilent, but breeding rather annoyance than death to the Turks. But at last the heavens having ceased the rain, the lightning, the blustering and the storms, and the Sun having cleared all the air, Mustaffa raised 
The Turkish army removeth towards Teflis.  his camp to pass towards Teflis: & because the ground was still very moist and slabby, with the rain that had fallen in such abundance, the Camels, that carried the heaviest burdens could not go onwardly, and the horses that drew the artillery, were subject to the same difficulty, & so the army could not that day pass any further than the plains where the lake called Chielder Giol standeth, which (if the distance of places, & the novelty of names 
The Lake called Chielder-Giol.  do not deceive us) may well be thought to be that, whence Euphrates taketh his beginning. And there they stayed to dry and trim their apparel, their weapons, and their harness, and to yield to their sick and wounded soldiers their due and deserved refreshing.  
The Turks removing from thence the next day about noon arrived at a Castle called Archichelec, sometimes belonging to the Georgiani, but conquered by Soliman 
The Turks at Archichelec.  in his late wars against Tamas, and ever sithence possessed by the Turks. Hear Mustaffa taking fit occasion of this friendly castle, and having commodity of pasture and opportunity of fair wether, (by reason of the loss which happened unto him in the last battle, & the necessity of continual traveling through his enemies country) resolved to take a survey of all his army, wherein having ranged them in due order, & marshaled them 
A survey of the army.  with exquisite diligence, he found his number diminished, aswell by means of his late battle, as also of the forenamed infirmities, by forty thousand persons or there abouts. 
40000, persons wanting in the Turkish Army.  Of which number, there was not a few that fled away from the host, and being weary with following so rough and perilous a journey, closely and by night departed from the Camp, and returned into their own cities, to take their ease at home. From hence the Army departed, and lodged the next night near to a vile & filthy marish, called by the Turks Peruana-Giol, which we may well call, The Lake of Slaves: and the next day at 

The Turks at the lake called Peruana Giol.  
The Turks at Triala.   Triala, where there are to be seen at this day the ruins of a great City and of many churches, whereof some being repaired and restored by godly men, are still maintained and kept by catholic priests according to the holy customs of Rome. The relics of those happy and religious 
The praises of those Christian forces that took the holy City.  forces, that with so great and faithful zeal passed the seas and mountains, and with the Sacred sign of the triumphant cross, (being displayed in the winds upon their victorious Ensigns,) pierced through these barbarous nations, even to the borders of the Levant. Blessed & happy souls, that prepared for yourselves so fruitful deaths, and with so great glory purchased at one time both kingdoms upon earth, and the kingdom of heaven. Very well worthy are you, that as in the heavens you are entertained and praised by those souls that are Citizens thereof, so here upon earth you should be commended and celebrated by the haughty verses of so grave & worthy a writer. Rejoice and live in God's name eternally, and 

The praise of Torquato.  
Tasso.   pray unto that sovereign bounty, that into the hearts of his mighty champions he would inspire that enterprise, that is so greatly desired of all men, & the longer it is delayed and slowed, the more difficult and perilous it will prove.  
The next day the Turks ascended the high and craggy mountain, that standeth upon Teflis, from the top whereof descending the day following, the seized upon a castle of the Georgiani, called by the Turks Giurgi-Chala, 
Giurgi Chala possessed by the Turks.  & by us the Georgian Castle: & departing from thence, & making their next abode in certain plains, the day following they came in good time near to the river that runneth by Teflis. But in this journey, from the place, where the survey of the Camp was made, even to this River, there happened divers and sundry slaughters of certain soldiers, that separating themselves from the army, being driven thereunto by hunger, went to get some victuals, for themselves and their beasts: for that divers Captains of Georgia, as Giusuf, Daut, and (as some say) 
The ambush of the Georgiani.  Alessandro the eldest son of the widow, having gathered together a number of their own country soldiers, had secretly followed the Turkish army, and as men that were acquainted with all the ways of that region, they stood watching in such places as the victuallers should passe-through, and suddenly setting upon them, spoiled them at once both of their goods and life. And this happened as often as there were either footmen or horsemen, (without any notice given thereof to their general, who had granted them certain sure soldiers to guide them,) that being persuaded thereunto by hunger, divided themselves from the custody and safe keeping of the rest of the host.  
Mustaffa found the rock or castle of Teflis empty, & 
Mustaffa at Teflis.  without any inhabitant at all, for that Daut (of whom even now we made mention) running away assoon as he heard of the coming of the Turks, and betaking himself to the fields, sought means to provide better for himself that way, than he could have done, if he had stayed still in the Fort, & so should have been constrained of necessity to have remained prisoner. Whereupon Mustaffa, rather than he would utterly raze it, resolved to restore the old and weak walls thereof, and to make them stronger, that they might endure the sound & shaking of the Artillery, wherewithal he meant to strengthen 
Mustaffa fortifieth the walls of Teflis.  it: which resolution he put in execution, and placed so pleased him, was ready to do him reverence, and by word of mouth to promiss him that devotion, which he had always borne in his mind to the Ottoman kings. With merry countenance did Mustaffa behold these 
Mustaffa cheerfully entertaineth the embassa dors.  Ambassadors, and most cheerfully heard their offered obedience: and thereupon presently sent them back & willed them to cause Leventogli to come, for that his friendship should be dear and acceptable to him. The Christian ambassadors went to fetch their Lord, for whose welcome the Turkish General took order with all the Captains of his army, that they should show the greatest signs of joy that might be: which was with all solemnity accordingly performed, & his coming celebrated with all tokens of favour and kindness. And after he had presented those precious & rare gifts that he brought with him, he offered his obedience to captain Mustaffa, with the most 
Leventogli to Mustaffa.  earnest and lively speeches that he could possibly devise, calling Amurat his Lord, and showing that he took it in ill part, that Mustaffa passed not through his territory, where he might have enjoyed all manner of commodities, abundance of corn, and other helps necessary for his army: yet for his better satisfaction, he would look for him at his return from Siruan, being in the mean time most ready to bestow all that he had for the service of the Ottomans: telling him moreover, that forsomuch as in many just and lawful respects he could not possibly wait on him into Siruan, yet he would accompany him always in mind, & would pray to the creator of all things for his prosperity and all happy success. And so eftsoons 
Mustaffa receiveth Leventogli, and promiseth to pass through his territories at his return.  praying him to return by his Cities, he took his leave. Mustaffa received his presents courteously, & in exchange thereof bestowed upon him a Battell-Axe, a Target, and some apparel of cloth of gold, and gave him his answer in very magnifical and grave terms, and in the end promised the Christian Duke, that in his return he would pass through his country, and so dismissed him: with special commandment, that his departure should be honoured in the same sort, as he was entertained at his coming.  
The Turkish Army followed-on their begun journey towards Siruan: and in the space of twelve days, after their departure from Teflis, traveling always through low and moorish ways, that were intricate by reason of reeds and mire, they arrived in the confines of the Medians, otherwise called the sirvanians, near to the river of Canac, where of in the desoription of Georgia, Armenia, and Atropatia, we made but a short, & yet a plain 
Mustaffa and his host at the river Canac.  & manifest mention. Somewhat on this side of the same river, the Turks ascended a little higher, being very weary with the long journey that they had made, and rested themselves one whole day, in which time the Subjects of the City of Sechi bordering upon the sirvanians and 
The subjects of Sechi come to offer themselves to the captain.  the Georgiani, four days journey distant from Sumachia, came to offer themselves to Mustaffa, as vassals and subjects to the Turk: All which were gladly entertained, and some of the chief of them appareled in silks and gold, and honoured with great magnificence, and in the end had all protection promised unto them.  
The Turkish Army, as I have told ye, was all foreweatied with the continual journey of twelve days together: but yet far more afflicted with hunger, having 
The hunger of the Turkish Army.  not found in those parts so much as one wild beast, whereby they might quench their desire of meat; so that there was not a man among them, but sought means to get some store of victual, especially when they understood, that Mustaffa was resolved to pass over Canac, and enter into a new country, unknown to them all, and where they knew not what hope to conceive of finding any substance fit for them. And whiles they were inquiring among themselves, who was able to conduct them into any place where they might find relief, behold, there were certain Persians taken, (whether they were there by chance, or brought thither for some Stratagem, I 
The Persian spies taken.  know not,) who being demanded where they might have corn and meat to slake the hunger of the Army, after much resistance, and at the last told them, that not 
The intelligence that the spies gave for victual.  far from the Camp, after they had passed certain marshes, where Canac dischargeth itself, and runneth into Araxis, they should find many fields, full of rise and corn in the blade, and a little farther, certain fat herds of cattle feeding, that would be sufficient to satisfy the appetites of all their people. Of this news was Mustaffa certified, and although he greatly doubted the treacheries of his enemies, and the subtleties of the Persians, yet to gratify his soldiers, and to make them the more willing to follow him in his passage to Siruan, he licenced every 
Mustaffa licenseth every man that would go for corn and other necessaries.  man, that had any desire thereunto, to go and provide themselves of victuals, & so suffered all that would, to go freely. When the Captain had granted them this licence, many Spahini, many Zaini, and some Sangiacchi also, sent divers men to fetch this provision of corn and cattle. And there went for that purpose about ten 
Ten thousand servile persons go for victual.  thousand servile persons, with many Camels, horses, and mules to carry the prey.  
But the success fell out quite contrary to their designments: for Tocomac, Alyculi-Chan, Emanguli-Chan, Serap-Chan, and all the rest of the Soldiers, that escaped out of the overthrow given them by Mustaffa in the plains of Chielder, (after they had with all diligence made report to their king at Casbin of the issue of this battle in those champaigns) having gathered together so many of their people, as were left them, able to endure the difficulties of warfare, & having recovered such places as they thought safe and friendly for them, did always lie in await to know the marching and passing of the Turkish Army. And at last, being certainly informed by the inhabitants of Reivan and Georgia, what way they kept, and that of necessity they must needs arrive at the banks of Canac, they began to devise some notable Stratagem, whereby they might revenge the great boldness of their 
The Persian Captains take counsel how to annoy the Turks.  enemies, and make this their entry into Siruan very dangerous and damageable to them. And yet having neither courage nor force sufficient to assault the whole Army, they resolved with themselves, (as men that had stomach enough to attempt great matters,) to stay in privy ambush at some fit place, till some band of the Turkish Army should arrive, where the pray of corn and cattle might allure some of them to descend into those fields to relieve their common necessities: and so they sent out divers 
The stratagem of the Persians.  men, who feigning that they went about their own businesses, made show as though they had suddenly and at unwares lighted upon the Turkish Camp, and revealed unto them, as a great secret, what a good prey was hard-by them. And so withdrawing themselves out of the way, they stayed privily to watch, when the Turks would send their victuailers to fetch away the corn & cattle: when as, within the space of three only days, it so fell out that the foresaid ten thousand servile persons arrived at the place, where they had no sooner begun to charge themselves with their prey, but they were surprised by the Persians, and saving a very few, that were nimble at flight, they were all slain, and left both their prey and their lives 
The ten thousand victuailers shame by the Persians.  behind them. The noise of their cry, and the thunder of their Guns was heard in the Turkish host, which made Mustaffa to imagine, that the matter was fallen out, even as in deed it was, & therefore presently mounting on horseback, and raising his whole Army, every man desirous of revenge, ran with bridle on the horsenecke to secure the poor people that were already slain. And although 
Mustaffa runneth with all his host to secure the victuailers.  the Turks came not in so good time, as to yield them any aid, yet came they very fitly to surprise the Persians, who beyond all honesty and duty were overbusy in loading themselves, and carrying away the pray that they had recovered.  
The place, where the corn was gathered, was as it were almost an Island, watered with two rivers, Araxis, and Canac, which with a little compass fetched-about, dischargeth itself with a very deep channel into Araxis. On the side of Araxis, which was the left side of the Turkish host, Drevis Bassa kept one wing: on the side of Canac, 
The order of Mustaffa his battle.  being the right side, did Beyran Bassa hold another wing: and Mustaffa himself led the middle of the battle. which if the Persians would not have encountered, then should they have been constrained to have run and drowned themselves either in Canac, or in Araxis. Assoon then as the Persian Captains had descried Mustaffa with all his forces making haste towards them, and saw such a multitude of soldiers, of ensigns, of spears, and of fyreworkes, and with all remembered the late overthrow in the Champains of Chielder, than began they to beethinke themselves how much better it had been for them to 
The Persians repent their long abode.  have used more speed in departing out of that Demy-Island, and so with sudden dispatch avoiding their enemies forces to have contented themselves with the late slaughter of those sclavish and servile people, and not to have stayed for so unequal and importunate assault. And being excited thereunto by a certain intrinsical and native virtue, they discoursed among themselves, whether it were better for them to fly, or with so great disadvantage to join battle with them, and rather to die with an honourable death, then to live with reproach of a shameful flight. At the last, whiles every man was thus tossed 

Great thoughts that troubled the Persians.  
The Persians resolve to abandon the fight, and to fly.   with the tempests of thoughts, they resolved utterly to preserve themselves for the state of Persia, and to continue their lives for the great and weighty affairs of that kingdom: deeming it rather to be a point of high wisdom, then of shame, not to lay open their security and the honour of their public and private causes, to most certain and undoubted losses, and miserable issues.  
But in taking their prepensed flight they discovered 
Difficulties in taking their flight.  new difficulties: for that they were in such sort straightened within the said Demy-Island, as they had none other ground left, but only that, which beyond their expectations the Turks had already possessed, and so being greatly perplexed with these troubles, every man began to betake themselves to their own private conceits. Tocomac and Emir-Chan, with other Capitanes of the army were the first that turned their backs, and some by wading, 
The Persian Captains save themselves by passing the tives.  and some by swimming passed over Canac, being greatly helped by the valour and agility of their adventurous and gallant horses. The example of these Captains moved many other to do the like, though with a contrary fortune: for that their horses being out of breath and windless, there remained a great number of them drowned in the waters. At which fearful spectacle, 
The Persians drowned in the River.  others being amazed, even as it were in a headlong rage & fury, perceiving that if they should fly, unavoydeable death was present before their eyes, settled all their trust in resisting, and reposing all their hope even in despair, they showed unspeakable acts of valour in fight. But what can one do against a hundred? For they also without any great ado were all destroyed, though with luck and fame far unlike their fellows. But what helpeth 
The Persians in fight show great signs of valour.  Fame in such a medley, where the names of those are not known, that either fight manfully or fly effeminately? Others at last resolved to yield themselves without drawing sword or bending bow, imagining that by so doing they might recover themselves, together with such spoils and riches, as they had, whatsoever they were. But what benefit can gold and precious stones be to a few in the tumult and confusion of many conquerors, who being given rather to unjust ravening then to upright piety, 

Conquerors do but little regard their promises, being given to spoil.  
The Demye Island made the perpetual grave of a courageous & warlike people.   do but hardly make account of their promises, much less to be liberal of that which they have not promised? In this sort did the Persian army rest discomfited and destroyed: & so this Demy-Island being first stained with the blood of the enemy, & afterward with the slaughter of the neighbour and proper inhabitant, was the perpetual sepulchre of a courageous and warlike people.  
The Persian Captains fled away in great sorrow and affliction for their unexpected overthrow, and knowing now assuredly whether the designments of the Turks tended, who were already turned towards Siruan, they resolved in as ill plight as they were, to return home to their places of abode, which they had forsaken, and to certify the king in Casbin thereof with all speed, to the end that (if he could) he should send such provision as might be sufficient to annoy the enemy's army: whereof (as Emir Sultan a Merchant of Azemia, of great traffic, of a very sincere mind and affection, and a man of free speech; being my very familiar friend, hath often times confessed unto me in Aleppo) Tocomac failed not to write unto his king, that there was slain of the Turks a great number: and so meaning to excuse his late overthrow, & to make his loss to seem more tolerable, he made show of a great slaughter of the Turks in this second battle also: although in very deed, with the miserable and total destruction of his own slender Army, the loss of the Turks in this fight did not exceed the number of three thousand besides 
The loss of the Turks in this battle.  the slaughter of ten thousand victuailers. And when this certificate was made to the King, every one of the said Persian Captains, with the licence of Tocomac departed 
The Persians withdraw themselves to their several governements.  to their several governements, as Emanguli-Chan to Genge, Serap-Chan to Nassivan, Tocomac himself to Reivan, & all the rest to other Cities, to the government whereof by the commandment of the king they were before appointed, & so remained in expectation of new warrants from Casbin.  
In the mean while the Turks had retired themselves again to their Tents, from whence by occasion of this unexpected battle they were suddenly raised, & now was Mustaffa with all his troop arrived at the banks of the river Canac on the same side, where he must begin to pass over, as before is mentioned. For being minded to go up to the City of Eres, which first of all offereth itself to your sight, when ye travel on that side to Sumachia, there was no remedy but he must needs pass over the foresaid water of Canac: a thing very displeasant to the whole Army, and yet could not be avoided, if he would execute the commandements of his king. And therefore (fall out whatsoever could fall) making straight proclamation over all the host, that every man should 
Mustaffa commandeth all his host to pass over the River Canac.  be ready the next day to wade over the river, he prepared himself for that passage. At this proclamation suddenly all his people arose in a tumult, with great pride ran before the General, with injurious terms reproved his folly and inhumanity, protested utter danger to 
The soldiers in a tumult threaten General Mustaffa.  himself, and universal confusion to the whole army, & to be brief, prayed him that he would surcease from proceeding any further, unless he would replenish the whole camp with carcases & spoils. But neither could their threatenings nor yet their entreaties any thing move the resolute mind of the General, who gave them none other answer but this: That so had Amurat appointed: that 
The answer of Mustaffa to his soldiers  if all the rest should show themselves unwilling to obey their sovereign, he would not, and in duty thought he could not do the like, but in truth would be the first man to attempt and perform that which all they so abhorred and reproved: That not in Idleness & ease, but in great pain and difficult enterprises true soldiers are discovered, who ought never to be afraid of changing brittle life with everlasting honour, nor to avoid death, if it should happen, for the service of their King. And for his own part he did most earnestly pray them, that after he had attempted the passage of the water, if any thing happened to him otherwise than well and to be alive, than he might be carried dead to the other side of the river, to the end that if he could not execute the commandment of his King, whiles he was alive, yet he might perform the same at least, when he was but a speechless and a lyfelesse carcase: and for making too great an account of his own life, the desire of his King might not in any sort be defrauded. divers and sundry murmurs and whisperings followed upon this speech of the General, who notwithstanding the next morning (imitating therein the example of Alexander, in making his army to pass over Tigris, if we may believe Quintus Curtius,) did first of all wade over 

Lib. 4.  
Mustaffa first of all wadeth over the deep River Canac.   the deep and swift river himself, and presently after him waded over all the Bassas of the Camp, and with them all their slaves: by whose example the rest also at the last were induced to do the like, and so continued till by the darkness of the night their passage was interrupted: which was the occasion, why more than half the 
Nighti was the occasion that more than half the host went not over.  army could not get over, besides that their public treasure & artillery were yet also on this side of the water. But this passage being attempted with very great tumult and disorder, & no regard had to the places that were wadeable, it came to pass, that about eight thousand persons, 
8000. Turk's drowned in wading over the river of Canac.  being carried away by the violence of the river, were miserably drowned, with the great outcry of all the host. The like happened also to many mules, cammelles & Sumpter-horses, upon whose backs divers persons being mounted, because they were desirous to pass dry over the water, were likewise headlong overwhelmed therein.  
With great complaints and blasphemous cursings was the whole night spent on this side Canac, and every man being even desperate knew not what to do to avoid that dangerous passage, whose fear and grief the example of their unfortunate fellows that were drowned did greatly increase: And no doubt some pestilent sedition had ensued thereupon, that would have bred much harm to the Turkish affairs, if by the death and overthrow of those that were drowned, there had not been discovered a shallow Ford, that assured safe passage to those that were left: wherein they were much more happy than their former fellows, in that their delay had wrought them great ease. For in the passage, which the people made that followed Mustaffa, the gravel of the bottom of the river being raised and removed by the heavy hooves of the cattle, was driven down along the said water to a place, where by great good hap there was also a Ford, and there gathering itself together in a heap, had in such sort raised the depth of the channel, that it made as it were a shelf for their commodious passage, so 
A marvelous kind of Ford.  that the remnant of the people, carriages, and artillery passing over the same, there was not so much as one man that perished. And in this manner did the Turkish people pass over Canac, and upon the banks thereof did they rest themselves that day, and the next, and there made stay till the whole army was mustered and set in order. From thence removing themselves all together, not having any means at all to find victuals either for themselves or for their beasts, they encamped the day following in certain barren champaigns, where there was neither corn nor cattle, neither could they learn that in those quarters there were any villages at all. By means whereof the hunger of their beasts increasing greatly, (a thing affirmed by divers faithful & 
The calamities of the Turkish host,  credible soldiers that were present in those calamities) they were constrained to give to their horses and mules the leaves and stalks of very dry and withered reeds, & such other like things of no sustenance at all. And the men themselves were feign to satisfy their hunger with those uttermost relics, that they went up and down piking & gathering out of those poor victuals, which now by corruption were abominable to man's nature. There was not a man in the whole army, but perceived that it was high time to rid himself of these inconveniences: howbeit to return backward was odious to them all, in respect of the present famine, and to go on forward was more terrible unto them, in respect of the great fear that they had, to continue some longer time in these commenced miseries. Notwithstanding needs must they follow the fortune of their captains: among whom Mustaffa the next morning, before all the rest, set himself forward on his determined journey. He had not long marched onward, but there was discovered good store of sundry plants, & near unto them a very large plain all green and flourishing, & garnished with many trees: by the only sight whereof every man was refreshed for the hope of good harbour, and hastened their paces somewhat more than ordinary, until they were entered into those champaigns, being abundantly fertile in all kind of corn and fruits, that could be desired of hungry man and horse. In this place did every man satisfy his appetite 
The Turks refreshed with victual, & other commodities.  with meat and his body with rest, and forgot in part the calamities and damages that were overpassed: and the next morning with willing minds they were all ready to follow Mustaffa, who removing his camp, and leading it still through the fruitful and pleasant fields, abounding in all things necessary for man's sustentation, arrived at the city of Eres, being (as we have before declared) 
The Turks at Eres in Siruan.  the chief city in that coast of Siruan, as you travail from Georgia.  
This city of Eres was forsaken by a great number of 
Eres abandened by the Persians.  her inhabitants, as soon as it was noised that the Turks were come to Canac, and they all followed the Standards of Samir Ghan, Governor of the said city, being alured there unto by the example of Ares-Chan, (whom also a good while before the Persian king had trusted with the government of the city of Sumachia, and assoon as he likewise heard that Mustaffa was come to Canac, he 
Samir-Chan: & Ares Chan Persian Governors withdraw themselves into the mountains.  abandoned his own city, and withdrew himself into the mountain, as a sure and safe place,) There did Samir Chan remain with him, and other the Governors of Sechi, and other places of the said Province, all of them, jointly together, attending the end of these great novelties. So that the entry of the Turks into Eres, was not by 
The entry of the Turks into Eres not disturbed by the enemy, nor enriched by spoil and victory.  the enemies sword in any sort disturbed, nor yet with any spoils, that were found therein, any thing enriched, for that the people had carried away with them all the best things they had, and every man endeavoured in the common loss of his country, to keep and preserve his private goods at the least, and his own proper life. Two & 
Mustaffa remaineth in Eres 22. days.  twenty days did Mustaffa remain under Eres: in all which time, although somewhat long, there was not one man that felt any inconvenience in any matter of sort, but during those days employed himself to the erecting of a Fortress within the said city: upon whose walls were 
Eres fortified & fenced by Mustaffa.  placed two hundred pieces of shot, and for the custody thereof was appointed Caitas Bassa, one of the voluntary Captains, with five thousand soldiers.  
In this mean time, for that the city of Sumachia, now called Sumachi, stood not far distant from thence, it being the Metropolitical city of that Province, and of great account, because it standeth upon the way that leadeth to the city of Derbent, now called Demircapi, but in times past Alexandria,) Mustaffa commanded Osman Bassa, one also of the voluntary Captains, as before we have 
Mustaffa appointeth Osman bassa to keep Sumachia & Derbent.  noted, to possess that city with ten thousand men, under the title of Visier, & Governor General of Siruan: Giving him further in charge, that in any case he should clear the passage to Derbent abovesaid, and so give present advertisement to the Tarrarians of his arrival, who without all doubt having passed through Colchis, could not choose but by this time be arrived in those quarters, at the least: for so had they promised to Amurath, with all faith and fidelity. Osmen departed to Sumachia accordingly, and had friendly entertainment of those that remained 
Osman Bassa friendly ent●tayned at Sumachia.  there, and were determined to commit their lives to the fury of the conquerors: so that he did presently surprise the city, entreating all the inhabitants in friendly manner, without doing or suffering any outrage to be done upon them. Which usage being understood by the Alessandrians, (a people that by natural in clination, in ceremonies, in worship, and in observation of that their religion, lived not as Persians in deed, but subject to the Persians, & principally to Mustaffa Sultan, the governor of that city, & yet for all that being of the Turkish belief:) they sent presently to offer themselves to Osman, beseeching 
The Alexandrians yield themselves to the Turks.  him to receive them into his protection, and in all occasions to defend them from the Persians.  
Of all these matters Mustaffa had advertisement before he departed from Eres: from which place, (after he had finished his Fortress, his Garrisons, and all his Rampires, being informed of these good adventurds, follioited there unto by the Giannizzars and the people of Grecia, and somewhat enforced so to do by the season of the year which was unfit for so long a voyage as was yet behind, & persuading himself that he should leave his affairs there in good and reasonable state) with great confidence he departed, and turned his course to wards the country of Leventogli, otherwise called Alexander the Great, as he had 
Mustaffa departeth from Eres.  entreated him to do in his late passage to Siruan: and having travailed a long journey, he lodged at the foot of a certain mountain, where he wanted no kind of good victuals: And from thence sent Engines and pioneers to make a bridge over Canac, that his Army might passover 
A bridge built upon Canac to pass over.  without any danger. On the hither side of the river they took up their lodgings: and from that place Mustaffa sent to give notice of his arrival to Sahamal, the inhabitant and Lord of the mountain of Brus, (whereof we have heretofore made often mention:) who presently came to yield himself as vassal to the Turks, and being 
Sahamal yieldeth himself to Mustaffa.  entertained with his accustomed pomp, and rewarded with apparel, sword, battell-Axe & Target all guilt, he took his leave and returned to his old withdrawing places of the mountain.  
After that Sahamal was gone, Mustaffa departed also, and traveled forward by night, because he would not lose the opportunity of fair wether: but so it happened through ill guiding, that he lost his way, and knew not whither he went, being conducted through rough ways, 
Mustaffa by night looseth his way.  and uneasy and difficult passages, whereby he was enforced to set up his tents, & wait for daylight: which rising very clear did manifest unto them, that they were now entered into the countries of Leventogli. And therefore he caused proclamation to be made forthwith over all his 
Mustaffa in the country of Levent.  army, that upon pain of death no man should be so hardy; as to molest or disquiet any of the subjects of Alessandro, but to have good respect unto them, and to entreat them with all courtesy. The day following he still continued his journey in the said country of Schender, where he wanted no victuals, and the rather for that the same day there arrived from Zaghen certain ambassadors of Alessandro, 
The ambassadors of Leventogli with relief & presents received by General Mustaffa.  with great abundance of cattle, of corn, of fruits, & of other relief, which was sent by him for a present to the General, with a solemn excuse that he came not himself, because the infirmity of his body would not suffer him. Wherewithal Mustaffa rested satisfied, and leaving the city of Zaghen on the right hand, he caused the messengers of Alessandro to guide him, and so took his way toward Teflis: and by them was so directly conducted, that within the space of three days, without either hunger or thirst, or any other inconvenience of his army, they brought him to Teflis, from whence they returned 
Mustaffa at Teflis.  homewards, being well contented for their pains by Mustaffa.  
But those that he had left at Teflis before for the custody thereof, he found so miserably plagued with famine, that they were constrained to eat Cats and Dogs, and 
The famine of the sould●ers left in the Castle of Teflis.  Sheep skins, & such like unwonted & strange things. Many of them also he found sick, and some dead, by reason that they could not obtain licence of Mahamet Bassa their captain to go out of the castle to provide victual, for fear of the enemies. By whose providence such care was taken for their corn, fruit, and cattle, that, although those of Teflis had issued out for that purpose, yet was it all preserved in very safe and secure places without any danger. Which thing was credibly certified to me not by one alone, but by many of the Georgians, with whom I was familiarly acquainted both in respect of my traffic with them, and also of my practice in physic. But Mustaffa refreshed and relicued them all with words, with money and with meat, and gave them plenty of all 
Mustaffa relieveth them with meat, money and words.  things, And after he had remained there two days, he raised his army, and put himself in the way towards the champaigns that were subject to the said city, to put all to sword and fire, as indeed he did. Only the sepulchres (wherein rested the bones and ashes of Simons progenitors, and near whereunto he took up his first lodging) were left unhurt and untouched, by the Turkish fury. The day following they traveled over rough and ragged mountains full of a thousand difficulties, which were the more increased by wonderful great snows that were fallen, by means whereof, together with divers other annoyances, many soldiers, horses, cammelles and mules did perish. In this distress they continued two 
Great snows breed many annoyances to the Turks.  whole days, during which time all the people were fallen into such a disorder, that forgetting the fear of their enemy's country, without any regard or respect, every man took up his several lodging apart, and one on this side, and another on that side shrouded himself, where 
The Turks dispersed by cold weather.  he might find either some thick bush, or some small cottage, or some quiet valley to shelter him from the wind, from the snow, and from the storms.  
But certain Georgian captains (and peradventure even the same, that had before so evil entreated the people of Soria,) having sent out scouts to watch the Turkish army from time to time, & being thoroughly certified of 
The Georgiansly in wait for the Turks.  the disorder wherein it was, did join themselves together, & in the right approached near unto it, secretly, quietly & boldly searching out some opportunity, how they might cool the burning desires of their enemy's blood. In the end having observed Hossain Bey, my good friend and 
Hossain Bey the authors friend.  acquaintance, among many others the son of fruitful Giambulat, (I term him fruitful, for that in one night 
Fruitful G●ambulat that saw 86. children alive at once that were his heirs.  there were borne unto him 7. children by divers women, & he himself saw at on time alive fourscore & six heirs of his own body begotten,) that he had withdrawn himself alone under certain mountains to defend himself from the storm & the wind: they were persuaded that this was a sit occasion to gain them some spoils: and having assaulted him, they slew all his slaves, and all his squadrons of soldiers, took a great booty of many 
Hossain Bey assaulted by the Georgians, & greatly discomfited.  loads of money and apparel, led away with them all his horses, and whatsoever else they could find, and scarce gave him any leisure to save himself, by flying into the Tents of Beiran Bassa. And it may be that he had also remained for a pray to the Georgians, had it not been for Hala Bey, captain of the Zaini and Spahini of Aleppo, an old man as any among the Turks, of an extraordinary 
Hala Bey the authors friend.  bounty, of a sincere mind, of free speech, and well exercised in feats of Arms, from whom I liberally received many particularities of these things that I have written. This man being wakened by the noise, & raising the people of Beyran Bassa, ran out himself to meet Hossain Bey, and showed him the way to escape as afore. And 
Hossain Bey escapeth to the tents of Beyran Bassa.  upon this rising of the Turks, the Georgiani retired themselves with their got prey, and so the rest had leisure to withdraw themselves together into more sure & safe places.  
The next morning the Camp removed, and in the evening came to a castle called Ghiurchala, where it stayed a whole day to make provision of victual, which was attempted by sending many of their slaves abroad into the fields, conducted by the men of the said castle. In the mean while, there arrived certain ambassadors from one that was then called the nephew of Simon, signifying 
The nephew of Simon veeldeth himself feignedly to Mustaffa.  to Mustaffa, that (if it would stand with his good pleasure) their lord would come to salute him, & to offer himself unto him as his vassal. whereof Mustaffa was very glad, and declaring unto them that his coming should be very acceptable unto him, he sent them back again with presents and courteous words. But although he was expected all that day, yet made he not his appearance, & indeed all those that were sent out into the fields for relief, were miserably hacked in pieces, to the great grief of Mustaffa, thinking himself too much abused by those feigned ambassadors, who in truth proved to be cunning and crafty spies, rather than ambassadors.  
From this place the army departed with great hunger, over divers uneasy hills and rough places of the Georgianj, 
Hunger among the Turks.  where they were feign oftentimes to rest themselves, & at last came to the confines of the widows territory, upon the feast day of the Turks Ramadan. In the entrance whereof they must needs pass through a narrow strait between certain mountains, where the river crankleth 
The strait of the mountains of Georgia, watered by Araxis.  itself with a thousand turnings and windings about the low valley: A very difficult place and indeed so narrow, that no more than one man alone could pass through it. Between this strait, and a very thick and hilly wood, they lodged upon the banks of the said river, and from thence the next morning they removed, and travelledover very steep mountains, and woody Forests, over ice and snow more hard than marble-pavement, and over other hanging rocks, in such miserable sort that many camels, mules and horses, aswell for carriage 
Misery of the Turks.  as for saddle, fell down headlong into the whirle-pittes of the river to their utter spoil. Through this ruinous crags, and divers other miseries they journeyed all the next day, and after that, another day also as miserable and damageable to the Army as the former: but 
Their misery continued.  at last being shrewdly spoiled and ill handled by hunger, foiled and slaughtered by their enemies, & afflicted with the hard season and situation of the place, they arrived within the territories that lay under Altunchala, the widows 
The Turks relieved at Altunchala.  Palace, where they had all manner of desired relief, for all the miseries that they had endured since their departure from Chiurchala until this place, being the space of six days, which ordinarily, if it had been a common traveled way, would have been performed in one only days journey.  
The Widow with her elder son Alessandro, came down from the castle, and went to the pavilion of Mustaffa, 
The widow and her son Alessandro come to Mustaffa.  offering him divers presents, and promising unto him all faithful obedience. Mustaffa received her courteously, and declared unto her the good entertainment, that he gave to her younger son Manucchiar, that went with him to Siruan, who being there present showed evident token thereof to his mother. Mustaffa, (dissembling for the present time his privy displeasure, that he bore the widow's son Alessandro) embraced him courteously, and prayed her that she would be pleased to leave him also there with him, for that it should turn to both their contentmentes, signifying further unto her, that he would send both her sons to Constantinople to Amurath, with letters of credence for their yielded obedience, for their favour showed to his army in giving them so secure passage, and so many helps, & lastly for their good deserts, the rather that by the said Sultan they might be honourably entertained, and enriched with honours & dignities. The Widow, although her mind was herewithal sore troubled & perplexed, yet outwardly in her countenance showed herself to be pleased, and seemed courteously to yield, what she was of necessity constrained to grant: aswell because Mustaffa had one of her sons already in 
The Widow leaveth both her sons in Mustaffa's hands.  possession, as also for that herself & her whole state were now in his power, & as it were at his devotion: & therefore leaving both her sons behind her, she returned to her Castle.  
Mustaffa, after he had stayed in that place with his army two whole days without feeling the want of any thing departed thence toward Chars, and so did all the rest, who having now no fear of the enemy, as being in a sure and friendly country, divided themselves into several companies, by five, by twenties, by fifties in a troop, as every man thought it best and convenient. The first day they lodged at Clisca in the widows country, where they wanted no manner of necessaries, 
The Turks at Clisca  but had most plentiful abundance of all things. From thence they took their next lodging under certain rough mountains by which they traveled two whole days through many difficulties, where some of them also died for cold. Then they came to Messeardachan sometimes belonging to the Georgianj, but now to the Turks: & 
Some die for cold.  so to Biucardacan, belonging also to the Turks, where they kept the feast of Ramadan, which till now they could not celebrate. And from thence to Olti a Castle also of the Turks, where the Sangiacco, that governeth those 
The Turks at Olti.  quarters is resident, a country very fertile in all things, well situated, and very convenient for these and greater passages. From Olti by the way of Neneruan in two days they arrived at Hassanchalasi, a Castle likewise of the 
The Turks at Hassanchalasi.  Turks, called also Passin, and from thence afterward they 

The Turks in their return at Erzirum.  
The army discharged by Mustaffa to winter themselves.   came to Erzirum, with the great rejoicing of the whole army, which was there presently discharged by Mustaffa, without any numbering or mustering at all, and so they returned all home into their own countries.  
But Mustaffa settled himself in Erzirum, dispatching Posts with letters of plentiful advertysementes to the king touching all things that had passed, but yet in such sort that he magnified his own exploits without measure: and among divers other news, that were scarce 
Mustaffa magnifieth his own exploits to Amurath.  true, which he wrote, one was, That Teflis, which he had taken, was in greatness & beauty equal unto Damascus, besides the situation that was exceeding strong. He certified him also of the battles that he had with the Persians: the obedience that he received of the Georgiani, & the sirvanians: the stirs and insurrections of the people of Constantinople & of Greece: the Fortress built at Eres: the garrisons of soldiers left in that City with Caitas Bassa, and in Sumachia with Osman Bassa: the offers of the Alexandrians: and in brief whatsoever else had passed, & whatsoever he had taken from the enemy. Neither did he fail to propound to Amurath his opinion, what he thought convenient to be attempted the next year, for the strengthening of those places that he had already conquered, and for preparing the way to new enterprises. And principally he put him in mind of a fortification to 
A fortification to be at Chars.  be made at Chars, a place very fit for any passage to Georgia or Armenia, by situation fruitful and commodious both for men and cattle. And withal he sent unto the 
The widow's son sent to K. Amurath.  said king, the widows two sons Manucchiar & Alessandro, signifying that they would be always ready to perform whatsoever it should please him to command them, and that he had received in their country all good entertainment and friendly welcome not omitting for all that, to declare his opinion, that Manucchiar was a meeter man for the government than Alessandro for that Manucchiar had showed greater valour, & was more willing and ready to serve him then his brother: and the rather because it was a general opinion, that Alessandro had his hand in those treasons and mischiefs which happened to the victuailers and to the Sorians in Georgia. Greatly did the king commend the diligence and virtue of Mustaffa, and pleased himself highly with this conceit, that of these pretty beginnings there might grow mighty conquests and singular successes to the enlargement of his Empire, and hoped that by this means he should be able to surpass the glory of his predecessors, and the more his thoughts were occupied about these wars, the less did he trouble himself with thinking how to annoy Europe with his forces.  
But now it is high time to return to the narration of the accidents that happened in Siruan, where (we told 
Caitas Bassa at Eres, and Osman Bassa at Sumachia in garrison.  you) Caitas Bassa was left at Eres, and Osman Bassa at Sumachia, with express order, that Osman should call the Tartarians to his aid: the Tartarians, (I say,) that having left the Fens of Meotis, and the unmountable shores of the Black Sea, passed over the rocks upon Colchis, & 
1 The Tartaians near unto Siruan attending the commandment of the Turks.  surveyed the frozen crags of Caucasus, were now arrived in the confines of Siruan, and there stayed, attending the commandement of the Turks, to invite them to spoil and victory. Among the Tartarian Precopenses, there was one Abdilcherai, a captain of great valour and 
Abdilcherai the Tartarian Captain a fair young man, and of noble blood.  fame, a young man of comely countenance and well set of person, who, according to the faithful promise of Tatar-Chan (surnamed Mahamet) given to Amurath, brought with him about thirty thousand soldiers, his subjects, with a full resolution to attempt whatsoever any Turkish captain should command him in the name of Amurath. And therefore Osman called him, and invited him to secure the forces of his king, and to further these beginnings 
Osman calleth Abdilcherai and adu● seth him what to do.  of his glory, & these his conquests, or rather these magnifical and famous terms of victory. He advised him withal, that assoon as he had arrived in the country of Siruan, before he passed any further, he should send advertisements of his arrival there, by two or three several letters dispatched by two or three several messengers for the more security, to the end that he might be again informed what course he should take, to make his coming more profitable and more glorious. All which was not only thoroughly understood, but also most diligently put in execution by Abdilcherai, and therefore having entered the Iron gates, where Derbent standeth, (which by the Turks at this day is called Demircapi, and signifieth, The 
The Tartarians at Demircapi.  Gates of Iron,) and from thence passing on into the country of Siruan, there he stayed, and gave advertisement thereof to Osman, as he was appointed.  
Now in the mean time, that Mustaffa having subdued Sumachia and Eres, was departed out of the confines of 
Ares-Chan the Persian & other captatus seek to annoy the Turks.  Siruaa, Ares-Chan (who after was governor of Sumachia,) and other Governors of that region, of whom we made mention before, hearing the news of the departure of the Turkish General, were determined to return to their forsaken country, & to find some means, whereby they might in part (at the least) revenge the great injuries, wherewith Ares-Chan was most grievously offended and damnified, and so with victory either of spoil or of slaughter upon Osman Bassa, to gain honour & commendation with the Persian king, by the public shame and confusion of his enemies. For in deed great was his anger and wrath, when he beheld his own City remain for a pray to the enemy, and was not able by any outward act, to show any sign of his grief. And so having passed under Sumaohia, (not far from which place he had put to the sword some few victuailers of osman's, that more boldly then wisely had issued out of the city,) and being with all his people encamped in certain fresh fields, a little on this side of the said Sumachia: I know not how, but he was so well favoured by good fortune, 
The spies or messengers of the Tartan ans taken by the encamped Persians.  that he surprised certain spies or messengers, sent from Abdilcherai, who first went to carry the news to Osman, of the arrival of the Tartarian Captain, and according to the order taken between them, to know his pleasure, what should be put in execution. These Tartarians were brought before Ares-Chan, who after much torture disclosed the letters that they carried: which the Persian 
The Tartarian spies disclose their letters to Ares-Chan.  captain read, and considering the great number of the Tartarians that were come, (for the letters made mention of thirty thousand) he was utterly resolved not to stay any longer in those quarters, but presently raised his Camp, & retired towards Canac, meaning from thence to certify the Persian king of all these novelties, and upon 
Ares-Chan retireth to Canac searing the coming of the Tartarians.  the banks of the said river to encamp himself, attending an answer from his said king.  
But Abdilcherai, who had now sent out his second, & his third spies, caused Osman Bassa by some other means to understand of his arrival, who then very well perceived that the sudden and unlookedfor departure of Ares-Chan could not be upon any other occasion, but upon knowledge of the coming of so great an host: but when he saw that the first spies never came, which Abdilcherai accused in his second letters, he was more than assured thereof. Howbeit 
The Tartarians at Sumachia, in consultation with Osman.  the Tartarian captain was called to Sumachia, where sitting in consultation with Osman, they fell to agreement that Abdilcherai should pass Canac, and so onwardeeven unto Genge the country of Emanguli-Chan, to destroy and waste his fields, his towns and his Cities, bringing away with him, men, cattle and corn, and enriching his arrival by all the most terrible & strange means he could. The Barbarian captain longed to see the time that he might stain his darts and sword in the blood of his enemy's entrails, and to charge himself with the expected prey: and therefore presently departed, and with posting journeys passed over Canac, where Ares-Chan was as yet encamped, and assaulting him in furious 
All the Persian army of Ares-Chan discomfited by the Tartarians & Ares-Chan himself hanged.  manner, (without allowing him any time of defence,) like a ravening and devouring flame, discomfited all his host, and taking him alive, sent him to Sumachia to the garrisons of Osman, who forthwith caused him to be hanged by the neck out of a lodging in the same Divano or council house, where he had heretofore sitten as Governor.  
From thence, wading over the river, and coursing a little above Genge, he found Emanguli-Chan, among certain valleys, with his wife, all his family and a great part of the nobility of Genge, hunting the wild-boare, & suddenly put him to flight, took from him his wife, all the Ladies, and many slaves, and slew many of the rest, that unawares were brought thither to see such disport. And after road on to Genge, and yielded it wholly to the fury, 
Genge sacked  licentiousness, lust, and wickedness of his soldiers, who left no manner of inhumanity or cruelty unattempted, but satisfied all their most immoderate and barbarous affections, that natural fierceness, or present occasion could minister unto them. And so being loaden with spoils, satiated with blood, and weary with the slaughter of their enemies, they returned merrily towards Siruan, and passing again over Canac, they came on the hither side of Eres into certain low champaigns, environed about with hills, and there having pitched their tents, 
The Tartarians encamped in certain fields on the hither side of Canac, fall to sleep.  without any fear they settled themselves to sleep, and with rest to repair their forewearied senses.  
In this meanwhile, and long before these actions, were the news come into Persia of the battles that happened in the plains of Chielder, and in the Demi-Islande between Canac and Araxis: Whereupon the Persian king, who neither would nor could go himself in person, having gathered new forces, had dispatched Emir-Hamze 
Emir-Hamze the Persian Kings eldest son, at Siruan.  Mirize his eldest son with twelve thousand soldiers to pass into Siruan, to see what hurts the enemy had done, to attempt the revenge of the forepast injuries, but especially and above all to punish the villainy of those of Sechi, and other Cities of Siruan, that voluntarily, and not induced thereunto by any necessity, had yielded themselves to follow the Religion of the Turks. The Persian Prince had now removed from Casbin, accompanied with his mother Begum, who would needs follow 
Begum the Persian Princes mother followeth him in his Army to Siruan.  her beloved son, and had taken his journey towards Siruan, under the guiding and government of Mirize Salmas, chief of the Sultanes, and had already left behind him the country of Ardovil and Caracach: when he was certified of the advertisements come from Ares-Chan, touching the arrival of Abdilcherai with his populous host of Tartarians, and thereby was stricken in a great quandary, & almost without comfort. But yet his fear was not so great, as it could stay his ambitious and burning desires of revenge and glory, but rather inflamed with a fresh anger for the great boldness of the Tartarians, and set on fire with an unquenchable thirst of revenge, he was encouraged more than ever he was, to prosecute his intended enterprise: and so came to Siruan, still leading people with him from such places as he travelledthrough, & hastening his journey came to Eres, long before the king his father did think he would. Very fit & convenient was this his notable celerity: for that Caitas 
The Persian Prince suddenly arrived at Eres.  Bassa had boldly issued out of the Fortress, & went spoiling all the country about, carrying away with him what pray soever he met withal, and committing such other insolences, as hungry soldiers beyond all honesty, use to do in strange and fruitful countries. But when he was in the midst of his spoils, and least feared his enemies forces, he was suddenly encountered and assaulted by the said Prince, without having any means to escape 

Caitas Bassa assaulted by the Persian Prince.  
A bloody battle.  
Caitas Bassa & all his people slain.   his fury: so that in this extremity and necessity, which brought Caitas to a sudden death, there followed a bloody battle, wherein although the small number of the Turks showed many effects of valour, yet in the fight they were all destroyed with their captain, who together with his life abandoned the world, the Fortress, and the spoils, & left the country free, that was committed to his custody. Which the Persian Duke having once again gotten 
Eres recovered by the Persians.  into his possession, he took away the two hundred pieces of shot, that were left in the Fort by Mustaffa, and presently sent them to Casbin to his father.  
Mightily did courage increase, and hardiness quicken in the Persian Prince by this good success, and therefore leaving his mother in Eres, he followed on his journey towards Sumachia: but in passing by the way where the 
Begum left at Eres.  Tartarians were encamped, and in descending the hills, that environed the plain, he discovered their tents that were there pitched: whereupon he stood in great doubt 
The Persian prince disconereth the encamped Tartarians.  what to attempt, whether by venturing upon so populous an host to prove the peril of battle, or yielding to so great a danger to return back into Persia. Too great a shame he thought it to return, & rather than he would with ignominy refuse so good an occasion offered him, he did choose with honour to endanger himself to the most manifest peril of his life: and therefore descending the hill, and drawing nigh to the pavilions of the enemy, he perceived that all the army was laid down, enjoying their quiet rest and sleep, and their horses, some couched & some standing, but all of them void of saddles or horsemen. Whereupon without any stay, setting spurs to his horse he pricked forward with all his host, and in all haste and terrible manner ran to assault the Tartarians, who were now both buried in their spoils & sleep: & having slain their first watch, and their second, although with some loss, among the tumultuary soldiers he made an universal confusion, & common slaughter, putting some 
The Tartarians destroyed & Abdilcherai taken alive by the Persian Prince.  to flight, killing others, and taking divers of them Captives. Among whom was their Captain Abdilcherai, who was taken alive and sent to the king in Casbin, under good and sure custody.  
After these victories, the Persian Prince scoured to Sumachia, and compassed the City roundabout, wherein 
The Persian Prince under Sumachia threateneth Osman.  the new Turkish Captain Osman sat as Governor, to the great reproach of Persia: and there encamping himself, sent word to Osman, that if he would yield himself, he would let him go with his life and goods: but otherwise if he would stand-out obstinate, and not yield up the city, which unjustly he possessed, he should be compelled to surrender it by force, and his life withal. Osman, that knew nothing of the Tartarians overthrow, but hoped, that entertaining his enemies with fair words and goodly promises, the Tartarians might in the mean space return, and hue them all to pieces, gave the said Prince a most courteous answer, saying that he was 
Osman answereth the threats of the Prince.  very ready to yield up the City, but withal entreated him that he would make stay but for three only days, & grant him time to put all his things in readiness, that so he might freely departed, as it pleased the prince in courtesy to offer him. The Persian Prince was very glad to receive such an answer, & well knowing the overthrow which he gave to the enemy, did verily persuade himself that Osman frankly, and with a true & constant mind had made this promise: & therefore expected that what the Turk had offered should be performed. But Osman not meaning to commit himself to the faith of his enemy, though he was utterly resolved to withdraw himself into some stronger place, yet was he very curious to find means to escape into those safer refuges, and not to come within the fingers of the prince. And therefore somewhat before the assigned term of the three days appointed, seeing that the Tartarians whom he looked for, did not appear, he resolved to save himself by secret flight: because he was sure, that if he should remain in Sumachia, he had good reason to fear the inhabitants themselves would betray him, and that if he should yield himself to the Prince, he might be by him also easily deceived. And thereupon determined with himself, by the help of the dark night, and a difficult way, (though 
Osman determineth to sly se●reathe by a coue●t way over the mountains,  very covert by reason of the high crags and bushy places of the mountains near to Sumachia) to take his flight, and withdraw himself to Demircapi, as he had already promised to the Alessandrians. And so he journeyed over the said mountains with great secrecy and silence, leading away with him whatsoever either in the time of peace or of war he hadlaid up in store, and without any danger or threat of the enemy he escaped safely to the 
Osman flying from Sumachia, seapeth to Demircapi.  said City of Derbent. On the morning the inhabitants of Sumachia, without any stay opened the gates of the city to the Persian Duke, who seeing their infidelity, that they were not only ready to give entertainment to Osman, but also to help him to escape without giving to the prince any inkling of his departure, did put in execution the effects of his wrath and indignation which even in Casbin he had conceived in his mind against them: and 

The Persian Prince punisheth the inhabitants of Sumachia with divers kinds of tortures & deaths.  
The Persian Prince deliberateth whether he should return home or go forward to Derbent.   with great cruelty did punish the miserable and infortunate Commons of the City, making their houses even with the ground, destroying both the old and new walls thereof, and bringing the whole land to nought, that sometime was so desired a receipt of the Turks. But when he should departed from thence, he was in a great deliberation with himself whether he should pass on to Derbent, or return into Persia. The city well fenced, the cold time of winter, and the long voyage that he should have had homeward, persuaded the Prince to lay aside the enterprise of Demircapi, and so he made choice to return to Casbin. But first for all that, he determined to make his retire by the people of Eres and of Sechi, and upon them 
The people of Sechi & Eres punished.  as upon rebels to inflict deserved punishment. For the effecting of which his purpose, he made his present repair thither, and spared neither sex, norage, nor any condition, but though the persons were unequal, yet was the punishment equal to all. And after the execution of this his revenge and indignation, he with his foresaid mother Begum, and with his army, though somewhat diminished and endamaged, yet victorious and triumphant turned home to Casbin.  
Young Abdilcherai the Tartarian, was kept within the kings Seraglio in good & safe lodgings, neither did 
Abdilcherai prisoner in Casbin well entertained.  he in this his captivity find want of any thing, but agreeably to his calling he was appointed a very tolerable and easy imprisonment: which day by day was in such sort enlarged, that he seemed to live not as a prisoner or captive, but rather as a companion of those of the court, and as it were in apparent liberty: by which occasion, having insinuated himself into the love of Begum the king's wife, 
Abdilcherai the prisoner enamoured, & beloved of Queen Begum.  he spent his time in courting of her, and she again in courting of him in all secret and covert manner. These mutual affections proceeded in such sort, and these interchangeable favours discovered themselves so openly, that in the Seraglio and over all the City, there was a rife report, how shameless Begum had participated her bed & 
The report of the lose life of Begum the Persian king's wife.  herselie with the Tartarian prisoner. Howbeit neither the king nor the prince knew any thing of it: but the king perceiving that the young gentleman was generally commended to be valiant and courteous, began to think of a matter, which might easily fall out to be a very great commodity and help to himself. For the king favouring these good qualities, being conjoined with proportion of 
The deep consideration of Mahamet the Persian King.  body and nobility of birth, (because he noised himself to be the brother of Tatar-Chan) persuaded himself verily, that it could not but prove a marvelous benefit to him, if in steed of a captive he should make him his kinsman, and give him his daughter to wife. Whereby (he was in good hope) there might grow such an amity and union between the Tartarian Precopenses, & himself, as they would not only refuse from thenceforth to favour Amurath in these wars, but also that they would be enemies unto him, and in the favour of Persia turn their arms & affections against him. Very considerate assuredly was this cogitation of the king: but yet did it greatly 
The kings purpose doth not please the Sultan's of Casbin.  displease the Sultan's of Casbin: who either because some of them was a suitor to the said daughter, or because they did naturally hate the Tartarian Nation, or else because they had a mischievous conceit of the loves of Begum, did all their endeavours to turn the king from so strange a purpose, and used all the art that possible they could devise, to cancel out of his mind that detestable opinion, as they thought. Howbeit they could nothing prevail either with their eloquence or other their cunning devices: but the king was now upon the point to make a conclusion of the marriage, when as the Sultan's entering into the Seraglio with a company of their people, and finding 
Abdilcherai slain in the Seraglio of Casbin, by the Sultan's.  there the unfortunate Tartarian, ran him through the body, cutting of first his privy members, and flapping them upon his mouth after a most barbarous and filthy manner. It is reported that Queen Begum likewise was then also murdered by them, but (how soever it came to pass) it is a clear case, that the death of the Tartarian Duke was procured in the manner above mentioned, and that the poor lady never after that day, saw the light of the son. Which whether it was put in execution by the appointment of her husband, who had been advertised of all things that had happened, or that the Sultanes wrought it for the public interest: they know best, that have had the means to insinuate themselves into the innermost places of the Realm: For unto our knowledge never came there any other report touching the particulars thereof.  
Upon the death of this Tartarian there sprung-up many 
Upon these murders there arose many calamities in Persia.  civil dissensions in Persia, and so thereupon followed also the banishment of some, the flight of others, and sundry miseries, that lighted upon many. And the great hopes whereby the king was moved to desire the marriage, were changed into most turbulent and troublesome passions, and dangerous calamities, that threatened the utter confusion of the Persian affairs, to the singular benefit & commodity of Amurath. And yet for all these strange accidents, the king ceased not to prepare new forces for the next year, and as much as in him lay to quiet all tumultuous disorders, bridling his own private affections, and the motions of his son Emir-Hamze Mirize, and procuring at last a perfect unity, which he thought most necessary to continue the defence of his kingdom. And these were the stirs that happened in the Persian and Tartarian affairs the first year, being the year of our salvation, 1578.  
But Osman Bassa being in Demir-Capi, after the return of the Persian Prince to Casbin, continually employed himself in laying platfourmes for the enlarging of the conquests already begun, and for the assuring of those places under the government of Amurath. Among other occasions, that he took for the better establishing of his own matters, one was the friendship that he entered with Sahamal, Lord of the mountain of Brus, of whom I have more than once made mention before. With this man did Osman practise many tokens of good will, and he again interchangeably towards Osman, whereupon there 
Osman practiseth friendship with Sahamal the Georgian.  arose a faithful friendship between them, if not thoroughly and inwardly, yet at the least in outward appearance: whereunto in short time there was added a strait knot of alliance, for that Osman took to wife a daughter of the said Sahamal, and having celebrated the marriage, he 
Osman marrieth a daughter of Sahamals.  thought he was sure of all sides, & could not desire greater signs of the sincerity of his love. But soon after, grounding himself upon reasonable conjectures, he took a suspicion that Sahamal, for all his inward and outward practices of friendship towards him, might notwithstanding receive some secret order from the Persian king to betray him, and to deliver the City from the Turkish oppression, and so reduce all the Province, as before it was, to his ancient devotion. Among other occasions, whereby Osman was moved and induced to suspect it, (all being of great force and importance,) the speeches of his wife (being Sahamals daughter) gave him greatest cause. For she being ravished with the valour, riches, and magnanimity of her husband, would not conceal any thing from him, that she knew was devised against his life, but freely uttered by word of mouth unto him, that her father having reconciled himself to the Persian king, did continue his confederacy and friendship with him, and that letters went between them of great matters, and particularly of the affairs of Siruan. By this discovery Osman Bassa grew into a great suspicion, that Sahamal should deceitfully practise his death, and persuaded himself verily, that the friendship, the mutual offices of love between them, and the marriage that was made, were wholly direrected to that end. This advertisement Osman kept secret to himself, and made show to his wife that he kept no such reckoning of it, as in deed he did, & aught to do, being a matter of so great importance: But yet in his heart resolved to keep it in store to his benefit: in such sort, that not only the devise which Sahamal had imagined against him was quite frustrated and avoided, but also Sahamal himself was punished with deserved death. And therefore Osman caused Sahamal to come to him, & thereby feasting him, courting him, & entertaining him, as it became him to use his beloved father in law, and by many other apparent and confident behaviours, he made Sahamal strongly presume, that he might take opportunity to put in execution those designments, for effecting whereof he had thus procured the friendship and alliance of Osman. But Osman prevented the intent of Sahamal. For having invited him (according to the custom) to come and celebrate with him certain of their solemn feasts, he made the most valorous and trusty of his esquadrons acquainted with his determination, and enjoined them, that assoon as Sahamal was entered into his court, even in the very dismounting from his horse, they should all fall upon him, cut of his head, and put all his retinue to 

Sahamal beheaded by the appointment of Osman at Demir-Capi.  
The country of Sahamal wasted by osman's people.  
The Persian king bewaileth the deatls of old Sahamal.   the edge of the sword. Old Sahamal failed not to come accordingly, being invited by his son in-law and daughter to the solemn feasts, & in his lighting from his horse all was performed that Osman had commanded: & forthwith there were dispatched two thousand horsemen to spoil & sack all the lands, & country of the said Georgian Lord, to the great marvel & astonishment both of far & near. The news thereof came to Casbin, even to the kings ears, who took the matter very grievously, and began to foresee, that the conquering of that country would prove very difficult, and so feared greatly that the Province of Siruan would remain still in the Turks hands. And this was the end of the stirs in Siruan the first year: & so the winter coming-on very sharply every man ceased from battle and foraging, forsaking the forests and the fields, and attended wholly to the conservation of such things, as they had already conquered.  
And now by this time all these advertisements were arrived at Constantinople, & Amurath had received all the particular intelligences of all things that had happened. Also Ali-Vcchiali, who in the port of Trebizonda had discharged 
Ali-Vcchiali buildeth a Castle in Colchis.  his appointed carriage, was now returned to Constantinople, & made relation of his sailing into Colchis, declaring how he had built a Castle in the Territory of Tatiano, in the confines of jurello, and that he had strengthened and enlarged those borders in Georgia on that side also: insomuch as these beginnings seemed to Amurath, to be of great importance: the success whereof in the continuance of the history, we will describe unto you in the books that follow.  
The end of the third book.   

The Fourth Book.  
The Argument.  
The deliberations of Amurath, what enterprise he should take in hand.  
He resolveth thereon, and sendeth out new Commissions.  
He causeth Manucchiar to be circumcised, and delivereth his brother Alessandro into his custody.  
In Persia, Emanguli-Chan maketh new offers to the king.  
Simon maketh request to the Persian king.  
The causes, why Simon changeth his Religion.  
Simon is dispatched by the Persian to annoy the Turks in Georgia.  
The new assembly of the Turkish Army.  
The Insurrection of the Soldiers.  
Chars fortified by Mustaffa.  
Mustaffa falleth into new cogitations for the succours of Teflis.  
Hassan is sent by him into Georgia, where there happeneth a battle full of loss to the Turks.  
The Georgians do assail the Turks a fresh.  
Alyculi Chan is taken prisoner.  
Victorious Hassan succoureth Teflis, and returneth.  
The Stratagems of Simon.  
Hassan deceiveth Alyculi Chan,  
Simon being also deceived, and all in a rage, utterly destroyeth the Turks.  
Hassan arriveth at Chars.  
Alyculi imprisoned at Erzirum.  
Abas Mirize accused of rebellion by Salmas, who had made the eldest Persian Prince his Son in law.  
Mustaffa discharged of his General ship.  
A comparison between Sinan and Mustaffa.  
Si●an accuseth Mustaffa.  
Two Deftardari or Treasurers of Mustaffa imprisoned.  
The death of Mahamet the chief Visier, and the manner of his death.  
Sinan elected the chief Visier.  
Mustaffa and his two Treasurers released.  
Sinan elected General.  
The Persian king sendeth Ambassadors to Constantinople.  
The conditions of Peace.  
The arrival of the Ambassador Maxut Chan at Constantinople.  
His speech to Amurath.  
The Persian king at Tauris.  
The levy of Soldiers in Persia.  
The consultations of the Persians.  
The Turcomannes follow the Persians.  
Tocomac chosen to go with an Army in to Georgia.  
The treaty of Peace with Amurath at Constantinople.  
Maxut Chan made Treasurer or Chamberlain of Tauris.  
Maxut-Chan accused by Emir-Chan.  
Maxut Chan flieth out of Persia, and runneth to the Turks.  
Maxut-Chan at Constantinople.  
THE FOURTH BOOK.  
Assoon as Amurath was certified by the letters of Mustaffa, of all that which had happened since his departure, until his return to Erzirum, and understood the battles that followed, the obedience that was yielded by the Georgianj, the conquering of cities, the building of new Forts, and to be short so good a beginning of so desired an enterprise. Of these prosperous successes, which by Mustaffa were described to be far greater than in'deed they were, (having given order, that Alessandro & Manucchiar, who 
The conside rations of Amurath.  were sent unto him by Mustaffa, should be safely kept with all good entertainment,) he began to cast many devices in his head touching such matters, as were to be attempted the next year. And especially there arose at one instant many & sundry considerations in his mind, which told him that the manner of sending his army to a new resting place might be altered divers ways, & so amidst so many doubts he remained in a mammering what to do. On the one side he was of opinion, that it must needs be necessary to pass again into Siruan, and to recover those Cities that were first conquered by Mustaffa, and after subdued again by the Persians. For by that means it would come to pass, that the country of Siruan should remain quietly under the government of Amurath, and so the great travels, the troublesome voyages, the hard conquests, the blood already spilt, the dangerous perils, & the losses of the next year should not altogether be frustrate. But this opinion of his, he himself (even of himself) changed, as it is reported, for the great hope that he had in the aid that was promised him by Tatar-Chan, who did faithfully assure both him and Osman, that he would overrun that region anew, and set forward those notable designments that he had intended, and gave his word to do great matters in his service. In respect of this hope (which notwithstanding fellout to be but vain, through the default of Tatar-Chan, as in place it shallbe showed) he laid Siruan aside, and committed the defence thereof to the false promises of the Tartarian, & to the valour of Osman: consulting with himself, whether it were not expedient to send his army in a strait course to Tauris, & to find means that there might be erected in that City a Fortress, which being well fenced with artillery and harquebus, and strengthened with the virtue of valorous soldiers, should never be subdued by the power of Persia. And so bringing this his purpose to effect, without the other difficulties, (which if the war should fall out to be long, he must needs endure) there might remain in his possession all the country that lieth between Tauris and Erzirum. The easiness and speed, wherewith this his purpose might be brought to effect, did favour his conceit in this point wonderfully: for there was no man but thought that the Fort might be built in very few days, & every man persuaded him that it was an easy matter for so great an host not only to pierce into Tauris, but also to pass whether soever he would desire. This his designment was of great weight & importance, neither did there want some that privily and familiarly did advise him, that it was to be preferred before the rest, and comforted the king to go forward withal, by promising prosperous success therein.  
But albeit that Amurath had his mind enkindled with ambitious desires and lusts, burning after glory, and being pricked on with sharp spurs of Avarice, longed to carry away the victory over his enemy's lands: Notwithstanding, laying aside all his foresaid consultations, as being too eager and importunate, and weighing his affairs in a more upright balance, he deemed it better to prefer the safety of his Army, the honour of this war, and the certainty of victory, before the doubtful speed in attempting the enterprise: and in the end he did resolutely conclude with himself, that he had rather (though but slowly) overcome & triumph over his enemies, than (too soon with shame) to forsake and abandon his designments begun: and therefore did fully determine first to assure and strengthen his own borders, to lay open the ways that were shut against him with woods & bushes, to confirm his conquests that were as yet but doubtful, to discover all secret and treacherous ambushments, and to make the voyage plain and open: rather than to run headlong with uncertain conceits into another man's country, and to conquer places, that were far of, fenced and defended not only by mighty enemies, but also by Nature itself. In this his resolution he was confirmed by the state of the Georgiani, whom he perceived as yet not to be reduced to such assured obedience, as he durst altogether trust them: and in particular he feared the treachery of Daut, and more than that, the coming of Simon. For by these occasions it might fall out, that his Army going to Tauris, might be assailed on the one side by the Georgiani, and on the other side by the Persians, and so brought into very great miseries. And this misfortune might happen unto him, as often as he should have occasion to send new supplies to the Fortress.  
By these deliberations, and with this resolution Amurath being moved, he did absolutely signify to Mustaffa by writing, that it was his pleasure, that against the next spring he should prepare all such provision, as he thought necessary for the building of certain Forts in the ways that lead from Erzirum into Georgia, to the end, that having made all those ways safe and secure, and brought that people into due obedience, the next year he might employ his courage to more noble and haughty enterprises. Hereupon Mustaffa presently directed out his precepts to the Cities of Aleppo, of Damascus, of Caraemit, and 
Mustaffa sendeth outcommaundement for a new Army.  to all the other places of Soria and Mesopotamia, that they should takeup cunning workmasters, pioneers, and other such persons, to the number of twenty thousand: And likewise wrote to all the Countries specified in the first Book, that all their Soldiers, (yea, and in greater number than they were the last year) should be in a readiness the next Spring, to return to the war: Whereof he caused the rumour to be spread even as far as Egypt. He commanded likewise, that they should make collection of the Taxes and tenths, and that in greater quantity, than it was the year before: and made such provision of Money from the Chambres of Aleppo, and other places, as he thought necessary for these purposes.  
In this mean while at Constantinople, the two Georgian 
Alessandro & Manucchiar a●.  Brethren, the widows sons, who (as we told you before) were sent by Mustaffa to Amurath, expected the end why they were come to the Court. As touching Alessandro, he persuaded himself that no wrong should ever be done unto him, to whom by the course of his age the government of his kingdom belonged, or rather who already was put in possession thereof by his Mother: and besides that, was in a great hope, that some means should be devised how he might be established & confirmed therein after a more sure and safe manner, and that Manucchiar, his brother, should be honoured with some other Office worthy the magnificence of Amurath. Wherein although he had some little kind of doubt that troubled him: yet did he ever carry a constant resolution, that he would not in any case change his Religion, nor stain his conscience with so fowl and infamous a blot. On the other side, Manucchiar the younger Brother, who the last year had followed the Camp of Mustaffa, and had showed some good tokens of manhood, with an express kind of Military virtue, that he might the rather enter into the government of his Mother's State, induced thereunto by the flattering desire of Rule, was utterly resolved with himself to do any thing, so that he might not live as a private soldier, but rather to take from his brother his birthright and inheritance, and with the utter loss of his countrie-Religion wherein he was borne, to purchase a vile and base kingdom, yea, and rather than he would live inferior in dignity to his brother, he would make himself the slave of Amurath, and the Devil. Neither is their opinion false peradventure, that think this agreement and conspiracy to have been secretly contrived between him and Mustaffa, utterly to disgrace and overthrow his Brother. Hereupon they were both examined, which of them would be content to submit himself to the Religion of Mahamet: whereunto Manucchiar answered, that he would so do, and being become the vassal of so great an Emperor, would desire 
Manucchiar consenteth to change his Religion.  no other thing, but to manage his own State in his service, and under his protection. Whereas on the other side Alessandro, although he should be deprived of his State, which already he had begun to govern, yet 
Alessandro remaineth constant in Christian Religion.  would he not consent to the vile and infamous change of his Religion, but remaining constant in his former faith, he only desired, that as a private soldier, and bereaved of that inheritance, whereof Nature and God had caused him to be borne the lawful successor, he might not be denied at the least to go and live in his own native Country, and so to be buried near unto the Ashes of his predecessors: promising withal, at all times; all obedience to Amurath, and love to his brother. The Turkish king willed Manucchiar therein to do as he himself thought good. For that for his own part, he did greatly fear, lest Alessandro by some treachery might deprive him of his life; and so succeeding in his former place, might make that State more rebellious than ever it was before. Howbeit, for somuch as Manucchiar consented unto it, he was also to content himself withal, and to commit the custody of that State to such care, as Manucchiar should take for the preservation of himself. Hereupon Manucchiar was circumcised, 
Manucchiar circumcised, and named Mustaffa.  and had the name of Mustaffa given him, with the title of Bassa and Governor of Altunchala, and of all his Mothers and Brothers Countries: (for the which there were great signs of joy over all the Seraglio,) and he being thus created a Turk, had his Brother Alessandro committed unto him, and they both returned into their own Region.  
But in Prrsia, in the palace of Casbin, many consultations were had in this mean time. For Emanguli Chan, governor of Genge, perceiving himself to be in great danger of losing his beloved and honourable government, by means of the late sack and spoil of his City made by the Tartarian, and taking occasion of those plots that were daily in contriving to send people into the confines of Siruan: to the end that Osman Fassa should not intend his new works, and withal (if it were possible) should be hunted out of Demir Capi, and out of all that province, he purposed with himself to make an offer to King Mahamet, 
The offer of Emanguli-Chan.  that he should bind himself upon pain of his head, to defend Siruan, and not suffer Osman to attempt any new buildings or further conquests in that Region: and therein wrought so much with the King, that his request was not denied him. Whereupon the charge of the government of Genge, & guarding the Province of Siruan from the forces of Osman, was frankly committed unto him. Neither were his offers extended any further: For the Persian King knew well enough, that if the Tartarians or the General Mustaffa should come thither, he should stand in need of greater provision and stronger defences. And therefore he gave order to Emir-Chan, governor of Tauris, to Tocomac Governor of Reivan, to Serap-Chan governor of Massivan, and to divers other Captains that were nearest, that at every instance and request of Emanguli-Chan, they should be ready (if need so required) with their power to resist either the Tartarians or the Turks, when they should enter into the country of Siruan. Neither did Emanguli forget to 
Emanguli inviteth the son of Sahamal the Georgian to joinc with him.  solicit the son of Sahamal, who succeeded in the Lordship of Brus, that he would join himself with him, and they two together would take occasion to revenge the grievous losses that they had received of the Turkish army, and especially to chastise Osman Bassa, as he deserved for the death of Sahamal his father. Howbeit the said son would not by any means endanger himself, neither durst in any wise show himself an open enemy and persecutor of the Turks, but was content to bear the loss of his father in such sort, as he thought most behoveful for the preservation of his own estate,  
And this was the provision that was made for the security of that Province, concerning which, every man almost was of opinion, that Mustaffa should not return thither again, but they knew well that he should chiefly be employed about the strengthening and assuring of the conquests of Georgia: and therefore there was no further provision made there. But the King turned all his 
The Persian king mindeth to send men towards Teflis in Georgia.  counsels and cogitations to send people towards Teflis, for he knew of a certainty, that either all the Turkish Army or else some great band of it should come to bring succours thither, or else it must needs come to pass, that the Fort should fall again into the hands of the Georgiani. About this matter was the King very busy and intentive, when as Simon the Georgian, who was sometimes imprisoned 
Simon the Georgian.  at Cahaca (of whom we made mention before) and being throughlie informed of all things that had happened, thought with himself that hereby he might take opportunity to obtain at the kings hand such help as he had long desired, and purchase those honours that he had long expected, For he deemed it a very likely and reasonable matter, for the King to desire and wish with all his heart, that he (carrying the name of a famous Captain, & thoroughly acquainted with all the advantages, that might be taken in Georgia, to the great loss and annoyance of the Turks) would offer himself to go into that province and there gathering his soldiers together with a sovereign authority over all that people, to defend those cities that were yet untouched, far better than his brother Dant could do, and in another manner a sort (than he also could) to trouble and offend the Turks, which must needs come that way to succour Teflis. Neither did he protract the time long, after he was entered into this cogitation, but with convenient speed dispatched his supplication to the King, 
Simon maketh a request to the Persian King.  wherein he declared his request, & reproving his brother for his cowardice & flight, promised to perform great matters himself.  
This Simon in the time that he remained prisoner at Cahaca, 
The familiarity between Ismahel and Simon.  entered straight familiarity with Ismahel (late son to King Tamas deceased) who, as we told you before, was sent thither by his father to be safely kept: & in this mutual familiarity there passed such enterchangeble offices of love between them, that as Ismahel showed himself loving and affectionate to the conditions of Simon, so much did Simon for his part show himself dutiful & devoted to the virtues & magnanimity of Ismahel: whereby there arose an extraordinary love of the one towards the other: which continued in such sort, that Simon (I know not by what sophistry deluded or by what flattery enticed) was persuaded by the Persian prince to forsake his religion, and to follow that barbarous 
Simon induced to change his religion, and the reasons why.  superstition. What might be the reasons that were able to change the mind of Simon, being before so constant, and so well instructed in the Greek-Christian faith (for the maintaining whereof he had chosen to live deprived of his liberty and estate.) it can not be so precisely declared: but it seemeth, there were three principal and powerful respects, that wrought this unexpected novelty in him Namely, the perpetual imprisonment, which he knew he could not avoid, as long as he continued of that mind: the friendship of Ismahel (friendship I say, that oftentimes changeth men's natures, much more their opinions:) and thirdly the great honours that Prince Ismahel did daily promise him, whensoever it should happen that he were named 
The powe of friendship.  King. While they were thus mutually affected one towards another, it happened that King Tamas died, and Ismahel being accompanied from Cahaca to Casbin, was with marvelous pomp saluted King of all his father dominions. Among all the rest, whom the King full dearly beloved, he could not forget, but preserve in memory the virtue and fame of Simon, who was already according to the King's pleasure circumcised, and made a Mahometan, yea, and in such sort did he remember him, that he was most desirous to bestow greater honours and rewards upon him than he himself could request. But sudden and unexpected death lighting upon, before he was aware of it was the occasion why Simon remained without any advancement, and yet so greatly contented, as his recovered 
The divers cogitations of Simon.  liberty could breed contentment in him. Notwithstanding among the many varieties of his thoughts did Simon long time wander, being after the death of Ismahel shrewdly distracted in his mind, coursing and discoursing with himself whether it were better for him, either to remain still in Casbin and to stay the coming of the new King, or else to resolve upon departure, and so to return to his forsaken faith, and wasted Cities. But in the end, after many consultations, he concluded that it should be more safe and commendable, considering the state of his affairs, to stay for the new King, and under his protection and favour to find some means, that he might berestored to the dignity and rule that was usurped upon him, rather than to fly away alone, and (having no stay to lean upon) to seek for quarrels and contentions with his brother, yea and peradventure to purchase himself a bitter death. And therefore he did willingly maintain himself in Casbin, looking and hoping, that the change of his schism (for so it is rather to be accounted than a religion) his imprisonment endured, his liberty recovered, his fame of great valour, his present necessity, his devotion and obedience to the king manifestly declared, should deserve at the new kings hands some honour and reward, or at least, if it would please him to commit any charge of the war in Georgia to his care, a constant and assured protection of him. And therefore when Mahamet was now established in his kingdom, and was certified of the loss of Teflis, Simon besought him of lawful leave, to return under his protection into his own ill-defended country, offering himself withal to venture upon any peril or travel whatsoever, and promising that he would never either fear any great enterprise, or avoid any base exploit, so that he might know he might do good service to Mahamet. With great satisfaction did the King consent to the requests of Simon, and named him the Chan 
Simon named (by the Persian king) the Chan of all his kingdom.  of all that kingdom, which he possessed before by the name of a Christian: and with all diligence was he sent with Alicul●-Chan into Georgia, for the endamaging of the Turkish Army, and defence of his neighbour Cities. And to them both were delivered certain pieces of Artillery, that were taken at the rock or Castle of Eres, 
Artillery appointed for Simon & Alicull Chan.  when Caitas Bassa was slain, (as in the book next going before we have told you) and besides the Artillery, there were assigned unto them five thousand Horsemen, that were levied out of the Cities, bordering upon the one and the other Media. Simon afterwards coming to Georgia, where he was greatly welcomed and honoured, pressed about three thousand Soldiers out of all 
Simon presseth soldiers in Georgia.  those countries, both of his own and of his neighbours, signifying unto them all, (though with a false and impious excuse,) that he was now become a Persian, not because he 
Simons excuse, why he changed his faith.  preferred the faith and law of Mahamet before Christian Religion, but only because he might be delivered of his imprisonment, and employ his forces in the service of our Saviour and only Prophet Christ jesus, and so by that means also maintain his own estate. And in this order were the affairs of Georgia assured and strengthened, after the best manner that might be.  
But now was the new season of the spring in beginning, and every man prepared himself to the discontinued travels of the wars begun. And now were there met together in Erzirum, out of all the wonted provinces, all the 
The meeting together of a new army at Erzirum.  soldiers: & withal were gathered together all the Engines, all the Moneys, all the provision of corn, Barley, and Rise, and all other things necessary for the sustenance of cattle & Soldiers. Egypt also had sent thither her squadronst 
Egypt sendeth soldiers, whereof scarce the one half came to Erzirum.  whereof notwithstanding little more than the one half arrived at Erzirum, partly by reason of the sandy wilderness, through which they must needs pass, as they came towards Soria from Memphis, where now Cair standeth: and partly by reason of the pestiferous maladies, which they 
Pestilent sicknesses in So●●a.  found in the City of Aleppo, and places here thereunto, where besides Carbuncles, jaundisses, and black botches, there reigned also a venomous and contagious Fever, that replenished the City with great terror, lamentation, and 
This Army equal with the first.  death. So that this Army at Erzirum, was equal with the first: and thereupon Mustaffa taking due survey thereof, determined to remove, and to journey towards Chars▪ And so holding on his way to Hassen-Chalasi, he came in 
Mustaffa at Chars.  twelve days to Chars, not perceiving so much as one small word awry in any of his Soldiers. And forasmuch as here they must rest, & put themselves in defence, by fortifying with walls, & compassing with ditches the ruinated City of Chars, which must be done in the best manner that might be, and with as great speed as was possible, there was no reremedie, but besides the pioneers and Engyners (that were brought for that purpose) there must be set to work many Spaoglani, many slaves, and some janizzaries also. But it was not presently put in execution, as the necessity required. For all these kind of people suddenly made an insurrection, 
The soldiers in a tumult against the General.  and in a tumult began with bitter protestations to let the General understand, that their stipends, wherewith it pleased the Sultan to favour them, were not bestowed upon them, to employ their forces and virtues in works so vice and so far from the Art of war but only with their swords and other weapons to exercise that force and hardiness, for which they were esteemed worthy of that honour. The General gave them their answer again in very haughty terms, and although he knew well enough, that the smallest sum of money that he should have bestowed among them, would soon have quieted them, yet would he not yield one jot to their incivility, but using all means of authority & terror, he brought them to work as much as he desired. And so within the space of 23. days, the towers and walls were erected, the ditches digged, the baths builded, the artillery disposed in order upon the walls & the water 
In the space of 23. days Chars fenced.  brought round about it, either from some branch of Eufrates, or from some other river (not much less famous than Enfrates) that springeth out of the mountain Periardo. Many inconveniences happened in the Army, while they were busy about this work, and namely upon the xxv. day of August, when they had almost even finished the whole building, the soldiers endured a most sudden cold, by reason of much snow that then fell in great abundance. But so vehement it was not, that it could not be borne, 
Snows at Chars in August.  but every man was the rather forward to execute any commandment, that according to the pleasure of Amurah should be enjoined them by Mustaffa, all of them being generally of opinion, that the only repairing and building of Chars was but a small matter, in regard of so great an Army gathered together with so great diligence, no doubt for some greater and further purpose.  
For the accomplishing of this fortification now there remained nothing to do, it being fully finished, and therefore now it was time to attempt some new enterprises: Whereupon the General resolved to send succours into Georgia to the fort of Teflis, without which it was most certain that the Fortress would be yielded to the Georgians. For this purpose he must needs take one of these courses, either to choose some valiant Captain that should go 
The consultations of general Mustaffa touching Teflis.  thither, or else to go himself in person, with all his Army, about so great an enterprise as that was. In which cogitation he remained very doubtful, casting in his mind on the one side a certain fear, that if he went not with all his army, some mishap might light upon the Captain that should go in his steed, and on the other side bethinking himself, that if he should go thither with all his people, he should hardly satisfy Amurah, whom he had already made to believe, that he had sudued all the Georgians and reduced all that province to his obedience and devotion. Notwithstanding in this his ambiguity, the desire that he had to preserve his credit with Amurath, prevailed, and he thought that it would be as sufficient to send succours thither by a Captain accompanied with twenty thousand chosen soldiers, as to go himself with all his camp: being of opinion, that in the straits of Tomanis and other places, so huge a multitude might give occasion to their enemies rather of pray than of fear, and might breed to their own forces rather lets and impediments, than any favour or help. Wherein he was highly commended of all men, though thereby with the King in particular he lost his credit, to whom he had heretofore made so goodly promises, that he well hoped, without sending any such preparation thither, to have received of that people much greater obedience.  
Now forasmuch as it was very needful to fortify and 
Hassan Bassa of Damascus, chosen General for the succouring of Teflis, with 20000. soldiers.  strengthen that place, he made choice of Hassan the Bassa of Damascus, son to that Mahamet that was the principal Visior of the Court, as famous as any that ever had any government in the Ottoman Empire, a man no less fair in face & countenance, than valorous and venturous in sudden and important cases, and to him he delivered between eighteen and twenty thousand soldiers, some of Greece, some of Damascus, and some of Caraemit: joining in company with him one Resuan-Bassa, Captain of certain Adventurers (comprehended 
Resuan Bassa Captain of certain Adventurers.  in the foresaid number) that voluntarily offered themselves to follow the forces of Hassan: and assigned unto him likewise forty thousand Ducats, and many loads of Meal, Rise, and Barley, with other things necessary both 
40000. ducats carried to Teflis.  for diet, and for war: and so set him forward for Teflis.  
This Hassan carried a haughty mind, with high thoughts agreeable to his magnanimity, and did determine with himself to lose all that he had, yea, and his veric life withal, rather than he should not bring these succours within the walls of Teflis. But when he was now come to the famous strait of Tomanis, & passed the ruins of other treacherous places, he arrived at a dangerous passage (without perceiving any footing of an enemy) where the woods on the one side, deep valleys & craggy rocks on the other side, would make any man astonished that should come thither: and, behold, even on a sudden, the Persiaus, together with the Georgians, under the conduct of Aliculi-Chan & of Simon, at unawares set upon the army of Hassan, & joined battle with them. For Aliculi-Chan 
Allculs-chan and Simon.  and Simon-Bech (as we told you before) being sent into Georgia, & having thereabouts gathered soldiers together to the number of 8000. did still remain for the most part in the borders of Teflis & Tomanis, waiting for some opportunity to annoy, either those of the Fort of Teflis, if happily they should at any time issue forth, or else the other that should come to secure them. Howbeit the famine, wherewith they were afflicted at that time, could 
A noy some fami●●n Teflis.  not work so much upon them, as induce them to issue out of the fortress, & so the Persians could find no opportunity to do them any harm as they desired: but having continual advertisement, that Mustaffa had sent succours to them being thus besieged, they stayed there, & watched, to hear on what side any news would appear from them. At the last they understood by certain spies, that they kept the way of Tomanis & that Hassan Bassa with twenty thousand men was coming to this aid. This news caused them foorthi with to scatter themselves among the woods, all along the length of the said strait, hoping from thence to assail the Turks, and overthrowing them headlong into the deep valley, to bereave them both of their goods and life.  
But Hassan, who had not so much care of any thing, as he had to avoid that grievoas danger, choserather to make 
The wariness of Hassan.  his ●o urny through the woods, & eschuothe ambushes & treacheries that his enemies might lay for him, & so minister means to his people to escape the peril of that headlong overthrow. And therefore in steed of leaving the wood on his lefthand, he entered within it, to discover all the wiles that might be plotted against him, and so did all his soldiers with him, & thereupon began the battle. Wherein they fought with a thousand windings & turnings in and out, through 
The battle, wherein there was a great slaughter of the Turks.  a thousand crooked paths, and doubtful cranks, in a most confused Medley, till there ensued thereupon a great slaughter of the Turks: who being not accustomed to this kind of fight, nor acquainted with the situation of the place, were in the skirmish driven so far, that down they fell, and not being able to recover themselves, were presently slain. In this confusion, among others that were ill handled, was Mustaffa Bey of Caisar, a place in Caramania, who lost his banner, being taken away from him by the Georgians, having also his Standard bearer thrust through, and all his horses surprised, which he had caused to be lead out on the right hand, and done many mischiefs with them. And in this manner did they pass the straits of Tomamis.  
Now although they were not very far from Teflis, yet would they needs make stay near to the said straits, & feigning that they would favour and rest their men and their cattle, 
The Turkiss● stratagem  (and peradventure meaning to nourish a foolish opinion of fear in the minds oftheir enemy's) they waited to see whether they would come again to trouble them a fresh or no. Hassan Bassa burned, till he might perform some famous and notable act, thinking with himself that he had received a great ignominy, in suffering his enemies being in number so far inferior unto him, to escape from him & remembering that in such places sleights and stratagems are more available than open forces, he took advice, that a band of the soldiers of Greece with a certain troop of the Aduenturiers, under the conduct of Resuan-Bassa, should lay themselves in ambushment within the thickest shades of the strait, and so being hidden, should diligently watch every stir of the enemy. Two days together did the Turks remain there thus divided asunder, and were now resolved the third day to remove from thence, and not to stay any longer from conducting their succours to Teflis: when as Aliculi-Chan and Simon Bech (vainly imagining that this stay of the Turks was for fear they had of the Persians) with all their 
The Georgians assault again the Turkish Army.  people freshly, but boldly, and foolishly returned and gave a new onset upon the flank of Hassans Squadrons, who forth with raising all his soldiers, and giving a sign to Resuan and the rest that lay in ambush, with all speed compassed-in his enemies, and straightening their wings on both sides, took some of them alive, hacked some in pieces, and put all the rest to flight. Among others that were taken alive, 
Aliculi-Chan taken alive.  Aliculi-Chan (the Persian Captain) who over-rashly ran even upon the face of Hassan, with all his band, that continually followed him, was taken prisoner, and so fell into the hands of Hassan. Who victoriously and joyfully arrived at Teflis, the next day following, being the very I●: day 
Hassan victoriously arrived at Teflis.  after his departure from Chars: where having passed over the river, and entered the fortress he found among the poor besieged souls many miseries, by occasion whereof some had died, and some were yet sick. For they were so plagued 
A great famine in the sieged city of Teflis.  with famine, that they had not only devoured their horses of small price, but they had also eaten the very skins of the same horses, of Muttons, and of dogs, and had passed away the time in most miserable wants. But Hassan did comfort them all with the news of victory, and more with the relief that he brought than, distributing to every one of them gifts and good words, and exhorting them all to persevere in the service of the King, whose honour was never more then now to be respected: For that it is no less commendation for a man to preserve and keep a conquered country in the midst of the enemy and the enemy's forces, than it is at first to conquer it. And for as much as all the soldiers of the Fort did with one voice request Hassan, that he would appoint them a new Captain, because they did all mislike Mahamet-Bassa, who the last year was left by the General in that Fort: Hassan removed the said Mahamet, and put in his place Amet Bassa Aggibeogli. And when he had filled up the places of the dead soldiers with a new supply, he took his leave, and recommended the charge and custody of the Fort to their trust and virtue.  
Hassan passed over the river with all his people, and put 
Hassan returneth from Teflis.  himself on the way back again towards Tomanis, so that he came to the very straight, without any trouble or impediment of his enemies. But being come to the mouth of the strait, he was advertised by his Scouts, that it was shut up 
The entry of the straight fenced with Artislarie.  with very strong trenches of Artillery, and defended with a great number of soldiers. And these were they that remained alive in the last skirmishes (that we told you of) when Hassan marched towards Teflis. For Simon thinking (as in deed it fell out) that Hassan should return back by the same way of Tomanis could not find any better means to repress his boldness, to revenge the losses of his own people and to redeem the prisoner Alieuli-Chan, but this, Namely, thus to shut up the mouth of the strait, hoping thereby, that the Turks being enforced to run upon the artillery, so laid for defence of the said straight, should be all consumed and utterly destroyed. But Hassan as soon as he understood that the passage was ●●th it sort shut up by Simon, 
Hassan seeketh to avoid the great danger of the strait.  sought means to make his journey some other way, and declining that great danger to frustrate and delude the ambushes and stratagems of Simon. Whiles he remained thus doubtful in himself, discoursing many conceits in his mind: Alyculi-Chan, who would not have been squeamish to have committed any villainy, so that he might thereby purchase his liberty out of prison, made offer to Hassan, that he would show him a safe and a short cut, whereby he should not only eschew the prepared mischief, but also avoid all assaults of his enemies: but yet upon this condition that Hassan should 
Hassan promiseth to set Aliculi-Chan the Persian at liberty.  promise him to set him at liberty. The Turkish Bassa did not stick in large manner to promise Alyculi his liberty, although indeed he did not perform his promise to him afterwards, which (to say the truth) did not a little obscure the glory of his actions: And therefore bending his journey towards the right hand, he was guided by Aliculi-Chan through strange and uncouth ways out of those woods & dangers, not meeting with so much as the sword of one enemy. The Persian Duke put the Turk in mind of his promise for his liberty, but all in vain: For the Turk dissembling the wicked intention, whereby he was induced to give him his word, pretended 
Hassan breaketh his promise.  with great & deep sighs, that he was very sorry he could not perform, as much as his intent was to do for him: because it lay not in his power to set any man at liberty, that in battle was taken prisoner by the soldiers & vassals of A murath & yet for a noble & magnifical pledge he gave him his faith, that so far as his entreaties & favours with captain Mustaffa could prevail, he would not suffer him to receive any wrong, but would use all the most earnest means he could to procure him all liberty, & return to his own country.  
In this mean while, Simon perceiving that the Turks were removed from those places that were near unto the straire, could not persuade himself that they were returned to Teflis, but imagined that they had taken this new way. And being afterward certified that it was so indeed, and informed of the truth thereof by his faithful spies, he ran all headlong and as it was desperate to meet with that so happy Army. And burning in anger and all inflamed with rage for this great fortune of the Turks, cursing and blaspheming the heavens, he arrived upon the tail of the Turkish host, which with unmeasurable fury 
Angry Simon destroyeth the tail of Hassans army  he did wholly destroy & discomfit, leading away with him all the people all the horses, and all the treasure of Mahamet Bassa, which was brought from Teflis, & all the treasure of Hassan Bassa likewise: putting to death & taking prisoners the slaves & vessals of both the Captains, and shedding the blood of many other soldiers. Among whom although he sought greedily and diligently for Aliculi-Chan, of purpose to deliver him, yet could he not find him, for that he was committed to the charge and safe custody of a Turkish captain in the front of the Army. After which medley, there 
Abondant snows.  fell again great store of snows, so that the cold thereof, biting and nipping the wounds of such as had, valiantly fought in the battle, the greatest part of them perished.  
Hassan followed on his voyage, and being come to Chars in the space of eight days after his departure from 
Hassan come to Chars,  Teflis, he presented Aliculi to Mustaffa, declaring unto him the battles that happened his succours performed at Teflis the dangers that he had passed, & the great losses that he recerued in his return: & the Turks say, that he did not fail most instantly to deal for the liberty of Aliculi, which notwithstanding I leave to the judgement of those that can judge more profoundly, than I with truth and credit can write, I myself being one of those, that do verily beleene, He can not keep his faith with man, that denieth his faith to God. Sufficeth it, that poor unhappy Aliculi by commandment 
Aliculi-Chan imprisoned at Erzirum.  of Mustaffa was carried away to Erzirum, and there committed to prison in the Castle▪ And this was the end of the stirs of the year 1579.  
Mustaffa returned to the said City of Erzirum with all his Army, which was presently also by him discharged. And afterwards he sent advertisements of all these successes to the Court to Amurath, recounting unto him the deserts of Hassan aswell for the succouring of Teflis, as also for the taking of Captain Aliculi-Chan. And forasmuch as the last year the said General had persuaded Amurah, that the province of Georgia, and the people thereof were reduced under his obedience: to the end that he should not marvel at so many losses and so many battles, and thereby doubt of some lying and false information, he declared unto him, that all these difficulties were not raised by the natural and homebred Georgians, who the last year had promised him all due obedience, but by two certain Captains, Simon and Aliculi, sent out of Persia, who had moved all these stirs, prepared all these dangers, and laid all these ambushes, although one of them now remained with him in prison, a worthy punishment for his malapert temerity. The king sent by two of his Capigi (or Gentlemen Hushers) to Hassan, a battle-axe all gilt, and setful of jewels, a Target of 
Amurath honoureth Hassan.  gold and pearl, and a garment of cloth of gold, in reward of his noble enterprises achieved, commending him eat lie for his virtue and valour: and with great delight did he read-over all that Mustaffa had written unto him, giving order withal, that Aliculi should be kept, where he was, in diligent and safe custody.  
The King of Persia lying at Casbin was advertised of all these successes, which being added to his new thoughts touching his sonat Heri, whereof Mirize Salmas had informed him, did greatly molest him. For on the one side, the evident dangers, wherein all Georgia stood, did shrewdly trouble him, considering that the Stratagem so well devised by Simon had no better success, and the Turks had now made themselves thoroughly acquainted with all those passages, in the difficulty & roughness whereof consisted all his hope of defence: and moreover understanding that the widows sons were become vassals to the Turk, which course Leuentogl● also propounded to himself, as one that was greatly inclined to be in confederacy with the Ottomans: and to be brief, perceiving that all the Georgian Captains had settled themselves under the standards of Amurath, he could not but fear greatly, that his enemies would begin to pierce into the noble cities of Medili the greater, yea and peradventure even unto Tauris before any of the rest. On the other side, he was as it were with a worm inwardly consumed, for the news that were brought him by his Visier Mirize Salmas, of the evident suspicion, which he told him, that his 
Abas Mirize suspected of rebellion against his father, by Mirize Salmas the chief Sultan of Casbin Mirize Salmas having made the Persiam prince his son in law advanced his estate.  son Abas Mirize of Heri, should (like a rebel and an ambitious youth) go about to proclaim himself king of the Persian empire, to the great ignominy of his father, and of Emir-Hamze his eldest son, who only was worthy to be named his successor in that crown.  
This Mirize Salmas, according to his longing desire, had married a daughter of his to the said Emir-Hamze with the consent of the king his father: but yet not content with that great honour, he ceased not continually with ambitious devices to seek out means, how he might make the Persian estate free from all other Seignuries, & bring it to that pass as it might wholly remain to his son, undivided & entire, from the participation of his brethren. And therefore little regarding the perils that might happen from the Turks, and blinded with the desire of his own greatness, he went about to turn the King against Abas Mirize, either to take him & commit him to prison, or at least to leave him void of all authority to command. And the better to persuade the king thereunto (being a man very credulous & nothing considerate, but putting more confidence in him than in any 
The Persian king very credulous & inconsiderate  other) he began to discourse, that Abas Mirize his son had not greatly respected him in divers occasions, declaring unto him, that sundry times he had very rashly scorned his commandments, and because he would not show himself obedient & inferior unto him, he would not send so much as one soldier towards this war against the Turks; 
Objections against Abas Mirize.  and in fine he had caused himself not only to be called king of Heri, but he had also given it out, that he meant to claim the succession in the kingdom. And that therefore it was necessary to feel the mind of the young youth, and to establish the tranquillity and quiet of the Empire: to the end that if these stirs against the Turks went forwards, Abas Mirize should not be so hardy, as in the greatest heat of war to raise sudden tumults, & to make himself Lord of that, which by right appertained to Emir-Hamze. Of these complaints he gave the king divers evident prooffs, which both in respect of the love that he bore to Emir-Hamze, and also of the faith that he gave to his Visier, carried a great sway with him in his mind, especially they being accompanied with the crafty packing of the said Visier, who as he was very cunning in such practices of himself, so did he make them much more effectual with the effeminate king by the means of divers Ladies & other occasions that were 
The Persian king effeminate.  familiar and usual with him. But the most evident proof of all was this, that the said Visier informed the king, that whereas both by letters and commandments he had summoned the governors of Sasuar, Coran, & other places subject to the jurisdiction of Heri, to come to Casbin, and so to pass with Emir-Hamze to Siruan, yet never a one of them would stir a foot, answering, that they were enjoined so to do by Abas Mirize their lord. This evidence was the most principal occasion, why every thing that Mirize Salmas alleged, was believed by the King, & why he did continually bethink himself, how he might find opportunity to repress the boldness of his disobedient son. And yet notwithstanding all these difficulties being otherwise persuaded by his most loyal and faithful Sultan's, he did not fail to temper these his internal motions, & to tame these unruly affections of his mind: & remaining resolute in his important cogitations against the Turks, to prepare such provision, which should be sufficient to inhibit their passage to Tauris, if they had had any purpose so to do. Upon which resolution arresting himself, he never ceased till he had furnished all those provisions, whereof a little hereafter we will make mention, for that it is very convenient first to prosecute the history of those things that were reported of Mustaffa.  
He being returned (as we told you) to Erzirum, after so many external stirs & troubles, was surprised by certain more intrinsical, & domestical quarrels at home: for many grievous complaints were there made of him to Amurath, 
Mustaffa discharged of his Generalship, and called home to Constantinople.  whereupon the said king was induced to take from him the charge of the Generalship, & to call him to the court to give account of his actions. Neither did this thing happen unto him without just cause, for that he had before raised a great discontentment in the mind of Amurath, by sending so much 
The occasion of the deprivation of Mustaffa from his Generalship.  people to the succours of Teflis, whereby he conjectured that the affairs of Georgia were not in such security, as Mustaffa had already informed him they were. Moreover he had also greatly displeased all the soldiers of his army, who thought themselves to be much deceived by him▪ for that now this second year, with so much ado, he had gathered together such a number o●armed men, and made so great provision with such a charge and expenses to their Lord, and with such a trouble of all the whole empire, and yet had not any worthy or notable enterprise to perform, whereby either the glory of Amurath might receive increase among his enemies, or the soldiers themselves might be contented with some good booty, or for any other action of importance. Whereupon they were all in an uproar, & accused him of improvidence and prodigality, in that he had no regard of the wealth and subjects of his king. With these accusations did they the more odiously tax and reprove Mustaffa, for that in the space of two years, wherein they had followed his wars, they never recevedfrom him any small sign of courtesy, no not so much as the smallest reward: but always like a tyrant, he did reserve to his own use althose presents and tokens of gratification, which by order from the king were due to all the soldiers, to encourage them that they might the more lustily continuein this war. These and such other complaints that were made of Mustaffa, although they were of some moment, yet would the king never have construed them so hardly against him, as for the same he would have been induced to deprive him of his place: and without all doubt they had been utterly canceled by reason of the great favours which Amurath did bear unto him, it the envy which Sinan. Bassa did carry towards him, being now exasperated by ancient and inveterate hatred, had not ministered strength & force to all these accusations, & set (as it were) an edge upon Amurath to do what he did.  
This Sinan was a most ancient enemy to Mustaffa, and thought himself to be his match in all things. For if Mustaffa 
A comparison of Sinan Bassa and Mustaffa, two ancien adversaries.  had brought the Island of Cyprus into the power of the Turks within the space of so many months, Sinan had also in very few days subdued La Goletta in Africa. And if Mustaffa were a man of great courage, and reverend for his years, Sinan would be his equal both in the one and the other: yea and Sinan would not stick to think himself to be his better (which indeed was supposed to be the original of these bitter indignations) for that in the enterprise of Giamen, where Arabia Felix is, Sinan himself did an exploit, which Mustaffa neither durst nor was able, nor yet knew how to put in execution, and Sinan alone carried away the glory and entire honour of that famous victory and important conquest. And ever after wards there was nourished between them a thousand dissensions, so that the one of them did always show himself emulous and adversary to the other both in act and speech, as occasions fell out. At the last happens this opportunity for Sinan, to declare unto the King how the matters of Mustaffa were but slenderly grounded, and taking occasion of the complaint of so many against him, he caused a great number of the to frame their supplication to the king, which he for his part did in most malignant manner enforce, and exaggerate against Mustaffa, accusing him; that this second year he had manifestly showed 
Sinan accuseth Mustaffa  himself to have gone into the war, not as a worthy Captain, and one that was desirous of noble and honourable enterprises, but as a man greedy to make merchandise of blood and of his soldiers payens employing the most liberal provision of corn and money, not as rewards for well-deserving men, nor to the foundation of such fabrikes as were needful, and might have been builded therewithal, but only to his own proper gain, and to enrich himself with his people's losses, to the great shame of the king, and endommagement of the public treasury: adding hereunto, that if those things which have been executed by the said Mustaffa, were rightly searched, it would be found, that he had pretermitted many good opportunities, that he had attempted many things in vain, and generally that he had not done any good either to the king, or to his soldiers, but only to himself. Whom rather than they would follow again as their Captain, all his people being in an uproar, showed themselves ready and willing to adventure themselves in any other far greater labour, that by their Lord and king should be commanded them. These and other such like complaints, which the king heard of Mustaffa, of whom (as we told you before) he had already conceived a hard opinion, because he perceived that the affairs of Georgia were not in any great security, were the occasion why Amurath was resolved to put him from his place. Whereunto he did the more easily condescend, because he did always think it very dangerous to suffer one and the self same General to be any long time the minister of so great an enterprise, and Captain of so many Squadrons: and beside, that he always deemed it to be a small honour to him, if he should still employ but only one man, and that it would be greater honour to him, to show that he had variety of subjects, that were worthy of so great a charge. And therefore being desirous to find out the truth of that, which was reported unto him touching Mustaffa, he sent for him to the Court, causing also two of his Deftardari or Treasurers to be brought with him, that 
Mustaffa his two Treasurers brought to the Court.  they might show the accounts of such moneys as he had received & laid out, and to be short, give up an account of whole office. Mustaffa came to Constantinople accordingly, where the two Deftardari were committed to safe custody: and he in the mean while, using the mighty and potent mediation of divers Ladies, laboured by all possible means, that Amurath might be persuaded to admit him to his presence 
Lady's mighty mediators with Amurath.  and to receive his honourable and rich presents: wherewithal the wrath and indignation of all angry hearts is wont to he appeased and extinguished, especially among the Barbarians, in whom Covetousness subdueth humane reason and justice, and doth in such impious manner overrule the Mahometical Empires, & principally the empire of the Turks, that there remaineth not so much 
A detestation of the Turkish government.  as the shadow of such a virtue, but it is altogether governed only by mere Tyranny. Further than this, was there no proceeding against Mustaffa, but yet he was never admitted to those honours, which in recompense of such actions as he had performed both in peace and in war, for the service of the Ottomans, he persuaded himself were due unto him.  
In the time that Mustaffa remained General at Erzirum, there departed out of this life Mahamet the principal Visier, who by a fraudulent & treacherous mad fool, while 
The death of Mahamet, the principal Viceroy.  he sat to give audience in an open place, within his own house, was suddenly, and to the common astonishment of all the company, stroke through the body with a sharp Gangiara or (as we call it) a dagger. And after him died likewise of an infirmity Agmat Bassa, who succeeded in the place of Mahamet that was slain, so that the said sovereign dignity by rightful succession was due to Munstaffa. But yet he was not thought worthy of it by him that might and ought to have gratified him therewithal, as we shall declare unto you a little hereafter, because I take it to be very convenient, in this place to insert the death of the said Mahamet the Visier: as a matter very notable and famous in those days, & for an example of such, as administer justice in such great offices, worthy to be registered not in one only, but in a thousand and a thousand histories.  
This foresaid Mahamet, in his greatest managing of the universal government of that empire, for certain causes and respects, that seemed to him reasonable (whether they 
The occasions and manner of the strange death of Vic-Reoy Mahamet.  were so or no, the curious searchers of all particulars can tell) had deprived a certain soldier of Constantinople of his yearly stipend, which with many labours and dangers he had gotten to maintain himself withal, which stipend he had bestowed upon another, whom the said Mahamet either for friendship, or for bribe, or for desert had made capable of it: and so, that other poor soul remained in misery, and in deed altogether deprived of all means to sustain his life. To which miserable estate seeing himself now brought, & not guilty to himself of any fault that he had committed, worthy of so great punishment, he determined with himself to revenge the injury with the blood of Mahamet the Bassa, & to bereave him of his life, that had bereaved him of his honor & living. And because he could not have any fit means to put this his designment in execution, unless he might compass some familiarity with Mahamet, by haunting his house, and conversing domestically with him (for otherwise he could not be permitted to come near him, that enjoyeth that barbarous estate, by reason of the guard of slaves, that keep the person of the Visier) he resolved to apparel himself like an Eremit, which the Turks call Drevis, and to present himself every morning before Mahamet to ask him his alms. And so he did, counterfeiting withal a certain kind of folly and lightness of mind, to the end he might make the people believe, that the same had happened unto him through the grief which he had conceived for his money and his honour taken from him by the Visier. For in deed principally and above all other things, those that take upon them the life of a Drevis, do count erfet a certain kind of worldly foolishness and a contempt of all earthly things, whereby the variable and ignorant people is brought into a belief, that they are enamoured and inspired only with heavenly cogitations. Mahamet, not only the first time, but also at all other times that the counterfeit Eremite did present himself before him, caused him to be comforted with his good alms, and as it were with a kind of private stipend enjoined him, that every morning he should come unto him into the Divano, and there together with othous (appointed for the same purpose) he should say his devout 
A custom ● the Barbaririans.  prayers, and singing praises to their wicked prophet, entreat God for his salvation For it is the oustome of all the Noble men, that at the ordinary hours of saluting (or rather blaspheming) God, all their impious and profane priests assemble themselves in the Divani, which are made ready for them, and there all together the Infidel wretches do mumble up with their unclean months those their wicked blasphemies, whereby they do irritate and provoke the bounty and Majesty of God. By this means did the Eremite insimate himself into very great familiarity, and this his practice endured so long; that the counterfeit fool went in and out of the Divano at his pleasure, without that ever any man gain said either his going in, or his coming out and daily he sat in the presence of the Visier, and so having said his prayers and taken his alms in quiet and welcome manner, with all reverence departed. At the a●●s●, when the crafty Beggar thought that his time was come, wherein he might very fitly execute his purpose, without any fear of death, or of torment (which sometimes is more grievous and terrible than death itself) having vtte●tie resolved with himself most willingly to die, so that he might satisfy the desire of revenge, which privily he had fostered in his heart: having put a very sharp Gangiara secretly in one of his sleeves, he went according to his custom to require his alms, with an assured resolution (when he had said his prayers, & reached out his hand to receive his wont alms) speedily to charge upon the Visier, and with his sharp weapon once or twice to strike him to the heart. According to the accustomed manner, was the counterfeit Priest (for who would ever have feared so long a designment and so traitorous & fraudulent a mischief at his hands:) brought into the Divano, where Mahamet the Visier sat within his house for public audience & after the usuallmaner, before any of the suitors, that attended for answers & dispatch of their business, did suspect any such deceit, he was admitted here unto Mahamet, & sitting right against him, according to his old wont poured out those maledictions which those barbarians do use to mumble up in their vain prayers: which being finished, whiles the Visier of simplicity reached unto him his wont alms, the traitorous fool in steed of receiving it, drew out his dagger with great speed, and thrust it once or twice into his breast, whereby there gushed out both his blood & his life. And thereupon all the standers by, astonished with the strangeness of the fact, ran in unto him, & saw this strange spectacle the old hoary Visier all soiled in his own blood, & deadly pale, breathing forth his last gasp, & yielding up his miserable ghost. Presently did they bind the mischievous Drevis with strong cords & by and by did the rumour thereof fly to the king's ears, who suspecting that some of the chief Governors, that they might mount into that high dignity, had provoked the traitor to do this detestable act, would needs understand of the traitorous Murderer, what occasion had mooded him thus to betray his Visier. Who answered him again, that he did it to deliver the City of Constantinople from the tyranny of him, by whom he was undeservedly deprived of the stipend that he had demerited, and of the honour that he had achieved. But when the King could receive no other answer from him, the Rebel was delivered into the hands of the slaves belonging to the dead Visier, and so put to death with unspeakable torments.  
And thus died Mahamet, and a little while after, Agmat also died of sickness (as is aforesaid) so that it was Mustaffa his course to succeed in that chief room: for he was the third in the order of the Bassas. But, although he did use all the possible 
Mustaffa not thought worthy of the room of the chief Visier.  means he could, that the said charge (being due unto him) might be bestowed upon him, yet would not the King grace him so much as to grant it him under seal, although in effect he made him sit as a Visier, and all matters of state were brought unto him as the chief Visier: but in his steed the seal was sent to Sinan-Bassa, who was now made General, & was on his way towards Teflis, as in due place it shall 
Sinan chosen the chief Visier.  be showed Greatly was Mustaffa discontented here withal, and much grieved at this injustice of Amurath, neither was he altogether void of fear, lest some other strange accident should light upon him. Howbeit notwithstanding all these malecontentments, he did not fail to purge himself thoroughly of the accusations laid against him, and caused also 
Mustaffa and his two Treasurers quit.  his two Defterdari to be enlarged, after their innocencio was made known, which whether it were so known to be indeed, or whether it was made to seem so by the means of his presents & of gold which amongst the barbarous & corrupt people is wont to make vile matters to appear noble, & to cover & conceal all soul & dishonest practices, I will not define.  
After the depriving of Mustaffa from the charge of the Generalship. Amurath was enforced to elect a new General aswell for the preservation of Chars and Teflis, as also to reduce the enemy to some good conditions of peace, for which purpose finding Sinan to be a fit man, as one that ever showed himself an envious imitator of Mustaffa, and one that peradventure would be glad to receive such a dignity, yea, and perhaps one that by some secret service had induced the King to make choice of him, he nominated the said Sinan 
Sinan chosen General.  to be General for this expedition, and to him he gave the sovereign authority to command, and to set in order all those preparations, which he thought necessary for such enterprises, as he should think good to attempt in this his first year. But Sinan although by reason of this great favour he grew haughty and glorious, yet did he not fore slow to discourse thoroughly with himself upon all his designmentes, and namely besides the succouring of Teflis, he determined to 
The purposes of General Sinan.  build a Fortat Tomanis, to assure the ways that lead thither from Chars, and withal to attempt all the means he could to induce the Persiam king to send Ambassadors for peace, with such conditions as should be acceptable to Amurath. With these and such like discourses did he busy himself, whiles he was making preparation to pass towards Erzirum.  
Of all these changes and alterations the Persian king was advertised, who employed himself, (as we told you before) in preparing for the disturbance of his enemies, and to minister also matter himself of some attempts that he likewise intended. And being certified (whether by the means of Sinan or of any other, the certainty is not yet come unto us) that this new Turkish General was a man greatly given to cogitations, how this war might be quieted, & these wrathful broils reduced to a good peace whiles he was setting all things in order & areadines to send me into Georgia, & to gather an army for the defence of his cities, he be thought himself that it was very convenient to put this matter in execution, being exhorted thereunto by Leventogli, who although he had been injured by the Persians, yet he could not but think it a dangerous thing to have these wars so near him: and being likewise heartened in it by his Visier Mirize Salmas, who was more intentive towards the unjust suppressing of Abas Mirize of Heri, than he was for any sufficient reparations or due provisions for this war, he resolved to send 

The Persian king resolveth to send Ambassadors to Constantinople.  
Maxut-Chan dispatched as Ambassador.   Ambassadors to Constantinople to demand peace of Amurath. And deeming Maxut-Chan to be a man very fit for that purpose he made choice of him to perform that business, adjoining unto him for an Assistant an old Priest belonging to the said L●uentagli, as one that was a common friend to both parties, and very desirous of this quietness. And so he dispatched Maxut-Chan, with charge that he should go to 
Maxut-chan to Sinan.  Sinan, and of him receive guides, to conduct him to Constantinople with letters unto the king: and that he should, as much as lay in him, labour for the pacifying of all these troubles, and in any case conclude upon it, so that Amurath would be 
Conditions of peace offered by the Persian king.  contented with Chars and Teflis. And thus being departed from Casbin, keeping the way of Sultania, Zanga, Miana, Turcoman and Tauris, leaving on his right hand Chiulfal, Nassivan, Reivan and by Coy & Van, where the Bassa appointed him one to guide him, he arrived at Chars. It is generally known, and I have in particular understood, how great the joy was, which the Turks conceived of the coming of this Ambassador, and how Cicala-Bassa did with all diligence dispatch certain posts to the court with these good news. From Chars the said Ambassador was sent by the way of Hassan-Chalasi to Erzirum, & from thence with new guides he went towards Amazia. But when he came to Siuas, there he found General Sinan encamped, gathering together his Army from the cities above named, to lead them with him to the execution of his designments.  
The Persian Ambassador entourmed Sinan of all that, whereof he had to treat with the Turkish king on the behalf 
The speech of the Ambassador to Sinan  of his king Mahamet: and laboured earnestly to persuade him of the honesty of the request, and the equity of the cause, declaring unto him, that as under the law of Mahomet their common Prophet, both the nations are conjoined together, so that they ought with one unity and special concord defend and increase their Names, by subduing the Christian people, who professing to worship the true God and the true Prophet, do possess the most noble Cities of Europe: so was it a matter very inconvenient to contend among themselves, and seek to overthrow, yea and utterly to destroy one another: it being a thing quite contrary to that union, which should be among people of one & the self same religion: it being also rather the property of brute & savage beasts than of men, to drive & expulse out of their native nest, those that are the followers and worshippers of one & the self same Prophet. And although among so much people, and in such breadth & largeness of countries there be found peradventure some sign of contrariety, & some small show of difference, yet for all that the matter is not so great, as that it should deserve such troublesome stirs, and kindle such ardent indignations, whereby he that is of greatest power should be moved to enter into another man's countries, & endommage his neighbours. And that therefore he did hope to obtain at the hands of Amurath this desited peace, if he had no other cause wherewith he did find himself aggrieved, as in troth there was not, no nor ever was there any such thought towards him. Wherefore he besought him, that he would convey him with trusty guides to Amurath, to the end, that, if it were possible, they might not suffer these bloody wars to go forwards, at the report whereof, the most remote Nations of the East, yea and of all the whole world did rejoice, and stood waiting attentively to see what would be the issue of them.  
Sinan entertained the Ambassador after the best manner, 
Sinan receiveth the Ambassador.  that the rudeness of his nature would permit him: and thinking with himself, that not only the losses and disadvantage of the Persian king, but also the very fame of his valour in matters of war, had wrought in the minds of his enemies this resolution, to come and demand peace (which he procured afterwards) he determined to pleasure the Ambassador in the request which he made unto him for the conveying of him to the Court: and accompanying him with a sure convoy to send him to Constantinople: And wrote to Amurath in his letters all that which (he thought) was fit to be demanded, representing unto him what great and important matters (he hoped) might now be obtained, and raising in him wonderful expectation of all happy success, rather than motioning unto him any fear or suspicion of any vain treaty. But before he dismissed the said Ambassador, he thought it good to advise him, not to go to Amurath without resolution to offer him some great good conditions, and to yield unto him all those lands 
Admenitions of Sinan to Maxut-chan the Ambassador.  and all that country, which he with the valour of his Subjects and with Arms had conquered, by overcoming the forces of his enemies, by passing through the most hard and difficult ways, by climbing the rough and craggierockes, by wading over the most violent rivers, that are in all Media and Iberia: For he knew the mind of Amurath very well, that he was resolved in himself, not to yield so much as one hand breadth of that ground which his subjects had valiantly and worthily won with the sword.  
This demand did greatly trouble Maxut-Chan, so that he began to fancy within himself, that he should not be able 
Maxut-chan fearerh that he shall not conclude any thing.  to conclude any thing, and (if the said Ambassadors son did not tell us a lie, who divers times did most familiarly discourse with us upon every particularity, whiles we visited him in Aleppo) he was in a peradventure to return into Persia again, and not to pass over to Constantinople. Notwithstanding considering better with himself what belonged to his duty, and doubting that this protestation might be but an ambitious demand of Sinan himself, and hoping to receive more reasonable conditions of peace from the mouth of the Turkish king and also to the end his own king might be the better certified, that he had not failed fully to perform his duty in so weighty a business, he gave large words to Sinan, and made him believe that he had order and authority from Mahamat (his Lord) to conclude, what he thought best and most convenient, for the matter of peace. And so the Ambassador departed, with a safe company from Sinas, and keeping on the way of Caesar, leaving both Conia and Angori, he arrived at Isnic (in old time called Nicaea) a city situate near unto the Moor, anciently called As●dnia, 
Maxut-chan the Ambassador come to Constantinople.  and from thence came to Scutar, passing over that little gulf which joineth those two seas together, and so was conducted to Constantinople.  
In the mean time the Persian King withdrew himself out of Casbin, and upon the rumour of the Turkish novelries meant also himself to give out a noise of some important 
The Persian king stirreth and maketh famous preparations.  matters which he likewise intended. Whereupon by his Royal commandment he called all the Chans, Governouts of his Subject Cities, together with all their military fo●cus to Tauris, and he himself with the Prince Emir-Hamze passed into Sultania, and having there visited certain of his Ancestors sepulchres, he went to Zanga, from thence to Miana, and then leaving Giurgi Chalassi on his left hand, and Ardou●l on his right hand, he came to the place called Turcoman, from whence afterwards in four days space he arrived at Tauris. There he assembled together all his people, 

The Persian King at Tauris.  
The assembly of the Persian soldiers The consultations of the Persian king.   which came running in most obediently at his commandment, and there also had many consultations what he were best to do, For as yet he did not assuredly know, what Sinan meant to attempt, and therefore began to cast in his head divers doubts, but all uncertain, and as it were in the dark: but yet in the end, among a thousand ambiguities, he resolved with himself to send soldiers into Georgia towards the coast of Teflis, where it was of necessity that succours should be sent to those of the Fort: and withal determined also himself to go forth with all his Army from Tauris to Caracach, a place very commodious and near to guard both Tauris and Siruan, being situate even in the midst between the one and the other, and there to expect theremoving of Sinan: whose ambitious nature the king knowing, did think it would fall out, that to surmount Mustaffa in glory, he would have enterprised to run even upon Tauris, and to attempt some strange matter in those quarters. And so resting in this determination he caused sufficient provision to be made of corn, and of all other things needful 
Provision of necessaries.  for the nourishment of cattle and men.  
Among all the rest, that followed the king's Army, a good company of the Turcoman Nation came unto him also this 
The Turcoman Nation followeth the Army of the Persian King.  year: so that the Persian host was very great and sufficient, and able to attempt any famous enterprise. But when it came to the point, that he should send some of his Captains into Georgia, he meant not to make choice of any other for that purpose, but only of those, which by reason of their experience in those countries, and near neighbourhood to the Georgiani, both could and by duty were bound the rather to aid their neighbours, and endommage their enemies. And yet he made choice of Tocomac, and the rest, that hitherto in this war had fought those battles, which before we have described, and commanded them, that gathering their 
Tocomac eelected to go with an army into Georgia.  people together, they should departed into Georgia, and there joining themselves with Simon they should work the greatest annoyance to the Turkish army that possible they could not failing continually to advertise him of their successes, and of the Turks purposes: of whom if they should learn either by the report of spies, or by any other means, that they would pass to Tauris, they should not sail to pursue them, to the end they might join together with him, and so encounter their enemy's Army. All these Captains were most resolute men and most perfect in all military exercises, and being warned by the captivity of Alyculi-Chan, they walked much more circumspectly & with the greater advisement, but yet full of a thousand desires to attempt some great matter. They led with them about ten thousand persons, which being, joined with the people of Georgia, amownted to the number of thirteen thousand: who presently 
3●000. Persiand Georgians,  assoon as they understood of Sinans arrival at Erzirum, put themselves on their way towards Teflis. And to the end the Turks should not hear any news of them, they kept that way, which as yet was not discovered by the enemies, saving only by the Tartarian spoilers and robbers, and that was the way of Genge, which is situate in a certain 
The situation of the city of ●enge.  Champaign, wherein there are neither Cities nor towns, but such as were either their friends, or their subjects, or their confederates, neither are there either any treacherous or rebellious people between it and Tauris. And thus the Persians being arrived at Genge, sent word thereof to Simon, giving 
The Persians at Genge advertise Simon what he should do.  him withal to understand, that as soon as he perceiveth the Turks to be removed from Chars, he must send them a watch word, for that they were ready to perform great matters in his behalf, & keeping on the way of Grin, they would come and join themselves with him, and so being united together, they would cause the Turks to feel the disturbances and annoyances which were prepared for them.  
But now was the Persian Ambassador encountered and received in Constantinople with all due kind of honour, and 
The Persian Ambassador brought before King Amurath.  after certain days brought into do his embassage: wherein (as I understood by many credible persons whiles I was in Constantinople, & afterward it was confirmed in by Aleppo the said Ambassadors son, when rebelling against his king, and entertained by the Turk, he was placed in the government of the said City of Aleppo) among other things, whereupon he did most eloquently discourse with the king, he framed 
The speech of the Ambassador.  his speech in such sort, that it was sufficient to dissuade and withdraw him from this war, delivering unto him all those reasons, that might have relation thereunto, and telling him, that his King Mahamet, who had but lately succeeded with great glory in the happy kingdom of Persia, was always greatly grieved at these troubles of the wars, which if he thought he could pacify with the shedding of his blood and the spending of his life, he would not have spared either the one or the other, and would also most willingly have tried all the remedies for it, that possibly he could. For he did at the first consider with himself how contrary it was to the merciful nature of their common Prophet Mahamet to nourish contention & much more to cause the public spilling of the blood of his nations. Secondly he did manifestly perceive, how inconvenient a thing it was, that war should succeed so suddenly upon a peace, which was so royally and with so many sworre Capitulations concluded between Tamas and Soliman: after which peace Arms should never have been raised, but upon some great quarrel and offence that should be offered. For certain it was, that the soul of him, who in his life time was so ready and willing to swear to peace and amity, was now for the violating and breach thereof much grieved and offended in that happy life (he might better have said in Hell) and was now also accused for the same before God by the elect souls of Persia. And yet at his first coming to the kingdom his Majesty might well perceive, how greatly Persia rejoiced at his happiness, having made public declaration thereof, by sending unto him an Embassage to that purpose by Sultan Tocomac, whereby he might manifestly perceive the good mind, and the maintenance of good faith and peace, on the behalf of the Persian kings. And although in the short time of the reign of ambitious Ismahell there was some rumour raised, that he meant to go into Babylonia, and some such like news: yet it was but a youthly part, and an effect of that heat, which is commonly proper to such persons, as being kept a long while in straight prison, cannot use their liberty with moderate terms, and as they ought, and therefore he had received due punishment for it by his sudden and unexpected death. But the king that now is, above all other embraced amity with his Majesty, and did earnestly desire not only, that he might not make war against him, but also that he might find favour to be linked in friendship and love with him, and so they two together might prosecute the noble and worthy enterprises against the Christian Nations: which war could not be but just and honest, for that it tended to the enlargement of their native religion, and to the suppression of the enemies & rebels to their own Prophet Mahamet. And that therefore his Majesty would be pleased to temper and quench his anger conceived, which had incensed him to take Arms against a king that was so friendly to him: and not to disturb the peace of so many cities, that were near unto him not only in situation but also in religion, and more kind unto him, than all the rest of the Nations in the world.  
The King dismissed the Ambassador without any other resolution at all: but only gave order; that whatsoever he had 
The order, which Amurath gave touching the Persian Ambassador.  to discourse touching this peace, he should communicate it with his Visier. Many were the courses and discourses that happened in this business: for that the Turk required all those Cities and Countries, which till that time he had conquered with the sword: and the Ambassador on the 
The demands of the Turkish King, for the conclusion of a peace.  otherside had no warrant from his king to yield any more than was contained within Georgia, on this side the river Araxis, which hath been so often mentioned heretofore. Whereupon the said Ambassador could not but remain in great fear, lest he should be suspected for a spy, and so be ill entreated: where withal he did find himself too manifestly charged by the speech that the Visier used towards him. But having no further warrant, than is abovesaid, he knew not whereupon to resolve himself, or how he might remedy the evident danger of imprisonment or of some other smister accident, and so find means to be licenced to return. In the end, when he perceived himself straightened to 
The resolution of Maxut-Chan with himself,  the grant of these demands, receiving also some threatenings withal, he determined with himself to enlarge his speeches with the Visier in divers & sundry particularities, and to give him good hope, that he should be able to persuade with his king Mahamet, the yielding up of so much as Amurath had & did demand. And the rather to make the Turks believe that he should obtain the same, they say, that he discoursed with Mustaffa and the other Viziers upon the late stirs, by occasion whereof the Persiam king was called to Heri, about the foresaid suspicion, raised against Abas Mirize his son: and withal declared unto the Turks, with what facility, upon his return into Persia, he would acquaint the king with this demand, and so induce him to be contented with it: But whatsoever was then concluded betwixt them, (for in this point Maxut-Chan himself did always forbear to tell the truth either to me, or to any other, with whom he was familiar. And it is a very dangerous matter for an Historiographer to write diffusedly and at random of matters so secret, for that in such extravagations he may easily slip into a lie: the greatest monster & absurdity, that can be in one that writeth an history) certain it is, that Maxut-Chan was friendly and without any outrage sent from Con stantinople to Chars, where Sinan was then with his army, & commission was given to Sinan, that without delay, and with all fidelity he should cause the Persian to be accompanied 
Maxut sent without any outrage to Chars.  to Van, and from thence into Persia, wheresoever the said Ambassador did especially desire: all which was undoubtedly performed, as shall be set down in due place.  
And now it is time to return to Sinan, who from Sivai had sent the said Ambassador to the Court, & being departed 
Sinan in Erzirum sur●e●gheth all ●is people, & provisions or war.  from thence, arrived at the last in Erzirum, where he took a survey of all his soldiers, of all his corn, of all his munition, and to be brief, of all that which was necessary for this expedition: & when the fit season was come, wherein all those preparations were brought to their ripeness, he withdrew himself from Erzirum with all his Army, and keeping on the way to Hassan-Chalasi, he went towards Chars, from whence he had dispatched the Persian Ambassador into Persia, as we have told you, being very sorry and greatly discontented that no other conclusion could be wrought.  
At the last Maxut-Chan arrived in Persia before the King, to whom he reported all that which happened in this his Embassage: 
Maxut-Chan telleth the K. what he had done.  the sum whereof was, that the Turkish king would not otherwise condescend to any condition of peace, unless there might be yielded unto him all the whole country of Siruan, even as far as Demir-Capi inclusively, presuming that all that country belonged unto him, which he had already gotten and conquered by his famous battles. Neither did old Maxut forbear to tell him, that being grown into great suspicion with the Turkish King, that he was come thither rather to spy how matters went, than to treat upon any agreement of peace, and not knowing by what other means to avoid the manifest danger of imprisonment or death, but only by large offers & promises, he was feign to give Amurath to understand, that he was able to obtain of his Lord & master as much as Amurath demanded; but yet for all that, it now lay in his majesties power, either to cause the said conclusion to be performed or not. The king for the present time remained very well satisfied with that which Maxut had done, & willed it should be signified unto him, that he should require some reward of his travel and trouble, for he was minded to requite him for it. Maxut requested nothing in 
The Persian king seemeth contented with the travel of Maxut, and meaneth to reward him.  particular, but referred all to the liberality and bounty of his king, who presently and without any delay bestowed upon him the government of a certain small place near unto Revan, which notwithstanding, with the King's favour he refused, desiring some greater reward, that might make him recompense for his great expenses Wherein it pleased the King to favour him, and gave unto him the charge of the chamber of Tauris, naming him the 
Maxut-chan made Chamberlain of Tauris by the king's grant  Chamberlain, or as the Turks call it, the Defterdar of that rich and large City.  
But because one Emir-Chan, an ancient enemy and persecutor of Maxut-Chan, sat in Tauris as chief Governor, (whom the Persians call Chan, and the Turks Bassa) he was not well pleased with this new office, though very honourable and of good importance, and yet without the displeasure and anger of his king he could not refuse it: whereof not withstanding he perceived he could have but small joy, in respect that he could not endure the neighbourhood of Emir-Chan, from whom he greatly feared some pernicious treachery. And therefore he resolved with himself to forsake Tauris, and to leave a Vicegerent, there in his steed, and to withdraw himself to certain lands of his own, about two small days journey distant from Salmas towards Tauris, (the village or country, term it whether ye will, is called Cassangich, a pleasant and delightful place, and the ancient inheritance 
Maxut-Chan forsaketh Tauris, and withdraweth himself to Cassangich.  of Maxut-Chan) and there he meant to pass away the time, till it came into the King's mind to dispose otherwise of him, as he should think good. But Emir-Chan, who still nourished the antic poison of his anger and hatred against him, being not able to omit this occasion, which he thought to be most fit to bring him into disgrace with the king, caused the king to understand, that Maxut was not contented most impudently to refuse the first office bestowed upon him, but now also in contempt of his gifts & rewards, 
Emir-Chan accuseth Maxut-chan  he had abandoned Tauris, & substituted in his place a most vile person, to represent the kings Majesty, and to manage his treasure: and that he himself remained absent, far from that city & the Court there; having withdrawn himself into the confines of Turkey, no doubt for some mischievous intent, either to yield himself unto them, or else to have intelligence with them touching this war, & peradventure he was guilty to himself, that he could not commit a greater error, than he had already committed, by offering Siruan to the Turkish king, & making promise of so large conditions. For the Emperor Ottoman might well make as importune & unreasonable demands as he thought good, & might always well hope to obtain all good conditions of peace, but Maxut-Chan having done all this to rid himself out of the Turks hands; and having had such a safe and sure convoy to guide him, it could be no otherwise but that he had discovered himself to be very familiar & partial on the Turks side, & a rebel to his own king. And that therefore it were good to make trial of his inclination, & so peradventure avoid some great change, tending to the loss and damage of Persia.  
Very grievously did the king take this refusal, that Maxut 
King Mahamet displeased with Maxut-chan.  had made of these his rewards, & this his retire to Cassangich did put in his head a shadow of that suspicion which Emir-Chan had motioned unto him, & withal weighing in himself the foresaid reasons & considerations of Emir-Chan, he was the more confirmed in his hard conceit against Maxut, and in the end was persuaded to call him before himself, & (if he could not by any other means, then) by torments and torture to understand the truth of matters how they went. And therefore he commanded Emir-Chan, that secretly he should 
The king appointed Emir-Chan to bring Maxut-chan to him.  send for him, & bring him before him Exceeding great was the joy of Emir-Chan, when he saw that the king did not only go about upon his request to punish his enemy, but also that it was to be done by his own hands: & thereupon he thought long till he had brought this shame upon Maxut-Chan, who having already heard some inklings and privy whisperings of that which Emir-Chan intended, had utterly resolved with himself to do any thing, rather than he would suffer himself to be delivered into the king's hands. And therefore when there came unto him from Emir-Chan, xv. sellowes for that purpose, who in the king's name summoned him to the court, without making any show that he took the matter otherwise then well, he entertained them courteously, & made them great cheer, bestowing upon them both words and meats most bountefully. But they being overcome with sleep, which crept upon them by reason of the good cheer, which they took more liberally than they should 
The servants of Emir-chan let down into a well by Maxut-chan, and there covered.  have done, were straightly bound, & with long cords hanged & let down into a deep well, & there shut up & secretly covered. And he himself, presently gathering together the most precious things that he had in his house, his gold, his silver, his jewels, and his richest apparel, and setting his wives, his daughters, his sons, his brethren & his nephews on horseback, & to be short, removing with him all his family, in the evening (for the day was not yet shut in) he put himself on the 

Maxut-chan flieth out of Persia, and goeth to the Turks.  
Maxut-chan at Salmas.  
Maxut-chan at Van.   way towards Salmas, where the next day he arrived in very good time, and was there friendly entertained by the Turkish Bassa, & from him conveyed to Van, where he was also courteously welcomed by Bassa Cicala, and afterwards with an honourable company of men, & large favours of letters he was set on his way towards Erzirum to General Sinan: who being very glad of his coming; wrote by him to Amurath, and so sent him unto him with all diligence. And this was in effect the end of this first enterparlance of peace.  
What after wards became of Maxut-Chan, upon his arrival at Constantinople, it shall be declared in due time and place, 
Maxut at Constantinople.  for that it is now requisite to return, where we left, to speak of Sinan, who (as we told you before) by the way of Hassan-Chalasi was come to Chars, and had dispatched away Maxut-Chan, who was sent unto him from the king into Persia.  
The end of the fourth Book.   

The Fifth Book.  
The Argument.  
Sinan stayeth eight days at Chars, and departeth for Teflis.  
Talogli and Homar are assaulted by Simon, by whom they are discomfited and Homar is slain.  
Sinan succoureth Teflis.  
The Georgians and the Persians expect the Turks to assault them.  
They assault be Turks and discomfit them.  
Sinan with all his Camp goeth against the Persians, who do utterly refuse to ●oine battle with him.  
Sinan goeth to Chielder, and mustreth his Army.  
He is mocked of his soldiers.  
Sinan returneth to Chars where he stayeth a month, and then returneth to Erzirum: and so is called to Constantinople.  
Ebrain-chan the new Ambassador of Persia cometh to Sinan.  
The Ambassador at Constatinople with Sinan.  
Solenine feasts for the circumcision of the Ottoman Prince.  
Ebrain-Chan is sent prisoner to ●rzirum.  
Amurath committeth the succours for Teflis to Mahamet the Bassa, who with twenty five thousand persons departeth in the latter end of August from Erzirum.  
Mustaffa the Georgian joineth with Mahamet at Archelech.  
The Georgians and the Persians send to defy the Turks, and to bid them to battle  
Mahamet the Bassa refuseth the Battle.  
The Turks pass over the river, and are assaulted by their enemies, and shamefully discomfited.  
The Turks being so discomfited, retire themselves to Teflis.  
Mahamet the Bassa maketh a public oration to his soldiers at Teflis.  
Mahamet leavieth a task among his soldiers and so departeth.  
A disorder in the departure among the Curdi.  
At Altunchala a counterfeit Counsel-house called to betray Mustaffa, who woundeth the Lieutenant of Mahamet, the Bassa of Caraemit, and Mamet himself.  
Amurah being angry at these misfortunes; reproveth the Bassas of his court for their improvidence and folly and particularly findeth himself grieved with Sinan, who maketh a proud and an arrogant answer to the king: Whereupon he is banished from the Court, and Sciaus the Bassa, son in law to the King is chosen chief Visier in the room of Sinan.  
THE FIFTH BOOK.  
SInan remained at Chars eight days, during which time, he surveyed again all his soldiers, & all his corn, & 
Sinan at Chars 8. days.  then set himself on his way towards Tomanis, with resolution there to build a Fort, as I told you before. He passed by Archelech, and left behind him Peruana Giol & Triala, and in the end arrived at 
Sinan receiveth news that he is chosen chief Visier by the King.  Tomanis; where, a little before he came thither, was arrived also the Capigilarchechaiasi from the Court, bringing with him the seal and the writ, whereby the king had named him to be chief Visier. For which good news all the Bassas in the army showed great signs of rejoicing.  
At Tomanis he consulted with all his chief Bassas, touching his designment for the Fort that was to be made, and every 
Great rain at Tomanis.  one of them delivered divers Models of it: but none of them all could be put in execution, by reason of the rain, which fell so largely, so abundantly, and so continually, that the soldiers had neither leisure nor means to employ themselves in that work, and especially because Sinan did greatly fear, that the enemy taking the opportunity of this rain, of the strait, and of the building, might peradventure assault the army, and finding it out of order & in ill plight, might greatly endommage it. This rain continued falling for the space of eight days, in all which time neither did beam of the Sun break out, nor the sky clear: Howbeit waxing at the last somewhat lightsome, Sinan determined to remove from thence, and to carry onwards his succours to Teflis.  
Assoon as the Army was raised, and presently after they had passed the strait of Tomanis, Talogli the Aga or Captain of the janizzaries of Damascus, and Homar the Sangiacco or Lord of Saffetto, who had always hitherto kept company 
Talogli and Homar go out to fetch in corn and cattle,  together in the Army, because they were neighbours, whiles they dwelled at Saffetto and Damascus, had now also determined to go together to seek their fortune. For they had received privy intelligence, that hard by a little out of the way there was good store of corn and cattle, and thereupon they resolved to fetch in that booty. And so gathering together a company of soldiers, to the number of two thousand, who were all very desirous of some refreshing, because they were in some necessity for corn, they went out for this pray. But Simon-Chan, who having advertised the Persians of the departure of Sinan from Chars, and joined himself unto them, had withdrawn himself to follow the 
The preparation of Sinan  Army a far off, and had divided his soldiers into such places, where there was either corn, or water, or any such like thing, that might allure the Turks to scatter themselves from the Camp: Assoon as he was aware of them, that they had carelessly run out to lay hold on this desired booty, being 
Simon assaulteth Talogli and Homar.  accompanied with his own people, & a few other Persians, he fell upon them, & hewed them all to pieces, scarle leaving the Aga of the janizzaries any leisure to fly, who being aided by the swiftness of his horse (or whether he were in the front marching before all the rest, I know not) put himself to flight, and so scaped with his life. In so much as the Sangiacco 
Homar the Sangiacco slain, and all his people discomfited.  above named and all the rest were there slain, and in brief there escaped nor one, but only the foresaid Aga.  
Sinan pursued on his journey, & in the space of two days came to Teflis, where presently he gathered together all the chief of his Army, & calling also into the Divano the Capilarche●a●asi, he began to take order, that every man upon his oath should depose the truth, touching the greatness of that country. And all this was, but only to make it evidently appear, that the information which Mustaffa had given to the 
Sinan inquireth of the greatness of Teflis, to the reproach of Mustaffa.  king, that Teflis was a city like to Damascus, was utterly untrue, for that Teflis was but a small piece of ground, containing but a few houses, and few inhabitants in them, and not only unequal to Damascus, but also unworthy in any sort to be compared unto it, for that it did far surpass Teflis in all things, aswell for riches and bigness, as for multitude of people. At the same time also he distributed his treasure, and the 
Sinan succo●reth the Fort at Teflis.  suecors which he brought, among the soldiers of the sort, comforting them with good speeches, & with lusty & lively promises of great matters. And foramuch as all the soldiers there made great complaints against the Bassa, that was their Captain in the fortress, Sinan caused an information, or (as the Turks call it) a Teflis to be framed against him, & having found him guilty that he had converted the soldiers pay to his own use, he condemned him in restitution thereof, and discharging him immediately from his office, he did substitute in his place Giusuf Bey, one of the Georgian Lords, who for 
Guisuf Bey, the Runegat put in trust with the keeping of Teflis fort.  the ancient enmity between him and Simon had yielded himself to the Turks, & was by them so welcomed, that Sinan trusted him with the oustody of that fort, which with so many dangers had been maintained and defended till that day.  
When this was done, Sinan departed from thence with all his army, & while he was upon his departure there arrived Ambassadors from Leventogli lord of Zaghen (of whom we have oftentimes made mention before) who were very well welcome 
Ambassadors from Leventogli to Sinan.  to Sinan, especially for that aswell by their relation, as also by the testimony of the soldiers of Teflis themselves, he had been certified how much good Leventogli had done unto them, by sending to the fort victuals, money, & whatsoever else he had that might be commodious for them in that their continual necessity, Which in truth was so great, that it was an occasion of spreaidng abroad a general fame, whereby it was reported, that the said Fort was yielded by the Turks to the Georgiani, yea and the rumour of it passed even into Italy. But 
The rumour proved false that Teflis was yielded.  it was all false: For notwithstanding so great penury of all things, and so great a siege, yet was the Fort still maintained and held in the possession of those fortunate people: Which was afterwards the matter and occasion of continuing those motions and mutations, which after fell out so commodious to the state of Christendom. The Ambassadors excused their Lord, for not coming himself in person, to do reverence to Sinan, for that his sickness and certain other private respects did hinder him from doing that, which he both desired, and also aught to have done. All which was most acceptable to Sinan, who in sign thereof caused the Ambassadors of Leventogli, to be appareled in cloth of gold, and 
Sinan honoureth the Ambassadors.  sent unto himself a battle-axe and sword all gilt and set with jewels, promising unto him great matters, and with gallant words declaring unto him his exceeding affection of love & confederacy with him. Yea and some say, that Sinan sent letters to Alesiandro himself, wherein he made a motion unto him for some treaty of peace, telling him, that he being a friend both to the Turks and to the Persians, aught to try all the means he could to pacify these troubles, and to reconcile the minds of the two kings. But in truth what was done in so secret a matter, I could never yet learn any certainty to write: and therefore without any further speech of it, we will prosecute the progress of Sinans army.  
The day following, Sinan & his army passed the strait of Tomanis, & then came before him Mutafsade Bassa, borne in 
Mutafsade to General Sinan.  Aleppo, & now governor of the same city (whom I had oftentimes in cure) declaring unto him, that not far from them there was great store of corn & cattle, and no body to keep the same, but only a few Georgians, & therefore it would be well if he would send for the said play, whereof (yea though it had been much greater,) his Army stood in such need. Sinan did carry a good affection to Mutafsade, and therefore was easily induced to send for the booty: but because he was in some fear, that if he should not send out a good 
Sinan appointeth 10000 soldiers to go with Mutafsade.  Company of Soldiers for it, there might have happened to his vittailers some accustomed mishap, & being principally moved with the fresh remembrance of the sinister accident that lighted upon Talogli and Homar, he gave order, that to fetch in this Corn and cattle there should go out ten thousand horsemen and their servants: among whom was also the said Mutafsade, as Captain of them ●ll.  
Now Tocomac, Simon, and other Persian Captains had 
The Georgians & the Persians watch for the Turks, to set upon them.  gathered themselves together, & stood waiting & watching, when any band of the Turkish Soldiers should come down for these reliefs of Corn, & hiding themselves in certain treacherous valleys near unto them, expected occasion, wherein they might make some notable discovery of themselves. Whereupon the foresaid Soldiers being come, according to the appointment of Sinan, to fetch away these vit●aises, and being arrived at the place where they were, they began to load their beasts withal: and whiles they were most delighted with the sweetness of their prey, and had now charged almost all their Mules and horses with that which it most pleased every man to choose, the hidden Persians, all on a sudden, issued 
The Persians set upon the Turks.  out of their treacherous valley and entered among them. But Mutafsade, as soon as he discovered the Persians in so great number, & in so good time to come upon them, foreseeing 
Mutafsade spieth first of al.  the universal slaughter of all his people, was the first man that fled, and with an unhappy sign of ill luck, he left the rest, that either would not, or could not save themselves by flight, to the fury of their enemies: who pursuing their desired victory, hewed in pieces seven thousand of them, and some they carried away alive, leading with them their Mules and horses laden with their 
7000. Turk's hewn in pieces Mutafsade bringeth news to Sinan of the discomfiture.  stolen booty▪ Mutafsade was the first that broughtto Sinan the unhappy news of the Persians treachery, and after him the slaughter that followed, was also reported unto him by the fugitives that escaped by flight. And thereupon Sinan dispatched away the Bassa of Caramania, and a great band of Soldiers with him, with commandment that in what place soever, and in what sort soever he found them, he should join battle with them. And these squadrons of forerunners being gone afore, he himself presently, raising all his camp, withal speed followed the said Bassa of Caramania. But neither the one nor the other 
Sinan with all his Camp removeth to set upon the Persians.  arrived in time, for the Persians immediately after the foresaid victory, without any staying, having recovered their prey, had withdrawn themselves between the Mountains into certain secure places, which were known only to such, as by daily experience had perfectly learned the divers & difficult passages of Georgia. The army of Sinan marched on for the space of some miles, till they ascended a certain hill from whence they discovered the Persians, who having disposed of their prey in the places before named: were now returned to pursue the army & to watch some fresh occasioni of new battle. As soon as the Persians deserved the whole army, they were 
The Persians refuse to join battle, & retire to their safe places.  afraid to mere with them, yea and feared also least Sinan would descend from the hill, and so assault them to their exceeding great loss. For they did well remember, what dangers and losses Mustaffa had procived unto them when they too boldly & carelessly had suffered themselves to be induced to carry for him, with so great a multitude & so many fires, in the Champains of Chieldern & therefore they took a better course for their own security, and so resolved to return back into their strong places within the mountain. And yet they could not be so quit lo●● this their retire, doubt that the Turks who following Sinan were now descended to pursue them, 〈◊〉 some few of them, & destroyed about fifty or threescore of them whose heads in sign of triumph they carried a good part of their way upon the point of their spears: and alive they took not in all above threescore and ten.  
At the last Sinan with all his host passed these treacheries 
Sinan being at Triala with all his army, understandeth that the King of Persia with a very great army is coming against him.  of his enemies, & came to Triala, where he understood by divers inhabitants of those villages, that of sundry Persians & Georgians also which had traveled that way, they had secretly learned, how the king of Persia, in his own person, with an exceeding great army being departed out of Tauris, was coming to meet the Turkish host, & to bid it battle: & that his purpose was, that the 4 captains which were combined together with Simon, keeping on their way towards Georgia, should set upon the hinder part of the Turkish army, & at the very same instant, he himself with his 
Sinan proclaimeth, that all his army should make ready to go to Ta●●●.  forces would set upon the forefront. At this news he made present proclamation through all his army, that all the heavy carriages, & such as were unprofitable for battle should be sent before towards Ardachan, & that every man should put himself in order & readiness with armo● & munition for the usage to 〈◊〉, ●hither he himself ● 〈◊〉 & to meet with the king his enemy. In the mean whole (〈◊〉 
〈…〉  it is reported by many aswell Persias as Turks.) ●●e dispatched certain V●●achi or posts to the Persian king being at 〈◊〉 to entreat him, that he would send over some Ambassador, for a peac, thinking with himself (as some do conicture) by these means he should remove out of the King's mind, his resolution to come & assail him, if any such meaning he had. The proclamation was put in execution according to his appointment, and having sent away the said 
Sinan with his army in the plains of Chielder.  carriages & heavy burdens towards Ardachan, he himself with certain loads of corn & victuals, (so many only as were sufficient for the voyage) descended into the open & large plains of Chielder, where presently he mustered all his people that carried weapons, and gave notice, that before he would settle himself towards Tauris, he meant to make 
The order of the Army.  ●●iall of the readiness & nimbleness of all his army, & to set forth such a show, as though they joined battle with their enemies: which presently the next morning without any further delay he put in execution accordingly. For first he set forward five hundred pieces of final artiliery, placing them in good order after the manner of a large trench, & after this shot, three rows of janizzaries, & behind them he took up his own place. Then followed all the army which he parted into two great & wide wings, which after the fashion of a moon compassed about a great deal of ground entermingling also here and there some footmen, with his horsemen, & some harcubuses among his darts & lances. Behind all the army were placed all the carriages which were requisite for the urgent necessity of victual, and behind the carriages went the Arrie reward conducted by two Bassas with viii. thousandmen. The army being thus ordered and disposed, he sent out some few Turks, to 
Sinan maketh three shows with his army & exerciseth it with sighting & skirmishing  show themselves upon the top of certain hills, and as though they had been enemies, that came to seize upon his army, he presently caused all his artillery to be discharged, and commanded every man to b●irmish, & to bestir himself, after the same manner and altogether with the same kind of behaviour, as if their enemy were present before them. And so the tempest of the Harguebuzes being over passed, the lances or Indian canes discharged, & the exceeding thick storm of arrows ceased, there did shine round about on all sides, such a brightness of swords, helmets, and breastplates, yielding forth great lightnings & as it were fiery beams, that it enkindled the minds of them all to battle: and then again the drums & trumpets made such a noise, the Ensigns, crests, liveries, and devices were so turned and tossed & the air so replenished with several colours of blue and yellow, & to be brief there was such a medley of all things, as though it had been the turmoil of a very battle indeed. After a while he caused the retreat to be sounded, and then setting all his army in order again, there was such another like show commanded the second time, and after that the third also: which indeed was performed rather with the scorn 
Sinan derided by his Soldiers.  and derision of all his soldiers, who thought it to be as it were but children play, then that any commendation did indeed arise thereby to ambitious Sinan.  
When these counterfeit shows of war were finished, yet did he not got forwards towards Tauris, as he had appointed, but remained eight days in those plains of Chielder, at which time there arrived out of Persia Aider the Aga, as Ambassador from the King, who was entertained by the general with great joy. diverse and sundry things did this Ambassador propound, which were likewise propounded by 
The King of Persia offereth Chars upon condition of peace.  Maxut-Chan: but the conclusion of always, that the king of Persia would voluntarily relinquish Chars and Teflis, and remain (as he did before) in amity with Am●rath: and therefore he des●ied Sinan that he would not fail to conclude of a peace because he himself had commandment to return back into Persia, Sinan promised to deal with Amurath for this peace, if king Mahamet would send a new ambassador to Constantinople. Upon which conclusion 
Sinan promiseth to entreat a peace: & rerequireth a new ambassador.  the said Aider returned into Persia, & being accompanied with sure guides arrived at 〈◊〉 before this king to whom he declared what things he had seen, & what promises he had received of Sinan, and withal exhorted the king to send a new ambassador to the Turkish Court, causing him first to enter covenants with Sinan (as he had promised,) for so it would be an easy matter to procure a good and speedy resolution. After this, when the public rumour was found to be false, that was spread abroad of the coming of the Persian king, Sinan in steed of going to Tauris, resolved to go to Chars & so to return into his confederate Countries. At Chars he remained a whole month, in 

Sinan returneth to Chars & there remaineth in Idleness a whole month.  
Sinan reproved by his soldiers.   very mere and absolute idleness, with the general marvel & murmur of his soldiers, who indeed were astonished, when they perceived they were come out, not to fight, not to pass into their enemy's Country, not to make any conquest by war, but to be Idle and to play, to the great damage & expenses of their King's Revenues, and the disturbance of his whole kingdom.  
At the last he departed from Chars, for that it was now winter, & the frosts and shows ●ound about them wrought 
Sinan departeth from Chars to return to Erzirum.  his soldiers unaccustomed miseries. In Hassa-Chalassi they celebrated their most solemn feasts, and afterward with all his Army he withdrew himself to Erzirum from whence he did presently promise every man to go and winter in his own Country and he himself remained still in the said City. From this place he sent diligent information, aswell at the departure of the Capigilarohecaiasi, as also by certain Volacehi dispatched away by post, of the 
Sinan 〈◊〉 advertisement to the court, of all that had happened.  succours that he left at Teflis, of the losses that he received by his enemies, of all that wherein he had found Mustaffa an arrant her, of the coming of the Persian ambassador, of the promise made unto him touching a new ambassador, and to be short of all his whole actions. And besides all these Narrations, he advertised the king that the enterprise of Persia was a very hard, long, and difficult matter, & such a one, as there needed another kind of preparation, 
Sinan reporteth the enterprise of Persia to be very hard.  then as yet was appointed for it, & that if Amunath did desire to subdue & overcome Persia, it was then very necessary, that he should speak with him at large, & discourse upon many particularities, which neither might he commit to paper, neither could they be declared by pen, without exceeding great tediousness: & in this point 
Sinan maketh earnest request to go to Constantinople.  he did write very much, & showed himself to be very petemptorie. And again, besides these first Velacahi, he dispatched also new messengers, to be very instant & importunate with Amurath for his return to Constantinople, continually telling him, that it was not possible for him to signify by writing, what he purposed to report unto him by word of mouth, for the easy accomplishment of his commenced en terprize. Nothing in the world did Sinan hate more than this war: & for the appeasing thereof he did not omit to att●pt 
Sinan abhorreth the wars in Persia, and desireth that they were turned against the Christians.  possible means, having his mind altogether bē● against the affairs of the christians in Europe, & for the diverting of these wars from the east into some other quarters, he used & practised continually a thousand devices. At the last he wrought so much, be entreated so much, he writ so many letters, & solicited the matter so earnestly, that the king was 
Sinan called to Constantinople.  persuaded to sand for him to Constantinople as soon as ever he was certified of the ari●al of the new ambassador from Persia, of whom Sinan had before advertised him. For among the difficulties, which Sinan had propounded to Amurath, he was resolved upon this conclusion that it would be convenient either to receive the new ambassador of Persia, if he came with honourable conditions, and so to grow to a peace, or if the ambassador came not, or if after his coming they could not agree upon the peace, then to put 
●brain-Chan the new Ambassador of Persia cometh to Sinan.  in execution those his conceits and designments, whereof he must needs in particular talk with him by word of mouth. The promised ambassador, called Ebrain-Chan, a man of great eloquence, and in Persia esteemed to be of great valour came to Sinan accordingly: whereof Sinan presently gave intelligence to Amurath, beseeching him again, that he would permit him to come to Constantinople.  
Sinan obtained his desire, and having secretly sent forth 
Sinan goeth to Constantinople and sitteth in his place of vicier  of his Stations certain succours to Teflis, which came unto them in very fit time, he went himself to the court where he attended the universal government of the whole empire. But at his first coming to the presence of the king, (wherein he never discoursed with him upon any thing but only of the coming of the Persian ambassador) the conditions were established, which they had to require, for the reducing of the Capitulations of this peace to a good end. After which agreement the ambassador being now come, & most magnificently receavet in Constantinople was brought in who with magnifical & glorious speeches 
Ebrain-Chan speaketh with the king & exhorteth him ●o peace.  endeavoured to persuade Amurath, that his king had a most ardent desire to be reconciled and to join his forces with him, & that for this purpose he was now specially come thither & withal, that if he also would answer him with the like mind, there would ensue thereof the greatest unity & friendship, that ever was between the Mahometans, since the time that their great Prophet had delivered to the 
The answer of Amurath to the ambassador Ebrain-Chan.  world that wicked law of theirs. Amurath caused answer to be given him, that he should talk with his Visier, and with him treat of all the matter touching the peace: & so he was by the king entertained & dismissed, both at one time.  
In the mean time, the Turk had resolved to call to Constantinople, his eldest son Mahamet, who was to succeed him in the Empire, and to circumcise him according to the custom of the Barbarians, following therein the inveterate Law of the Hebrews. And for this purpose from all the provinces of Christendom, by messengers dispatched in post, were the catholic Princes solemnly invited to 

Ambassadors of divers princes come to Constantinople.  
The Venetians send Giacomo-Soranzo to Constantinople.   the feasts, that upon this occasion were prepared. According to this their inviting there came thither ambassadors out of many countries of Europe with great gifts and presents in token of peace and confederacy. And among the rest the Venetians sent thither one Giacomo Soranzo, who by the great satisfaction, which he made to the king & all those of his court, revived the amity and friendship, which flourished between the king and that Senate.  
In the great market place of Constantinople, which the 
Feasts at the circumcision of Prince Ottoman.  Turks call At Maidan, there were round about in all places erected certain high Scaffolds: where the multitude should sit to behold the pleasant fight, of firewoorkes, of banquets, of musics, of wrestlings, and of whatsoever else, was there to be showed for the declaration of so great a joy. The king himself was present at the said triumphs in a certain Palace, (situate in the most open place of all that large and broad street,) where within a great lowpe or window aloft, all closed about and covered above with planks and boards, through the transparent holes & lattices thereof, not being seen of any body, in the company of his wife, he discovered and beheld all things that were there performed. All the ambassadors had their scaffolds prepared and furnished, & the Persian ambassador had his so affold also sever all to himself, but yet with a f●rre different intent & respect then the rest is for that the other ambassadors were honoured & regarded, as it was convenient and agreeable to their degrees and estates, and received such entertainment as might he showed at such a kind of Barbarous spectacles but the Persian, by reason of the scorns and injuries done unto him, did not only not rejoice at the said feasts and triumphs, but also ministered himself great matter of laughter and sport to the beholders. For among sundry other wrongs and outrages, that by the commandment of. Amurath were done to the Persian nation by hauging up certain counterfeit pictures of Persians made of ●a●hes and sticks, and then burning them, and in many scornful sorts abusing them: the king, for the great disdain that he had taken against Ebrain-Chan, as one that not o●ndescending to the conditions of peace which he expected, not yielding any more than Maxut-Chan and Aidere Ag● had done before, seemed to have come as a spy to mark the Turkish affairs, or to mock King Amurath, rather than to put in execution any good matter, that he had to spacific the minds of the two mighty princes commanded that the said ambassador, under sure and trusty 〈◊〉 in should be led prisoner to Erzirum, until further order were taken with 
Ebrain-Chan sent prisoner to Erzirum.  him.  
How be it Sinan for all this remained still in his office of Chief Vis●●d, and attended the public government of the kingdom, without any intermission, until such time, as those matters fell out, which in place convenient shall 
Sinan adviseth Amurath to send a garrison to Van: & secure to Teflis, under some good Captain.  be declared unto you: for that now it is time to return to Teflis and Chars where we left, which two places without further succours must needs fall into the enemy's hands. For Sinan being now gone to Constantinople, and the soldiers being besieged in Teflis, and having received none other relief, but only that little, which in the beginning of the spring Sinan had secretly caused to be conveyed unto them; and which would scarce be sufficient for all that year, so that (it is to be thought) they were in very great necessity, there was no remedy, this other year, whiles Sinan remained at the court, but to send some new succours unto them, & the rather for that it was not possible to meet with so good an occasion to send them any help, as he found before his departure from Erzirum. In this great necessity therefore he did boldly & freely counsel the king, to send a new garrison of soldiers to Van, to the end that no Persians should pass on this side Van to endamage those countries: and next, that under the conduct of some fit Captain he would send some succours to Teflis. Upon which point the king asked Sinan his opinion, & willed him to be think himself of one, to whom this expedition might be committed. Sinan propounded divers and sundry persons unto him: but none of them pleased Amurath who was minded to bestow this charge upon Mahamet the Bassa, Nephew to Mustaffa Bassa, and in that respect ●●uied and hated by Sinan, whom, albeit he told the king that he was not a fit man for such a service, yet would he need ●● employ him in this supply, as it were in despite, and de●ision of the advice, which Sinan gave him. And therefore he sent this Mahamet to Erzirum, with the title of the Bassa of that Province, displacing from thence Kesuan Bassa the Governor 
Amurath committeth the succours of Teflis to Mahamet Bassa.  of that Region, and withal added thereunto the honour & dignity of the Captainship over the army for Teflis. Presently upon this resolution commandment was given to the Bassa of Caraemit, called Hassa the Eunuch, to Mustaffa sometime called by the name of Manucchiar the Georgian, who (as we told you before) exchanged his Native religion with the Turkish superstition, to all the Sangiacchi, the Curdi, & all the soldiers of Erzirum, that reducing themselves under the Standard of Mahamet Bassa, they should follow him to Teflis, and obey him in all things that he should command them. Whereupon there assembled together out of all the said places about five and twenty 
25000. men follow Mahamet Bassa to Teflis for secure thereof.  thousand persons, and treasure sufficient was appointed for the relief of the Soldiers in the besieged fort, together with Corn and all other necessary provisions for them, so that every thing was put in readiness for this enterprise, in such large and liberal manner, that it might abundantly have sufficed. Commandment likewise was given to the Bassa of Al●ppo, & to the Bassa of Maras, that with all their soldiers, which they had in pay, they should repair to Van, and there abide till winter. These two Bassas performed the King's commandment, and were not disturbed nor molested in any sort by the enemy. Mahamet the Bassa also performed it likewise, together with all his Soldiers above named, but yet with a far different and contrary fortune for that there happened unto him divers grievous & pernicious accidents, which made this enterprise unfortunate and miserable, whereof it is now fit time to discourse in prosecuting the due course of our history.  
In the end of August Mahamet the Bassa departed from Erzirum, with the Bassa of Caraemit, all the Sangiacchi, the 
Mahamet Bassa the General departeth from Erzirum.  Curdi, & all the soldiers subject to his government, carrying also with him money, corn, & all other necessary munition. At the end of eight days he arrived at Chars, & from thence passed to Archelech, being in the mean time neither assailed nor disturbed by any enemy. At Archelech he found Mustaffa Bassa, the widows Son, and all his soldiers 
Mustaffa the Georgian cometh to Archelech to meet with Mahamet Bassa going for Teflis.  belonging unto him, who excusing himself with lively reasons for that he came not to meet with him at Erzirum according to his duty, was most joyfully entertained, & honoured by Mahamet with Cloth of Gold, and Sword and Target all guilt, and withal admonished to continue obedient and subject to Amurath, not failing to conduct him with his garrison appointed for Teflis, and to choose that way, which he thought to be the shortest, the safest, and the most commodious for them: for that some were of opinion that it would be less danger to travel by the way of Tomanis, & some other by the way of his country. Wherein after many discourses Mustaffa did readily resolve him, that the easiest and shortest way lay through his own country, as being also the safest in his opinion. The counsel of Mustaffa pleased Mahamet greatly, who made choice of him to be the guide of his army, reposing himself wholly upon his good advise, and so they departed together from thence towards Teflis, passing through 
By the advise of Mustaffa General Mahamet resolveth to go to Teflis through the widows country.  Altunchala & Carachala, both belonging now to the said Georgian, but in times passed to the Widow his mother: abounding with all things necessary for the sustenance of man: neither were they ever disturbed by the enemy's forces. From these quarters they went forward to a Castle called Gori, sometimes appertaining to the Georgiani, & governed by a brother of that Giusuf who had yielded himself to the Turks, but now by reason of that brother's death it is fallen into the hands of the Turks: from which place they discovered in certain fields a great army of Georgians, mingled with Persians, but yet appareled after the manner of Georgia.  
These were those Captains of Persia with Simon-Chan, so often mentioned heretofore: who were sent from the Persiam king, (as in diverse years before they also were) to succour & aid the Georgian forces. For the king thought, that they were sufficient enough to perform that business, understanding, that the Turks had sent no greater army thither: and so by their good help there might peradventure ensue a quiet end and pacification of all these troubles. And therefore staying himself in Tauris, he had sent the aforenamed Captains into Georgia, who keeping on the way of 
The Persians sergeant their apparel, to the end the means of a peace should not be disturbed.  Genge and of Grin had secretly conjoined themselves with Simon, and dissembled & counterfeited their apparel only because the means of peace should not be disturbed, and their king accounted a falsifier of his faith, who under the vail of a treaty upon truce & amity, whiles Amurath attended nothing else but to secure and defend his conquered Countries, without any annoyance or disturbance to any other places, went about to procure the slaughter and overthrow of the Turks. These then, as soon as they saw the Turkish army, & perceived that they themselves were also descried by them, sent swift haraulds unto them to bid them battle, & 
the Georgians and Persians de●ie the Turks to the fight.  with haughty and injurious words to defy them to fight.  
Mahamet Bassa, who had no other desire, but only to bring his succours safe to Teflis, received this defiance with great grief of mind, and having dismissed the hearaulds, 
Mahamet Bassa refuseth battle.  he went about in the best manner he could, to delay the execution of this their provocation to battle. That evening he was favoured in his purpose by very great & continual rain, which covertly excused his delay & fear, every man thinking that it proceeded rather upon some reasonable & just impediment then upon his cowardice. But the next morning, when the sun shined bright upon the face of the earth without any cloud at all, the Georgians & the Persians, having united themselves, & waxed more resolute than ever they were, drew near to the Turkish army, & followed it while it marched. And so both the armies kept in sight one of another, without any act at all or motion of war, until about four hours & a half before night, at what time the Turks arrived near to a river, that separated the one army from the other. Mahamet and Mustaffa fell into consultation between themselves, whether they should pass over the river, before night, or else without any further travel to stay on this side of the water until the next morning. Mustaffa the Georgian advised him to stay and not to go over fearing lest they could not possibly be so ready, & have all their 
Mustaffa ad●isoth not to pass the river  company together on the other side, so soon, but that their enemies would be first upon them, & finding the camp in disarray & confusion would greatly annoy them. Notwith standing Mahamet disliked this advise of Mustaffa, having taken a strong conceit, even upon the very first discovery of 
Mustaffa misliketh the Georgians advise.  the enemy that there was some intelligence & agreement between Mustaffa & the Persians, & that maliciously to that end he had persuaded him to come that way, & not by the way of Tomanis: & therefore Mahamet thinking if there were any deceit intended & plotted between Mustaffa & his enemies, to set it in some confusion and disturbance, would not in any case follow the counsel of the Georgian, to stay that night on this side of the river but commanded that with all the greatest speed that might be all his soldiers with their Casenda and their Nosul, that is with their 
Mahamet commandeth to pass the river presently.  treasure and Corn should pass over, to the end that before night they might land on the other side of the water in some good place, to the scorn and derision of their enemies. The Checaia or the Lieutenant of Mahamet Bassa, a bold youngman and a hardy, was the first that went over, and after him the carriages of money, and of corn, & then all the whole Army with very great speed; 
Some drowned in the river.  although some of the confused multitude were drowned in the waters, being rather over trodden with the horses & camels, then brought to their deaths either by the swiftness of the waters course, or by the depth of the Channel. For indeed neither the one nor the other could possibly be the cause or occasion of this mischance.  
Assoon as the Georgiani perceived, that the Turks had passed the River, without any staying till they might settle 
Georgians & Persians set upon Mahamet Bassa.  themselves in any good order, in great haste & fury they ran to encounter them, & presently assailed them, whiles they were all in a confusion and out of array, by means whereof the Turks durst not almost sustain their furious assault. And yet was there not in them such baseness of courage, but that they turned their faces, and joined battle with them, wherein within a very short time you might see the banks of the River in many places be sprinkled with the Turkish blood, and many carcases of the Turks 
The Turks discomfited by the Persians' & Georgians.  here and there scattered, without any appearance at all of any loss among the Georgians and the Persians, that could be perceived. Among those that fell in this slaughter, there were a number of Sangiacchi, Curdi, and certain Mesopotamians: whereby it was manifestly discovered, that if the Turkish Squadrons had not used the greater valour, out of all question they had been all miserably destroyed: with the rest of the Sangiacchi, Curdi, & Mesopotamians fearing and conjecturing by the overthrow of their own 
The Turks fly from the battle.  the loss also of the others, they turned their backs, and put themselves to flight: the like did the remnant also of Caraemit, and after them at the last all the whole Army. And because the Georgians, foreseeing this their flight, had made a great wing, and turning themselves upon their enemies on the lands side, had left them no passage to fly, but sought by all means to drive them back again into the River, the fugitive cowards could not choose, but even in their flight receive very great hurt intermingled with shame. Which notwithstanding some of them desiring to avoid, thought it less harm to cast themselves into 
The Turks in their flight greatly damnified.  the river, and so escape (though hardly) with their lives, or else with desperation to be drowned in the waters. Great was their shame, great was their confusion, but greatest was their loss, for that in the heat of the bartell, the King's money and the Corn was taken in prey by the Georgians and Persians, every man saving (only) somuch 
The treasure and corn taken from the Turks.  for himself, as he could secretly hide upon his own body, or convey by the means of some trusty slave, which by the help of their swift horses, was preserved rather by fortune then by valour.  
In this manner were the Turks handled who being thus 
Mahamet Bassa being discomfited gathereth together his scattered soldiers.  discomfited, and wounded, full of shame and dishonour, & spoiled of all their relief, the next morning gathered themselves together again, one with another cursing the heavens, their king, & their adverse fortune, some of them also threatening that Georgian rinegate, as though all this mischief had happened through his treachery & secret intelligence with the enemy. Notwithstanding, when they found that they had still remaining so much money, and other easements, as might suffice to comfort the afflicted minds of the soldiers besieged in the fort, they resolved to go onwardly to Teflis, & the day following they made so good speed in their journey, that for all the difficulties of the ways, which travelers do commonly find in those quarters, they arrived there in the evening. Greatly were all the soldiers of the fort astonished when they saw the Turks, whom they had so long expected, arrived in such bad order & so il furnished, & were wonderfully grieved at this common loss: by reason where of they were all in a great confusion and protested to Mahamet, that they would abandon the defence of that country, if they had not necessary provision made for them: yea their protestations were so 
The besieged soldiers in Teslis protest to Mahamet Bassa, that they will abandon the sort.  vehement, & their mutiny so tumultuous, that thereby was confirmed a certain general rumour which was already raised upon this unfortunate battle, that Teflis was recovered by the Georgians, the report whereof came also into Italy, as a thing most certain and true, and yet proved to be but a lie. Besides which loss of the foresaid soldiers and provision, certain other mischiefs were also like to ensue, which every reasonable man would expect upon so happy and fortunate a success but that they were met withal. For Mahamet after he had with large promises pacified & mitigated their first furies & insolences, presently in the morning he caused a Divano to be called within the castle, where having the multitude of the Sangiacchi, the Bassas, the Zaini, the Spahini, & the Giannizzaries gathered together, he spoke unto them in this manner.  
Forasmuch as it hath pleased GOD, that so great 
The oration of Mahamet Bassa in the castle of Teflis.  and so important an occasion of victory, which was offered unto us for the exaltation and glory of every one of ●●, is now fallen out so infortunately that it hath not only not ministered unto us any matter of triumphing over our enemies, as we should have done, but rather it hath made them (I know not how) to carry away from us both the triumph, and also our Armour, our Horses, our slaves, and our spoils: yea and the remembrance whereof doth most grievously trouble & afflict me,) our Sultan's money, and our public munition and sources, solemnly delivered to our conduct, is now become a booty and pray unto them: that the honour which might have made every one of us to be famous among Noble and valorous Soldiers, is now fallen from our foreheads, and to our great detriment doth adorn the heads of Strangers, or rather of our enemies: And that notwithstanding all this, we are now come to these courageous Soldiers, which with their great labour and valour have defended this fort even in the midst of their enemy's weapons and treacheries, & to whom we should yield that aid and relief, which the virtue of every one of their minds doth deserve, & which king Amurath had put in our hands to bring hither unto them: there is now no remedy but to resolve upon some good means that we fall not wholly into the utter disgrace of our Lord & King, & that is to maintain these soldiers in the custody & defence of this fort, & though it be with all our own wants & all our own dishonours, to comfort these that have so long time looked for us, & so well deserved all manner of relief. We cannot excuse ourselves, that our enemies were better than we, either in number or instruments of war: (for both in the one and the other we were far beyond than) neitheryet can, we say, that they set upon us by night, or at unawares:) for when we saw their number, their weapons, their horses, and finally their approach, and their manner of assault, yet we would needs pass over the River, and join battle with them: which we now know hath fallen out very lamentable to us, because we were more ready to take our flight then to endure the fight, & to use our feet then to occupy our hands.) And therefore it is very requisite, aswell to satisfy the rigour of justice, as to perform the duty of Soldiers, that we suffer not our Lord and King to lose his Money which he trusted into our hands, and which is gone from us, not by greater strength nor by any treacherous stratagem of our enemies, but through our own tootoo importunate fear, and too base a regard of our lives, before which it was the duty of every one of us to have preferred the care of our honour. For if by fight and courageously sustaining the assaults of our enemies, though they had been stronger and better armed than we, this misfortune had happened unto us, & that we could in any sort have represented to the King and the world an honourable & bloody battle, we should not now have had any need to seek means, how to repair this loss, and to restore the thing that violently was taken from us by such as were more mighty than ourselves, and these honourable soldiers also should more easily have digested with us this lamentable calamity. But we have lost that money, & in very deed, having (as it were) willingly bestowed it upon the Georgians & Persians to redeem our lives and to save us from their fury, we are bound to repay it, or else for ever hereafter to be challenged as lawful debtor to the King for it. And therefore, my good friends & companions, if you will take a good course, let every one of us without any further consultation put his hand to his private purse (if he have not foolishly cast that also into the hands of his ravenous enemy) and with our own money let us secure the necessity of these men, and have regard to the honour of our King. So shall we make our flight less blameworthy, we shall justify our actions the more honestly, and (that which is of greatest importance) we shall the better pacific the wrath of King Amurath, which most justly he might conceive against us. I myself, before you all, am most ready to disburse four thousand ducats towards it: if it please you all to follow me accordingly; we shall deliver these Soldiers from their great necessity, and acquit ourselves from the intricate bonds of most troublesome displeasures.  
A man might there have seen a thousand countenances changed a thousand manner of ways: for one softly whispered many a curse and shame upon the King, upon Mahamet, upon God: another denied to disburse any thing, another determined privily to steal away, and some practised one thing & some another, but in the end every man was induced to follow the purpose and example of Mahamet: and there upon having made a purse according to every man's ability, there was collected thirty thousand ducats among them. Presently after this, word was 
The Turks make a purse among themselves in Teflis of 30000. dukats.  sent to Leventogli at Zaghen, that he should send them grain, Muttons and other necessary provisions, that they might the better continue the defence of the Fort.  
Two only days did they remain in Teflis, and then having changed such soldiers as desired to be dismissed, 
Mahamet departeth from Teflis.  and having also appointed for that government Homar Bassa in the room of Giusuf, that was in it before, Mahamet departed. But before his departure, consultation was had whether they should keep the way of Tomanis, or the other through the Country of the Georgian Mustaffa: and in the end they resolved, that it was better 
Mahamet goveth order to pass the river to return by the way of Tomanis.  to keep the way of Tomanis, and thereupon order was taken that they should all pass over the river, for that they were determined to go that way. The Sangiacchi Curdi were the first that went over, and had already pitched their tents upon the further side of the water, (when Mahamet began to revoke his former order, and sent them word that they should return, because he was now determined 
Mahamet revoketh his order: but is not obeyed by the Curdi.  to leave the way of Tomanis, & to go back by the same way that he came, by Carachala & Altunchala. All the Sangiacchi were in a great rage at this message, being already exceedingly grieved aswell for the loss of their friends as also for disbursing their Money, and in plain and express terms, sent him answer that they were accustomed to war, and to great exploits fit for men and not for boys: and that these mutabilities seemed to them to be rather children's play then manly resolutions: and as for themselves, that they were not minded to change their journey, but as they had already separated themselves, so would they go forwards, and follow on their voyage. Very hotly and earnestly did Mahamet entreat them to return back, but no means could he find to revoke them from their obstinate purpose, but forwards they went the same way and arrived 
The Curdi come to Chars long before Mahamet Bassa.  at Chars, long before Mahamet, who was much grieved at them & greatly reproved their disobedience. But when he perceived he could not otherwise do, he with the Bassa of Caraemit and the Bassa of Altunchala put themselves on their journey, even in the same ways, wherein they had received their shameful and ignominious discomfiture.  
At the last Mahamet arrived at Altun-Chala. And for 
Mahamet at Altunchala.  as much as partly by his own earnest desire, partly through the secret provocation of the other chief Bassas, he was urged to seek some means, how he might revenge the treasons and losses, which the Georgians had wrought and brought upon them, yea even with the death of Mustaffa, who was now suspected of all men. Mahamet and the rest thinking (as we told you before) that Mustaffa had had some pridie intelligence with them, and that they together had plotted this treachery: Or at the least (for that was thought to be the principal intent of Mahamet) forasmuch as he was minded by this means to make Amurath believe, that in truth all the mischiefs that lighted upon them, did not happen through their cowardice, but through the treacherous treasons, and malicious advises of the Georgian, and so make their received losses seem more worthy of excuse, and their flight more pardonable he devised with himself how to find out such an artificial plot, as without any stir he might bring to effect what he had intended. And that which he had 
Mahamet deviseth how to betray Mustaffa the Georgian in Altunchala.  in his mind was this: To call a Divano under his own Pavilion, feigning that he had received some commandment from the Court, and then having caused Mustaffa to come into that room, whiles the said commandment should bed in reading, to cause his Checaia or Lieutenant with those chief of his band that stood about him, to fall upon him and presently 
Mahamet calleth a feigned counsel.  cut off his head. So Mahamet called the said Divano, wherein there sat with him the Bassa Eunuch of Caraemit, certain Sangiacchi subject to the jurisdiction of Erzirum the Capigi Bassi (that is, the chief Gentleman usher) and the Checaia of the said Mahamet: with all whom upon the Law of a solemn oath he had communicated his intended deceit. The Georgian Mustaffa was called accordingly, who, both because he was beloved of more than one, and also because he used all diligence and forecast, and specially because even in the army he had perceived some privy whisperings of such a matter, knew full well, that all this was devised against him, and imagined that the conspiracy had been far greater than indeed it was: whereupon he also prepared for his own defence. And touching his going to the Divano, he thought he might not deny so to do, least by his absence he should be condemned for contumacy, & so he himself should make himself guilty and culpable of the fault, that (peradventure not without reason) was imputed unto him, and thereby leave his cities for a pray to their enemies. But seeing that he must needs go, he devised a very safe and sure means, how he might escape the hands of the Turks, and peradventure to the great damage of Mahamet and example of the beholders, give a taste of his own virtue and valour. And therefore having chosen 
Mustaffa the Georgian prepareth his guard to defend himself from Mahamet.  out fifty of his most faithful Soldiers, he gave them to understand, that there was no remedy but they must needs follow him to the Divano, that was appointed with in the Pavilion of Mahamet, and being come thither they must there stay ready and attentive, to the end that at his first & one only call, they should all suddenly & forcibly rush into the pavilion with their weapons, and rather than any wrong should be done unto him, they should exercise their strength against the Turks without exception of any person. They being by nature very great enemies to the Turkish blood, and understanding full well what he had said unto them, settled themselves to put it in execution, and having gathered unto them other of their own faithful and trusty friends also, they set Mustaffa 
Mustaffa the Georgian at the tent of the Divano.  before them and so followed him even to the Pavilion of Mahamet. Mustaffa entered into the Divano, and standing upon his feet required Mahamet to tell him what he had to say to him: who presently caused the counterfeit commandment to be read, whereunto he gave an attentive ear. But when the other Sangiacchi and Bassanes 
The custom of the Turks, when the King's commandments are in reading, to stand up.  began to sit down (for it is the manner of the Turks whensoever any of the kings commandements are in reading, always to stand up, and not to sit down until it be fully read,) the Georgian took his leave, promising that he would ever be ready, not only to perform that order of the King, but whatsoever else he should command, how hard and difficult so ever it were. While he was retiring out of the Pavilion, the Capigi Bassi (or gentleman 
Mustaffa crieth out and woundeth Mahamet's Lieutenant.  Usher) of Mahamet Bassa, came unto him, and plucking him by the sleeve of his garment, (adding deeds also to his words,) willed him to sit down. When Mustaffa felt himself plucked by the sleeve, he cried out aloud, and drew his sword: wherewith he struck Mahamet's Checaia that was right against him, and with his left hand having reached his roll from his pate, with his right hand, 
Mahamet's lieutenant dieth, being cut in sunder down to the stomach.  suddenly, to the great astonishment of all that were present, at one only blow, he parted his head, his neck and his breast in twain, even to his very stomach, so that he died (a strange spectacle to behold) being thus cut in sunder, with his two shoulders hanging down upon their several sides. After this first he redoubled his second stroke, and aimed at the head of the Eunuk Bassa, but it being 
Mustaffa cutteth of the ear of the Bassa of Caraemit.  defended by the writhe Rolls of his Turban, it slipped down by his ear, and besides a piece of his said Turban carried his ear quite away, with a little also of his flesh of his check. Then being all enraged, & eager inflamed with desire of revenge he did set upon Mahamet Bassa 
Mustaffa woundeth Mahamet with five mortal wouds  (who being now alin a confusion was risen at this tumult) & wounded him with five mortal wounds: two whereof notwithstanding, being the deepest and the sorest, although they brought him even to the extreme point of death, yet by cunning hand were healed. At the cry of this Rinegate Georgian all his people had run in together: upon whose confused tumult and the fear that Mustaffa through his fury had put into them, the Camp was raised and every man with all speed departing from thence, set himself 
Mahamet being wounded retired to Chars with his people.  on his way towards Chars, whither also were brought the two wounded Bassas, and the rest, that were ill handled and greatly scared with these sudden and uncouth stirs.  
Mustaffa sent present information to the King, of all that was practised and wrought against him, finding himself 
Mustaffa advertiseth king Amurath of all that had happened.  greatly grieved at the false suspicion that Mahamet had conceived of him, to his great dishonour: wherein he did so cunningly write, and so much dissemble, by shadowing the truth with lying and cogging, that he persuaded the King to show him a manifest token of his good liking and contentment, by sending unto him both cloth of gold, and a battle Axe all guilt. Mahamet also, entermingling here and there; with all the art that possibly he could devise, all hateful and injurious terms, sent large advert 
Mahamet also informeth the King how matters had fallen out.  sements of all the misfortunes that had happened, and aggravated to the King both the treacheries of Mustaffa, and also the slender security of those ways and countries.  
Assoon as King Amurath understood the calamity of his soul●ilers, the loss of his money, the great dishonour of his people, and the apparent danger, wherein the Fort of Teflis stood, when it was like to be abandoned: being 
Amurath being angry reproveth the Bassas of the Court.  all inflamed with rage and anger, he called unto him the Bassas of his Court, among whom sat as chief the proud and haughty Sinan, and rated them all diverse and sundry ways, reproving their lewd counsel, and recounting the losses that he had received, as though they had happened through their defaults, and especially Sinan, the principal occasion of all these mischiefs, who like an improvident fool would needs relinquish the charge of his Army, and like a King sit idle at Constantinople, standing (as it were) at some public triumph, to behold and hear the miseries and misfortunes of others. Sinan 
Sinan answereth the king proudly and arrogantly.  could do no less, but make answer to the wrathful King, yet not with such mildness and modesty, as in so sinister an occasion he should peradventure have done, but rather in all proud and arrogant manner, without any reverence or regard, he told him plainly, That as the last year, (being the fifth year of this war) whiles he was ready and prepared to return to Constantinople, the succours were brought into Teflis so with great quiet and ease, that even his own subjects (much less his enemies) scarce knew of it, the Persians and the Georgians in the mean 
Succours brought to Teflis, without any thing else worth the writing.  time occupying their minds about any other thing rather than about this, (whereof we have not in deed made any mention at all in his due place, for that there fell out nothing worthy to be written, saving that the said supply of money & corn (undoubtedly to the just commendation of Sinan) was so safely & warily conducted to Teflis, that neither the Turks made any preparation of soldiers for the convoy of it, nor yet the enemies had any suspicion of such a matter, neither was there any show of battle or contention about it.) Even so it would have fallen out this year also, if the King had put his advise in execution, as much as he despised & contemned it: For he did then give him to understand that Mahamet Bassa could not be a fit man for the leading of those succours, especially to such a station or place, and that it was very necessary to have choose in his room, some other person of valour, of worth, and of wisdom: but seeing he would needs make choice of the same Mahamet, he was not now to blame any other for this error, but only himself. And touching his coming to Constantinople, it was a thing long before thought to be very needful, not only for his advise how the matter of peace might be brought to some good pass, but also because (if that treaty came not to the desired issue,) than he had to talk with him, how he might easily compass the overthrow of his enemy: which matter as yet he had no fit time to declare unto him, but was now most ready to reveal it, if it would so please him. Wonderfully was Amurath grieved with this his answer, when he considered 
Amurath grievously offended with Sinan.  that a slave of his own, should thus reproach him with a matter that was so odious, and so manifestly touched his folly and improvidence: notwithstanding he dissembled his discontentment conceived against him, and was very desirous to know of him, what that secret and important matter was, which he had to reveal unto him, for the easy compassing of this commenced enterprise: and therefore after he had framed him a glozing reply, he commanded Sinan to display all his conceits, and to disclose those his devices, which he had to utter. All the rest of the Bassas held their peace, & every one of them, omitting the oversights of Sinan, were content also to omit the occasion of answering the king, all of them being wholly bend against him & joined with the king (as it were) in disdain & scorn of his arrogancy, who for a brief of all his advises propounded these two things. First, his counsel was, that they should not proceed in this war as they had hitherto done, that is to say, by seeking with forts and fortresses 
The first advise of Sinan.  to hold and keep their enemy's countries. For (as in the very beginning of this war, whiles consultation was had in what manner and sort it should be made, he had expressly protested) he did manifestly foresee, that their Casende or treasuries were not able to yield such store of money, as was sufficient for the maintenance of necessary garrisons, and so the error of Mustaffa (that now is dead) was evidently convinced, who so obstinately had persuaded such a dangerous and difficult manner of warfare. His second advise was, that the true means to bring these 
The second advise of Sinan.  stirs to a wishid end consisted especially in the resolution of the king himself, whom if it would please but to remove a little from Constantinople, for three or four days journeys only, and to pass either into Caraemit, or into Aleppo, or at least into Amasia, he might assuredly promise to himself all speedy & honourable victory▪ for at the only name of his remove, either the Persians would not stand too obstinately upon conditions of peace, but would easily come to any agreement, or else he might continue his wars, & so obtain great conquests. These were the reasons that Sinan propounded whereof it seemeth no other thing followed but only an envious affection of the king against him, quite contrary to the conceit which before he had of him, & (which was a matter of greater importance) a further 
Women are of great might with Amurath  suspicion (fostered by these mighty Ladies,) that Sinan had thus counseled the king himself to go in person from Constantinople, not for any good that could arise by his departur, but only that so he might find means for the Prince his Son to make himself King & drive out 
Sinan discharged from the ● Court and Constantinople, & banished to Marmara for ever.  his father. This suspicion was in such fort nourished in the mind of Amurath, especially being assured of the great affection which the prince carried towards Sinan, that he was enforced to rid him out of his sight, and to deprive him of all charge, driving him presently out of the court and out of Constantinople, and banishing him into Damotica, a place near to Andrinopolis: from whence afterterwarde, through special favour which by humble supplication he obtained, he was sent into Marmara a little beyond Siliurea, where he yet liveth. And into his place of Visiership was assumed Sciaus Bassa, the King's Son in 
Sciaus the chief Visier, and his manners.  law, by country an Hungarian, a man very gracious of countenance, and of honourable judgement, but above all the men in the world, a seller of justice and benefits, and yet a great friend to the peace with Christian Princes which Sinan did so wickedly malign.  
In the mean time the Persian captains had withdrawn themselves to their places of Residence, and by very 
The Persians at their places of residence  speedy Posts had imparted to their King their obtained victories, and so every man for this season had made an end of those great stirs that were raised in the years. 1580. 1581. and a good part of 1582. wherein also followed the election of a new general, who notwithstanding went not forward in his troublesome business, until the beginning 
The 5. 6. and 7. year of this war  of the year, 1583. as in the next book we will declare unto you.  
The end of the fift Book.   

The sixth Book.  
The Argument.  
The Persian King resolveth to ride to Heri, against his son Abas.  
Emir-Chan promiseth the King to defend his Territories from the Turks  
The Governor of Sasuar beheaded.  
The King attempteth to get his Son Abas into his hands.  
Abas writeth to his Father, and the Tenor of his Letters.  
The two Persian Princes reconcile themselves one to the other.  
Salmas accused and beheaded.  
The Persian King, and the Prince his Son return to Casbin.  
Ferat chosen General of the Turkish Army.  
Ferat repaireth Aggia Chalasi, and Reivan.  
Tocomac seeketh means to be revenged of the injuries of the Turks.  
Ferat returneth to Chars, and causeth a Sangiacco of the Curdi to be beheaded  
Manucchiar the Georgian beheadeth the Messengers and Gentlemen-ushers of Amurath and divideth the Treasure between himself, and his cousin Simon.  
Hassan goeth to succour Teflis.  
Ferat is at Erzirum, and dismisseth his Army.  
The Persian King is afraid of new stirs, and cometh to Tauris with a great Army.  
General Ferat gathereth a new Army at Chars▪ he goeth to Lory: he passeth to the straits of Tomanis and cut●eth down the woods.  
Daut Chan yieldeth himself to the Turks.  
Simon goeth to assault Resuan the Bassa: he hath his horse slain under him and is strangely delivered from extreme danger.  
Tomanis de●ended by Hassan.  
A great dearth in the army of Ferat.  
Ferat is threatened by his Soldiers.  
Ferat goeth to Clisca, and meaneth to fortify it.  
Resuan is hardly entreated by the Soldiers, who also threaten their General again.  
The generals life is saved by Amurath the Bassa of Caramania.  
A most confused tumult in the Army, and Ferat the General is enforced shamefully to yield to his Soldiers, and returneth to Erzirum.  
The Original occasion and manner of the escape of Alyculi-Chan.  
The Persian king dismisseth all his Soldiers, that he had gathered together.  
Emir-Chan is imprisoned, and having his eyes put out, by the king's appoinment, he dieth miserably in prison.  
New displeasures arise among the Turcomannes for the death of Emir-Chan.  
Amurath conceiveth great hope of the valour of Osman the Bassa.  
Sciaus writeth to the Tartarian of the coming of Osman to Constantinople.  
Osman with four thousand soldiers putteth himself in the way to Constantinople.  
Osman is assaulted by the Tartarians, but Osman over cometh them.  
Osman putteth the Tartarian king to death, and appointeth his brother to be his successor.  
Osman departeth from Caffa by Galleys, and arriveth at Constantinople.  
Osman is chosen chief Visier in the room of Sciaus, and General in the room of Ferat.  
Osman departeth from Constantinople, and goeth to Erzirum.  
Osman gathereth a greater army, than all those that have been hitherto gathered in these wars, besides the Soldiers of Egypt and Damascus, who did not go with Osman.  
The sixth Book.  
AFter that these victorious Warriors, loaden with spoils and diverse of their Enemy's 
The Persians rejoice & are full of good hopes.  ensigns, were with great joy received at home in Persia, at the last to the greater comfort of the Persians, the discord also that fell out between Mahamet Bassa, & Mustaffa the Georgian was declared unto them, whereat they did no less rejoice, than they did before fortheir obtained victories. And every man thought with himself that this news might greatly further the matter of peace, or at least if that came not to the wished end, yet it might hinder the Turks from passing to any place that was near unto them, & might also keep them occupied, is Teflis had hitherto done, in such places as are far distant from their Royal Cities. Which conjecture of theirs might very well be grounded upon a reasonable foundation, aswell because the injury was very great, that Mustaffa had done to Mahamet the General of the Turkish Camp, as also for that the Territories of the said Mustaffa were no less replenished with places most fit for treacheries and ambushes, than the Territories of Sinion. In these and such like good hopes remained the Persians; when by the way of Georgia there came tidings to them that Sinan was displaced from his Office of Generalshippe, and therefore the Turks must of necessity send forth some new Captain, if they were minded still to 
The Persians are sorry for displacing of Sinan.  continue this war. With great grief of mind did the Persians receive this advertisement, knowingful well how much Sinan was inclined to peace, & how deadly he hated the continuance of these long and troublesome contentions. 
The Persians grieved at the indignity done to their Ambassador.  But much more grievous was it unto them, when they understood withal, how their treaties of peace were all in vain, and how besides those indignities that so dishonestly were offered to the Persian Nation at Constantinople, their Ambassador was also at the last sent prisoner to Erzirum. And yet notwithstanding all these sorry news the Persians changed not their former hopes, but verily persuaded themselves that these discords, & the outrages committed upon the Turks by Manucchiar, might happily 
The Persians are still in good hope.  hinder their enterprise, which this year they minded to attempt to the great prejudice of Nassivan, and Tauris: For they imagined, that seeing their new General must needs be sent as far as from Constantinople, the new year could not serve their turn to any other purpoce, but only to secure Teflis, and to revenge the shame received by the outrageous fury of Manucchiar. In which point they discoursed also with themselves, that even in that respect Manucchiar and Simon would make a league together, aswell because they were neighbours in Territory, and were likely both of them to run one and the self same course of fortune, as also (yea & so much the rather) because Manucchiar having taken to wife a sister of Simons, they could dono less in these innovations but join themselves together, & one of them be a protector and defender of the other, and so uniting their forces together they should be able to annoy all such, as should be sent to convey new succours to Teflis.  
Upon these occasions the Persian King, perceiving that 
Mahamet the Persian King resolveth to ride to Heri against his son Abas Mirize.  he could not have a fit opportunity to employ himself against Abas Mirize his some, determined with himself to leave the matters of this side of his kingdom in their present state, and to march towards Heri, whereunto he was earnestly solicited by his elder son Emir-Hamze Mirize, but principally by Mirize Salmas his Visier, whom his said son in law did likewise daily animate to this resolution, and could not well brook that any other thing should be in speech, but only this, And therefore seeing there was no other remedy, but that the king must needs satisfy the request of these mightte entercessers, and also establish all things in as good security as possibly he might (besides the great confidence and trust which he reposed as we told you, in his cousins the Georgians) he called unto him Emir-Chan being at that time the Governor of Tauris, and opened 
The speech of the Persian king to Emir-Chan.  unto him the resolution which he had to ride into Heri, declaring unto him withal, that he meant not to take this voyage upon him, and quite to leave at random all these his Cities that were so near and commodious for the fury of the Turks, but he would set a trusty guard to keep them, and make choice of such a person to attend them, as should be able to yield him a good account of them, whensoever the Turks should adventure to endamage those countries. And forsomuch as Emanguli-Chan had taken upon him the charge to defend Siruan, & not to suffer that Osman Bassa should proceed any further in his conquests there, but to keep him strait and to restrain him within the narrow bounds & holds of Demir-Capi, he had found out also another person that had promised him, whensoever occasion required to gather an army together, and to use all other good means to resist the Turks, if they should at any time seek to annoy these borders of Tauris, Nassivan, Reivan, & such like. And further signified unto him, That he was minded to discharge him of the Office that he had, namely the Governourshippe of Tauris, and would substitute in his place the man that had so readily offered himself to this service, bestowing upon him the name and title of the Governor over Reivan and Nassivan, and over all the other places and Captains in those quarters. But if Emir-Chan himself would promise the like, and besides other helps, would use also the service of the mighty Turcoman Nation when need should so require, he would not only suffer him still to injoyc his charge, but also, not hearkening to the promises of the other man, he would honour him further, with the dignity of Captain General against the Turkish Army.  
A long time did Emir-Chan remain in suspense hereat, not knowing whereupon to resolve himself. For on the one 
Emir-Chan wondereth at the speech of his King.  side, he knew that he had many adversaries & competitors, who no doubt would very boldly have made the like offer to the king, of purpose to oppress him, and to hoist him out of his possessed dignity: & on the other side he saw the promise was very difficult, for he understood full well what great power the Turkish Army had, against which he could not promise to make any resistance, no nor to look them in the face, with so slender and weak provisions as he had. Nevertheless, he being deceived as well as the rest with those common hopes, that whiles the King himself might be busied about the winning of Heri, the Turks neither could nor would attend any other thing, but only to revenge the injuries of the Georgians, to chastise those troublesome and treacherous people, and to succour Teflis: courageously at last promised the King that he would not suffer the Turks, no not so much as to approach, either to Reivan or Nassivan, but would maintain 
Emir-Cham promiseth the king to guard his Frontirs from the Turks fury.  and keep him and his lands safe and untouched from any of their forces. And if it should fall out that through some extravagant or extraordinary resolution of the Turkish Captains, the enemies should come into those borders, he would then gather together the Turcomans and all their confederates, and so employ his whole power and forces against them, to the end, that such injuries should not be attempted, at the least without revenge.  
This resolution being concluded, King Mahamet set 
King Mahamet with an army of 20000 persons rideth towards Heri.  himself forwards towards Casbin, with an Army of twenty thousand persons, and leaving on his left hand Gheilan and the Caspian sea, and on his right hand Sirrah and Cassan, and beyond all that, even upon the coast of the said Sea Massandran, Saru, Pangiazar, and Cul●at, by the way of Terrachan, Imamadulasis, Cur, Sembran, Bestan, & Dagman, he arrived at the City of Sasuar, being on that sid the chief of all the Cities that are subject to the jurisdiction 
Mahamet at Sasuar.  of Heri. Now the governor of this City had fortified himself, by keeping the gates locked, and maintaining a vigilant guard about it, hoping that delaying the King and so avoiding his first assault, he might also peradventure persuade him, that this his coming was not necessary, and purge himself before him of any accusation or fault, wherewith all he might be charged. But this his designment, though indeed both just and reasonable could not fall out according to his desire. For Mirize Salmas, who in the delay of this their besieging, had continually among other surmises, intermingled also some fear and suspicion of Novelties, did still solicit and hasten the enterprise, and himself encouraging the Soldiers thereunto, with ladders, with ropes, with 
The governor of Sas●●ar beheaded by the King's commandment.  timber, and with other engines did so much, that in a short time the Guard of the City was taken, and the Gates opened to the King, who swarming in with all his Army, left no leisure for Chan the Governor to escape, but presently caused him to be beheaded, although he alleged a thousand excuses for himself, and objected a thousand accusations against the seditious 
The Governor of Sasuar beheaded by the king's commandment.  Visier. The King after this departed from Sasuar, and joining unto him all the strength of the cities of Nisaur, Massiat, Tursis, Turbat, Giem, Malan, and Coran, having also put to death certain captains and Sultan's, that were accused by the Visier to be Confederates in the rebellion of his Son, he arrived at last at the desired City of Heri. Very strong is this City by situation, compassed about with a good wall, and watered with deep channels of running springs, conveyed into it by Tamerlane their Founder or Restorer: so that the winning thereof could not but 

King Mahamet at Heri.  
The Situation of Heri.   prove very long and difficult: especially because there were in it many valiant Captains, all envious enemies to Mirize-Salmas, and ready to attempt any notable enterprise, for the defence of themselves and of their Lord. Assoon as the King had discovered 
The winning of Heri difficult.  the said City, he felt a rising in his mind the diverse affections of grief, and of piety: and indeed greater was the grief which he conceived, in respect of the business that he went about, than his piety was. For he grieved wonderfully at his own unhappiness and misery, that he should cause such a one to be borne into the light of the world, as in steed of maintaining his Father's honour, and joining his forces with the forces of his Father to the destruction of his Enemies, should rather be a means for his arrant enemies to enter 
King Mahamet sorroweth his unhappy and evil fortune.  into his confederate Countries, and he himself prove the very overthrow of him, from whom he received his being, and present dignity. It grieved him likewise and that with affectionate passions, to remember the blood of his subjects, that had heretofore been spilled upon so strange an occasion: yea and scarcely durst he enter into cogitation with himself, thence forward to shed any more of the blood of his peoples. Nevertheless, with all these his conceits and unhappy fortune, being more and more solicited by the Visier, he attempted to understand (if he could) the mind of his Son, and 

Mahamet seeketh to get his Son Abas into his hands.  
Abas writeth to the king his father.  
The tenor of the letters of Abas Mirize.   (if it might be possible) to get him into his hands.  
But the City of Heri was well fenced, (as we have said) and therefore it must needs require the spending of many days, before it could be obtained: which Abas-Mirize knowing full well, thought it good in the mean time to write divers letters to his Father and his Brother, wherein he besought them, that they would make known unto him the occasions of this their stir. For if desire of rule had moved them to desire the deprivation of him being their Son and Brother, from the honour which he lawfully possessed, and which his Father himself had procured for him, they ought to abandon that imagination, and not to seek the disturbance of their peace, for that he was always to spend his wealth, and his blood together with his estate, in their service, and acknowledged his Father to be his good Father and King, who rather than he: should pursue this resolution, should be encouraged to increase his Dominion over his neighbours the Indians and Bactriaus, which would be more honourable and profitable for that Empire, and much more commodious for all Persia: And if they were not induced hereunto for this cause, but by a desire to revenge some trespass that he had committed in prejudice either of the Crown of Persia, or his Father's honour, he was most ready to submit himself to any amends, and with all reason to yield unto them the kingdom, yea the world, and even his own life also, the rather to satisfy their minds with a more full contentation.  
With twice and thrice reading over, were these affectionate and reverent letters considered and digested, and at last both the Brother and the father, perceiving in them such liberality of words, and being over come with pity, or (if not with pity yet) with great admiration and contentment, they determined to put the matter in practice, and moderating their wicked desires of blood, ruin and death, to attempt the reducing of the young man's mind to some good pass. Whereupon they wrote back 
King Mahamet the father & Emir-Hamze the Prince writ back to Abas.  unto him, That no greedy desire to usurp his government (An affection that was only raised in the g●utt●no●● mind of profane Salmas) had induced them to make so great a voyage, to trouble so much the people, and to shed such abundance of blood. For rather than they would deprive him of that government, they would be ready to bestow upon him new benefits and honours of greater esteem. But only his disobedience and impudency, in that he caused himself to be called the King of all 
The accusations against Abas Mirize.  Persia, and would not send somuch as one Captain to aid them against the Turks, these were the causes, why they proceeded to these great inconveniences: because they thought it their duty to root up such wicked and obstinate desires out of their kingdom, and in Persia to preserve an universal obedience and common tranquillity among their subjects.  
The youngman, when he understood the accusations that were laid against him, was greatly comforted, & hoped to make it manifest before all men, how the king & his 
Abas hopeth well, and writeth back to his father and his brother.  brother were misinformed in these particularities & therefore incontinently did write back again unto them, That if they would inviolably promise, not to put to death, nor do any outrage: to any his ambassadors, he would sendun to them such evident matter, & so clear information touching those his accusations, as they should not only plainly perceive there was never any such kind of thought in him, but also that he had always desired & laboured the contrary: & peradventure he should open unto them such a matter, as in respect of other men and not of himself, would cause their coming to prove profitable and commodious to all the kingdom of Persia. Whereupon they both 
The promises that poised friendly between the Princes.  promised all good entertainment, and were now become very desirous to understand, what those strange novelties should be: and so when they had yielded their consent, and with solemn oath had offered to receive the said ambassadors with all friendly courtesy and regard: Abas sent unto them two of his chief counsellors, men of good account and reverence both for their years and wisdom, with commandment, That they should declare, how all these stirs did arise from none other man, but only from the Visier Mirize-Salmas: who as he had already laboured this dangerous plot against Abas-Mirize the kings own son, so (if this his designment should be brought to pass) he would not stick to do the like against the King himself, to satisfy the greedy and ambitious desire which he had to place his Son in law Emir-hamze in the sovereign seat, and himself to be the man, that (as Lieutenant to the King) should command the whole Empire. Which notwithstanding they were to reveal without any blame or accusation of Emir-Hamze, and to make it known to his old father, that never any such conceits or affections were kindled in the Prince, but that he was also unwares induced thereunto by the craft and subtlety of malignant Salmas.  
The two Ambassadors came accordingly, and 
The excuses of the ambassadors in the behalf of Abas Mirize.  after many speeches, in the end, swearing (according to their custom) by the Creator that spread out the Air, that founded the earth upon the deeps, that adorned the heaven with stars, that powered abroad the water, that made the fire, and briefly of nothing brought forth all things: swearing by the head of their vain Master Aly, and by the false religion of their impious Prophet Mahamet: swearing by their children, by their wives, by their own souls, That such perverse thoughts never entered 
The Ambassadors of the King and the Prince are received.  into the head of Abas-Mirize: They alleged many testimonies and evident proofs, that most loyally and faithfully, in all due time, aswell when he was advanced to the sovereign degree of a king, as also in his battles against the Turks, his Son had always caused devout prayers and supplications to be made to God for his prosperity, neither ever desired to hear any other but happy and fortunate success of him. They brought with them a thousand and a thousand Precepts and Royal Letters, which the young man had caused to be written, as occasions required, to the Governors that were his Subjects for the government of the state, wherein he never named himself the King of Persia, but only your King and Governor of Heri. They prayed the King also that he would cause a diligent process (which the Turks call a Teftiss) to be framed against his Son, and if there should be found in him any sign or shadow of so wicked a suspicion, that then he would take from him his estate and liberty. For they would remain as hostages 
The Ambassadors accusations against Mirize Salma.  for him. But when all this should be done, and Abas-Mirize should be found altogether free from these unjust and impious calumniations, than (falling even to the earth and kissing it,) they besought him and conjured him, that he would not leave the matter thus imperfect, to the prejudice of his blood: but returning to his counsellor, he would likewise take information, upon what mind or consideration it was well known that he had advised the King to take upon him this unorderly and dangerous voyage. For without doubt he should find nothing in him but malignant, ambitious, and wicked affections, and such as even deserved, that with his blood there should be revenged all the blood of those, which till that hour had been brought to their unworthy and undeserved death. And forasmuch as there remained one only difficulty to be canceled & cleared, whereof the Visier had informed the king, touching a commandment that was given by Abas-Mirize to the governors that were under him, as namely to the governor of Sasuar and of other places, that they should not go to the war against the Turks: they confessed in truth, that such an order was taken indeed, but not to that unjust and slanderous end, as it was related to the king by the Visier, but only in respect of the wars, that were reported to be begun in those quarters by the Tartarian Iesselbas, who by divers into ades having rob the Cities, the Towns, and the Fields of Heri, had put such a fear in young Abas-Mirize and all his counsellors, that they durst not empty their Cities of their guards and forces, and thereupon (as they should find it true, if they would inquire thereof) the said Governors were commanded that they should not go to the war against the Turks, but that they should expect further direction, whereof they should have notice, if they should be called for. And that all this was signified by writing to the Visier himself, but that he of a malignant mind had concealed the same: only to try, if in these common troubles he could bring it to pass, that Abas-Mirize and the king might be bereaved of their lives, and Emir-hamze succeed in their place, and so he himself remain the Superintendent of his son in law, and Moderator of rather the Tyrant of that happy and famous kingdom. Which (they said) they made known unto him, not because they thought Emir-hamze to be acquainted with so treacheious a train, (for they knew very well, how greatly in imitation of his Father's piety, he hated dissension among kinsfolks, & shedding of blood) but only because it was throughly discovered to be the most unlawful and unreasonable desire of the wicked traitor Mirize-Salmas.  
Very grave and strange cogitations did these ancient Orators raise in the minds of the two Princes: and Mahamet the Father, being by nature credulous and inconstant beyond measure, began to make great construction of their speeches, and deeply to consider of their so earnest and important requests, whose offers also seemed 
The offers of the Ambassadors accepted by the King and the Prince.  unto him so upright and equal, that he could not choose but accept thereof. And therefore calling unto him the Governors, the Captains, the judges and Treasurers of all the Cities that were subject to Heri, he demanded of them, how and in what sort they esteemed of Abas-Mirize, and how & in what degree of honour he desired to be esteemed of them. And of them all he received an uniform answer, that they held him for their Lord, as the Lieutenant to the king of Cas-bin, and that he himself did always desire so to be taken & thoughtof. And every of them brought in divers Letters, Precepts, and Orders, wherein he never caused himself to be honoured with any other title, but only, your king of Heri. He demanded further, whether those tumults of wars were indeed attempted by the Tartarian Iesselbas or no: whereof he received also a large and solemn information, that so it was, to the great detriment of all those territories. And thus the king was thoroughly persuaded of the innocency of his son, 
King Mahamet persuaded of the innocency of his Son.  who before was noted unto him by his Visier to be an obstinate rebel. Upon which occasion only, although he might justly have put his Visier to death, as one that had been the cause of the slaughters that happened, and of the blood of so many valorous Captains that was shed so injuriously: yet because he would be better informed of the truth of the accusations laid against him by the Ambassadors of Heri, the rather to rid himself from so important and so just a fear: and because he doubted also peradventure, lest there had been some conspiracy plotted against him between the Visier and Emir-hamze: he resolved to make a curious and diligent inquisition thereof. And therefore first of all, in great secrecy, calling unto him Emir-hamze, and demanding of him by all fair means, how and wherefore 
King Mahamet trieth the Prince's mind.  he had advised and procured this journey against Abas-Mirize, Son to himself & Brother to him, whereas indeed he had found him innocent of all those crimes that were laid to his charge: he received answer from the Prince that he had no other certainty of the pretended ill behaviour of his brother, but only that which proceeded from the great credit that he always bare towards his Father in Law Mirize Salmas, to whom, as to a Visier, and as to his Father in Law, and as to a Protector of 
All the mischiefs light upon Salmas the Visier.  the Kingdom, and finally as to a person that had been tried in a thousand matters to be true and trusty, he had always yielded assured credence, in all such matters, as daily were in speech between them. Insomuch that he discharged the whole Tempest of all these mischiefs upon the Visier, Touching whom the King made diligent inquisition aswell among those of the Court as of the Army, and thereby found very strange and unexpected Novelties. For there was not a man almost, that did not accuse him, for a seditious man, 
Mirize Salmas accused by all.  for a Cruel man, for an unjust man, and for a Tyrant, and to be brief that did not make him guilty of very heinous crimes, and in particular for the accusation laid against him by the Ambassadors of Heri, they all declared, that in truth he was always made acquainted with the true occasions, which did restrain the governors subject to Abas Mirize (from going to the War against the Turks,) but that he most malioiously had concealed the same, of purpose only to hatch such a strange and dangerous stir; in hope to advance his own estate by the destruction of others. And so at last Mirize Salmas was detected for guilty, & rewarded with that punishment, which he desired unjustly to convert upon others. For the King, who had now found such impiety in him, as besides that he had caused many Sultan's of account to be unjustly and unworthily put to death, he also went about to procure, that the Father should defile himself with the blood of his own Son, (a thing so odious both to the King himself and all his kingdom, as ever any cruel Action could possibly be,) the King (I say) could not suffer this impiety, but acknowledging a fresh the innocency of the one, and the guylte of the other, the one he delivered and embraced as his Son, the other he avaunted out of his presence, and punishing him as an impious person, he caused his head to be cut from his Carcase. In this 
Mirize Salmas beheaded by the King's order.  manner, the ambitious Visier, as though he had voluntarily gone to his own death, turned all these angers and tumults against himself, and with his own destruction pacified the dissensions and hatreds that were fostered in the two Prince's minds. And Emir-Hamze, when he had now discovered the wickedness of his Father in Law, took it also in very good part that he was deprived both of his state and life. And so the two brethren being reconciled together, and 
K. Mahamer with the Prince returneth to Casbin.  the Son to the Father, after that Abas Mirize had again promised his wished obedience (which he afterward willingly performed,) King Mahamet returned with the Prince towards Casbin, where by reason of sudden and unexpected news he had now along time been looked for and desired.  
Amurath, through the rough speeches, and unlucky prognostications of Sinan, was more and more settled in his purpose to continue this War, hoping that he would cause all the threatteninge of Sinan to be but vain, and to reap so much the more glory by his happy success in such an enterprise, as it should fall out contrary to the common opinion of all men. And thereupon began to bethink himself whom he might choose for his General, and to him not only to commit such a charge, but also to communicate all his devices. Till that time, Osman Bassa was appointed be the man, but Amurath thinking that Osman might prove more serviceable in Siruan, and thereby the better assure and establish the conquest of that Region, durst not so soon remove him from thence. Among the Bassas of the Court there was one Ferat, a man of ripe years, but yet fierce of courage, tough in opinion, in counsel as hardy as might beseeeme his age, ready for all sudden and strange adventures, but above all a vassal most devoted to the King, and happily he had performed some good office, why he was the rather now called forth by Amurath to this service. Of this man at the last he 
Ferat a Bassa of the Court.  was resolved to make choice to be the Captain of his Army. And therefore he called him to him, and communicated with him all his privy dessignements and secret devices necessary for this war, encouraging him to take pains, to fight battles, to obtain victories, and to do all things else agreeable to so worthy an enterprise. Very willingly did Ferat accept of this new Office, 
Ferat Bassa elected general of the Army in Sinans place.  and thought himself to be highly favoured by the King, and so disposed himself to perform the same, so far as he could employ his strength, his wit and his diligence therein▪ and thereupon made him a large promise, that he would put in execution, whatsoever should be offered unto him either by occasion, or by his Royal commandment. Which although the King should not have urged any further, but only to assure the passage to Teflis, and all Georgia, and principally to destroy the country of Mustaffa the Georgian, who had so audaciously injured the Lieutenant of Amurath and set his whole Army in confusion, yet being certified by Maxut-Chan the Rebel of Persia, and being advertised by his subject Bassas that remained near to Tauris, how King Mahamet was departed, or at least was upon the point of departing to Heri, to 
Amurath deliberateth what should be done towards this expedition of Ferat.  try his sons mind, he changed his purpose, and deliberating the matter with himself, he commanded Ferat to employ all his Force and diligence to erect a Fabric at Reivan, a place belonging to Tocomac, and to assure the passage that leadeth from Chars to Raivan. For so they should be revenged of many treacheries and damages which they had received by Tocomac, and the way to the City of Tauris should be made open, to the great glory of Amurath. He advised Ferat also, that although he knew very well, it were his duty to chastise Mustaffa the Georgian for his rash attempt against Mahamet Bassa, being then his General: yet he thought it better, that he should dissemble and conceal his ill opinion of him, and (if it might be possible) to work so, as he might convey the treasure and succours to Teflis. For by this means, the passage being made safe and secure, without any more Fortresses or Fabrikes, all Georgia would be subdued, and the next year they might attempt the enterprise of Tauris.  
Very highly did Ferat commend the devices of Amurath, and showed himself ready for any attempt. And now was the time come, wherein it behoved them to set on foot these their important dessignements: and therefore in the beginning of the year 1583. commaundedements were sent out of all the Cities of the Empire, 
Commandment sent out for the expedition of General Ferat.  which were wont to make their appearance at these wars, that upon fresh summons they should be ready to return against the Persians, and to put in execution, that which should be enjoined them by their new captain: the Fame whereof flew as far as to Tripoli in Soria, to Damascus, to Aleppo, to all jury, to Palestina, to Mesopotamia, to Babylonia, to Balsara, to Siuas, to Maras, to all Bythinia, to Cappadocia, to Cilicia, to Armenia, and to all the Sangiacchi and Curdi of them, yea and beyond Constantinople, to the borders of Hungary, and of Greece, and to be brief to all their subject Regions, that were wont to come to this War. All which sent their 
The Provinces sent their soldiers and provision this year.  Captains and Soldiers accordingly, all ready and willing to perform the pleasure of their Lord. And so at the last, General Ferat departing from Constantinople, and passing to Chalcedon by the way of Amasia, and of Siuas, he came to Erzirum, where he took a view of all his Soldiers, all his pioneers, his builders, his 
Ferat departeth from Constantinople, and by Chalcedon & Civas cometh to Erzirum.  Treasure, his provision of Corn, his Munitions of War, and leading with him the ordinary Number of Artillery, he gathered altogether under his Standard. Afterwards in due time he removed from Erzirum, and in the space of eight days arrived at Chars: (in which his journey he used the service of the rebel Maxut-Chan, as his Guide, who in the Turkish language is called a Calaus:) and from Chars he set 
Ferat being guided by the rebel Maxut-Chan arriveth at Chars.  himself on his way towards Reivan. Three days before he came to Reivan, of certain ruins of an old and sleep Castle, which the Turks called Aggiachalasi, he erected a new Fortress, and left in it 
Ferat repaireth Aggia-Chala.  a Garrison of four hundred Soldiers, together with a Sangiaccho and certain pieces of Ordinance, and then went to Reivan.  
This Country lieth near to a Mountain, whose top reaching above the clouldes, seemeth to touch 
Ferat at Reivan, and the description of the situation thereof.  the heavens, and is continually charged with snow and y●e. At the foot of this heigh and stark mountain there lie fair fields abounding with Corn and cattle, and watered with divers brooks, that falling down from a loft discharged themselves into Araxis. It is distant from Tauris, eight or nine days journey: between which two places are situate Nassivan, Chiulfall, Marant, and Soffian, all enriched with goodly Gardens and pleasant Green's: but in the way many craggy mountains to be climbed, and sundry hard passages either for Army or traveler. 
A Consultation touching the principal place where the Fort should be erected.  It hath upon the coast towards the North, Teflis, upon the South the plains of Caldaran: and a little higher towards the tropic of Capricorn, Van and the Marciana Marish.  
Hear then did Ferat Bassa encamp himself with all his Army, and taking the advise of his chief Captains, where he should build the Fort, they all with one consent advised him to seize upon the houses and Gardens of T●comao, and to environ them with Ditches, with Walls, and with Ordinance for defence, and in the midst as it were in a Centre within the Walls to erect a high Castle, which on every side round about might discover both the hills and the plains, and being well fenced with store of good ordinance might threaten destruction and ruin to all those that durst attempt to endamage them. And so they enclosed the gardens with walls accordingly, and having digged ditches round about 
The fort of Reivan 750. yards about Within the space of 15. days the works at Reivan, the ditches and all were finished.  them, they conveyed water into them from a certain river, that came down from the hills and ran into Araxis, and in this manner within the space of fifteen days they finished the Fort.  
It was a great affliction to Tocomac thus to lose his own Country, yea and so much the more grievous it was unto him, because it happened so suddenly and as it were unlooked for: he himself, presently assoon as he understood that the Turkish Army was coming towards that coast, having withdrawn himself and his men of war out of the City, and leaving the impotent to the mercy of the Conquerors, seeking by all means to be revenged, if not altogether, yet at the least in some part of this great injury. And therefore he wrote to the King in Corazan, he wrote 
Tocomac seeketh means to revenge the loss of his own city by annoying of Ferat.  to Emir-Chan in Tauris, he wrote to Simon in Georgia, he gathered soldiers out of the villages, and used all his possible endeavour to make himself meet and able to annoy the enemy's Army. But neither from Georgia could he receive any help, because they were toomuch troubled with hindering any succours to be brought for the relief of the besieged in Teflis, (as in due place it shall be declared:) Neither from Tauris was he relieved with so much as one Soldier: either because Emir-Chan would not, or could not stir, or else because he had some secret intelligence with General Ferat, not to disturb him in this his Fabric. And so Tocomac could not have the luck to be favoured with any poor aid, that might at the least have mitigated the bitterness of his grief. And therefore being not able to do any thing, but only with those few Soldiers which he had, to lay some privy 
Tocomac neverceaseth to annoy the Turks.  ambushes for the Turks, he never ceased to slay sometimes a hundred of them, sometimes a hundredth and fifty, and sometimes more, and in that manner to cool the heat of his heart, which swollen with the burning desires of revenge. And the better to ease his stomach, which was infected with the poison of hatred against Emir-Chan, 
Tocomac hateth Emir-Chan.  who sitting still as it were to behold his miseries, would not so much as shake a sword to annoy these spoiling Turks, and thereby perform his promise made to the King, he spared not to dispatch certain horse men to the said King in Corazan, and by eloquent letters to amplify the vileness and cowardice of Emir-Chan, discovering unto him some shadow of suspicion, and intermingling with all some causes of jealousy to be conceived in his 
Tocomac accuseth Emir-Chan to the King.  mind, that Emir-Chan had some secret intelligence with the Turkish General. And to be short he omitted no occasion, whereby he might any way qualify the grief that he had taken for the loss of his City.  
The Turkish Captain at last departed from his new Fort, and returned to Chars, and for the custody of the said 
Ferat departeth from Reivan.  Fortress he appointed there as Captain Sinan Bassa, son to that Cicala, who by misfortune was lately taken prisoner, whiles with great fame he scoured and wasted the 
Bassa Cicala lest for the custody of Reivan.  Tyrrhene Sea. And therefore this his Son (who was afterward cured and healed by me of a certain disease that he had at Aleppo) partly for the goodliness of his person, and partly for the hope that he raised of his valour, was 
Bassa Cicala cured by the author at Aleppo.  so greatly favoured by Selim the late Tyrant of Constantinople, and the arrant Enemy of the Italian name, that having scarce passed the flower of his youth, in which age he was dearly beloved of him, he, was created the Aga or Captain of the Giamizaries, and after this his first degree of honour sent to be governor of certain Cities, and in the end having been employed in divers tumults, and perible of warress, he was now appointed Captain and 
Famous Giambulat, 8000. Soldiers at Reivan.  Keeper of this Fort, together with Ossan Bey, Son to the late famous Eliambu●at, afore mentioned. With these two Captains; but yet under the sole government of Bassa Elicabi only, and with the company of eight thousand Soldiers; partly 〈◊〉 and partly, Natural Subjects, and with the Munition above rehearsed this Fort was stir engthened and this Garrison of Soldiers, without expecting any yearly succours to be brought them by and Army to even of themselves, in several troops of three hundred together in a company, were always 〈…〉 appointed times to go & fetch their pay at the City of Enzr●●● and afterwards at Aloppo, and other Cities of S●ria. A which they also continue to do even to this day. And so with these said Soldiers, and with good store of Art●haries artificially distributed upon the new wall, Fora● left the Fort, hand ●as 〈◊〉 have ●ased withdrew, himself to Chars, passing by the way of Aggia-Ghalasi, and performing his journey 〈◊〉 days space.  
Where when he was arrived, there arose very great and strange news. For there was fodainely brought 
F●rat by the way of 〈◊〉 Chalasi in ten days returneth to Chars A Sangiacco Curdo beheaded as a Rebel by Ferat.  before the said General, ● Sangiaedo Cutdo, with his hands, bound behind him all pale and astonished with foare whose bead without any more a do he caused to be cut from him carcase publishing to the rest that he was a ●ole and a rebel. Which whether it were so or no ●●● whether this sudden and inexpected death lighted upon him in respect of some other displeasure, they know best, (if it be lawful at the least to know it) that are the curious searchers of such particularities.  
At the execution whereof there was a rumour raised of a far greater importance. For by many reporters there was brought to the ears of the General a great feign of a wonderful novelty, namely, that Mustaffa the Georgian, to 
A wonderful strange novelty brought to the ears of Ferat.  whom 〈◊〉 had sent thirty thousand Ducats from Constantinople by two of his Capigi and two Ch●aus or N●n●io●s, to the end that with a T●io●spe of his (Subjects he should carry them to Teflis for the relief of those in the Porue, was ●●●dde, and being now become a rebel to the Turkish King, had left the Fortress in manifest 〈◊〉 to yield, if by some other means it were not relieved. Great was the mar●el, the grief, and the anger, that For●● conceived upon 
Mustaffa seeketh means to be informed clearly of the misfortune.  these news, and minding to have a full certainty thereo●, he called unto him all such as were the Messengers of this misfortune, and of them received a clear and an express information of every particular: so that in brief he was generally certified that Mustaffa, the two Capigi and the Chiaus having put themselves on their journey towards Teflis with the treasure, assisted with the company of five hundred of his Soldiers, in the midway had met with his Cousin Simon, by whom, after he had settled himself to make some long discourse with him, he was sharply reproved, that so profanely he had abandoned the sacred name of Christ that he was not only content to live in Turkish impiety but also that he d●●st impugn the champions & 
Simon the Georgian exhorteth his Cousin Manucchiar to return to his former saith.  desendor of the Christian faith, and that he would become a slave to another for a filthy superstition and impiety, raised and sown with venerous and pestilent doctrine by a Profane and heathen Prophet, that is dead, abandoning and forsaking the religion of that God, which is the only true and one God, in trinity. And that with these and such like speeches, which very eloquently and with great zeal flowed from the mouth of Simon, he was persuaded to relinquish that infamous and wicked slavery, and in any fit occasion that God, (who is most merciful towards sinners and offenders) should minister unto him, to revenge the oppression, that Amurath had used towards him, and openly to declare to the whole world, that he scorned and renounced the Diabolical pomps and infernal riches of the Tyrant, thereby disclosing himself to be indeed of great courage and a true Christian. His cousin not ceasing in the mean time to repeat often unto him, That God would not fail in peculiar and familiar manner to take knowledge of his Actions, and to favour them, yea and at all times to send unto him all happy and wished success: whereas on the contrary side, if he would not resolve with himself so to do, he might well be assured, that after many labours and travels, which he should endure for the service of Amurath, he should obtain none other recompense, but a hard and infamous captivitle and in the endesome fraudulent and treacherous death. Upon which words Mustaffa being 

The Capigi and the Chiaus beheaded by Manucchiar.  
Manucchiar & Simon divide the treasure between them & confederate themselves together.   thoroughly moved, he caused the two Capigi and the Chiaus to be apprehended, and presently beheaded and so Simon and he, besides the band of their kindred having solemnly vowed a perpetual confederacy & strict friendship to be inviolably kept between them▪ divided the treasure, and withdrowe themselves to their wont passages, there to annoy and endamage, whosoever should be sent for the soccouring of Teflis.  
These and such other particularities when Ferat understood, being all in a fury, and inflamed with rage, he did 

Ferat sw●●reth that he will destroy all the country of Manucchiar.  
Hassan Bassa chosen to carry the succours to Teflis.  
15000. Soldiers assigned to Hassan. with the relief.   swear that he would not return to Erzirum, until all the Country of Mustaffa were put to fire and sword: but yet in the mean time he bechought himself that urgent necessity did shrewdly urge him to send convenient strength to the place that was in danger: and for that purpose made choice of Hassan Bassa, who already in the last year of the Generall-shippe of Mustaffa had very courageously conveyed the said succours and taken Alyculi-Chan prisoner. To him therefore did the General assign forty thousand Ducats, with other provision necessary for that enterprise, and for surety appointed him fifteen thousand persons of the best choice and valour in all the Army. In ten days space Hassan Bassa went and came from Teflis: In whose journey too and fro, 

In 10. days Hassan goeth & cometh with the succours.  
The Georgians annoy the people of Hassan Bassa.  
Resuan Bassa chosen Captain to en domwage the country of Manucchiar: The harms done by R●suan.   the Georgians made many skitmishes with them, wherein there were slain of the Turks sometimes ten, and sometimes twenty, and sometimes their mules and sometimes their horses were taken from them, but no matter at all of any great moment.  
After this, the General elected one Resuan Bassa to be Captain of six thousand Soldiers to go to Altu●●hala, Carachala, and other places and villages of Mustaffa the late rinegato, now become a rebel to the Turks, and relapsed to the obstinate religion of the Greeks'. Which R●suan, without any long stay, overr arm all his territory, but an his towns and his lands, and committed uncouth outrages, even upon the poor insensible trees. Resuan brought home with him many Captive souls, with much Corn and cattle, and to be brief wheresoever he 〈◊〉, he wasted and destroyed like a Tempest, whatsoever was before him: and if in any place he seemed to be any thing favourable, and his fury pacified, it was because 
Ferat at Arda-Chan.  there was no resistance made by any upon whom he might exercise his forces. The General was now also retired to Ardachan, and thither came Resuan to meet him with his foresaid booty. But because there remained nothing else to be done in those quarters, and the winter persuaded their return, they removed from Ardachan, and by the way of Olti retired to Erzirum: from whence 

Ferat by the way of Olti returneth to Erzirum, and dismisseth his Army.  
Hassan Bassa rewarded by the king.   all the soldiers were licenced to depart to their several places of abode: and an Arz or Memorial sent to the King of all the Actions that had been performed, & principally of the good enterprise of Hassan Bassa, who for the same was now also once again honoured by the King with cloth of gold, and a battle axe and Target all guilt. And this end had the troubles of the year 1583. of man's salvation, being the seventh year of this war.  
All the rest of the year 1583. the General wintered at Erzirum, and afterward sent out his ordinary commandements over all his accustomed Cities, to summon the soldiers against the next spring of the year 1584. appointing the taxes and tenths to be somewhat greater than they were wont to be, and gathering together a greater number of pioneers & engineers than ever had been gathered heretofore, and withal published a rumour abroad that they should go to Nassivan, and there do great matters. At the report whereof the Persians were 
Ferat spreadeth a rumour that he would go to Nassivan.  much moved, and began to cast many things in their heads about in. Glad they were for the union and amity lately concluded between the two Cos●●s Simon and Manucchiar: (for now being again reclaimed and become a Champion of his former saith, we may call him no longer Mustaffa, the name that he had given him by Amurath at his Circumcision, but Manucchiar, whereby he was Christened by the Priests at his Baptism.) 
The estate & expectations of the Persians, upon occasions that fell out.  And they well hoped, that by the diligence of them both, the way of Tomanis would be sufficiently kept & guarded, or at the least that which they were not able to do, the rest of the Persian Captains would perform for their parts.  
But above all others the king who was now arrived at 
King Mahamet feareth some new matter.  Casbin, and had understood the confirmation of the unhappy success at Reivan, and the new preparations of the Turks, began to think upon further matters, and entered into many discourses with himself, all intermingled with a very great fear of some strange alterations. The fabrik erected the last year at Reivan aforesaid, & the repair of the castle called Aggiachalasi, had persuaded him, that the Turks this year would pass to Tauris, or at least as the report was to Nassivan, and build new fortresses in those borders. Which thing the king neither would nor could endure by any means, for that it might prove a shrewd introduction to the ruin of Persia, and to the bringing down of so mighty an Empire. And therefore he retained still those Forces which he brought home with him, and out of all the Cities that were Subject unto him he caused as many more to come as he could, commanding 

Mahamet the Persian king gathereth a great army.  
The Persian king at Tauris.   withal, that all the Chaus upon pain of Death should follow him to Tauris, and so not long after the arrival of Ferat Bassa at Erzirum, he also arrived at Tauris, being withal obedience accompanied be all his said Army.  
This unexpected coming of the Persian to Tauris, as it engendered expectation of very good success in the 
The coming of the Persiam king to Tauris breedeth great conceits  minds of all men, insomuch as the voice went over all italy, that the Persian meant to have marvelous conflicts with the Turk, whereat Christendom did not a little rejoice for the good hope that it bred of some happy event in prejudice of the Turks: so Ferat Bassa being certified thereof, before he proceeded any further, being thereunto advised by Maxut-Chan his Guide, (as afterward he confessed at Aleppo) he thought good to advertise Amurath of the matter declaring unto him, That his desire was to go to Nassivan, and there to build a fortress according to his commandment, (a work in his opinion very necessary, to make the passage for Tauris safe and secure.) But forsomuch as he had received intelligence by trusty Soldiers, that the Persian king was removed to Tauris with a very huge Army, and was utterly resolved to come and encounter him, he thought it his duty not to put in execution his foresaid determination, 
Ferat writeth to Amurath.  without the King's express commandment, Amurath presently wrote back unto him, that if it were so as he had written, he should employ himself about nothing else, but to quiet the passage of Tomanis and Lori, to the end that the next year following there should be no need to send any new Army, to convey the succours, but some small band might be sufficient, as traveling 
Amurath writeth again to Ferat, not o go to Nassivan but to Lori & Tomanis in Georgia.  through a country, that were at amity and confederatye with them. Which order Amurath did the more willingly set down, for that he saw the rebellion of Manucchair; and knew full well, that the Fort of Teflis by reason of his Treacheries should have more need now, then ever it had, to be sustained and relieved. Yet not withstanding Ferat would not publish this new commandment, but caused the rumour to be confirmed (more 
A stratagenic wrought by the Turks upon a false rumour.  than he did before) that he would go to Nassivan, of purpose to feed the opinion, that the Persians had formerly conceived in their minds of his going thither, & so eluding them he might without any disturbance of the enemy attend the building of the Forts, which he had intended for the quieting of the most dangerous passages of Lori and Tomanis.  
Ferat having concluded upon this resolution, and gathered together his people with all things been sla●●e for his purpose, removed at last with his Army from ●●oirum 
General Ferat at Chars, where he stayeth for his Army ten day.  towards Chars, where he arrived by the way of Hassan-Chalassi, not meeting with any annoyance or hinder and at all, & there he stayed the space of tendays, to the end that all his companies of Soldiers and heap of provision might beenewlie surveyed. And then departing from Chars, he journeyed low and Lori, and presently dispatched 
Ferat departeth from Chars, sendeth out Hassan Bassa as a forerunner before him.  Hassan Bassa with five thousand valiant light horsemen to scour the Country, and passing even to Tomanis to return him news, of all that he should see or hear in those quarters, and to bring home his Captives with him, that he might the better make diligent ●●●tie of the affairs of Georgians. This commandment of the General Hassan performed dutifully, and making haste on his journey passed to Lori, and from Lori to Tomanis, & speedily scoured over all the woods, opening and 〈◊〉 closing all the passages ●ounde about without any becosion yfostred unto him ed give assay of his vald●●● 〈◊〉 
Co●●●● thieves slain by Hassan.  at the last having me●e with 〈◊〉 ●●ss●chi, (which we may term Robbers by the high way) he flew them aland setting their heads on the top pes of their Lances, he made his return towards Lori. Where having stayed 〈◊〉 whole day, they discovered from thence aid he whole Turkish Army, with a great and fearful show coming and approaching towards them. Whereupon Hassan went to meet the General, & to report unto him the excursion that he had made, declaring withal, that he had not encountered any other but only certain Cassachis, whose heads he might behold upon their Lances, for that he thought it not necessary to bring them alive, because they were altogether ignorant of the Georgian and Persian affairs, and therefore were not able to deliver any information thereof at all. And so they arrived altogether 
General Ferat at Lori. The Situation of Lori.  at Lori aforesaid, and there encamped themselves. This place did sometime belong to Simon, well strengthened with a high Castle, compassed about with very deep ditchess and a thick wall almost a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but at this present somewhat weeakened can i● wasted by time. It is distant from Teflis two days journey of a carriers place. General Ferat selzed upon it, and having restored the walls in such places 
The walls of Lori repaired. 7000 soldiers in Lori. Aly Bassa of Greece captain of Lori.  as they had most need of reparations, and strengthened all the breachies, he planted therein seven or eight thousand persons, of the Sangiacchi, the Giannizari, the Spahini and the Zaini, and for the guide or Captain over them he appointed Aly Bassa of Greece, and upon the Castle and the Walls he distributed two hundred pieces of small ordinance. All these provisions 

200. pieces of ordinance in Lori.  
Feratgoeth to Tomanis. Order to fortify Saitan-Chalasi near adjoining   being made he went to Tomanie, leaving order with the said Aly Bassa, that when he thought he ●hight take fine opportunity, he should not fail to fortify Saitan-Chalasi, about ten miles distant from Lori, & to place therein a convenient garrison of Soldiers and Artillery.  
Four days long were they going to Fomanis for the General would needs make it four days journey, being ordinarily but one days work from the one place to the other, to the end that those fields being very rich of Corn, of fruit, and of cattle should every where be wasted and burned by his spoiling 〈◊〉, and that the Country Inhabitants besides their other losses should also endure the loss of their Rents. Now Tomanis in times 
The state of Tomanis.  past was also a Castle, whither Simon used often times to make his repair: and when the heat of these Wars began, the Georgians themselves were in a consultation to raze it, to the end that it should not be surprised 
Consultations about the erecting of a fort at Tomanis.  by the Turks, and thereby that benefit should redound to them, which it could not yield unto the Georgians, for their want of ordinance. And here was great advise taken, how and where the Fort should be erected for the defence of the country, But after many discourses at last it was concluded, that a Castle should be built not in that place but a little furthers and that for this reason, because Tomanis standing ●● good long way on this side the strait, if they should build the Fort there, then could they not make that passage safe and 〈◊〉 and therefore it was needful for them to proceed further even to the very much of it and there to plant the Fortiesse And so the Army marched forward a certain few Miles, until being arrived at the very issue of the narrow passage, they found the Ruins 
A Ca●tell an mor●g the woo●●.  of another casted, and near there unto they stayed themselves. This stoepe head long castle was compassed round about with a very thick wood of beech's pine-apples & other trees, which hindered all discovery of anything 〈◊〉 off, so that it was not convenient to found such a Castle there from whence their Ordinance could neither avail them to whom the defence thereof should be committed, nor e●dommage those that should come to offend it. And therefore the General commanded, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with uncouth outrage should fallen the 
The thick woods cut down and made open  the 〈◊〉, and with sharp instruments ●ewe down the Pyneapples, the Fy●●es, the Beeches and the Elms, and making way through thick and thin, should lay it out for a broad street and an open Champaign, that before 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 for a thousand dangerous treacheries. In very short space 〈◊〉 the trees laid along on the ground, the place made light some and open, and a very commodious situation prepared for the foundation of a Castle. The plot of the old ruined Castle was compassed 
The compass of the walls of Tomanis.  about with a wall of a thousand and sea●● to hundred yard 〈◊〉, and in the 〈◊〉 thereof was 〈◊〉 a To●re 〈◊〉 of a strong keep sundry lodgings and than the 〈◊〉 and two hundred 〈◊〉 of Ordinance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the 〈◊〉 we Walls.  
〈…〉 
Certain victuallers sent abroad but not heard of again.  〈…〉 they did not as yet show 〈…〉 
Hassan Bassa goeth out to assure the way for the return of the victuallers.  〈…〉 well provided of cattle, and other rich and plentiful booties, which was a great relief to all the Soldiers. Afterwards the General sent Resuan, being now the 
Re●uan Bassa goeth to Teflis with succours with twenty thousand persons.  Bassa of Anatolia, and the Bassa of Caraemit to convey the succours to Teflis, with twenty thousand persons in their company, the most chosen and best armed in all the host, who marching all closely together in the direct way, within one days space arrived at the said Fort, wherein they placed their Garrison, and changing the Governor thereof, substituted in his room one 
Bagli Bassa left for governor at Teflis.  Bagli, being then, upon this occasion only, called a Bassa.  
Whiles Resuan lay thus encamped under Teflis, Daut-Chan the brother of Simon, who (as we told you in the beginning of this war) at the coming of Mustaffa into 
Daut-Chan. yieldeth himself to the Turks.  Georgia, had fled out of Teflis and abandoned the Castle, came now with all his Family to offer himself for a subject and a devoted vassal to Amurath, promising that he would follow the Turkish Army, and employ all his forces and all his wits in the service thereof: and therefore besought him, that he would vouchsafe to cause him to be received with all good entertainment, being now come with a trusty and assured hope to find peace and safety among their weapons, and under their law and religion to enjoy a quiet and peaceable life. Resuan entertained them all with great promises, and large assurances of all good success, according to their desires and necessities.  
In the mean while news were brought to Simon, that 
Simon advertised of the going of R●suan to Teflis  General Ferat, staying at the straits of Tomanis withal his Army, had sent Resuan Bassa to succour Teflis, and withal it was told him by certain false and lying Spies that Resuan was gone, not with twenty thousand persons, 
Simon deluded by the liing spies meaneth to assail Resuan.  but with a far less number of people, than indeed he was. At which good news he took courage to encounter Resuan, and setting upon him to join a bloody and mortal battle with him. Which his resolution he caused presently to be put in practice: for without any further delay, being accompanied with four thousand Georgians, partly Subjects of his own, 
Simon with 4000 Soldiers goeth to encounter Resuan Bassa.  and partly of Manu●chiar, with all speed possible he w●nte against Resuan. But whiles Simon was going thithe●wardes, General Ferat (either because he was falsely informed that there were a greater number of Georgian Soldiers, or else because without any other advertisement, he was of himself afraid that the Enemy's Army 
The Bassas of Caramania & Maras dispatched for aid.  was bigger than it was) had already by chaunc● dispatched away the two Bassas of Caramania and of Maras with ten thousand persons, to the end that joining themselves with the Soldiers of Resuan, they should be somuch the safer and stronger at all adventures. Now Simon came upon Resuan, being encamped with six thousand Soldiers only at the root of a certain Hill, on the backside whereof were all the rest of his people, near to a certain water, and presently made an assault upon him. The Soldiers, behind the Hill, being aware of Simons approach, were ready all at once with their weapons to annoy Simon, who now was exceeding sorry for his error in believing the false news, and repenting himself, that he had assaulted his Enemies, he perceived that he was undone. But 
Simon repenteth that he went to set upon Resuan.  when he saw, that ●y ●light he could not but increase his grief, and make the issue more lamentable and miserable, with those few Soldiers which he had, he endured the fury of the populous Army of Resuan, and on both sides there was joined a most cruel Battle: Wherein on the one side you might have seen a strange and unusual valour, and on the other a tumultuous superfluity of a multitude, that in the encounter were rather sore wounded, then able 
A cruel battle between the Turks and the Georgians.  to carry away the Victory: Howbeit in the end the huge number of the Turkish sword and Spears did overcome the small number of the Georgians, and the Barbarian fires and Artillery did bring the Christian forces to an unhappy estate. But Simon himself, whose Horse in the Medley was quite thrust through, 
Simons horse thrust though  fell down headlong to the ground, and his guilt Torbant with his Golden Horn from his Head, and in his fall was very near to have been taken prisoner. Which misfortune, as it happened to his Lieutenant and to his General, and to many other his followers, so must it needs also have lighted upon him, if he had not been relieved by an unexpected and 
An unexpected chance delivereth Simon from present destruction.  (as it were a marvelous favour. For whiles the battle was even at the greatest heat between them, Resuan discovered the two Bassas of Caramania and Maras, who (as we told you) were newly sent by General Ferat to succour him, but both by the said Resuan, and also by the rest of the Turkish army were indeed thought to be Persians. Whereupon they were incontinently surprised with a sudden fear insomuch that all of them waxing faint and hanging in suspense, the victory, which before was ●ure their own, became now very doubtful, and the Turks themselves feared, that they should be the losers. In this suspense & doubtfulness of mind, the battle also was intermitted, & by those very friends, which were sent thither to further this enterprise, it was unawares disturbed whereby the Georgians and specially Simon, whose estate was almost desperate) took the opportunity & benefit to escape & save themselves, and to leave behind them many infallible signs of their valour among the Turks: of whom many remained there slain, many wounded, and many replenished with very great marvel and unexpected fear. Thus escaped Simon, and thus remained Resuan, who after that he had discovered his well-willing Bassas 
Simon escapeth out of the Turks hands.  approaching nearer towards him, and knew them particularly to be his Confederates and Furderers, could not be quiet with himself for the escape of Simon, who without all doubt had been utterly overthrown and all his people, if as he feared great harm, by the coming of the two Bassas, so he had expected that help which he should have expected. For without any further trouble or difficulty, all the Forces of the Georgians had either been taken prisoners, or miserably destroyed. But poor Simon saved himself in the places near thereabouts, which he knew by their situation to be very safe and secure, and there began a fresh to be grieved at the false information that he had received by the lying spies touching his Armies, bewailing the deaths and captivity 
Simon thanketh God for preservation of his life.  of his subjects, and yielding thanks to God for the preservation of his life and liberty.  
The Turks in this mean time were come to Tomanis, withal jollity and triumph, drawing the standards of Simon all along the ground, and bearing many heads of the Georgians upon their Lances to the great joy of General 
Resuan at Tomanis again.  F●rat, to whom also there were delivered all the prisoners taken in the battle, and impious Da●t-Chan, likewise presented, who having in times past abandoned his first faith was become a Persian, and now again despising the vain and wicked worship of the Persians, had yielded himself for a pray to the impure filthiness of the Turks, and made himself a voluntary slave to Amurath  
The season of the year was now so far spent, that 
Fear of winter approaching.  every man began to fear the winter approaching, and therefore the General determined to remove from those parts, and to withdraw himself into some safer places: and so having set in Order all the Garrisons of the new Fort, in such sort as we told you before, he appointed 
Hassan le●t as Bassa at Tomanis with 8000.  Hassan to be the Bassa of Tomanis, and left with him eight thousand soldiers, which he had chosen out of the rest, for that enterprise.  
Very deeply in his mind had Ferat layed-up the outrage committed by Mustaffa the Georgian, (being now returned to his old name of Manucchiar,) in taking away the King's treasure, and killing the two Capigi and the Chiaus: neither could he find any rest, nor time to ease his stomach being all inflamed and boiling with anger for the same. And therefore he resolved with himself not to return to Chars or Erzirum, unless he had first passed into the countries of the said Georgian, and by annoying the same in the cruellest manner he could, revenged the intolerable injuries that were received. In three days he arrived at Triala, where all the Turkish Army encamped themselves, and where they endured a very strange 

Ferat arriveth at Triala.  
A dearth such as was never heard of among the Army.   and unwonted dearth and scarcity of all things, and principally the want of ordinary, victuals grew so excessive, that after the rate of the Venetian Staio or bushel, they paid five hundred Ducats for every five Bushels and a half (which amounteth to the measure of a Sorian Macuc●) to the universal calamity of the whole Army, Barley also was happily sold at a higher price, as Hala Bey (of whom I made mention before) did for a truth give me to understand, and confirmed it by the testimony of divers others.  
From this place the General was minded to go on forwards, towards the country of Manucchiar: but whiles he was upon the raising of his tents, one Ueis, being then the Bassa of Alepp●, 
Bassa Veis cometh before General Ferat, and speaketh to him.  came against him, and advertised him, that it was not good now to spend the time in wandering about those countries, for that there were three very great enemies, which were confederate together, to make this enterprise very difficult, and almost impossible & desperate. One was the season of the year, being now full of snows, frosts, and tempests, which in those Regions are continually noisome to travelers. Another was the want & scarcity of all things necessary for victual, without which no doubt the Army would make an insurrection, and abandon all the enterprises that should be attempted, & so in the greatest heat of their labours, their designments being put in practice, should be hindered and interrupted. And the third was the people of Georgia, who peradventure might find opportunity to procure the joint help of the Persians in their favour, and by a common uniting of themselves together, to work some notable 
Ferat reproveth Veis the Bassa.  mischief against their army. But Ferat did most sharply rebuke the Bassa, & reproved him with bitter terms, telling him flatly, that he well perceived he was broughtup among mountains & villages, & of a villain (as he was) advanced to the honour of a Bassa, upon some odd conceit & foolish importunity: and that therefore he should not have presumed so much as to think it lawful for him, so impudently & shamelessly to come & give him such advertisements: but rather it had been his duty to have held his peace, and to hearken to the commandments of his betters, & superiors, yielding himself obedient & devoted to perform the same with all his power. With this rebuke the General passed on to Archelech: in all which passage he destroyed & in a manner burnt up all the plat country, though indeed 
Ferat at Archelech.  it were in amity & confederacy with the Turks. But the inhabitants of Archelech had withdrawn themselves into the mountain, abandoning the City, the Castles, and Villages, and leaving them open to the fury of the army, to the great astonishment & marvel of all men, who thought that they being subjects, rather than they should fly into the mountains, should have run with all joy & gladness to salute the victorious Captain, & to admire the armies, the devices, the forces & the ensigns of their good friend the General.  
In Archelech Ferat encamped & stayed the space of four days, among the rocky crags, & in a barren soil, where neither cattle nor 
The miseries of the Turkish Armi●.  men had any store of necessary sustenance, but rather every man en dured unspeakable miseries. Howbeit forfower whole days the soldiers were content to bear this great calamity. But in the end thereof, the fall of a huge snow being added to these extremities did so great lie increase their griefs, that all the Giannizzaries & Spaoglin● of Constantinople arose in a tumult, and coming before Ferat, in despiteful & contemptuous manner, with very haughty and resolute terms they said unto him. And how long shall we endure this thy 
The soldiers being in a tumult speak despitefully to the general.  tedious and insolent government? where is the due commiseration that thou oughtest to bear towards the vassals of our sovereign Lord, thou rustical & unreasonable captain? Dost thou think happily, that we keep with our harlots, as thou dost, under thy sumptuous pavilions, all fat & in good plight with delicate viands, whiles others li●e in misery? Dost thou believe, that we have, as thou hast, our dainty Sugars, spices, and conserves, whereby to restore us in the common calamities of others? And that we have at command our neat & precious wines, which thou minglest with thy clear & pleasant waters, partly provided for thee by the Art of the cunning Doctors, & partly brought unto thee from far places? From this day forward, it will be no longer endured, that so much people should continue in this famine & cold lying upon the hard ground, and afflicted with nakedness and many other inconveniences: and therefore get thyself up, and return towards Erzirum: or else we shall be enforced to do that, which will breed more displeasure to thee, then to any man else.  
The general, being in a great agony & confusion within himself, presently caused a Di●ano to be assembled, wherein it was concluded, that they should all send their strong sumpter horses towards Ardachan, & all 
Ferat promiseth the spoil of Manucchiar his countries.  follow him into the widows country, whither he had appointed to go, only to make an Inroad to give them occasion of spoil & booty, & to refresh the minds of them all, that were afflicted with the miseries both past & present. At the commandment of the general they all readily obeyed, aswell because he promised them a speedy vioage as also for that every man desired the sack of Altun-Chala, & other the territories of Manucchiar: & therefore they all very willingly followed the standards of Ferat, who holding on his journey through certain low valleys, between the high and difficult mountains (which could be none other but the Rocks of Periardo) and being continually accompanied with a very great dearth and scarcity, brought his Army to Clisca, a place belonging to the said Manucchiar, but now quite abandoned & forsaken by all the inhabitants, who at the only voice of the generals coming, having gotten together all the best stuff 
General Ferat at Clisca.  that they had, together with their wives, their children, & all their dearest jewels, were departed from thence, & removed into remote and safe places, till the fury of the victor should be overpassed. In the fields near unto this 
The army refreshed with plenty of victuals.  place there was good store of Rye, Barley, & other corn wherewith they might quench the hunger of the cattle, yea and the soldiers themselves through the abundance of fruit and flesh were greatly comforted and refreshed. So that the General being encouraged by these commodities, and hoping that the whole Army would take it well to stay a while in such good ease, determined with himself to erect a new Fort in the place, and to strengthen it with Armour and Soldiers: and with this resolution 
The General commandeth that Clisca should be fortified.  gave commandment to Resuan Bassa, that he should go up to the tower, and in the top thereof plant a banner, with a proclamation and public report, that he would fence that Fortress, and in the name of Amurath Fortify it, as other Forts were wont to be. Resuan being accompanied with the Bassa of Caramania, who was all so called Amurath, executed the commandment of the General, in the top of the Tower planted one or two Banners accordingly, whereat assoon as the Soldiers espied them, the forenamed Giannizzaries and the Spaoglani, suddenly took great indignation, because they thought themselves to be too much abused by their captain, and thereupon arising again all in an uproar, replenished with fury and confused in tumult, with great despite and rage, they ran up to take down the Banners that were planted upon the Fort, and taking them in their hands, they struck the said Resuan Bassa once or twice about the pate withal, discharging a thousand injurious 
Resuan Bassa ill handled by the soldiers.  and reproachful words upon him, and sharply rebuking him. And then returning to the General, who was now also come thither himself to countenance the Action of Resuan, and from that high place the better to behold the situation thereof, with gestures full of contempt and disdain, reviling him with many shameful and scornful terms, they protested unto him, That they were not come to the Wars to exercise the occupation of Masons 
The soldiers revile General Ferat.  and daubers, and to be employed in such vile and dishonourable offices, but only to Manage their weapons, and thereby to demerit their ordinary wages, and to purchase to themselves glory and renown at their King's hands. And therefore, if he loved his head, and would not shortly see those Arms turned against him, which hitherto had been the Revengers of the enemy's injuries, he should resolve with himself to leave these new Buildings▪ and these unseasonable designments, and giving place to the contrary season of the year, he should have due care of their common desires and necessities. And whiles they were thus talking unto him, there was one more bold than the rest and beyond his duty, that did not stick to assault the General, and to threaten him, that he would 

The soldiers in a tumult threaten the General.  
Amurath the Bassa of Caramania saveth the generals li●e.   wreak his fury upon him, and chastife him with impious hands & cruel blows withal. But the forenamed Bassa of Caramania was ready to lend the General his own Horse, and so rescuing him from the rage and tumult of the Soldiers to conduct him to his Pavilion. Howbeit Ferat was pursued by the tumultuous Soldiers, and sharply accused again for the stay that he had made there, and for not resolving presently to remove from thence: yea and after they had often repeated their contumelious speeches, and reproachful villainies against him, they uttered also at the last their manifest & express protestations, that if the next morning he did not remove 
The express protestations of the Soldiers against the General.  from those Quarters, without all fail, he should lose his life for it. Ferat, who could not abide to yield to them, that should of duty have been ready and obedient at every beck that he should make, seeking by all means (notwithstanding all this stir) to stay there for so long time, as would be sufficient to build a Fort, that would be so noisome and injurious to Manucchiar, could do no less but answer 
The answer of General● Ferat to the Soldiers.  these Protestations, telling them, that he made no account of their threatening him with his life, which he had always offered as ready for any service of Amurath his King: But if they had no care to serve their Soveraigue in this ●ewe Building, they might go their ways: for as for himself, he was utterly minded to obey his Lord, in whatsoever he had commanded him, for the honour of whom 
A reply to the answer.  every man ought to think his life very well bestowed. Upon this answer there followed diverse railings, and curses against the king, against the General, against them all: and in a most confused tumult, that was raised, every man betook himself to his weapons, 
A most confused uproar, & manifest common fear.  and in every corner there were heard grommellings, & whisperings, full o● wrath and fierceness, so that there was great fear of some dangerous conflict, but greater was the suspicion of the generals life. For now every man had withdrawn himself to the guarding of such things as he esteemed most dearly, when as suddenly and in a trice they saw the pavilions of the Captains and of all the Bassas fall down to the ground, all the cords thereof being cut by the wrathful soldiers, and as it were in a Moment all the Muttons and other cattle, which the General and Bassas led with them 
All the cords of the tents suddenly cut.  for their ordinary use, were seized upon, and guarded with all diligence possible. And so far off was it, that any man durst challenge or revenge this their rashness, that they themselves returning a fresh upon their Captain, being now all in a maze and frightful fear, they repeated the third time the protestations which they had twice already made unto him, that if he would not remove from those Countries, and turn his journey towards Erzirum, without all fail those Valleys and Fields 
The last protestations to the General.  should become the sepulchres of the Bassas, and those Hills should retain an eternal memory of so famous a day.  
The General might have done with this people whatsoever he had listed, if with a little lib●rallitye he had bestowed but a small quantity of Money among them: but being loath to show, even the least token of a grateful mind towards them, he was enforced to perform their proud and arrogant demands, and to his great shame to obey them, whom he might have made 
General Ferat shamefully obeyeth his soldiers.  obedient to him, rather with mildness then with rigour. And therefore the Captain was constrained to yield and obey his soldiers, and to avoid their despiteful and sharp threats, to his exceeding great reproach, even as they had commanded, to remove from those quarters. The first day he arrived at Ardachan, with 
Ferat at Ardachan.  the very great annoyance and trouble of all the soldiers: for whereas the journey was wont to be two days work ordinarily, aswell in respect of the long way, as also of the passage over a very rough and difficult mountain, the General would needs have it dispatched in one only day, the rather thereby to afflict and grieve the Soldiers. But for this his revenge he received even the self same day his due reward, for that the Chariots, wherein his women road were conveyed away, together with their eunuchs that were their keepers: some say, by the Georgians, that in those woods and crags of the 
General Ferat his women stolen away from him.  mountain lay in ambush, waiting for some such occasion: and others say, by the Giannizzaries, who altogether to dishonour the Captain, wrought him this injury. Great was the reproach which Ferat received, not only in the Army, but also, yea & far greater at Constantinople, when these news were known there: so that he was continually replenished and inflamed with shame: and yet notwithstanding all this his wrath and ardent indignation, he was compelled to endure the loss of his dearest jewels, and in case as he was to journey towards 
The shame of General Ferat  Erzirum.  
In Ardachan he took a survey of his Army, and 
A muster at Ardachan.  before he commanded any remove, he gave them all leave to depart, himself afterward arriving at Erzirum, hated of all his Soldiers, envy by Veis Bassa and 
Ferat at Erzirum.  others the Captains of the host, defamed for the loss of his women, and fallen into the disgrace of every man. But no less than the rest, was the Turkish king discontented with him, for two very mighty and weighty considerations. First, for that he was notable to make any vaunt of 
King Amurath discontented with Ferat.  any action that he had done in revenge of the exceeding great injury of the Georgian: neither was it possible for him to learn the way how to behave himself towards the soldiers, that they might become obedient & friendly unto him. Secondly for that without any care, he had suffered Alyculi-Chan to escape away: about whose flight he could not choose but have some intelligence and conference, as being the only man, that in all the strange haps which happened in the former years of this war had continually celebrated & renewed the fresh memory of his serviceable actions. For Ferar, who (as we told you before) by the new order, which he received from the Court, was to divert his journey from Nassivan, to the straits and narrow passages of Georgia, being desirous to be thoroughly informed in all those ways, that with most ease might lead him into those places, and withal to be acquainted with all those difficult & perilous corners, where the Georgians were wont to hide themselves in ambushes, and prepare their treacheries, resolved with himself (in the second year when he removed from Erzirum) to take Alyculi-Chan 
The Original, of the escape of Alyculi-Chan, late prisoner in Erzirum.  out of prison, who was apprehended by Hassan Bassa, and caused to be imprisoned by General Mustaffa, (as it is above written in the fourth book.) This Alycul Chan did Ferat purpose to use as 〈◊〉 guide & counsellor in this voyage, & to ●ake his addise in such difficult resolutions, as might happen unto him in those narrow straits, and thereby to avoid the perils, that are ordinarily found in every cornet of those Regions. And therefore he carried him with him, under a certain guard (whatsoever it was afterwards) of his most faithful vassals, & caused him to be well entreated, by yielding unto him the benefit & enjoying of whatsoever he needed. At the last they arrived in Georgia, at the straights of Tomanis, where we told you the forenamed Castle was erected, and from thence he escaped secretly into Parsia. The manner of his escape is diversly reported. For some say, that Ferat upon this condition brought him from Erzirum, 
The manner of the escape of Alyculi-Chanthe Persian.  to set him at liberty whensoever he should yield him any good advise in this voyage: and that when he had so done, for the discharge of his promise (which notwithstanding is a hard matter to believe in a Turkish Infidel:) he gratified him with his liberty. Others say, that Ferat for the exceeding great bribes, which he had taken of Alyouli, granted him opportunity to escape. But what bribes or rewards could a poor prisoner give, that was spoiled of all his substance in the battle, and left scareable to sustain himself. And to be brief, others some say, that this escape was made neither for reward of money, nor discharge of promise, but by the only vigilance of Alyouli himself, and the sleepiness of his keepers, and that watching the opportunity of the night, which is a friend to all 'scapes, he started away. But whether this or that were the manner of his escape, in fine he was then delivered from the Turkish captivity, and returned into Persia, to 
Alyculi Chan flieth again into Persia.  the performing of those enterprises, which shall be told you, when we shall come to their fit times in this our History, for that now it is not amiss to declare a certain particularity, that happened before some of these actions that we have already described, and that indeed may not be passed over in silence, and that is, the execution of the commandments that Ferat gave to Aly Bassa, before he departed from Georgia.  
This Aly, who (as we told you) remained in the Fort at Lory, found his opportunity to issue out of the Fortress, and descending down a certain hill, at the foot whereof there was a Castle called Saitan-Chalasi, 
The castle of Satan f●●ined.  (which in our language may be interpreted the Castle of the Devil:) with great diligence he fortified the same: He left therein fifty pieces of Artillery, and a thousand men, under the charge of a Sangiacco, and so quieted the passages from fort to fort▪ in such sort, as all the ways 
The ways of Reivan, Tomanis, Lory and Teflis made secure.  from Reivan to Chars, and from Chars to Teflis were made easy and safe, and so all the enemies treacheries were discovered, and all their means taken away, whereby they might be able to plot any new.  
In this mean time, the King of Persia, who (as we told you before) was arrived at Tauris with althose his forces, perceiving that the Turks had changed their purpose 
King Mahamet licenseth all his soldiers of Tauris to departed home.  from Nassivan to Georgia, so that there was no further need to employ his Army against them in defence of Tauris or Nassivam, at the last resolved with himself to licence his soul dyer's to departed, which he had brought thither with him for the repressing of those public stirs: and to apply himself to more private revenges. For calling Emir-Chan unto him, whom he had lately left for governor of Tauris, & General 
King Mahamet quarreleth with Emir-Chan the Governor of Tauris.  over all the Cities & Captains above named he inquired of him the occasion, why he performed not the great promises which he had made unto him before his depa●tur to Heri, & did not his endeavour to hinder the Turkish fabrik at Reivam, or at least why he went not out with other soldiers appointed for that purpose, and namely with the Turcomannes (as he had promised) to revenge so great an injury, and in the best manner he could to endamage the Turkish forces. For if there had been none other promise to bind him, yet that had been the duty of every Persian Captain, much more had it been his part, who had tied himself thereunto by a solemn promise. Sundry excuses did Emir-Chan allege for his manifest default, and principally the speedy departure of the Turkish Army for that in so short a time, as the enemy's Army stayed under Reivan, he had not leisure enough 
Excuses alleged by EmirChan.  to call together either the Turcomannes, or the other Soldiers for that service: but for himself, he was always most ready to employ all his power and his life therein. These and other like excuses Emir-Chan alleged to discharge himself from the burden of the Crime, which the King and the Sultan's had laid upon him. But the king perceiving too manifestly, that there was no excuse sufficient to acquit Emir-Chan from so grievous a fault, and adding also peradventure to these indignities, some ancient hatred, which he had taken of old, and retained against Emir-Chan, ever since the death of Ismahel, determined with himself to bereave him of his sight, & so commanded, that with a hot burning Iron, applied to the eyes of the wicked Chan, all the humour that maintained his sight should be dried up, and afterwards being thus blinded 

King Mahamet commandeth that EmirChan should have his eyes put out.  
EmirChan being blinded dieth miserably in prison.   and despoiled of all his goods he should be shut up in close prison: which accordingly without any further delay was put in execution, and was the occasion, that within the space of a few months he died miserably in prison.  
Thus was Persia deprived of a famous and courageous man, and among other her losses she felt this also to be of that moment, as although it were of itself of some importance, yet in respect of the circumstances it was exceeding great. For the Turcoman Nation, who among other Captains, (from whence Persia received her protection and dignities) made great account of Emir-Chan, and by him was greatly honoured, at this death of his became 
The Turcoman Nation greatly offended for the death of EmirChan their captain  highly offended, and were notably discontended, yea, & their indignation increased so at the last that being become rebellious and an utter enemy to that Crown, they did absolutely deny their forces to the public defence thereof. This their wrath and anger was also much more aggravated, when they heard that the King had bestowed the room of Emir-Chan, upon Alyculi the fugitive, 
New discontentments of of the Turcomannes.  who was escaped out of prison from Ferat, as is above showed. Which Alyculi, although in respect of the great perils, wherein he had been, deserved all preferment, yet for that he was an ancient Enemy to certain Turcoman Captains, they could not in any wise endure that he should be exalted to so great an honour. And therefore they waxed more disdainful & ill affected towards the king, and thereby the Persians forces became the more 
The Persian forces weakened.  weakened and divided. And these were the events of this season of the year. 1584. An end whereof we made, at the return of Ferat Bassa the General to Erzirum, whose successes also do now call upon us, after we have thus briefly described the novelties of Persia.  
From Erziram he sent a large advertisement to Amurath of all things that had happened, and besought him to command what should be attempted at the next 
Ferat informeth the king of that which had happened this year.  Spring. But besides the information of Ferat, there wanted not many other that did the like also, although in another manner. For the King was advertised, and that in an odious sort, of all the whole proceed of Ferat, the escape of Alyculi-Chan, the shameful loss of his women, his quarrels with the Giannizzaries, the disorders 
Others inform the king more Particularly of the oversightes of Ferat.  that fell out, through his want of wisdom, among all the Bassas of the whole Camp, especially his enmity with Veis Bassa, who by the king himself was thought to be a man of valour and prudence, and to be short all the particulars of the actions, that had not altogether so honourably been performed in that year: which in truth of themselves only were causes sufficient to induce the king to remove the said Ferat from the Office that he exercised. To these occasions there were also added sundry other private respects. For ever sithence the departure of Ferat out of Erzirum to build the Fortresses 
Osman Bassa thought by Amurath to be a worthy Captain.  at Lory and Tomanis, Amurath had it still in his head the next year following to attempt the enterprise of Tauris, and therein to make trial of the most famous Captains that he had: thinking with himself, that the estate of Reivan and Chars being so safely settled, there was no reason any longer to delay or slack the passage to Tauris and thereby to stir up through all the world a famous report of great exploits, and a glory correspondent to so dangerous an attempt. Now among the Captains, whom Amurath esteemed to be worthy men, to whom he might with trust commit this enterprise, he bethought himself of Osman Bassa who (we told you) was left at Sumachia in Siruan by General Mustaffa, the first year of this war, and whose journey to Demir-Capi we described afterwards, together with such other matters as he performed against Ares-Chan and Sahamal, in assuring the Conquest of that City. The good opinion, that Amurath had thus conceived of Osman, did springe & arise in his head, not only for the exploits done by him, which we have sufficiently above declared, but also, yea and much the rather, for that he maintained so great an Army, in a Country so far distant, without any expenses at all to the king, having now a good while levied the soldiers Stipends upon the lands and territories of that Region, and still exercised a kind of government and sovereignty over those places. Of all which his good proceed, Osman caused intelligence to be sent to the Court sundry times in the year, discoursing upon the State of all things, and how without any help of the Tartarians, who since the death of Adilcherai never came to assist him, he had assured and confirmed the Conquest for ever. By these means, and by other 
Amurath hath great hope of the valour of Osman Bassa.  favours which Osman had about the king, there was fostered in the mind of Amurath a wonderful good opinion of him, but although (as we have said) ever since the departure of Ferat out of Erzirum the second year, he was thoroughly persuaded of the virtue of Osman, yet was he not resolved (as then) to call upon him, for that he was hindered by the Novelties that arose in Georgia, and stayed by a kind of hope, that he had conceived of some better establishment in the affairs of Siruan. And now having settled all those borders, in such sort as we have described, and opened the passage in manner aforesaid, he thought it good to stay no longer, but resolved with himself to cut of all further delay, & to cause him to come to him, to Constantinople: & for that purpose, before, that Ferat was arrived at Erzirun, the king had disparched certain Capigi & Chiaus to call this famous warrior unto him: and thereupon, 
Certain messengers and gentlemen ushers dispatched to call Osman to Constantinople.  in the next spring, they began to make provision of new attempts and new Captains.  
But there wanted not some, that went about to hinder both his coming & also these dissignements that were of great importance. At that time by reason of the death of the three Viziers before named, and the banishment of Sinan above also declared, there had succeeded in the place of the chief Visier, Sciaus Bassa, son in law to Amurath, next unto whom it was osman's course to sit in the order of those Bassas, that were advanced to that honour. But Sciaus, who rather for the comeliness of his person, and alliance with the king, then for any other thing was mounted to those high rooms, did greatly fear, lest partly for his experience in matters of war, and particularly for the good affection and trust which the king did bear to Osman, at this his coming to Constantinople he might persuade the king to what he listed: and so peradventure it might fall out, that he would take from him the chiefest office, and get the universal government of the whole Empire, where by so great wealth was to be gained and purchased. And 
Sciaus endeavoureth to hinder the coming of Osman Bassa to the Court in his place.  therefore he had every date new stings arising in his mind, and sundry cogitations how he might rid himself of these fears, and find means to avoid his coming to the Court. And because it was a very dangerous matter openly to attempt the same, and might peradventure be an easy means to make him forego his life, he thought it better to make trial of a more commodious & trusty mean. This Sciaus, in consideration of many gifts and rewards, which the Cuman Tartarian had often bestowed upon him, had continually endeavoured to clear him before the king of divers accusations, which Osman by his letters was wont to lay to his charge, & for all his oversights to allege such reasons in his behalf, as if they did not persuade Amurath to be altogether kind and courteous towards him, yet at the least not to carry a malicious & envious conceit against him. And so far had he proceeded in countenancing and favouring the Tartarian, that 
Friendship between Sciaus the Visier, & the Cuman Tartarian.  there was established and confirmed an interchangeable amity and mutual confederacy between them: but besides this their reciprocal friendship, there quickened in the heart of Sciaus a certain assured imagination, that the said Tartarian king would use all the ways and means possible, to hinder the coming of Osman to Constantinople, if he were but made acquainted with his coming. And therefore Sciaus, assoon as he understood the certain resolution of Amurath, to call Osman to the Court, before he saw the Chiaus and the Capigi dispatched, which went with the kings commandment to fetch him, secretly wrote to the Cuman Tartar, who lay encamped near to the haven of Caffa upon the Moor of Moeotis, certifying him that Osman was to come to the Court: and 
Sciaus writeth to the Tartar of osman's coming to the Court.  that therefore he would call to mind how great an enemy he had been to him, and how much he had endeavoured by letters to Amurath, to turn all his hatred and displeasure against him: and withal, that if he was able to do so much by letters, as if Sciaus had not defended him with very reasonable excuses, the king had executed his wrathfall mind upon him to his great loss and detriment, he should then imagine with himself, what Osman would be able to do, when he should come in person to the presence of Amurath, and without any mediator determine between themselves of all matters, whatsoever they should think to be convenient for the common quiet. These & peraduentur worse were the letters, which Sciaus wrote to the Tartar, which ministered matter enough unto him, to encourage him to his barbarous and cruel designment: and having fully resolved with himself, not to suffer so pernicious an enemy of his own to arrive at Constantinople, and also to rid his mind of so great a fear, and especially perceiving that Sciaus, in whose breast he reposed all his hope and all his protection, did so greatly fear his coming, he commanded, that twelve thousand soldiers, chaungnig their weapons and apparel, should go and lie in await for Osman, in the borders between Colchis and Iberia, towards 
The order, which the Tartarian taketh to prohibit osman's coming to Constantinople.  the Tartarian Nomads, and so making an assault upon him, to bereave him of his life, hoping that such an outrage either could not or would not be imputed to his procurement, but rather either to the Tartar Nomades, or to the Mengrellians, or to the Georgians, or to the Moscovites, or to the thieves by the high way: and to be short, rather to any body else then to him. The commandments of the Tartar king were put in practice by them accordingly, 
The Tartarian Soldiers ride to the enterprise against Osman  and without any further stay they joined themselves all together, and so road towards the place appointed.  
The, Volacchi, and the Capigi, which were sent from the king, were now come to Osman, who readily had put himself on his way towards Constantinople, having left behind 
Osman departeth from Derbent, and leaveth two Bassas in it and at Sumachia.  him at Derbent, and at Sumachia two Bassas, which he thought to be the most sufficient men and the best of all those that were in Siruania: having also appointed very good orders in the same, and an assured establishment of all those Countries and places, which Mustaffa first had subdued▪ and he himself afterward had maintained and kept under the obedience of Amurath. He had also made good provision for the naughty and dangerous passages, through which he was to journey, by choosing out four 
Osman seateth forward with 4000 soldiers.  thousand soldiers, which he had tried in divers battles, and brought up (as a man may say) under his own custody and military discipline: by means of whose valour he was in good hope he might pass safely through the treacheries of the Albanians, and the populous Squadrons aswell of the Tartarians as of the Mengrellians: so that he persuaded himself to be safe and sure from all danger and fear. And to be short, he was not troubled with any other care (as those which were nearest of counsel with him, had told me a thousand times) but only the exceeding desire, wherein he lived, that he might be able to revenge the wrong, which the Cuman Tartar had done to Amurath 
Osman desireth to be revenged on the Cuman Tartarian.  and to him, by failing in his promises that he had made unto them, and omitting to send any more soldiers into Media for these appointed enterprises.  
Thus departed he from Derbent or Demircapi, as we may call it, and coasting along the rocks of Caucasus, (Caucasus I say, that in all seasons of the year is all white and hoary 
The journey of Osman Bassa.  with continual snows,) Leaving on his left hand Media, Iberia, and Colchis, and on his right hand the two famous rivers of Tanais, and Volga, even as his entrance into the first shores of the Euxine sea, he was by the abovenamed twelve thousand Tartarians, being appareled like 
Osman assaulted & fought withal by the 12000. Tartarians appareled like Cassachi.  the Cassachis or thieves that kept by the high ways, suddenly assailed and fought withal. But, like a huge rock lying open to tempests and waves, standing fast & unmovable in itself, resisteth the thunderings and rushings of the vast and fearful billows, so stood Osman sound and firm and courageously sustained this treacherous assault, neither was there any in all his band, that to avoid this unexpected onset, resolved to fly upon it: but all of them, turning their bold countenances against the rebellious multitude of those Traitorous Squadrons, 
The Tartarians at first show great valour, but afterward withdraw themselves.  endured the shock of the Assailants, who (as indeed it is their custom in the beginning to use great force, but afterwards lightly to languish and withdraw themselves) finding so stout a resistance in those few, which they thought with their only looks and shoutings to have put to flight, became very sorrowful and foully discontented. Howbeit forsomuch as they were the Assailants 
The Tartarians discontented.  themselves, they could not resolve to fly, and shamefully to abandon their duties, in pursuing so unequal a battle: Whereunto the Soldiers of Osman were already in such sort inflamed, and he himself also so enkindled, 
Great loss of the Tartarians.  that with a very small loss of his own, and in a very short space of time, he saw the great discomfiture of them. Whereby taking fresh force as it were at this conflict, and sweetened in the taste of victory and blood, they were also encouraged and revived, that the battle 
The Tartarians destroyed and put to slight.  was not abandoned by them, until partly by taking a number of the Tartarians as prisoners, partly hewing others in pieces, and partly driving a many of them to shameful flight, they had obtained a most happy victory, and found themselves not only free from this deep danger, but also Conquerors and Revengers of an injury so fraudulently contrived against them. By the Prisoners that were taken in sundry sorts, and by means of divers torments which he put them too, he was informed that 
The prisoners reveal the treachery plotted against Osman.  for the fear which their king had conceived, lest when he came to constantinople he would procure his destruction from Amurath, he was come down with this Army to seek his death. Assoon as Osman had received certain intelligence of this treason of the Tartar, having caused a perfect process to be made of it, together with the dispositions of the said Tartariaen prisoners, he sent 
Osman advertiseth Amurath of every particular.  the same by the shortest, safest, and easiest ways that he could devise to Amurath at Constantinople. Which process accompanied also with his Letters, wherein he gave advertisement of the treacheries most unjustly contrived against him, and of the battle that ensued thereupon, provoking and inflaming him to revenge so grievous an injury, and so wicked a rebellion. Amurath having received these reports, according as the necessity of the matter required, secretly and resolutely took order, that certain Galleys should be sent to the haven of Caffa, to fetch Osman Bassa, and with all that there 

Amurath taketh order that galleys should be sent to Caffa.  
Amurath writeth to Osman to flay the Tartarian King and to substitute his Brother in his room.   should be conveyed thither a brother of the said Tartar, commanding Osman by Letters that he should put to death the Cuman Traitor, and substitute this his Brother in his place, to the end he might serve for an example to all men, that such wicked and mischievous offences do never pass without due punishment.  
But that we may the better understand, why this Cuman Brother was at this time so ready for this business, it shall be well in brief to set down some of the particulars that may open the light of this truth. Among other potent Princes, that cowardly & basely yielding to the Ottoman power do lead a very vile & troublesome life under them, the Kings of the Cuman Tartarians called Precopensi did also submit themselves, and governed those peoples that were subject unto them, according to the wicked and damnable pleasures of the Ottomans whom they served. Among the rest of these Cuman Kings this present King, who being wholly devoted unto them, was placed in this kingdom, besides the slaughter of his parents had himself also endured divers & sundry afflictions, so that he greatly feared to be removed from that government and committed to prison. And therefore this his 
The purpose of the Tartars brother, to bereave him of his state.  brother, who as we told you was now so ready for this action, as one that for the constitution of his body, and for the gifts of his mind, being adorned with the knowledge of astrology and Philosophy, was better esteemed by the Subjects, than his brother now raining was, (for that by reason of his excessive tributes, and besides his tributes, of his Ordinary bribes that he often bestowed at the Court, he was become most odious to his Subjects, from whom he sucked those Revenues and presents) this his brother (I say) being ravished with the conceit of himself, and persuaded by the comfortable words of his best friends, resolved to pass to Constantinople: and although he were younger in years, and naked and bare of money and wealth, whereby he might have obtained that, which he hoped for, over his Brother: yet trusting upon the common voice and report of the people, from whom he had carried with him very earnest supplications and intercessions to the Ottoman king, and also relying greatly upon his own eloquence, and other virtues whereby he thought he was able to purchase the favour of the king, he imagined it to be a reasonable suit and easy to be granted, to require that thing of Amurath which age and riches had denied him: that is to say, that he would drive his Brother out of the kingdom, and to substitute him in his place. And thus went the good young man to the court, where having bestowed a few small presents, he did not stick to show himself to be a suitor for the nowme of his Brother: who having had intelligence before, of his going to Constantinople, had presently written to his Ambassadors there, that they 
The remedy that the Tartar king used against his brother.  should not regard any expenses, they should not omit any duty or entreaty, they should not forget any Art or diligence, to retain him still established in his possessed dig nitye, & to procure his foolish & audacious Brother to be clapped up in some place, where he might not disturb him in his kingdom. And so whiles the one laboured with the power 
Money among corrupt people can do all things.  of his tongue, and by means thereof conjoined with the other ornaments of his mind hoped to have become his Brothers superior, the Agentes of the other did not cease to employ also the force of their gifts and Stratagems: and in the end it fell out, that neither learning nor beauty of person, nor good report, could prevail somuch for the one as rich presents and crafty deceits legitimated by gold, could do for the other, notwithstanding a number of filthy vices that were in him. (And what is it, that money cannot do among covetous people at this day, if it be bestowed in measure and in time, and distributed in fit occasions? The young man was committed prisoner, & sent by safe watch to Gogna, sometimes called Iconium a City of Licaonia, and his Brother still confirmed in his possessed kingdom. With great patience did the unhappy young man remain at Gogna, appareled like an Eremit, and in that his captivity lived a life altogether conformable to his misery, and (as all men justified it unto me, at my passage through that city, 
The author in Gogna had intelligence of the Tartarian youngman  when I went to Constantinople) by his continual and treacherous execrations, and a kind of external innocency, he made show that he was void of all hope or ambitious desire to be brought to a kingdom, thought, the matter was now no longer to be foreslowed but that it was very expedient to attempt the 
Osman adviseth the enter prize of Tauris, and showeth the manner how.  famous enterprise of Tauris, and by erecting a Fort in that City to raise a terror over all Persia, and a glorirous renown of their mighty conquests, among the Nations of Europe. For it was already well known what the Georgians were able to do, the people whereof had already partly of their own voluntary motion, and partly enforced by necessity & fear, yielded their dutiful obedience: & although Mustaffa had rebelled & returned to his former liberty & native Religion, yet he might peradventure by this time repent himself thereof: neither was there any cause at all to fear the treacheries of one, that being without any train to follow him, and of himself very poor: would rather seek to save himself in his obscure and base villages, and to keep his pitiful holds within the mountains: neither could be able to endure the sound of their victors, much less be so hardy as to assault the victoreiss. So that all things now were open, neither was there any fear of any novelty arising, but that the journey to Tauris might resolutely be performed: for the accomplishment whereof he thought that either the same Army, or at the most a very little greater would suffice, so that it were of the choicest soldiers.  
By reason of one of the letters, which Sciaus Bassa had 
A letter of Sciaus that was found is the cause why he was dismissed from his chief Visiership.  written to the Cuman Tartar, and was found I know not how, Amurath had deprived the said Sciaus from the office of the chief Visier, and banished him from the Court, so that he lived afterwards about Calcedone, upon the borders of Asia towards Constantinople, in a certain Seraglio or close Palace, that ye had there built for his own pleasure and recreation. And in the room of this his son in law, he had appointed Osman to be chief Visier in the rank of the Bassas of the 
Osman Bassa chief Visier,  Court: and not contented to have committed so great a trust unto him, he nominated him also the General and Sovereign Captain in the enterprise of Tauris.  
Such power and force hath virtue, that even from the very skomme of the rascal sort, and out of the rustical rout of Mountain Peasauntes (which notwithstanding cannot be truly justified of this Osman) it doth oftentimes in this variable world draw diverse men into Prince's Courts, and advance them to the highest dignities. This osman's father was a Circassian borne, who in the common loss and conquest of his country, was one of those, that to escape the slaughtering sword 
The offspring of Osman Bassa.  of Selim, submitted themselves to the Turkish yoke, and afterwards fight in defence thereof, he overcame the Aethtopians, and thereby obtained immortal renown. Of these his virtues he left the said Osman his heir, who being brought up in abundance of all things, and trained up in the Art of warfare, became very courageous and skilful therein: and at last, from a private Soldier was called to the highest dignities of so great an Empire, and from thence to the chiefest place of authority in the Army of the east, and to be short, was at one instant created a Counsellor and General of Ottoman. Great was the joy that Osman conceived hereat, and great 
Osman chosen General of the Army to go to Tauris.  was the desire that he had to make himself worthy of so honourable favours: and the greater confidence that he perceived Amarath had reposed in him, the more eagerly was he spurred on to do any thing possible whereby he might show himself to have deserved the same. And therefore advising with himself, that forasmuch as there must be a greater Army now Levied, then there was in the former years, & so sent into very far Countries, it was also necessary for him the sooner to send out his advertisements into all his subject Provinces, and he himself by his own example to provoke the other Captains and Soldiers thereunto, he determined even in winter (thought it were as yet somewhat troublesome,) to pass to Chalcedon, and from thence to Angori, to Amasia, to Siuas, and in those territories to drive out the 
The diligence of Osman Bassa.  time, until he might understand, that all his soldiers, which were summoned were gathered together. But because upon this his great speed, it might fall out peradventure, that his enemies also would begin to prepare a greater number of Soldiers, if they should understand for certain, that Osman had appointed all these preparations for Tauris: he thought it a better policy (for so it pleased Amurath also: to spread a rumour abroad, that 
A feigned rumour of going to Nassivan.  they must go for Nassivan, whither Ferat Bassa had given out speech that he should have gone the last year before: to the end that the Persians, being so beguiled, should not regard the gathering of so mighty an Army, as they would have done, if they should have heard of their passage to Tauris.  
And so this General cozening Rumour touching Nassivan, was published abroad, not only through all the City's subject to the Turk, but the fame thereof flew also even 
The Persian jealous of Tauris.  into the Countries of the Persians, who notwithstanding being very jealous of the City of Tauris, and fearing that the matter would fall out, as indeed afterwards it did, ceased not to make curious & diligent inquiry about it. And although the indignity and disgrace, that was offered to his Ambassador, dissuaded him from sending any other for treaty of peace, yet to spy out the secrets of the Turks, and to understand certainly whether their intent were to pass to Nassivan or to Tauris, he could do no less but dispatch divers Chiaus or Messengers to Osman, and by making a show that he meant in very deed to feel his mind touching conditions of peace, to try whether he could learn and discover the truth or 
The Persian cannot come to any certain knowledge of the designment of Osman Bassa.  no. But by all the means, and by all the cunning that he could possibly use, he could never find out any certain knowledge thereof: so that there still remained in him many doubtful and confused cogitations, which were engendered and fostered by some careless and simple reporters, that Osman had given out speech for the enterprise of Nassivan.  
And now according to the commandment gone out through all the Cities of the Empire, the Soldiers of all sorts began to flock together: and all those that either were desirous to be established in their former charges and governements of Cities, or sought ambitiously to be honoured with some Office and dignity, made repair 
Osman gathereth together a huge treasure by presents.  unto him as unto a king and Sovereign moderator of the Ottoman Empire, presenting him with very large & liberal gifts. Whereby his estate was so greatly enriched, that through these means he had gathered together a huge heap of infinite treasure. And so entertaining them with all affable courtesy, and also with promising both rewards and honours to all that would follow him in his purposed voyage, he levied a wonderful great number of Men and moneys. But now was the time come, that called him away to go towards Erzirum, where he was greatly expected by his huge army there assembled together, & notwithstanding the great dearth 

Great dearth in Erzirum. The greatest Army that ever was gathered was this.  
The soldiers of Egypt & Damascus went not with Osman.   of all things belonging to vittel, that commonly reigneth in those quarters, yet he was enforced to make his journey to that city, where he arrived about the latter end of the month of july, and there, with all possible speed taking a view of his whole Army, and of all the provision necessary for so important and famous an enterprise, he daily laboured to hasten his departure. In the said city of Erzirum were met together all the soldiers of the Provinces that were wont to send help, but yet in a greater number, than ever was gathered by any General before, for that every man forsook and abandoned his own private business, & upon assured hopes of new rewards & unwonted honours, they were all induced to follow the fame of, their new Visier. Only the people of Egypt and Damascus were busied with other more private Quarrels, where of because they are both of great importance, and also fell out at this very instant, it will not be amiss to make some brief rehearsal, for a manifest, and evident example hereafter, how great harm and mischief the diversity of opinions, and dissension of neighbours doth breed among all sorts of men.  
The end of the sixth Book.   

The seventh Book  
The Argument.  
HAssan the Bassa of Cairo in Egypt is called to the Court.  
Ebrain the Bassa, chosen to be the King's son in Law, is sent to Caireo in the room of Hassan.  
Hassan in the company of the Master of the King's horse goeth to Constantinople.  
He is committed to prison, and spoiled of all his wealth.  
At the instant suit of the Queen, Hassan is set at liberty.  
Ebrain is called to Constantinople to finish the marriage.  
Ebrain cometh with an Army of twelve thousand horse.  
The Offspring, religion, customs, Territories, and weapons of the Drusians.  
Three of the chief Lords of the Drusians come to meet Ebrain.  
Serafadin also cometh to Ebrain.  
Serafadin being accused by his three enemies, speaketh in his own defence.  
Serafadin is committed to prison.  
Manogli standeth obstinate and refuseth to come to Ebrain, but writeth his letters unto him.  
Ebrain resolveth to burn the country of Manogli.  
Veis the Bassa with his son the Sangiacco of jerusalem discomfited by the Drusians.  
Gomeda is sent to Manogli, but returneth without speeding in his Message.  
Aly the Bassa goeth to Manogli and speedeth.  
Manogli sendeth his Mother to Ebrain.  
Gomeda goeth again to Manogli, and returneth with a very rich present.  
Gomeda goeth once again to Manogli, and returneth with new presents.  
Andera belonging to Manogli is sacked, and nineteen other towns burnt.  
Three hundred and fifty persons belonging to Manogli, hewn in pieces.  
The Matademo or chief Agent of Manogli, is slayed quick.  
The Soldiers of Serafadin slain.  
The Soldiers of the Turkish Galleys sack all the Sea coast of Serafodin and Manogli.  
Aly Carsusogli buyeth the Title of a Bassa with a hundred thousand ducats.  
Mansurogli laid in chains, and sent to the Galleys.  
The territory of Mansurogli is sacked.  
Ebrain is joyfully received into Constantinople.  
Ebrain giveth great presents to the Sultan.  
Quarrels between the Arabians, and the Sangiacco of jerusalent.  
The Subassi of Bethlehem is slayed quick, by appointment of the Sangiacco.  
Osman the Bassa is in a readiness to depart from Erzirum, with speech given out, that he would not go to Tauris, but to Nassivan.  
The seventh Book.  
AMurath had heretofore taken Hassan the Eunuch out of the 
Hassan-Bassa the queens Eunuch, sent to Cair, to be Bassa there  Seraglio, from the charge that he had there, to serve in the queens Court, and had sent him as Bassa to Cair in Egypt: in whose favour, for recompense of his continual service employed in her behalf, the Queen had obtained this great Office, which besides the honour belonging unto it, was also very beneficial and profitable unto him, as in deed it is to any other person, whose good hap it is to be advanced thereunto: the riches and multitude of people inhabiting therein being so great, that it seemeth not to be one City, but rather that it containeth within the large Circuit of it, a number 
Cair seemeth to be many Cities rather than one.  of Cities. This man being covetous of money, and desirous to handle the matter in such sort, as this place of government might yield him so great benefit, that he should little need to seek for any more such grants at the kings hands, by all manner of means, aswell indirectly as directly, sought to oppress all the whole Nation, and spared neither any state nor age, nor sex, but by all importunities and undue courses, he would wring and extort rewards and bribes from every man. By which his sinister and corrupt dealing, he had now made himself so odious and intolerable unto them, that there was not a man, but would choose to do any thing possible, rather than to remain under these his continual tyrannies. And in the end, when it was plainly perceived, 
The Tyranny of the Eunuch  that neither Religion, nor Love, nor justice, nor Reason, could remove his covetous mind from his usual cruelties and rapine, a great number of such (as were most vexed and molested by this new Tyrant,) began daily, in close and quiet manner to go to Constantinople, & make humble petitions to the king, that he would be pleased to displace so cruel and unjust a wretch, as thought it lawful for him to drink up the blood of their poor families, without any cause or offence at all. Neither were these complaints made once or twice by one or two alone, but oftentimes and by many several persons: so that generally in the Court, there was no talk of any thing else, but only of the villainies and mischiefs, that were reported of the Eunuch. At the last, Amurath seeing that these public exclamations went daily so far, that it was now a shame for him to let them go any further without due punishment, he resolved with himself to call him to the Court, and having sent unto 
The Eunuch Bassa of Cair, called home to the Court by Amurath.  him certain Capigi and Chiaus, he admonished him sundry times to return home. But the Eunuch, whom it highly grieved to forsake so fit an occasion of enriching himself, did still delay his return, and began to allege newe-coyned excuses for his longer stay. Which when Amurath understood, thinking rather that he was mocked thereby, & peradventure also entering into some suspicion of some public alteration in those quarters, with a new devise he determined to provide for so great a disorder, and by punishing the mischievous 
Amurath desireth to pacify the complaints of the Egyptians.  nature of the covetous Eunuch, in some part at the least to satisfy the people that were in a mutiny, and to pacify their pitiful exclamations and complaints.  
There sat at that time among the chief Bassas of the Court, one Ebrain, by Nation a Sclavonian, and of 
Ebrain, a Bassa of the Court.  a place called Chianichie, a short days journey distant from Ragusa, a yoonge man of the age of two and thirty years or thereabouts, of very fair conditions, and of reasonable judgement, upon whom Amurath himself had heretofore determined to bestow his own daughter for his wife and to make him his son in law. Whereof before this time there had been divers treaties and speeches. And therefore now being minded to remove 
Amurath purposeth to bestow his daughter upon Ebrain, for his wife.  the Eunuch from his Office, and to satisfy the City, and having no other person, to whom he thought he might better commit that trust, and being also willing withal, to minister occasion to his said son in law to make money and enrich himself, he was resolved to send him as General Syndic and sovereign judge into Egypt, giving him in particular charge, that he 
Amurath sends means for Ebrain to enrich himself, by sending him as Bassa and Syndic to Cair  should remember how wickedly his predecessor had dealt before him, so that all the whole Territories of that huge and large City, were come up even unto the Court, to exclaim against his Tyranny and covetousness. And so this new Bassa took his journey towards Egypt, although there ran before him a great rumour of his coming, and of the great authority, wherewith he was sent. At which report as 
The Egyptians joyful, & the Eunuch sorrowful for the coming of Ebrain.  the Egyptians rested content and joyful: so the Eunuch waxed very sad and sorrowful: and did verily persuade himself, that this alteration could not but engender some strange issue & effect against him. Which opinion did so much the more deeply settle itself in his mind, for that he did not know one trusty person in all Egypt, of whom he might hope for any help and protection, in case that Ebrain Bassa should drive him to any straight. Whereupon advising with himself to provide better for his own affairs, and safety of his life, he was resolved not to stay for the arrival of the Visier, but departing out of Egypt, with great care and circumspection, he traveled towards Constantinople, in hope to appease the king's wrath, or at least by the mediation of bribes and by the intercession of the Queen, to find him of a more mild and placable disposition, than he should find Ebrain, who without doubt would not have spared any extremity or cruelty, to bereave him both of his goods, & also of his life. Thus the crafty Eunuch departed from Egypt, and put himself on his journey towards Constantinople, using great diligence and care, that he might not meet 

The Eunuch hopeth to pacify the king by his going to the court.  
The Eunuch departeth from Cair.   with Ebrain, who being already certified by many Egyptians of the escape of Hassan, gave speedy advertisement thereof to Amurath at Constantinople, to the end he might take such order as was convenient. Amurath hearing this, and hearing withal, that he kept not the highway, that leadeth ordinarily from Memphis into Thracia, feared least he might fly to strange Princes, and particularly suspected, that being arrived in Soria, he would pass into Persia to the Soffian king, and so work 
Amurath feareth that the Eunuch would fly to strange Princes.  him double and triple damage, as one that had already gathered a huge treasure, and having lived in the Court, knew the most secret affairs thereof & learned althe privy devices and fashions of the Seraglio. Whereupon with all diligence he dispatched his Imbrahur Bassi (whom we may call the Master of his horse) with forty of his Capigi, all Gentlemen ushers, and Officers of the most secret and nearest rooms about him, with charge and commandment, that if he met with him, he should bring him alive to the Court, using all the assistance 
Imbrahur Bassi dispatched by Amurath to meet with the Eunuch.  and aid of his people, that might be requisite, and for that purpose delivered unto him very effectual & large letters, written after the best manner that is used in the Court. The king's Messenger with his appointed train departed, and without any extraordinary inquiry after the Eunuch, he found him in Soria, encamped in the plains of the Apameans, near to the city now called Aman, but in times past Apamea, the Principal City of that Country, where the River Orontes with his pleasant course watereth the green and beautiful hills, and from thence running along to the Walls 
Imbrahur Bassa findeth the Eunuch in the champaigns of Apamea.  of Antiochia, dischargeth itself afterwards into the Siriac Sea, near unto Seleucia Pieria, which now they call Soldin. Assoon as the Eunuch understood of the coming of the Imbrahur, he gave order unto his guard of slaves, which in great number with spears and Harquebuses did ordinarily keep his pavilion, that they should not grant entertainment into his Tent, to any other but only to the Imbrahur himself, & in all rigorous manner to keep the rest of the Capigi from coming in. This order was given in very good time. For assoon as the King's Officer had discovered the Tents of the fugitive Bassa, in all haste he ran towards the same, and seeking out the greatest among them, went presently thither to enter into it with all his followers. But the slaves being in Armour opposed themselves against them, and permitting the Imbrahur to pass into the pavilion, entertained the rest of his train without. The Imbrahur read unto him the commandment which he had from the king to bring him to the Court, and instantly moved him that without any resistance he would quietly go with him. But the cunning Eunuch, Behold (quoth he) how without any calling of the king, or conducting by you I come of myself, and am assured that I shall find not only pardon and pity, but also special favour and grace in the sight of my Lord. For the wicked treacheries of my false accusers cannot abuse the upright and mild nature of the king, to the prejudice of me, being an Innocent. And so they went all together 
The Eunuch and the Imbrahur go together to Constantinople.  towards Constantinople, keeping the high way of Antiochia, of Heraclea, of Gogna, and of Nicaea.  
The politic and crafty Eunuch had in this mean time dispatched divers posts with letters to the Sultan Ladies, certifying them of his coming, and principally beseeching the Queen, to protect him, and to purge the king's mind from all affection of anger and in dignation that he might have conceived against him: and so he arrived at Chalcedon. Assoon as the king understood of his arrival, he caused all the treasure which he had 
The Eunuch at Chalcedon  gathered, to be taken from him, withal the rest of his private substance, and the same to be carried into the great store house, and himself to be shut up in prison within the seven Toweres: Where after he had woorne out many days, wherein he still feared some deadly blow, he received from the Queen an unexpected advertisement, that he should be of good cheer, and quiet himself for that his wealth had already excused his life, and that she hoped in very short time to get him restored also to his liberty: which indeed she brought to pass. For she herself made earnest petition to her husband, that forasmuch as he had bereaved her Eunuch of all his goods, he would at the least deliver him out of prison, and restore him unto her. This request of the Queen was granted accordingly▪ but all the treasure that he had unjustly 
The Eunuch set at liberty.  scraped together out of the Families of Egypt, remained still among the Gold and other jewels of the king.  
But Ebrain Bassa, according to his new commission was now arrived in Egypt, and in short space, by far more sinister devices, than the Eunuch before him had used, besides the annual and Ordinary Revenue, of that Province, amounting yearly to the sum of six hundred thousand Cecchini, he had got together an infinite heap of riches, that was able only of 
Ebrain called to Constantinople to accomplish the intended msriage.  itself to make him worthy of his promised wife. And therefore he was called home to the Court, to accomplish the intended Marriage. With this common dement to return to Constantinople, he received also in charge, that he should make his journey through the people of Drusia, and such as he should find truly obedient unto him, he should confirm them in their due obedience 
Orders given to Ebrain to survey, and subdue the Drusians.  and make them pay their ancient duties: but such as were disobedient, he should quite root them out and destroy them: & from every one of them, as well friends as enemies in any case, to take away their Harquebuses, & all other kind of weapons whatsoever. Ebrain presently put this commandment in execution, & having levied the foresaid treasure, put together all his own private riches that he had gathered in the time of his government, and raised good store of Soldiers in that province, he took with him especially thirteen Sangiacchi, that were ordinarily accustomed to sit as assistants 
Ebrain departeth from Cair with 13. Sangracchis.  in the ruling of those populous Territories of Cair, under the government of the Visier, the king or the Bassa of that Country, If ye list so to term him: and so set himself on his journey towards Gasa, passing over those waste and huge wildernesses of Sande, that lie between Memphis and Gaza, and are a great part of Arabia Deserta. From Gaza joining the Sangiaccho thereof with him, he went to jerusalem, and from thence causing the Sangiaccho there also to follow his train, he journeyed by Saffetto, by Lezium, by Naplos, (called in times passed Samaria) still taking with him the Sangiacchi of all those places, and at the last turned himself towards Damascus, so that before he joined with the band of 
Ebrain in the way of Damascus.  Damascus, he had gotten together eighteen Sangiacchi, with all their Squadrons of Soldiers and Slaves. Besides these, he had also his own private Court, which was wonderful populous, and two hundred janizzaries of Constantinople, whom the king would needs have him to take with him at his departure from the Court: so that in somme, he had an Army, almost of twelve thousand horsemen, From Damascus there were come to meet him, even as far as jerusalem, all the janizzaries of that City, under 
Ebrain with an army of about 12000. horse.  the Conduct of their Aga, or Captain, and all the Zaini and the Spahini, and the other soldiers that were under the government of that Bassa, who at that time was one Veis, mentioned before in the troubles of General Ferat, in the last book: all which were no more in number there, but only two thousand persons. There came from Aleppo Aly Bassa, being then out of Office (whom the Turks call Mosul: that is to say discharged or dismissed) and a Company of two hundred Slaves with him. Ebrain also sent for Giaffer Bassa, being at that time the Eunuch or Captain of Tripoli, a crafty man, and cruel of Nature: but he being inflamed with the fame of Osman Bassa, who loved him very well, would not in any case obey the commandment of Ebrain. There came to him beside by the way of Sidonia, which they now call Seida, the Aza of the janizzaries of Cyprus, with all the band of that desolate and destroyed Isle: which Captain was transported over in the Galleys, that by the kings appointment were sent to fetch Ebrain: who being now made strong with all these Soldiers, had purposed the utter ruin of the disobedient Drusians, and the purchase of his own glory by triumphing over them. But because this my History shall not proceed under unknown names, we are to declare, who these Drusians are, for whom there are now so great preparations made by the new Captain, and of whom the king is so suspicious and doubtful.  
The Drusians are by Nation and Offspring, Frenchmen, the Relics of those, that with devout minds 
The Drusian people, what they are.  did in times past fight those memorable and Christian battles in jury, and recovered the holy Sepulchre of Christ: and being afterwards subdued partly by the plague, and partly by the fury of the Barbarians, mingled their seed with the Circumcised Nation, and so together with their authority and commanding, lost also their first faith and religion: so that having extinguished their former sacred knowledge, they grew into a hatred of the Turkish superstition, and abhorred the Circumcision of the other, and betook themselves 
Isman the prophet of the Drusians.  to a new Prophet, well knowine and beloved among them, called Isman. The true and right Drusians do live uncircumcised, neither do they forbear wine, 
The Drusians are not circumcised, they drink wine liberally, and take their own daughters to their wives.  which the Turks are forbidden. They make it lawful for themselves, without any conscience or respect, to take their own daughters to their wives: So that (if it be true which Aristotle writeth, That among certain brute beasts there is a kind of respect observed in blood) coupling themselves together by these profane and filthy Marriages, they live more beastly, than the very brute creatures. And as by their prophet and their factions they would needs be separated from the Turkish sect, so in Dominion and government they have sought by all means to be different from them: for notwithstanding all the changes and troubles of the Turkish Tyrants, yet have they always been subject to their own Natural Princes, which by ancient descent had the rule over them, and would never admit any Captain or Governor of the Ottomans to be within the Countries, 
The Drusians would never admit any Turkish Governor.  which they possessed. They are a people very warlike, stout, obstinate, bold, undaunted, and religious observers of their law, although indeed some of their chief Rulers, to save their lives, have been enforced to follow the pleasure of those that were mightier than themselves, by reason of their 
The weapons of the Drusians.  dissension with their neighbours. In battle they use especially the Harquebus and the Scimitarre: and yet some of them at this day do serve with Lances and Darts. They are appareled like the Eastern people, with a Turbante on their head: and breeches they never wear, but in steed thereof they cover those parts with their Coat, which reacheth down to their knees in length, by buttening it up before. They are also accustomed to gross and Mountain Meats. They inhabit all the Country that is environed within the confines of joppa above Caesarea in Palestina, and within the Rivers of Orontes and jordane, stretching itself even 
The Country which the Drusians inhabit.  to the plain of Damascus, near to the hills that compass it about, upon the coast of mount Libanus.  
They were all in times passed good friends, and confederate together in love and concord, so that they were in those days greatly esteemed: but now, being set in a confusion through greediness, and covetousness, they are divided among themselves, and one of them contrary and enemy to the other, but especially and principally at this day, there are five chief Captains 
There are at this day five Captains or chief rulers among the Drusians.  or Heads of them, which they call Emir, One of them is named Ebneman, whom the Turks call Manogli: Another Serafadin: the third Mahamet Ebnemansur, (the Turks call him Mansurogli:) the forth Ebnefrec, by the Turks termed Feracogli, & by the Moors surnamed Acra, which we may interpret Scurvy or Scald,) and the fift, Ali Ebnecarfus by the Turks called Ali-Carfusogly. Under these, who indeed carry the title and authority of an Emir, that is to say King or Chief, there are divers others, whom the Drusians themselves call Macademi, that are either Deputies to the Emirs, or else their Factors or Agentes, or both: among whom, in this alteration of matters, which we intend to write of, Gomeda and Mendel were two very famous persons, who kept their residence, the one in Barutis, and the other in Tripoli for Mansurogli, and called themselves Emirs, rather for flattery then of any duty, for that they were indeed no other but the Macademi of the said Emir-Mahamet Ebnemansur.  
Ebneman, he inhabited the Mountains & fields, that are contained under the jurisdictions of Caesarea, of Ptolemaida, 
Ebneman or Manogli.  of Tyrus, and of Sidonia: the inhabitants at this day call those places, Cheiserie, Acca, Sur, Seid●, all of them, (as far as I could see, when I traveled in Pilgrimage to the holy sepulchre of Christ) being desolate Countries and utterly destroyed, and hath his residence for the most part upon the hill, in Andera. He is very mighty in men and Armour, and since the time that by treachery and treason his Father was murdered by Mustaffa then Bassa of Damascus, he hath been a deadly Enemy to the Turkish name.  
Ebnemansur enjoyeth all the Territory contained with in Baruto and Anafe, and keepeth his residence upon the 
Ebnemansur or Mansurogli  hill in Gazir. He, being driven thereunto through the controversies that he had with Ebnesuip, sometimes the Emino or Customer of the Key at Tripoli, and with Ebneman aforenamed, yielded himself as a pray to the Turks, and was made the Sangiacco of Laodicea, called Lizza, having also the charge of the Custom house of Tripoli committed unto him, where afterwards Gomeda remained for him: But at the reasonable and honourable requests of Giovanni Michaele, sent as Consul by the Senate of Venice into Soria, and by me in this History, oftentimes but not worthily enough mentioned (for I was the means and practiser for the said Consul, though unworthy I were for such business) the said office was taken from him, whiles he was prisoner in Constantinople, in the year. 1586.  
Serafadin keepeth his state between Ebneman, & 
Seferadin.  Ebnemansur: being in good league and confederate with the first, and at mortal enmity with the second. He is the weakest of all the rest in forces and revenues.  
Ebnefrec inhabiteth that part of Libanus, that is 
Ebnefrec or Feracogli.  towards the East, and runneth down even to the foot of Libanus, joining upon the plains of Bacca. Of which plains, together with the City (called by the inhabitants there, Balbech, and by some thought to be Caesarea Philippi.) Emir Aly Ebnecarfus 
EbneCarfus or Carfusogli  was ever the Lord and owner, who also in this change of Fortune, bought the Title of a Bassa; and would needs submit himself wholly to the service of the Turks. And here along runneth the vale, that is so famous among the Physicians, and poets, between Lib anus and Anti-Libanus, 

The vale between Libanus and anti-Libanus famous among Physicians.  
jor and Dan, the two heads of jordan.   where also are to be seen the Lakes of Orontes and of jordan, called jor and Dan.  
Ebnefrec, Ebnecarfus and Ebnemansur, were always great friends, but now especially at the coming of Ebrain Bassa, they showed themselves, more straightly confederated together: Serafadin and Manogli were ever opposite against them: so that the one side procuring the overthrow and mischief of the other; they have utterly lost their strength, and have no means left them to defend themselves from the Ottoman forces. Now assoon as the news came among them, that Ebrain the Visier being departed from Cair would come into Soria, to subdue the Drusians, the three confederates above named, of purpose to turn all the mischief upon Ebneman and Serafadin their enemies, resolved to go and meet with the Bassa to show themselves subject and devoted to king Amurath, to carry with them large and liberal bribes, and by accusing Serafadin and Ebneman of infidelity, of disobedience, & of rebellion, to entreat their utter destruction and overthrow. And so having packed 
The three Drusian Emirs go to meet Ebrain as far as jerusalem with a great train.  up together great store of money, cloth of silk, cloth of Woollen, and cloth of Gold, with many loads of other silks and things of exceeding value, every of the three being accompanied, one with some two thousand, and another with some three thousand, put themselves on their journey towards Ebrain, and met him at jerusalem, where he was already arrived. This their coming Ebrain Bassa took in wonderful good part, and very courteously accepted those rich and great presents which they brought him, and perceiving such offers of their fidelity and obedience: and such accusations of the two Drusian 
Ebrain expecteth good success over the Drusians, by their discord among themselves.  Captains their enemies, he began to be in good hope of his intended enterprise. Neither did he foreslow to use most sweet speeches unto them, promising due rewards to every one of them and putting them in great expectation that he would increase their honour, and enlarge their estates. By which liberal promises they being now become bold and venturous, began in more sharp, and bitter manner to accuse their two enemies. Which thing did the more highly please Ehrain for that he plainly perceived, that nothing could more easily compass their overthrow, than this their discord. And therefore most readily he promised them, not only that he would procure the destruction of those their enemies, as rebels to the Turk, but also that he would make themselves the Means and Ministers of their own revenge and chastisement. And thus being all accompanied and joined together, they came by the way of Damascus to the champaign of Bocca beforenamed, and in those plains encamped themselves. This was in the month of julie and in the 
The Army of Ebrain in the plains of ●occa increased to the number of 20000. horse  year of man's redemption. 1585. And the whole Army, that was with Ebrain, reckoning also the Soldiers of the three Emirs, was about the number of twenty thousand horsemen strong.  
In this place there came people out of all quarters, with presents to honour the Visier, to whom he likewise yielded such favours & reliefs, as his covetous nature could afford them. Among the rest, Giovanni Michaele, mentioned a little before, 
Giovanni Michaele the Veaetian Conful leads Chtistoforo de Buoni his interpreter to visit Ebrain the Visier with honourable presence.  sent Christoforo de Buoni his Interpreter to salute the said Bassa, who again for his part showed diverse signs and tokens of the Love and Reverence that he carried towards the Venetian estate. And for that the said Christoforo de Buoni was of the same Nation and language that Ebrain was off, both of them being slavonians, and of Ragusi, he esteemed of him so dearly, that he would needs retain him still, with him as his familiar Companion, during all the time, that he remained in Soria, about the subduing 

From Christofero de Buoni the Author all the particulars of the Drusian people.  
Ebrain by letters inviteth Seseradin and Manogli.   of the Drusians. By which means I attained to the precise and faithful knowledge of all the proceed in Drusia.  
From these plains also, Ebrain presently sent Letters to Serafadin, and to Ebneman, whereby he invited them to come unto him, and declare themselves to be Subjects and obedient to the Sultan, to the end he might make intercession on their behaulfes for all such honourable favour as they desired: but if they would not come, than they must be assured, that they should be deprived both of their estates and of these lives. Manogli would not come by any means: But Serafadin being poor both in wealth and in forces, and far more weak than Manogli, resolved to come, hoping that by his presents he might rid himself of all trouble, for that he had heard of the fortunate success that had hitherto happened to the three Emirs, who (as all the world thought) had made the king's Champion their great friend and protector. And therefore having packed up together diverse loads of silks, great store of Money, and many clothes of good value and beauty, he carried them with him to honour the new Duke, by whose Letters he was so largely invited. He caused also diverse of his Subjects to go with him, and at last arrived at the Pavilion of Ebrain with his rich presents, having first commanded all those, that had accompanied him thither, to sequester themselves from him. The gifts were readily received, and 

Serafadin in the presents of Ebrain.  
The speech of Serasadin.  
The accusetion of Serasadi.  
His defence.   the speech of Serafadin heard with great attention, which in effect tended to no other end, but only to persuade the Visier, that he had always been devoted and a vassal to Amurath, and that he had carried a continual desire to be employed in any service for him, and that now being led by the same affection, and assured by the friendly & courteous offers made him in his letters, he was come to show himself unto him to be the same man, & proffered him whatsoever lay in his slender power to perform. Ebrain made no answer to any of his speeches, but only asked him the cause, why he lived continually in discord & brawls with the three Emirs (who also sat at that time in the same Pavilion.) Whereunto Serafadin answered, that never any Act proceeded from him, that might be the cause of any quarrels or dissensions, but all sprung from those three, who, because they were more mighty than he, did continually work him great disquiet, & oppress him intolerably: so that if he had at any time taken up arms against them, he had done it all simply in his own defence, & only to withstand their insolent molestations, & not because he was desirous of wars and dissensions, for that he did principally love peace with all men, but specially & the rather with those that were his neighbours. Heerat the three conspirators arose, & by their grim looks bewraying their minds full of hatred, they told him, that he was ever the occasion of all the brawls. For that by his continual disquieting of those quarters, those hills, those champeignes, & those havens of the sea, he had procured a perpetual loss & hindrance to the customs of the Sultan, (whose officer Ebnemansur was.) Adding withal, that at this 
New accusations of Serafadin.  day his insolency was grown so great that from any other coasts or maritimal places, there durst not any strange vessel arrive at those Ports of Sidonia, of Tyrus & of Berito, nor any merchant or merchandise pass over the plains: But as though those countries were a pray & spoil to the thiefs of Arabia, they were generally avoided of all travelers both by land & sea. Serafadin would gladly have replied in defence of himself, by saying that neither Baruto, nor Seida nor Sur were under his jurisdiction, but in troth partly under the authority of Manogli, & partly under the tyranny of Ebnemansur. But Ebrain prevented him, and surcharging him with many injurious words, commanded the Captain of the two hundred janizzaries of Constantinople, to take him into his custody, and so being placed in a rotten Tent, 
Serafadin by the commandment of Ebrain imprisoned.  that was appointed for him, he was every night from thence forward put in the Stocks & in chains and guarded with a trusty guard of janizzaries.  
In this mean time, came the answer of Manogli, who wrote back to Ebrain Bassa, in this manner. To the Lord of Lords, Sovereign above the great ones, the mighty, the Noble Captain, Cousin to the Grand 
The letter of Manogli to Ebrain Bassa.  Lord, and the worthiest among the elect of the prophet Mahamet, the Noble and famous Lord, Ebrain Bassa. God give good success to his haughty enterprises, and prosperity in all his honour. I do wish (even as thou dost lovingly invite and exhort me) that I might come before thee, and follow thee, and serve thee always, in any occasion, that it may happen thee to stand in need of my help. For I know that thou wouldst rest assured of the reverence that I bear towards the Lord, and of the most fervent desire, wherein I live, to serve him, and to employ both my substance & my life in his service. Whereof I have also given some testimony, though but small, in the managing of the Customs, that I have received. Wherein I have always so carried myself, that I am not his Debtor of one Aspro. A thing iwis, that Ebnemansur (who is now with thee) hath not done. For although by his coming to meet thee, even as far as jerusalem, he would make a show of his fidelity, yet doth he usurp more than two hundred thousand Ducats of the kings, which he doth most unjustly detain from him of his customs. But my hard fortune will not grant me the favour, that I may come unto thee. For there are at this present with thee three of mine enemies, who (I know well) being not contented to have always disquieted and troubled my estate, do now seek to bring me into so great hatred with thy heart, that if thou hadst me in thy hands, without any consideration thou wouldst bereave me of my life. And I am assured, that this sending for me, doth import no other thing but only a desire that thou hast to imprison me, and so to kill me. For I know, how much thou art given to great enterprises. Besides this, my coming is also hindered by mine ancient oath, that I took, when being as yet but a child, I saw mine own father, so villainously betrayed by the murdering sword of Mustaffa, being at that time the Bassa of Damascus: who under the colour of unfeigned friendship, got him into his hands, and traiterousslie stroke of his head. For in truth I carry the image of my father's reverend head, all pale, & yet as it were breathing, imprinted in my mind, which oftentimes presenteth itself to me, aswell sleeping in the darkness of the night, as also waking in the light of the day, and talking with me, calleth to my remembrance the infidelity of that murdering Tyrant, and exhorteth me to keep myself aloof, from the hands of the mighty. And therefore I neither can, nor may obey thy requests, and in that respect it grioveth me, that I shall seem disobedient unto thee, being in any other action, and in all my cogitations, wholly addicted to do any service, not only to thee, who art most worthy to be reverenced of far greater persons than I am, but also to every the least Vassal of Amurath's. Thou wilt pardon me, I hope, and thou shalt well perceive, that if there be any thing near me, that may be acceptable to thee, all that I have whatsoever, though in respect of thyself it may seem vile and base, yet is it thine, and is now reserved wholly for thee and not for me. Farewell, and command me, and hold me excused, upon these just causes, which thou hearest, for my being so backward in coming to honour thee, as my duty requireth. The letter was subscribed in this manner. The Poor and the least amongst the sclaves of the Grand Lord: The Son of man..  
When Ebrain had read this letter, conjecturing thereby the constant opinion of Ebne-Man, that by no means he would willingly come within his power, he resolved 
Ebrain resolveth to destroy the country of Ebne-Man.  himself to go upon him with all his Army, and by burning his Towns, and threatening him in all terrible manner, either by force or by slight to get him into his hands, and in case he could not at last bring that to pass, then at least to try, whether he could draw from him as many harquebuses, and as great gifts and tributes, as possibly he might. And therefore he raised all his Camp, and turned himself towards the country of Manogli, and leaving no place unattempted, he burned and destroyed four and twenty Towns that were subject unto him, & 
24. towns of Manoglies burned by Ebrain the Visier.  so mounting up certain rocks of Libanus, upon the top of a large hill, (that standeth over Andara, and other places belonging to Manogli,) he encamped himself. But whiles the army of Ebrain was thus marching forward, Veis Bassa, with a great part of his people and his son the Sangiacco of jerusalem, with his soldiers likewise, being in all to the number of a thousand & five hundred persons, were left behind in the champaigns of Bocca, and (as it were a Rearward) had separated themselves from the rest of the army. But whiles they were busy in raising their Tents, by a very great band of the Drusians of the faction of Manogli, that by unusual & unknown ways descending down upon them, found the said Bassa, and his son, with all the foresaid soldiers even upon the point of departing, they were furiously assaulted, and with the first tempest of harquebuses, & sudden blows of their swords, 
Veis Bassa with the Sangracco his son discomfited by the Drusians.  they were so annoyed and terrified, that their enemies continuing their present victory, became the Lords of the pavilions, the wealth, and the armour of the Turks, and leading away with them their horses & their carriages, in all terrible and stout manner they put to death about five hundred persons, and scarce gave any leisure to scape, either to the Bassa the father, or to the Sangiacco the son, who fled strait to jerusalem, and never returned again to Ebrain: but Veis followed the army, and was thought worthy to be pitied of all men, and especially of Ebrain, who promised him great rewards and honours at the kings hands for his service.  
Upon the hill aforesaid, the Visier continued four & twenty days together, with abundance of all things necessary for victua;: during all which time he attended nothing else, but to try all devices, how he might draw money and presents from Ebne-Man, or how he might train him into his hands. For the compass whereof, he dispatched Gomeda the Agent or Factor of 
Gomeda goeth by commandment of Ebram to demand Harquebuses of Manogli.  Ebnemansur, to the said Ebne-Man, being in Andera: and sent word by him, that for as much as he would not give credit to the promise that was made him, nor adventure himself to come into the hands of his friend, he should send unto him all the Harquebuses he had. For the Sultan's pleasure was, that his people which went not to the wars in his service, should not be furnished with so great store of weapons, to the danger of their neighbours, and of the subjects themselves. With great grief of mind did Ebne-Man behold the said Gomeda, as the man whom he well knew to be the Factor of his deadly enemy, but yet durst not in any sort do him any injury, nor give him any reproach. But when he heard the demand for the Harquebuses, he answered him, that all his people and weapons were dispersed abroad over his Territory, so that he could not tell what Harquebuses to send him. And so Gomeda returned without any answer, that good was. Which when Aly the Bassa of Aleppo before named, understood, he offered himself to the Visier, that he would 
Aly Bassa goeth to Manogli.  go unto him, and that to good purpose. Many reasons did Aly Bassa use, to persuade the wary Drusian, that he would come and yield his obedience to Ebrain, swearing that no manner of outrage should be done unto him, & promising him great and honourable favours. But never could he remove the sound and provident mind of Ebne-Man, or win him to yield himself into the hands of a man whom he thought to be so murderous: which when he had found to be more than certain, than did he labour to persuade him, at the least, that he would send Ebrain a good number of harquebuses, & withal some honourable presents in sign of the reverence that he did bear towards him, and of his obedience to Amurath: wherein although he found the mind of the Drusirn to be as yet somewhat hard, as a man that would give neither little nor much, knowing that all would be but cast away in the wind, yet at the last he brought him so about, that he was content so 
The present that Manogli sendeth to Ebrain, by the hand of Aly Bassa.  to far pleasure him, as to send a present to Ebrain. And thereupon gave him three hundred & twenty harquebuses, twenty packs of Andarine silks, and fifty thousand Ducats, to carry to the Turkish Bassa for a gift, and to reconcile him unto him. For the better effecting whereof, and that he might be rid of him, the next morning he 
Manogli sendeth his mother to Ebrain in his steed.  sent his own mother before him, who in the behalf of her son, did perform a very worthy message, excusing him, aswell in respect of his enemies that sat there so near unto him, as also in regard of his oath, which he had solemnly sworn, that he would never commit himself again into the hands of a Turk. For the which she alleged very good testimony of the deceitful and lying promises of Mustaffa, being then the Bassa, or rather the Tyrant of Damascus, by whose hands she herself saw her own husband so barbarously murdered: and therefore she besought him, that he would accept of the gifts which were sent him, and therewithal a mind and heart most ready to serve and obey the king in all occasions: and that he would hold him excused, and allow his excuses to be lawful, for that they were both just and reasonable. The Turk replied upon her, that although she had found so foul a fault and offence in Mustaffa, who, under the assurance of his promise and fidelity, betrayed her husband, yet for all that, she ought not to fear any such wicked or infamous action, at his hands, who made profession of an honourable person, and a Soldier of his word: and so by oath protesting all faithful and constant friendship towards him, he cast a white veil about her neck, and put another upon himself, and a third 
Ebrain promiseth faith and peace to the Mother, to the end she should fetch Manogli.  he gave the woman in her hands, willing her to report to her son the oaths he had made, and to carry him that veil, and bring him with her, for he should not be otherwise handled, but like a friend, and a brother. The peaceable old woman went her way accordingly, but she neither could nor would go about to alter the purpose of her ●o●ne, so that she returned to Ebrain an answer not greatly pleasing him, and therefore he licensed her to departed.  
After which time, he sought more than ever he did before, to get the stubborn Emir into his hands, or at least to draw from him more presents and weapons, without regard of any shame, thinking every thing lawful that came into his mind, whatsoever. And therefore once again 
Gomeda returneth to Manogli.  he sent the crafty and malignant Gomeda, to exhort him, that upon the faith and promise which he had given him, he would come unto him. But for all the crafty and lying speeches, that the treacherous messenger could cunningly use, he could obtain nothing at his hands, but words only. Which when he perceived, and yet not minded to return altogether in vain, and without any profit, by the appointment of Ebrain himself, he told him, that forasmuch as he was not willing to go, yet he should be contented at least, in his presence to peruse the Accounts of those Monopolies, that he had managed for the King in times past, to the end that if they should be found to be paid and discharged, than he should rid the Turkish Captain from those mountains, and so remain in quiet. Manogli understanding this fraudulent request, which in the end tended to no other purpose, but only to get some money, & some presents, determined therein to satisfy Gomeda, with an express condition notwithstanding, that he should cause Ebrain to departed out of those quarters, and that he should not return any more to request any thing of him. Which he very largely and liberally promised, only desiring him, that because he should not have any occasion to send again any others unto him, he would also give him a good quantity of Harquebuses, and thereby make the Visier fully contented and well apaid. And so he gave him fifty thousand 
A new present of Ebne-Man to Ebrain.  Ducats more, and four hundred and four score Harquebuses, with a thousand Goats, a hundred and fifty Camels, a hundred and fifty Buffs, a thousand Oxen, and two hundred Wethers. With this rich and honourable present came Gomeda to Ebrain, and declared unto him, that this he had gotten from him, upon promise that he should not molest the Drusian any more. For which the Visier did greatly reprove Gomeda, telling him that if he 
Ebrain reproseth Gomeda  did not show himself a more diligent and faithful executor of his commandments, he would not be well pleased with him, and that he would make every man know, what a weighty matter it is for men to take upon them so inordinate, and so dangerous a liberty. And for the greater despite both to the one and the other of them, Ebrain would needs have Gomeda himself to return again to trouble the Drusian. Whereunto although he went in great fear, lest some great mischief might happen to him by the hands of Manogli, yet was there no remedy, but needs he must follow the command of him, who was able to take from him both his honour, and his life. And therefore to avoid the greater danger, and to pleasure him, he made no great scruple to bely himself, and to become infamous in the sight of the Drusian. As soon as Manogli saw Gomeda, thinking with himself 
Gomeda again goeth to Manogli.  that he came to him again about his wont requests, he was greatly troubled in his mind, and had almost prenented his arrival with a dart, which the angry Drusian was minded, and even at the very point to throw at him, for the great desire he had to rid him out of his sight but that refraining his anger, lest it might peradventure have bred more dangerous effects, he quenched his choler with ignominious words and deadly threats: protesting at last, that the time would come, wherein he would recover at his hands, whatsoever he had now taken from him by the means of so wrongful and so wicked a treachery. Notwithstanding Gomeda could do no less but accomplish the effect of his fraudulent requests, and so wrought with him in deed, that he drew from the Emir, four burdens 
The new present that Ebneman sedet to Ebrain.  more of Harquebuses, ten sword, and ten guilt Gangiares or daggers, certain silver belts, ten packs of silk, and some few pence: Causing him withal to protest unto him, that he would never suffer himself to be persuaded to come again unto him: for if he did, he should be enforced to deprive him of his life, happen afterward what might happen of it.  
With extreme joy and triumph did Ebrain the Visier see all this present, and thinking now with himself, that he had gotten a sufficient booty of him, he determined to raise his Army, & to sack all the rest of the Country that was subject to Manogli, not leaving any part of it sound of untouched. And therefore sending certain forerunners before him to discover the Country, & to provide some commodious place to pitch his Tents, (the Captain of whom was the Emir-Ebnefrec, otherwise called Acra the Scurvy) he raised his Camp, and marched on the other side of the Mountain: and passing by Andera, which was the place of residence where Manogli remained, he commanded 
Andera sacked.  that it should be sacked and burnt: which was put in execution accordingly, with unspeakable effects of cruelty, committing all things to fire & sword. After this, the Turks overran all the Country, and in two days space burnt & destroyed nineteen Towns beside, carrying away with them whatsoever they could find worthy 
19 Towns burnt.  of spoil.  
After all this sacking and rasing, the Visier with all his Army mounted up to the large top of a Mountain, which was also near to Andara, and from thence sent a thousand messengers to Ebne-Man, to try whether he would yet be persuaded to come unto him. But neither all these siers, nor all their entreaties, nor their terrifying, nor their mildness could ever move Manogli to commit himself into his hands, but still more stoutly and constantly resolved to avoid most certain death. And therefore the Visier, not contented to have burned and destroyed the Country, to have drawn so much treasure from the Drusian, and to have plotted so many treacheries against him, bethought himself in the end to satisfy his inward affection to cruelty and revenge, with the slaughter of his miserable people. And having understood by a Spy, that the Captain of Andara, being one of the Factors of 
Ebnefrec or Feracogli goeth to invite the Macademo of Manogli.  Manogli, with three hundred and fifty persons was ascended up to a certain hill into a safe and secure place, he sent Ebnefrec to entice him, & to tell him, that seeing his Emir Manogli would not come and yield himself, he should come unto him, and assuredly, if he did so, in despite of Manogli he would make him a Sangiacco of some of those places, which he most desired. The ambitious and unheedy Macademo suffered himself to be easily persuaded with this most malicious lie, and being accompanied with his three hundred and fifty followers, went with the said Ebnefrec towards the Visier. And because the voice was given out, that there were no more Harquebuses in all the Country of Manogli, the Macademo commanded all his men, that laying aside their Harquebuses, they should arm themselves only with their sword, and their bows; And so going before them, walking still on the right side of the Emir Aora, thereby to give him his due honour. (For it is the custom of the mahometans, 
The custom of the Mahometans in their ceremonies and civility.  and of all the East, and peradventure it was so also among the Ancients, that the more honourable place is on the left side, as that which is (as it were) upon the sword of his fellow whom he walketh withal, and the less honourable is the right side, as being subject to the blow of the weapon, & ready to be strooken.) At the last he arrived at the Pavilion of Ebrain, having first caused his foresaid men to stay behind in a certain valley, two or three miles distant from the Tents. Ebrain would not so much as see the Macademo, although both in respect of the nimhlenes of his person, and also the fierceness of his looks, he was worthy to be seen, but commanded that he should be safely kept in a several place from Serafadin: and in the mean time having called to counsel the Emirs, and Aly the Bassa of Aleppo, to devise some wile, whereby they might put to death those three hundred and fifty, with as little loss of their own soldiers as possibly might be, it was concluded, that the foresaid Ebnefrec should lead them into a certain Vineyard, and afterwards at unwares set upon them, and having so brought them to a strait, hue them in pieces, and cut them off: for having no Harquebuses, they could work but small hurt to his soldiers. Acra went like a common butcher, and conducted the 
Acra like a common hangman.  poor wretches into the appointed vineyard and while they waited for their Captain, and expected some great reward, because they had so confidently believed their promises, they were suddenly environed with the Army of Ebrain, the Sangiacchi making a wing on the one side, and the jannizzaries on the other: who being become greedy of the blood of those miserable souls, having brought them into a narrow compass, fell upon them with their Harquebuses and their spears, and suffering not 
The 350. soldiers of the Macademo, slain.  one of them to escape, most cruelly slew them all. The unhappy wretches defended themselves the best they could, with their arrows, with their sword, with their hands, and with their bodies, but all to no purpose, for they were all destroyed in this common and miserable slaughter. Of the Turks there were none stain, but only three jannizzaries, one of their Vlu Bassi, and some of the subjects of the two Emirs, Ebnefrec and Ebnecarfus, who were mistaken and thought to be their enemies, for that wearing the same kind of apparel, which the other soldiers of the Macademo did wear, they could not be distinguished in the medley the one from the other. Through which incircumspection no doubt there had been slain a great number more, but that they were advised every man to put a vine leaf in his Turban, that so being dis●●●●ed 
The advise of the Drusians.  from their enemies, they might be preserved, and as the slaughter light upon the rest.  
As soon as this massacre was finished, Ebrain would have the death of the Macademo to follow, and causing 
Ebrain commandeth that the Macademo should be said quick.  him to be brought before him, he commanded that without any delay he should be stripped, & flayed quick. The Macademo stoutly upbraided Ebrain with his promise, and his oath, and among divers speeches, that some●●lies smiling, and sometimes threatening he uttered whiles they stripped him: Cut me off (quoth he) my members, and first 〈◊〉 them into the 〈◊〉 of that infamous Ebrains' wife, put them afterwards into the mouth of himself. For so (I trow) he will be contented and satisfied with my flesh. And pursuing his threats, he spoke thus to those, that were to be the executioners of his dolorous death. It is your great good fortune in deed (quoth he) that with such violence, and so needless deformity ye are now resolved to drink up my blood, and to take my life from me. For I do not think that any of you all, either had been able or durst, man to man, to draw one drop of my blood from me, no not to have endured my countenance. But go to, proceed in your wicked and unsatiable desire, and follow the impious commandments of your Visier: for in the end there will light also upon you, the worthy punishment of this villainous fact. With these and divers other speeches, which the Macademo thundered out of his inflamed breast, the miserable wretch (having been too credulous) was stripped, and three great slashes made on his back, where they began to slay him, he in the mean time not ceasing to blaspheme 
The Macademo is in flaying.  their Religion, and to curse their King, and their false Prophet also. And then the barbarous soldiers, pursuing their cruel action, made certain other gashes upon his breast, and upon his stomach, and so drawing his skin downward, they could not bring it to his Navel, before he was dead, with most dolorous pains.  
After this, the Visier caused Ebne Serafadin to be called into his pavilion, who (as we told you before) was by his commandment delivered into the custody of the Captain of the jannizzaries of the Court, and gave charge withal, that whiles Serafadin was in his Tent with him, all his men, that came with him, should be put to death. According to his appointment it was done, and when Serafadin was brought before the Visier, all his soldiers, which might be about a hundred & fifty, were miserably hewn in pieces, and order given that Serafadin should be returned again to his chains, and all his Country wasted and spoiled. This commandment all the soldiers 
The country of Serafadin wasted.  were ready enough to put in execution, and besides the booties that they took, they brought away also a hundred and four score heads of the people that were subject to the said Emir.  
Whiles this wasting by fire, & this slaughter by sword was in hand, the Visier dispatched Posts to Sidonia, where the forenamed Galleys were at road, by whom he sent commandment, that disbarking iiij▪ thousand soldiers, 
The soldiers of the Galleys sack the Sea coast of the Drusians.  they should sack all those Countries, even as far as Caesarea in Palestine, sparing neither age, nor sex, nor any condition of persons whatsoever. Which likewise was presently done, and three thousand souls brought captives, great booties made of diverse rich merchandises, many Towns burnt, sundry Castles ruinated and made even with the ground, and to be short, all the whole country of Serafadin and Manogli utterly desolated. But Serafadin himself was afterward sent to Damascus, with all his wealth, money, and presents, under the guard and custody of Bassa Veis, and Bassa Aly: who brought all things thither safe and sound, and so from thence to Tripoli, where on a certain plain between the land and the sea, they encamped themselves, and stayed there, waiting for the arrival of the Visier with his Galleys.  
Ebrain the Visier, was now in a readiness to departed and to return to Constantinople, where he was expected by the King, aswell for the greediness of his gold, as for the accomplishment of the Marriage. But bethinking himself, that whatsoever hither to he had done, would be accounted either little or nothing, unless he provided in some sort for the quiet of those peoples under the Turkish obedience, he determined to nominate one of the three Emirs, that accompanied him to jerusalem, to be the Bassa of all those regions. Now the Emir Aly Ebnecarfus being the richest and the most obedient of them all, he thought good to commit that charge unto him, & honoured him with that dignity. Neither did he this without a bribe or reward, but for the price of a hundred thousand Cecchini, 

The Emir Aly with 100000. pieces of gold buyeth the title of the Bassa or Bocca, and General over the Drusians.  
Ebrain at Damascus.   which the Emir Aly presently paid unto him, to make him seem the more worthy of so great an honour. And therefore he appareled him in cloth of gold, he gave him a mase and a sword all guilt, and delivered unto him the kings commission, causing him withal to swear faith and obedience to Amurath. And so having (at least to the show) set in order the affairs of those mountains, he determined to return to Damascus.  
There he continued for the space of twelve days, where he ceased not to draw money & bribes from divers persons, by most unreasonable shifts: and at last having no further to do in those parts, he turned himself towards Gazir and Baruto, two places under the government of 
Ebrain at Gazir and Baruto.  Ebne-Mansur, where he arrived with all his army, and found that the Galleys, which had left the Port of Sidonia, were now in the haven of Baruto, accordingly as he had before commanded. Now upon a certain hill above Baruto, near unto the sea (called by the inhabitants San Botro) he placed himself, and pitched his own Tent only and none other, having caused his great pavilion, & all the rest of his best and goodly things, which he meant to carry with him to Constantinople, to be conveyed and laid up in his Galleys, and shrouded himself only in a very narrow and base tent. Thither he called Ebnemansur unto him, and in pleasant manner signified unto him, that now it was time for him to make payment and satisfaction of the debt, which he ought the king his Lord, of a hundred and three score thousand ducats for the custom of Tripoli and Baruto: for that he could not stay any longer in those quarters, but was constrained to return to Constantinople: and thither he knew not how he might well go, unless he carried with him the discharge of that debt. Ebne-Mansur made answer that it could not be long, before his Macademies would come with his moneys, and then the next day after, certainly and without all delay he would disburse it. Ebrain who knew that all this was but a lie, determined to cause him to be put in the Galleys, and because he could not carry the money to his king, yet at the least to bring him his debtor. But in putting this his determination to effect and execution, he was afraid, of some insurrection among the people, aswell because he was within the territories of the said Ebne-Mansur, as also because he saw him greatly beloved and favoured by Ebne-Frec and Ebnecarfus. And therefore he thought it better policy, by concealing this his purpose, to show him in his outward actions all good countenance, and by subtle devices and treachery to take him prisoner. And thereupon told him, (like a deceitful and lying companion) that for as much as he 
Ebrain beguileth Mansurogli.  was to stay there for his business, that night and the next day, he was resolved to make a road into the country of Manogli, and prayed him to do him the favour, that he would be contented to be his guide: and for that purpose when he should send for him at midnight, that he would come unto him closely & quietly, because he was minded to departed without any stir, only with five hundred persons in his company. The Mahamet verily believed the matter, that so it was, and withal was in good hope by that means to find some way to escape out of his hands. Whereupon, being called up at midnight, he readily conveyed himself into the pavilion of Ebrain, who presently charging him most shamefully with many abominable and foul terms, caused a chain to be cast about his neck and his arms, and commanded him 
Mansurogli in chains sent to the Galleys.  to be carried into the Galleys. The fifty men which he had appointed to be ready armed, he sent forthwith to Baruto, to fetch Mendel alive unto him, who was by the common people entitled with the name of an Emir, but in deed was no other than a simple Macademo to Ebne-Mansur: willing them also, upon a sudden to sack all the whole country of Ebne-Mansur. Whereby there was levied so rich a pray, and so great a booty gathered, that it was a marvel to all men. For besides money & silver, 
The country of Mansurogli destroyed.  whereof there was a very huge somme, the store of clothes of silk and gold was such and so great, that it was worthy for a great Prince, and not fit for such a Mountainerusticall Lord as this was.  
Having conveyed all this into his Galleys, he sailed to Tripoli, where he found Serafadin in the custody of the two Bassas above named: and having stayed there some few days, wherein he committed sundry villainous and abominable robberies, he caused the said Serafadin to be put into the Galleys, with all his silks and his other wealth, and so departed for Constantinople. When he entered 
Serafadin put into the Galleys.  into the channel of the city, accompanied with four and twenty Galleys, encountered and rece●●ed by a wonderful troop of kinsfolks and friends, and saluted with 
Ebrain received into Constantinople.  an honourable peal of Artillery out of the Seraglio, I was also myself at Constantinople, where I had good means to see the bountiful and beautiful presents, which the spoiling Bassa gave the Turkish king. The some whereof, 
The liberal presents given by Ebrain to the Turkish king.  (besides the yearly revenue of Cair, amounting to six hundred thousand Cecchini,) was a Million of gold: threescore horses most richly garnished, of singular beauty, and particularly of the Arabian race: a live Elephant, and a live Giraffle: (which is a beast like a Camel and a Panther,) two very great Crocodiles dead: a chair of gold and precious stones: a Casket also beset with precious stones and gold: many packs of most fine clothes, woollen, and silks: certain other clothes with fringe of gold and silver, and the Barbarian cutwork: most fine linen of Alexandria, and all the Harquebuses, taken from the Drusians.  
But now returning to the place from whence I was carried into these digressions, I say again, that excepting the soldiers of Egypt, and those of Damascus and jury, all the rest of the soldiery, that was bound to these enterprises, was raised with their new General Osman Bassa, as we told you before. And the multitude of them that came both to Siuas and to Erzirum was so great, that never was there seen a greater in all the occasions that happened about these wars, as in the book following shallbe showed unto you. For now having made mention of the Sangiacco of jerusalem, it will not be amiss to declare the feats of Arms, that passed between him and the Arabians of Palestine before Ebrain the Visier came into those quarters.  
In the confines of Sodom, & in the places that lie not only between the Lake Asphaltites and Damascus, but also in the plains, and in the valleys of jericho and of Samaria, and in other places about Bethlehem, Emaus, Bethany, Bethphage, Capharnaum, Nazaret, Levir, Betsaid, Naplos, and other towns of name thereabouts, there do haunt and live sundry Arabian captains, who spreading themselves even as far as Rama and joppa, overrun all the 
The Arabians of lurie, Samaria & Galilee, thieves & robbers.  countries there round about, and continually commit divers outrages, aswell against the said Cities, as also upon the goods and wealth not only of the Inhabitants there, but also of Strangers: yea and their insolency oftentimes groweth so great, that they dare assault the fenced Cities, besides the spoiling of poor traveilers, that by reason of their business have occasion to pass from one city to another. They handle a spear well, and are perpetual shooters, but Armour of defence, they have none at all. The horses, which they ride, are very swift to run, and spare of diet: they are very bold in pilling and thieving. Neither could I myself escape their hands, when I travailed to the holy City, to worship the great Sepulchre of our Lord. These Arabians having had intelligence before hand, that the foresaid ambitious youngman, was appointed the Sangiaccho in jerusalem, and that he was in mind to raise all the Sangiacchoes there abouts, and joining himself with them, and his Father the Bassa of Damas●●, to work some great annoyance to their Liberty, & to put divers of them to death; resolved with themselves, not to stay in any case, till he and his confederacy were ready, but rather by making sundry invasions upon him, even 
The Arabians purpose to fight with the Sangiacco of jerusalem.  to the very City of jerusalem, to provoke him to come out into the field. And to induce him so to do, they conspired with a certain Subassi of Bethlehem, who was their friend, that he should encourage and embolden the Sangiaccho thereunto, by promising him great success and fortunate events. The ambitious youth, being moved with the persuasions of the Subassi, of whom he made good reckoning, and being shrewdly provoked by their insolences, resolved with himself to issue out of the city into the open field: and thereupon having armed a hundred of his Vassals, and raised all the horsemen that were under his government to the number of six hundred, he made a road towards jericho, sending before to defy them to battle. The Arabians came accordingly, and against the Harquebuses of the Soldiers of the Sangiaccho, opposing their Indian Canes and their Arrows, over-whelming him withal as it were a flood, they wrought him great mischief. And in the very nick, even while the bartell was at the hoattest, the traitorous conspirator the Subassi fled towards Bethlehem, and left the soldiers of jerusalem in the hands of the Arabians, 

The Subassi of Bethlem flieth.  
The Sangiacco discomfited by the Arabians.   who put them all for the most part to the edge of the sword, & scarcely gave any liberty to the Sangiacco to save himself by flight. The Sangiacco was certainly informed of this fraud of the dissembling Subassi, and to revenge himself upon him, he began also to practise deceit with him, feigning that he would once more try his forces against the same Arabians, insomuch that he caused the Subassi to arm himself and to come unto him, without show of any suspicion, that he went about any mischief against him: But when he came to him, he took him alive, and in most dolorous manner caused him presently to be flayed 
The Subassi of Bethlehem flayed quick by the Sangiacco.  quick. Such end had these youthly and sudden stirs of jury, by occasion whereof, as being thereunto induced in a reasonable respect, we were constrained with a due digression, to run out a little from our first course of the affairs of Persia. And now staying upon the same, we will return to Osman Bassa, who being now come to Erzirum, and there having taken a muster of all his soldiers, was 
Osman in a readiness to departed from Erziru, with a speech to go to Nassivan.  in a readiness to departed for Tauris, with a speech notwithstanding given out & published altogether for Nassivan. Of whom, seeing we are now to continue our History, without any intermission, we will reserve to make further narration in the next be o●e following: to the intent that the declaration of so famous & so important actions, be not in any wise interrupted by any other thing whatsoever.  
The end of the seventh book.   

The Eight Book.  
The Argument.  
Osman departeth from Erzirum with his Army, which is so great that is seemeth to be many men's powers united together.  
Osman dismisseth forty thousand Soldiers out of his Army, as being superfluous and needless.  
Osman taketh a review of his Army: departeth from the Caldaranes, and in steed of going to Nassivan, turneth towards Tauris: whereupon the Soldiers of Greece and Constantinople are angry with him, but he appeaseth them mildly with fair speeches and some small quantity of money.  
Osman passeth on to Coy, to Marant, and to Soffian, and deseryeth Tauris.  
The Vauward of Osman is assaulted and overthrown by the Persian Prince.  
The Army of the Persian Prince.  
The Army of the Persian king.  
Osman sendeth out a new Company against the Prince in revenge of the discomfiture given to his Vauwarde: whereupon followeth a bloody battle, which was parted by reason of the night.  
Alyculi assaileth the Turkish Army, and retireth again.  
Alyculi assaileth it a fresh in the night time, and returneth not into the City Tauris, but withdraweth himself into the tents of the Persian king.  
The Persians that guard the gates of Tauris, fight with a rascal band of the Turkish Army.  
The Persians retire themselves into the City, and in the turnings of their streets and places under the ground, they work great mischief upon the Turks that followed them into the City.  
A description of the situation of Tauris.  
Osman maketh choice of certain gardens for a plot to build a Fort in.  
The Fort is finished in the space of six and thirty days.  
Certain Turks are found strangled in a bathe within Tauris, and Osman commandeth that the City of Tauris should be sacked: whereupon there doth ensue most miserable and horrible spectacles, and a mortal battle.  
The Persian Heralds return to provoke the Turks to a fresh battle.  
The ordering of both the Armies.  
Most bloody battles between them both.  
The Bassa of Trebisonda, and the Bassa of Caraemit, with certain Sangiacchi are slain.  
The Bassa of Garamania taken prisoner.  
Osman is at the point of death, by reason of a grievous disease.  
Giaffer Eunucho the Bassa is chosen General, and governor of Tauris.  
The Taurisians recover the spoil that was taken from them in Tauris.  
Osman the Bassa, Visier and General dieth at Sancazan.  
The overthrow of the Persians.  
The muster of the Army at Van.  
Teflis is succoured quietly without any trouble or hindrance.  
Maxut-Chan is named the Bassa of Aleppo.  
A Letter sent from the Camp to Aly the Bassa of Aleppo.  
THE EIGHT BOOK.  
OSman, the General of the Turkish camp, departed out of the City of Erzirum, about the eleventh of August, 
Osman departeth from Erzirum.  in the year 1585. using the Rebel Maxut-Chan for the guide of his Army: which although it was in deed at that time very great, both for men and cattle, yet it appeared every day to become more populous, and daily new Soldiers were discovered in it, though they were but vagarantes, and of small valour. The occasion whereof was, not only the multitude of warrants sent abroad through all the subject Cities, but also the affection that every man did bear to the fame and renown of Osman, unto whom, aswell for his valour, whereof all men carried a good opinion, as also for his sovereign authority, whereby he ruled as Chief Visier, but especially for the confidence, which (was well known) the King reposed in him, they all ran by heaps with most willing minds: And he wisely cherishing and 
Osman entertaineth all that come.  fostering them in their good forwardness, entertained them all with fair promises, and hope of rewards. Insomuch, that the General had gathered together about a hundred and fifty thousand horsemen, some serving with bows, some with battle-axe or sword, some with Harquebus, 
150000. horsemen.  some with lances, some stipendiaries, and other some voluntaries. And besides these, so great a multitude of servile people, of craftsmen, of pioneers, of carriers, of judges, of Treasurers, of Clerks, of Collectors, and of all sorts of men: So great abundance of Camels, of Mules, and of Horses, and to be brief, so huge an assembly, that it would make a man believe, it was not the power of one King alone, but rather the forces of many Kings united 
The Army of Osman seemeth to be the sources of many kings united together.  and confederate together. Osman therefore perceiving that he had gathered too great a number of people, and too huge an Army, and that it might fall out so great a multitude should want victual, persuading himself that his provisions could not suffice the common necessity, neither fearing his enemy's forces so greatly, that he needed to lead so populous an host against them, he determined to discharge a great number of such as he thought to be most weak, and least apt to endure travel, and to sell them their desired liberty at a good price. And the common fame is, that by this occasion out of that first number he drew out about forty thousand persons, who with liberal 
40000. men taken out of the Army, and returned home.  and large bribes, accordingly as every man's estate would bear it, redeeming the ordinary perils of the wars, returned home to their own dwellings. And so there remained in the Army of Osman, the number of 
180000. persons in the army of Osman.  a hundred and four score thousand persons, or there abouts.  
The General, accompanied with this multitude, departed from Erzirum, & moved towards Tauris, still continuing (for all that) the speech for Nassivan. But scarce were there two days passed, when divers soldiers of 
The soldiers of Greece and Constantinople complain to Osman.  Grecia and Constantinople, presented themselves before him, and upbraided him with matter of great improvidence, telling him, that they began already to feel the intolerable penury of victual, by wanting the same day their ordinary allowance of Corn for their horses: so that if in the very beginning, and (as it were) in the entrance of so long a journey, they felt such a want, they could not tell with what judgement or discretion he meant to lead so great a company so far as Nassivan, nor by what cunning conceit he had presumed to sustain so great an Army in the service of their lord Osman quietly 
Osman mildly pacifieth the soldiers that were in a mutiny.  heard their complaints, and presently provided for them, by causing such store of Barley to be distributed among them all as they desired, and severely punishing the Officers, that had the charge for allowance of Corn, who most covetously began to make merchandise of the common provision, by converting it to their own private uses. And having thus quieted their troubled minds, he followed on his journey, and by the way of Hassan-Chalassi, and of Chars, he arrived upon the Caldarane plains, a famous place for the memorable battles, that were there fought between Selim and Ismahel, the father of Tamas, surnamed the Soffis. In these plains he took a general review of all his Army, wherein there wanted a number, 
A review of the Army.  that by reason of sickness, and divers other infirmities, being not able to continue the journey, were enforced to stay behind, some in one place, & some in another. From these plains he afterwards removed, and turned his 
Osman departeth from the Caldaran plains.  course, not to Nassivan, as still hitherto he had constantly kept the speech he would do, but now to Tauris.  
Assoon as the Soldiers of Greece and Constantinople heard this sudden alteration of the journey, they were in a 
The soldiers of Greece and Constantinople, in pride & anger complain of Osman.  great rage, and coming again before the General; spoke thus unto him. And what are we, thou villain, thou Turk, thou dolt, whom thou handlest in this sort? We are neither oxen nor sheep of the mountains, for the leading of whom thou thinkest thou art come out: neither can we brook these thy lies and deceipts. If thou hast publicly professed to lead us to Nassivan, and by that speech hast trained us from the furthest bounds of Grecia: to what end now, after thou hast wearied us so much, dost thou deceive us with such vanities, and prolong our journey, and set before us such strange and important dangers, as our minds never once thought on? But if this was thy first purpose and intent, & that now not foolishly nor by chance, but upon premeditation and good advise, thou changest thine opinion, why didst thou dismiss so many soldiers, that might have made the Army more terrible and the stronger for thy enterprise of Tauris? Dost thou think, that by suffering others to redeem their liberties, and so to increase thy riches, thou shalt set our lives to sale, and so make us slaves to the Persians? At these arrogant speeches Osman was in a great confusion, & when he saw his good meaning, and the earnest desire he had to satisfy the Majesty and honour of his King, to be taken in so evil part, and these men so highly offended at him, he was sore troubled, and began to revolve many & sundry cogitations within himself, what he were best to do. And although he could in deed have readily used the sharpest and the hardest provisions and remedies for it, that in such occasions are ordinarily applied, yet very prudently and upon good advise he forbore so to do, 
The wisdom of Osman Bassa.  and instead of rigour & punishment, he resolved to work by entreaty, by admonition, by lenity, and by gifts: and by reùealing to the Capt●●● and Chief of the rest, that were so ready to rage, the necessaire of the rumour 
The speech of Osman to pacify the soldiers, that were in an uproar.  that was given out for Nassivan, mildly and featly to pacify them all. Whereupon having caused many of the said seditious persons to come before him, he first persuaded them, That the former speech for Nassivan was not raised at all by him, Nor that he was minded at that time to go to Tauris, but all that was done, he had done to fulfil the commandment of the Sultan, who had charged him so to do, to the end they might lessen, yea, and peradventure wholly frustrate the sharp forces & conflicts, which otherwise they might have found on the Persians side, if the speech had been given out at the first for Tauris, and so leisure and time given to their enemies to prepare themselves, and to come and encounter with them in order and well appointed. For the avoiding whereof, and that all glorious success and joyful victory might happen unto them, even with the least inconvenience to the Army that might be imagined, the King so commanded, and so would he have it: who, of his Princely nature did not only not delight in the harms and troubles of his vassals, but also thought nothing to be more grievous, or ignominious to him, than their loss and hindrance. And therefore they for their parts also ought willingly to accomplish his good pleasure: for so should they still preserve that great opinion, which both the King, and all the Nations of the world had conceived of their valour, and fidelity. Neither needed they to fear, that the soldiers, which were dismissed, might enfeeble or weaken the Army: for that they were not only sufficient to pierce into Tauris, and to open the way even upon their enemies, but also the Persians would not endure their looks: and that those, which were discharged, had purged 
The soldiers well quieted.  the host of all cowardice, and left nothing in it, but virtue and courage. By this mild answer of the Visier, the tumultuous soldiers were sufficiently pacified: but much better appayed and contented they were, assoon 
Osman distributeth a certain little quantity of money among them.  as he put his hand to the common purse, and bestowed among them all a certain small quantity of Monies; for by this gentleness of nature, all their stomachs were overcome, and they became so willing, & so courageous, that now they durst venture, not only to Tauris, but also to Casbin, yea, even to the farthest parts of all the kingdom of the Persians.  
These importunate & inconsiderate outrages being thus appeased and quenched, the General turned himself 
Osman turneth towards Coy.  with all his army towards Coy, being a city situate beyond Van, and in the midst between Tauris and the Martian More, subject to the Turks, where the appetites both of the soldiers and also of their cattle were satisfied with all things which they could desire. From 
Osman arriveth at Merant.  Coy he passed to Marant, a city subject to the Persians, very plentiful and fruitful also in all things, that are wont to be acceptable to man and beast. From thence he leaned 
Osman leaneth towards Soffian.  down towards Soffian, a little ground, subject likewise to the Persians, but in all kind of fruits most abundant fertile: and from this place they began to discover 
They discover Tauris.  Tauris. Great was the joy of the whole Camp, but principally the soldiers of Greece & Constantinople, when they saw themselves to have passed so far, without feeling any annoyance of the enemy, did highly commend the advise of the Captain, or rather of the king, in changing the rumour of Nassivan for Tauris, and did think verily, that this their great quiet did happen unto them, because the Persians were wholly occupied about Nassivan: in somuch that every man now being waxen more courageous, and replenished with joy, without any fear at all, proudly plotted to themselves, nothing but sackings, pillings, 
The Turkish soldiers make account of sackings and robberies etc.  taking of prisoners, ravishments, robberries, and all those insolent and dishonest actions, that use rashly to proceed from the greedy affections of these barbarous victors. But the chief of these were those of the Vauward, who being desirous of a booty, and to discover the enemy's country round about them, descended 
The Vauward of the Turks.  down towards certain gardens, full of all sorts of trees, springs and fruits, and having refreshed their appetites with the water and other meats, they withdrew themselves to a certain little river, near to a bridge called The bridge of salt water, and there stayed with pleasure, attending 
The Vauward at the bridge of Salt-water assaulted by the Persians.  the arrival of their fellow-army. But even whiles they were thus enjoying the water, the fruits, the shade, and the green grass, besides all their expectation, they were suddenly assaulted and very shrewdly handled by the Persians.  
This was Emir Hamze, the eldest son of king Mahamet, who being accompanied with ten thousand soldiers, 
Emir-Hamze M●rize, the Persian Prince, with 10000 soldiers.  had craftily hidden himself, watching till some of the enemies bands should come down to those resting places, that he might set upon them. For he was thus come forth against the Turks, whiles his blind father was encamped about twelve miles beyond the city of Tauris, 
The Persian King beyond Tauris with 50000. soldiers.  with a fifty thousand persons or thereabouts. In Tauris was Alyculi-Chan the Governor of it, and with him four thousand soldiers. A greater Army than this the Persian king could not possibly levy, and the principal 
Aliculi-Chan in Tauris with 4000  occasion thereof was, the death of Emir-Chan; for which all the nation of the Turcomannes being waxen rebellious 
The occasion why the Persians could not gather a greater army against the Turks.  and disobedient, would not by any means be brought to defend that City, which was now committed to the government of Alyculi-Chan their capital enemy. From Gheilan and from Hery there came not somuch as one soldier, to relieve the necessities of Persia. So that the King could scarcely gather together these threescore and four thousand men, who by reason of the uncertainty 
64000. soldiers the whole force of the Persians.  of the Turks rumour for Nassivan and for Tauris, were plunged into a thousand disquiets, and scant had leisure enough to be ready all at Tauris at the arrival of their enemies. With these forces the Persian had no stomach, so suddenly to go and set upon the Turkish Army in open battle, and to adventure themselves upon their Artillery: but sought in deed by all the means he could, first to annoy him with as little loss to himself as possibly he might, and so by attempting his forces, to make trial of every way, how he might in diverse and sundry sorts weaken and endamage him. And yet afterward he wished, that he had been assaulted, when being certified of the infirmity of General Osman, and advertised of the sundry losses that he had received at his arrival to Tauris, and in other conflicts, which shallbe told you hereafter, he thought he might have recovered the spoils that had been taken in the sacked and desolate City. But the Bersian Prince, thus at unawares set upon the Vauwarde of the Turks, who being greedy of their victuals, and desirous to discover their enemy's country, had turned themselves upon the gardens of Soffian. This assault, & the 
The Persian Prince assaileth and discomfiteth the Turkish Vauward at once.  discomfiture of the said Vauward was done at once: for such was the speed, so haughty was the courage of the Prince, and so great the astonishment and strangeness of the case, that as it had been a lightning, and (as a man might well say) without any resistance, he overran all the said band of the Turks, and dispersed them, putting to the sword about seven thousand persons of all sorts. 
7000. Turk's slain.  Which being done, he withdrew himself back towards his father's Tents, leading away with him, horses, slaves, and much apparel, besides sundry standards & Turkish drums, that were brought after him.  
Osman had intelligence of this discomfiture, & fourth-with caused his Army to be raised, and dispatched Sinan 
Osman maketh a new expedition against the Persian Prince.  Bassa son to the late Cicala, and Mahamet the Bassa of Caraemet, with divers other Adventurers, in all to the number of fourteen thousand, to the end they should follow the prince abovementioned. These than ran amain to pursue the king's son, who had already sent news to his father of this his first action by certain swift horsemen, and so quick they were in their marching, that they overtook the youngman, who like a joyful victor was journeying towards his father's Campe. Assoon as the Prince saw the Turks so near him, and knew that without a dangerous and shameful flight, he could not avoid the battle, courageously he turned his face upon them, and joined a most bloody conflict with them. It was as yet two hours before night, when these sharp and 
A bloody battle.  cruel skirmishes began, from which they ceased not, until night with her darkness did bereave them of the use of their sword, and enforce both the one side and the other 
The night ceaseth the battle.  to retire, which was done with the notable loss of the Turks, who being far fewer in number than they were, and also shrewdly beaten and discomfited, returned to their pavilions from whence they came. The like did the Persians also, who were stained and imbrued much more with the blood of their enemies, then with the spilling of their own. It is a common speech that in this second battle, (which notwithstanding together with the first exploitis reckoned but for one only) there wanted 
6000. Turk's slain.  six thousand Turks, and that there would have followed a general slaughter of them all, if night had not interrupted so uncouth an action, well worthy (in truth) of a thousand daylightes. So that hitherto the Turks have sustained the loss of more than ten thousand soldiers, & yet scarce have discovered or seen the City, which so greedily they longed for.  
The next morning the Turkish Camp removed, and 
Aliculy-Chan assaileth the Turkish army, whiles they were encamping themselves.  approached within two miles of Tauris where they encamped. But whiles they were about the setting up of their pavilions, Aliculy-Chan issuing out of the City with all his guard above mentioned, and with all the inhabitants that were able to fight and manage weapons, he set upon the face of the Vauward, being now renewed, and with cunning turnings and windings so charged and seized upon them, that with great shedding of blood he made them to retire, even to the Viziers ward, from 
Alyculy-Chan retireth again into the city.  whence when he espied the artillery, he withdrew himself again to the City, before he was annoyed or offended by any of them. The number of the slain, and the confusion of the Turks was notable. For in a very small space of time, the Vauward was put in a disarray, & almost 
3000. Turk's slain.  three thousand slain. But Alyculi being not contented with this, assoon as the darkness of the night was come, 

Aliculy in the night issueth out of the City & assaulteth the Turks.  
The Bassa of Maras slain by Aliculy.  
Aliculy abandoneth the city of Tauris.   issued out the second time closely and covertly, & swiftly ran along all the side of the enemy's Army, that lay towards Tauris, and besides the death of the Bassa of Maras, put all that band to great damage and destruction. And when he had so done, without any stay he fled to the kings Camp, and forsook the defence of the sorrowful City. In this sort was the Turkish Captain welcomed by the Taurisians, who gathering themselves to the gates as many of them as remained within the City, well armed & confederate together, were now prepared 
The Persians guard the gates of Tauris.  to make it a bloody entrance for the Turks, whensoever they came. All the whole night was spent in watching both on the one side and on the other, neither could the flattering enticement of sleep procure any quiet or rest to the poor souls either of the Citizens or of the enemies: and yet there was no motion of war on either side. But upon the break of day, a great band of the servile sort of Turks, and of the rascal common rout, without 
The servile people first go to the city to sack it.  any leave asked of the Captain, armed with corselets, with spears and with sword, went to the town, with resolute minds to sack it, and to enrich their own private estate with the spoils and pillage of that wealthy City. And now were they come to the guarded gates, where contrary to their expectation they found a terrible rescue, 
Slaughter in the gates.  and were enforced to join a hard and mortal medley, wherein the walls, the entrance, yea all the ground thereabout was bathed with blood, & (as it were) paved with weapons and carcases. And yet for all that, though the Persians stood firm & stout at the arrival of this insolent and servile troop, at the last they were constrained to yield the entrance, being overcome by the multitude of them, that flowed in upon them like a flood, and retiring 
The Taurisians yield the gates to the Turkish peole.  themselves into the city, which was now astonished & amazed on every side, they fortified themselves in their houses under the ground, and in the corners and winding turnings of the streets: from whence, by their arrows, & some few Arcubuscs, they did great scathe to the Turks 
The Taurisians fortify themselves in their vaults, and in the corners of their streets.  that entered. Howbet the Persians were not able to kill & destroy so many of their enemy people, but that at the last they were too mighty for them, and wrought many grievous mischiefs and calamities in the woeful City. And so a great number of this rascal people, which remained alive, returned to the Turkish Camp, enriched with booties and slaves, leading away with them both virgins 
The Turks return to the Camp with divers preys and booties.  and children, and showing too manifest tokens of the poor oppressed City, wherein the miserable women & impotent souls embracing and straining their domestical doors, and kissing their native soil, with prayers, with mournings, with complaints, bewailed their present misery, and feared also worse & more deadly events. Osman, who was now made acquainted with these calamities, and with this particular misadventure, caused proclamation to be published, that no man should be so hardy as to molest the Taurisians, those I mean, which were naturally there borne: and in the mean time he himself 
Osman vieweth the place where to encamp himself, and build a fort.  went round about the said City, viewing thoroughly the situation of it, and surveying the place, wherein he might both encamp himself safely, and also with the better foundation and greater security erect a Castle or Fort of defence of that conquered country.  
Tauris is seated at the root of the hill Orontes, which 
The description of the city of Tauris.  standeth (as it were) over it upon the North side, distant from the shore of the sea of Bachu, eight days journey or thereabouts. It hath Persia upon the Southside, which leaving the Caspian mountains on the West, reacheth out to Great Media: and therefore the City is subject to winds, cold, and full of snow, but of a very wholesome air: It aboundeth in all manner of things necessary for man's life. It is enriched, aswell by the perpetual concourse of merchandises, that are brought thither from the countries of the Levant, to be conveyed into Soria and into the countries of Europe, as also of those that come thither out of the Western parts, to be distributed over all the East. It is very populous, so that it feedeth almost two hundred thousand persons: but yet open to the fury of every Army, without strength of walls, and without bulwarks. It hath a great number of houses under the ground: The buildings, after the fashion of those that are built in the East, are of burnt clay, & rather low then high. It hath Springs, Gardens, and running waters. And for all things it carried the name, as also of their King's residence. Tamas was the man that removed his seat from this City, and translated it to Casbin: but still for all that, both before and sithence, although it hath been molested by the inroads and spoils of the Turkish Emperors, yet it hath always maintained itself in great estimation and renown.  
Now of this City, Osman did diligently view the situation, and at the last caused his Pavilions to be pitched 
The tents pitched on the south side.  upon the side that looketh towards the South, commanding that all the rest of this Soldiers should do the like, & that all the Workmen and Ditchers should repair thither to begin the building of a Castle. On the same side of Tauris, there was a garden, all flourishing & beautiful, replenished with a thousand sundry kinds of 
The most pleasant and beautiful garden of Tauris.  grafts, trees, and sweete-smelling plants, among which the Lily, the Hyacinth, the Gillyflower, the Rose, the Violet, the Flower gentle, and a thousand other odoriferous flowers did yield a most pleasant and delectable sight both to the Inhabitants and to Strangers. There were a thousand Fountains, and a thousand brooks, & among them all, as the Father of them all, a pretty River, which with his mild course and delight some noise, divided the Garden from the ground of Tauris, and one only bridge for those to pass over it, which for pleasure repaired out of Tauris to recreate themselves in the shadows and walks of those greene's: whose beauty was so great, being also made famous by reason of antiquity, that it was also called by the country Inhabitants Sechis-Genet, which in our language is as much to say, as Eight Paradises. 
The garden called the eight Paradises  This was in times past the standing house of their kings, whiles they kept their residence in this City: and after they had withdrawn themselves from thence, and translated their seat to Casbin, it became the habitation and place of abode for the Governors of Tauris, and namely Emir-Chan kept altogether there, whiles he had the government of it. These gardens and places Osman 
Osman chooseth the gardens to build his fort in.  did choose to build his Castle in, whereof he gave the model himself, and commanded that all the whole circuit of those Green's should be environed with walls, and trenches digged round about them, to convey the water from the foresaid River. And so the fabric was begun, with the greatest care that possibly might be, the foundation of the embattled walls laid, the ditch digged, fourteen foot broad, and a man's height in depth, and in the space of six and thirty days 
In 36. days the fabric finished.  wholly finished and brought to an end. The first day of building the Visier fell sick of a fever with a bloody flux (as it was told me in Constantinople, by one of the Physicians, that was always assistant at the cure) which infirmity 
The sickness of the Visie● Osman.  peradventure was the cause of the slowness in building, and of many other losses that afterwards happened, as shall be declared unto you. In the said space also of six and thirty days, there was distributed upon the walls great store of Artillery, and within the Fort there were built divers baths, lodgings, and such other housing necessary for Turkish uses.  
Whiles this Fabric was in hand, there wanted not sundry Accidents, and strange news, to fill the ears and minds of all men: which it shallbe necessary to report in order as they fell out. Five days after the building of the Fort was begun, there came news into the Turkish camp, that within the City of Tauris, in a certain bane, there were eight jannizzaries, and diverse Spaoglanj seen strangled: whereof the Zaini, Spahini, and jannizzaries 
Turk's strangled in a bath within Tauris  being certified, went presently before the Visier, declaring unto him, that although he had over mildly given order, that the Taurisians should not be molested or hurt, and that according to his pleasure, every man had used modesty towards them, and obedience to him, yet the Taurisians themselves, who should have remained in quiet and in awe, had most audaciously strangled in one of their baynes eight jannizzaries, and certain Spaoglanj, and that in their judgement these injuries and insolences were not to be suffered. The Captain was exceeding wroth at this most cruel and impious action, and without any further delay commanded, that the whole 
Osman commandeth that the City of Tauris should be sacked in the vilest manner.  City should be sacked, and that every man should do the worst, that possibly he could, or might do to it. Hear a man had need of a very learned and eloquent pen, to describe the fierce and cruel execution of these men, who handled the matter, not as though they would requite an injury, but rather exercise an utter vengeance upon them, insomuch, as it would require great force of wit, and readiness of tongue to declare it. For in troth, who is able either by writing, or by speech sufficiently and lively to 
The villainies of the Turks in Tauris, while they sack it.  set forth the treachery, the covetousness, the wrath, the cruelty, the impiety, the wickedness of these triumphing Turks? And on the other side, who can express the crying of Infants, the complaints and howl of women, the groan of the wounded, the tears of parents, the prayers of old men, the fears, the griefs, and to be brief, the misery of the Taurisians? There was nothing but slaughter, pilling, ravishing, spoiling, and murdering: Virgins deflowered, man-children defiled with horrible and unspeakable sins, younglings snatched out of their parents arms, houses laid even with the ground, and burnt: riches and money carried away, and to be short, all things wasted and ruinated. Neither were these mischiefs committed once only, but the second followed worse than the first, and the third upon that, worse than the second: so that it was a misery almost unexplicable, to behold that City, which was so populous and so rich, 
The misery of the City of Tauris.  sometimes the Court and Palace of the Crown, and the honour of the Persian Empire, now subject to the fury, to the ravin, to the cruelty of the Turks, plunged in calamity, and utterly destroyed. With the spoil that was taken, there were many thousands of Camels loaden, and every man, besides the things of greatest value, which 
Boys & girls carried away captives by the Turks.  they kept secretly, carried away with him some boy or some wench for his captive.  
The lamentable and sorrowful advertisement hereof was brought to the King of Persia, who bewailed the misery of himself, and the destruction of others: But the Persian prince beyond all the rest felt rising inwardly within himself the most ardent affections of grief, of disdain, and of desperation, & being utterly resolved to put any thing in execution, whereby he might be revenged of so great a cruelty, and recover the prey that was taken 
The Persian Prince commandeth 500 soldiers, to go and provoke the Turks to fight.  away, he exhorted his whole Army to put on the same resolution. And having grounded and confirmed himself therein, he commanded, that five hundred of his soldiers should ride out on horseback, even to the very sight of their enemy's Tents, and provoke the Turks to battle. These soldiers so appointed went accordingly, and made a gallant show of themselves, at the discovery whereof, the Turks imagining, that the Persians were come in great number to assault their Army: Order was given by the Visier to Bassa Cicala, and the Bassa of Caraemit, (the 
Osman appointeth two Bassas, to encounter and fight with the Persians.  same two which were at first in the former bloody conflict,) that with the people of Grecia, and all the rest of their whole power, they should go to encounter the enemy. They presently gave warning with the sound of their trumpets, and strait way their standards were displayed: Under which there were assembled about four and thirty thousand Soldiers strong, partly stipendiaries, and partly voluntaries, and besides them a number of servile people, men exercised in labour and perils, so that there were gathered together in all well near forty 
40000. Turks go to encounter the Persians, and to fight with them.  thousand men. The five hundred Persians, with a marvelous cunning kind of skirmishing, dallied with the Turkish soldiers, and drew them forward, for the space of eight miles and more. And when they were brought to that point, being now forewearied with the skirmish, they were lustily assaulted by the Persian Prince, who with part of his Army, which might be to the number of about twenty thousand persons, courageously & valiantly seized upon the two Bassas, between whom there was joined the deadliest and cruelest battle, that ever was written of. Wherein the Persians having given a most 
A mortal and cruel battle.  perilous onset upon the Turks, it was thought, that they would have been contented with so lucky an encounter, and so to have retired. Which the Turks foreseeing, and being not minded to return this second time, but with victory, and a notable great conquest, they hardily followed upon the Persians, hoping to put them to flight, and to give them a bloody and deadly overthrow: But the Persians having quietly and easily endured their charge, for a reasonable space, at the last made head upon them a fresh, and began a new conflict with them. By the vehemence of this assault, the Bassa of Caraemit above named, was put to flight, who being wholly dismayed and difcomfited, 
The Bassa of Caraemit put to flight.  fled back to his Tents, with a manifest token of the unhappy issue in the battle. The Bassa Cicala notwithstanding, sustained the fury of the Persians, and valorously with great cunning & skill went about to hearten the Army to fight, and to do their best endeavours, showing his notable courage in every respect. But when he perceived that in both the wings of his people there was still great harm done in every moment of an hour, he advised with himself to retire with the least danger that possibly he might. Wherein he could not so warily 
Cicala Bassa flieth also.  carry himself, but that his Squadrons were shrewdly beaten and discomfited, and in the end, he was enforced in the sight of every man to withdraw himself to the Army, and openly betake himself to flight. So that he also arrived at the camp, altogether discomfited, without any Ensign, bereaved of three young men, whom he loved very dearly, and without any of his horses which he had caused to be lead with him, to have served his turn in time of need: and so speak all in a word, he was quite overthrown, and (about) eight thousand of his soldiers 
8000. 〈◊〉 slain.  slain. Great was the cowardice of the one, and great was the courage of the other: whereby it may manifestly appear, how much more the Persians are exercised and acquainted with the doubtful conflicts & perils of war, than the Turks are.  
With this so fortunate and happy event, the Persian Prince being somewhat encouraged, he sent speedy Heralds 
Heralds sent by the Persian Prince to Osman.  to the sick Visier, (whom he thought notwithstanding to have been in health) giving him to understand, that if it pleased him to fight with him, he was ready for him, and in what sort soever he would accept of battle, he would make him good account of his valour, & cause him to know, not only that Amurath had most injuriously and unjustly raised this war, but also that it had been good for him not to have withstood his force and valiance. Osman accepted his offer, but being not able himself to go and answer the Prince in person, hand to hand, 
Osman accepteth the offer, but his sickness increaseth mortally upon him.  by reason of his sickness, which every hour increased more mortally upon him, he sent out all the Captains of his army. The Persian Prince remained ten miles of there abouts, distant from the Camp of Osman, and that upon very good consideration, lest peradventure in the heat and fury of the battle, he might have been spoiled by the Artillery: so that of necessity the Turkish army must needs ride to encounter with him.  
The Turkish Captains marched in this manner; The midst of the battle was guided by the Bassa of Caraemit, 
The array and order of the Turkish soldiers.  and Sinan Cicala, with all the Soldiers of Assiria and Babylon: The left hand was lead by the Bassa of Anatolia, with the band of Graecia: And the right hand was conducted by Amurath the Bassa of Caramania, with the people of Soria: to the number in all of three score thousand, besides all those that were slain in the two former conflicts, 
60000. in the 〈◊〉 army  and besides a great multitude of servile people, & diverse voluntary, and sundry waged soldiers also, that were still within the City, busied about their new pillages, and searching for hidden treasures, and other rich booties, even in places under the ground, and in their Churches: and besides the trusty guard of the jannizzaries of Constantinople, with all the Artillery, which was left behind for the safeguard of the sick Visier, and all the Tents.  
Being thus ordered and divided, they confronted the Persian Prince, who was himself in the midst of his 
The order of the Persians.  Army, and had placed all his people in very good order on all sides, having on his one side, the soldiers of Persia and Hyrcania, and on his other side the soldiers of Parthia and Atropatia, in all to the number of forty thousand. I do not believe, that Ida the mountain, or Xanthus the 
40000. in the Persians army.  river by Troy, did ever see so terrible and bloody battles, as these were, that were fought near to the Rivers and mountains of Tauris, by these nations, who, though they be all in deed of Asia, yet (as Aristotle saith) are not very 
Terrible and bloody battles about Tauris.  martial. The Turks were in a fear least the Persians would have fetched a great compass, and with all celerity and fury would have run to set upon their tents, & the riches which they had laid up together in their pavilions: and therefore at every motion of theirs they continually feared this sudden outroade. Whereof they had such special care, that retiring themselves as much as they might, and feigning that they yielded and gave place to the Persians, they withdrew so near to their Army, that they wanted but a little from being brought even within the just level and mark of their artillery. Which when the Persians had espied, and perfectly discovered the cunning and craft of the Turks, without any further dallying they began to seize upon the main body of the battle. And the Prince himself being entered among the soldiers of the Bassa of Caraemit, who (as we told you a little before) as General sustained the place of Osman, & pressing into the midst of the battle, dispatched every man that came in his way, and having drawn out the Bassa from among the rest, he smote of his head, and 
The Persian Prince cutteth of the head of Mahamet the Bassa of Ca●emit.  gave it to one that waited upon him, to carry about upon the top of his lance. The speechless head being openly descried, wrought a terror to the Turks, and a courage in the Persians, who being imbrued with blood in the battle, and remembering also the cruelty used upon the Taurisians, accounted it an impiety to show any pity to their enemies, and a great point of cowardice to foreslow the victory over them. Whereupon they intermingled themselves more and more, & made a most confused, and general slaughter: wherein besides the Bassa above named, 
The Bassa of Trebisonda, the Sangiacco of Bursia, & 5. other Sangiacchi slain.  there died also the Bassa of Trabizonda, the Sangiacco of Bursia, with five other Sangiacchi, and many other Chiaus, and divers common soldiers taken prisoners. It fell to the lot also of Amurath the Bassa of Caramania to be taken prisoner, being (as they say) fallen into a Well or 
Amurath the Bassa of Caramania taken alive in the fight.  ditch, whiles he was fight: and to be short it is the common report, that the number of those that were slain in this battle, amounted to twenty thousand Turks. The night came upon them, and the Persians were now 
20000. Turks. slain.  somewhat too nigh to the Turkish Artillery, and therefore they resolved to leave fight, and as they were occasioned by the darkness of the night, to withdraw themselves back to the pavilions of the king, the Prince's father.  
But now there were many days spent, wherein (as we told you afore) the fabric of the Fortress was fully finished. And after so many victories, and so many losses, that fell out on both sides, the soldiers of Grecia and Constantinople, being now wearied with seeing their friends and loving fellows thus slain before their faces, 
The people of Gseece and Constantinople procure their return home into their countries.  having also laid up safely in their own custody those preys and booties, which they had gotten in the sack of the City, resolved with themselves to procure their own departure, being partly moved thereunto by the violent and sharp season of the winter, which was now coming upon them. And for that purpose they came to the Visier, who being already brought into a most dangerous estate of his health, and waxed very faint through the abundant issue of blood, that mortally flowed out of his belly, was (as a man might say) in despair with himself to live any longer, and quite abandoned of all 
Osman through sickness desperate to live any longer.  hope by his Physicians. And therefore they were feign by the mouth of such as were trusty about him to represent unto him the necessity of their return: and withal after many friendly and reverent entreaties, they caused also to be signified unto him, that if he stood obstinate & unwilling to yield to their request, and would needs stay dallying and spending the time in those quarters, where there was no such need, they should be enforced to withdraw themselves & forsake him. Osman, who had nothing else to do in those countries, but only to leave at Tauris within the new fort for the custody thereof, some convenent garrison of soldiers, did liberally promise to gratify them in their suit, & to yield them all satisfaction, as they desired, by departing from thence the next morning. And therefore for as much as he was now to remove, & before his remove to leave such a garrison in the new fort, as might be sufficient to maintain and defend it, until the next spring, wherein there should be some new captain and fresh supplies sent thither for their succour, he concluded, that Giaffer the Eunuch, being then the Bassa of Tripoli, who (as we told you in the last book) would not follow the 
Giaffer the Bassa of Tripols' in Soria, chosen Governor of Tauris.  wars of Ebrain the Visier, should be the keeper and governor of the said Fort. And the rather to encourage him that he would take the charge upon him, he gave him freely, for the space of three whole years, not only the office and authority, but also the rents and revenues of the Bassa of Caraemit, in the place of him, whose head (we told you lately) the Persian Prince had cut of: and withal honoured him with the title of the Bassa of the Court, where having finished his three years office of Caraemit, he was to go & sit among the sovereign seats in the order and rank of the Viziers. The Eunuch, seeing so fair and so nigh a way for him to mount to those high honours, readily obeyed his pleasure, and presently dispatching his Lieutenant, (whom the Turks call Checaia) for Caraemit, to the government of those countries in his absence, with a hundred of his own subjects, he settled himself in the said Fort, and afterwards, besides his said subjects, there were delivered unto him twelve thousand soldiers, some voluntaries and some stipendiaries, furnished with all necessary provision, and sufficient 
12000 soldiers appointed to Giaffer the Eunuch to guard the fort.  for the war till the new spring. And when the custody of this Fortress was thus ordered, and safely provided for, the Visier departed according to his promiss made to the soldiers of Grecia and Constantinople, & the same morning, which was the fourscore and seventh day after his departure from Erzirum, he went to a place called Sancazan, seven miles distant from Tauris, with an 
Osman Bassa at Sancazan.  intent in this his return, to take another course, than he took when he came to that City.  
They were now upon the point of their encamping (as the manner is) in a confused disorder & hurleyburley, when those that were hindermost in the army heard the neighing of horses, and the noise of drums and trumpets, which when all the whole Camp understood (by the report of the first hearers unto them that were foremost) they ran all headlong and disordered (as they were) to the rescue on that side, where the report was that the noise of horses and warlike instruments was heard. But while the Turks were thus intentively busied on that side, to expect the arrival of their enemies, on the other side without any sign or token of battle was the Persian Prince ready upon them with eight & twenty thousand 
The Persian Prince assaileth the Turks, with 28000. persons.  persons in his company, who, (having discovered the camels, the horses, the Mules, & other carriages, whereupon their booties, their spoils, and their riches were loaden which they had taken in Tauris, besides their corn and much of their provision for victual, necessary for the sustenance of the army,) had turned upon them, & with a provident and safe convoy had taken for a pray eighteen thousand of the camels and Mules, well 
18000. camels, and mules laden with spoil, rescued by the Persians from the Turks.  loaden with the said booties and other victuals. The Prince sent away presently six thousand of his soldiers for the safeguard of the carriages, that they might lead them away in safety: and he himself with his two and twenty thousand Persians entered into the Turkish Army, who now to withstand his assault, had converted their anger and fierceness against him. It was a gallant thing, & a terrible withal, to see what a mortal battle and what singular prowess was showed, presently even in the forefront of the army. For in a moment you might have seen the Tents and Pavilions turned up side down, and their encamping lodgings replenished with carcases & blood, and victorious death ranging in every corner. The Turks themselves, through unwonted astonishment, became more attentive beholders of this affray, than their enemies were, and to this day with great marvel do recount the virtue and valour of the Persians, who although they were so few in number, and intermingled among so populous an army of warlike people, yet it seemed that they couched their spears & brandished their swords over them, as though it had thundered & lightened upon them, and were in deed rather like fatal ministers, then humane executioners of so general a slaughter. But these mischiefs being already foreseen and too much feared by the trusty guard of the janizzaries, & all of them doubting greatly lest the Persians would forcibly invade the very lodgings of the Visier, it was commanded, not by himself, (for he was now at the last gasp) 
The Visier at the last gasp.  but by him who at that time had authority to command in his name, that without any delay the artillery should be unbarred, & by that means the valorous conflict of these fierce soldiers was unequally parted. For the Artillery wrought perchance greater harm among the Turks 
The artillery workeh happily more harm among the Turks, then among the Persians.  themselves, than it did among the Persians. For the medley and mingling of the two nations which fought together, being all in a confusion and a hurleyburley, the artillery entering among them without any exception or distinction of persons, overthrew both friends and foes. At the first thondering noise whereof, the Prince was most ready & swift to fly, & all that were with him, followed presently after him, so that the Turks which remained behind were moreshrewdly afflicted then the Persians were, who by flying away could not feel any damage, but the Turks must first be well paid for their labour. The Grecians, the constantinopolitans, and those that were of Anatolia, pursued these fugitives, making a show as though they would gladly have overtaken the stolen carriages, and recovered them again: but they being already arrived in safety, and the night come upon them, they feared to proceed any further, than they might easily return with the safeguard of their lives. And therefore the Persians, though greatly wearied and weakened, thus saved themselves, and the Turks also returned into their Tents, wholly dismayed and discomfited, leaving too manifest a token of the sundry calamities which happened in these broils, and the marvelous overthrow of their whole army. So that there is no man but confesseth, that in the battle of Sancazan there were slain twenty 
20000. Turk's slain in fight at Sancazan.  thousand of the Ottoman soldiers, and that in this enterprise of Tauris, there died by this time threescore thousand Turks with that small loss of the Persian forces, which we have before described.  
Among the rest, in the same place died also the Visier Osman, General of the late dreadful, but now desolate Army, not by wowds, (as some writ) nor by any such 
Osman the Visier and General dieth at Saacazan.  like means, but being utterly consumed by the mortal & uncurable disease of an Ague and a flux, (as we have told you before, and do now again testify unto you, by the certain and undoubted report of those faithful Physicians, which were about him,) whose death notwithstanding was kept secret from the whole Army, and every man thought verily, that it was but only the continuance of his sickness, because the charriottes wherein he lay, were still kept close, and in his name Cicala Bassa, (for so he had appointed by his will) gave out answers and commandements 
The death of Osman disclosed to the Persians by three oungmen.  to all the Army. But although it was thus concealed from the Turks, yet was it disclosed to the Persians, by the means of three young men, who in the life of Osman had the charge of his precious stones, of his jewels, and of his gold, and now having gathered together, the best, the chiefest, and the fairest of them, and also the goodliest and the fairest horses that the Visier had, were fled to the King of Persia, and revealed unto him the death of the General. The coming of these young men was most acceptable both to the king & also to the prince, aswell for the jewels & gold, as also for the advertisement of osman's death: who reasoned among themselves, that it was not possible for so great cowardice, and so dishonourable a kind of fight and ordering of an Army to proceed from the virtue and valour of Osman, of whom they had had too manifest a trial and experience in times past: and therefore they were thereby encouraged to put in practise some new and strange kinds of exploits, and 
The Persians encouraged to give the Turks a famous farewell.  by attempting the utter overthrow of the Turkish remnant, to give them an honourable Farewell. And thereupon the Persian Prince, having gotten together fourteen thousand men, went to follow the Turks, who had now raised their Camp, and were removed to pitch their Tents near to a certain stream of salt-water, not far 
A brook between the two armies.  from Sancazan: where also the said Prince caused certain few Tents to be pitched, about four or five miles distant from the Turkish Camp, the foresaid brook running in the midst between the two Enemy's armies. Now it was the purpose of the Sofian Prince to have assailed the Turks in the morning, whiles they were loading their carriages, hoping in that confusion to have wrought them some notable mischief: but the Turks had caught a certain spy of his, who revealed all unto them. And therefore they did neither arise so early in the morning ás their manner was, nor load their stuff, until such time as they were all armed and on horseback, trusting by that means to rebate and to quail their enemy's assaults. The Persians were greatly discontented, when they saw this wary and unusual manner of the Turks raising of their Tents, and perceived that some inkling had been given them of the purpose which they had intended: And yet considering, that if they should lose this occasion, they could not have any other good opportunity to annoy them, until the next Spring: they utterly resolved to venture 
The Persians begin to assault the Turks on the leftside, to avoid their Artillery.  the assault: and having observed, that the Ranks of their Artillery were on the right side of the Army, they began to enter (in the sight of every man) upon the left hand. But the Turks made a wing presently on that side, and so uncovered and unbarred their Artillery against the assailants, to their great loss and danger. Howbeit they were so nimble and quick to shroud themselves under their Enemy's army, & to avoid this mischievous tempest, that being now come very near to the Turkish Squadrons, they must needs send out people to encounter them, and join present battle with them. They were purposed before, assoon as they saw the Turks begin to stir, to have brought them towards their side, into a very filthy and deep Moor, which being then dry, yet 
The purpose of the Persians, which afterwards came to no good issue.  breathed fourth a most stinking and foggy air, neither was it doubted of, or feared by any, but only by those that were acquainted withal, and borne there abouts: and so very boldly they went towards that place, enticing their enemies to follow after them. But the Rebel Maxut-Chan, and with him that other Traitor Daut-Chan, who had knowledge of this treachery, as being well acquainted with those places, perceived the policy of the Enemy, and particularly gave notice thereof to Cicala Bassa, who presently caused a great compassing wing to be made, commanding them to set upon the Persians, and to give them a continual charge. The commandment of the Captain was put in execution, and so their forefront opened itself with very large and spacious Cornets upon the Prince: who no sooner saw this kind of order, but by and by he perceived, that his intended Stratagem was discovered. Whereupon without any stay he began to retire, and called all his people after him. But they could not be so ready and quick to fly, but that three thousand of them remained behind, all miserably 
3000. Persians overwhelmed in the mire.  styfled and over-trodden in the mire, with very little damage or loss of the Turks. And this only battle, among the five that were fought under Tauris, and in 
The only battle among five, most hurtful to the Persians.  those quarters, was it that was less hurtful to the Ottomans, then to the Persians.  
The Prince returned to the pavilions of the King his father, and told him the whole action how it had fallen out, together with the departure of the Enemy: And so the Turks came to Salmas, where the death of their Visier was published. From Salmas they went afterwards to Van, where they took a survey of their Army, & found 
A survey of the Army in Van.  wanting therein about four score and five thousand persons: and some say, more. At Van all the soldiers were dismissed into their own countries, and Cicala gave notice 
At Van the soldiers discharged.  to the King at Constantinople of all that had happened. I myself also was in Constantinople at the same time, when the posts arrived, that brought word of these great adventures. 
The Author at Constantinople.  First was published the death of Osman, for whom there were many signs of very great sorrow: and together with his death were blazed the bloody and mortal actions that were performed, so that it seemed all the whole City was greatly discomforted: and diverse times, in those few days, by sundry persons in many places, and particularly in the house of Mahamet Bey, one of the Sangiacchi of Cairo, my very great friend, I heard much railing upon the King, many curses of this war, and infolent maledictions of these many mischiefs. Then was dispersed the great fame of the new Fortress erected 
News published in Constantinople.  in Tauris, of the sacking of that City, and of all the loss that happened therein. And lastly there was a general Edict published in the King's name, that through all the Cities of his Empire, they should make solemn feasts, & show other express tokens of mirth and rejoicing, which the Turks call Zine: And thereupon all the Artificers in Constantinople, with diverse goodly and sumptuous shows, 
Feasting in Constantinople.  with musical instruments, and bountiful banqueting performed the King's royal commandments. There was also word sent to the Ambassadors of Hungary, of 
The Christian Ambassadors refuse to rejoice for these victories.  France, of Venice, and of other countries, that they should do the like: But they all answered with one accord, that it was never the custom of Ambassadors to make any sign of rejoicing, but only when the King himself in person returned from the like victories.  
In the mean time, great consultation was at Van, how they might attempt to send succours to Teflis in Georgia, 
Consultation in Van how to send succour to Teflis.  whereof there was a rumour spread abroad, that it was yielded to the Georgians: which in deed was a lie, as at an other time the like report was also. And while they were thus in consideration of many matters, Daut-Chan, who to deserve some reward at Amurathes hand, never ceased to remember and urge, whatsoever might set forward the conceits of the Ottomans, offered himself to perform this so important service, & could so well discourse upon the manner how to bring it to pass, and to make the enterprise certain and secure, that at the last, Cicala 
Succours appointed for Teflis, and delivered to Daut-Chan the Rinegare.  Bassa delivered unto him thirty thousand Cecchini to carry to the Fort at Teflis. Daut-Chan went and returned, and relieved those soldiers, without any thing happening unto him in his voyage worthy the writing. And yet was this service so well accepted by Amurath, that he honoured the Rinegate with the dignity of the Bassa of Maras, a City seated in the confines of Cappadocia and Armenia, near 
Daut-Chan named by the king the Bassa of Maras.  to the river Euphrates, where also the same Daut governeth, even at this present day: although there was a speech delivered out by the same, that King Amurath had caused him to be strangled, which was not true. Maxut-Chan also, he that was the guide of the Turkish Army to Reivan, and to Tauris, was honoured by the same King 
Maxut-Chan nominated by the King the Bassa of Aleppo.  with the great rich Office of the Bassa of Aleppo. Of whom, as also of his children, and of his vassals, I have had very many particulars, both touching this war, and matters of peace, wherein this man was a dealer. So that I have not written (to my knowledge) any thing herein, which hath not been certified unto me, from persons of credit and authority, even of their own sight, for that they were present and Agents themselves in these enterprises. Whereunto, that such credit may be given, as an History deserveth, I have thought good in this place to translate a certain Letter, sent from the Sangiaccho of Aman, to Aly the Bassa of Aleppa, who was with Ebrain, and so could not be at the actions of Tauris. A Copy whereof was also sent to the Senate of Venice, by Giovanni Michele, at that time Consul for that most honourable Common wealth, of whom we have a little before made mention. It was written in the Arabike, and being translated into our tongue, it was word for word in this manner.  
To the rich and mighty among the rich and mighty, the 
A Letter written to Aly the Bassa of Aleppo.  noble Lord of Lords, among honourable and great persons the honourable and great person, the Lord Aly Bassa, Humble salutations, and long prosperity. Your Lordship hath given me to understand, that you desire to be advertised of all that hath happened this year between us and the Cheselbas: and I, now I have good leisure to do it, will not fail readily so to do. So you shall understand, that from Erzirum we came to Tauris in forty days: and the day before we arrived at Tauris, at the Bridge of salt-water, our Vanigard was assaulted by the Son of the King of Persia, who quite discomfited it, and gave us a great overthrow, with the death of almost five thousand of our men, among whom Aly the Bey of Grecia was one. And because you would know the very day, that we entered into Tauris: I do let you understand, that two days before our feast, we entered into it in great number. Two days the City was kept locked, because the Persians had gotten the gates, and in that time there was a great fight both within and without the City, with the slaughter of our men more than eight thousand, and little loss to the Persians. For Alycull-Chan the Governor of the City, with the best of his people were ready to fly, and abandon the defence of the City, who as he went out, met with the Bassa of Maras, and flew him with many of our men. But afterward being scared with the Artillery, that was set right upon him, he fled away, and all the rest of the Cheselbas-Captaines, who upon that occasion also at the last retired with him. You desire to know, how those of Tauris were entreated: and I tell you, that three days after we were entered into it, and Alyculi-Chan fled with those above named, order was given for the building of a Fortress in the midst of the City, which was then all sacked, in such sort, as it was great pity to see, and yet without any direction or commandment from the Visier, although in deed they have given out speeches, that it was by his appointment. The jannizaries and the Spahini of the Porta, took away all their goods and household stuff, and twice afterwards sacked it again: and the second time they slew many of the inhabitants of Tauris, and found a great quantity of stuff hidden under the ground, and sold their children for ten and twelve Ducats apiece. The building of the Fort was finished in six and thirty days, and twelve days before this Fabrik was finished, news came to the Visier, that the Persians, were coming to assault him: Whereupon he sent out the son of Cicala, and Mahamet the Bassa of Caraemit, who from the top of an hill discovered the Persians that were coming, and so they descended into the plain and joined battle with them. Wherein it seemed at the first that the Persians would have taken their heels, but they returned upon our men, and pursued them with slaughter to the number of four thousand Turks; and took prisoners Sinan the Checaia or Lieutenant of Cicala, Chenan the King's Chiaus or Ambassador, and the Clerk of the Spahinj of the Porta. A few days before the Fort was finished, the Visier was certified again, that the Persians were coming in a very great number to assault him, whereupon he began to set all his Army in an order? but while he was busied there about, the Persians arrived about noon, and setting upon our men, they fought such a battle from that time till two hours within night, that it cannot be expressed, either with tongue or pen. But as far as men's judgements can reach, it is verily thought, that there may be about forty thousand of our men slain, with great loss also of the Enemy. Among our men, the Bassa of Caraemit had his head strooken off; Mura● the Bassa of Caramania was taken alive in fight, being fallen into a water, whiles he was in fight: Mustaffa the Sangiaccho of Bursia; and Schender the Bey of Grecia, and five other Sangiacch● were hewn in pieces, and the Bassa of Trebisonda also left his carcase in the field. In very truth the battle was so great, that it cannot well and sufficiently be described. Afterwards, the Visier being departed from Tauris, and arrived at Sancazan, would needs stay there and pitch: But whiles they were drawing out their Tents, and every man busy to encamp, the Prince of Persia was discovered with a great number of soldiers: who seeing us in this plight, hastened his pace, and between our Rearward and the Visier, began battle upon us. It was then an hour after daylight, and we had travailed all that night. From that hour even until evening did this fight last, with such effusion of blood, as is not credible, and the common opinion is, that we felt the loss of more than twenty thousand persons: among whom there is slain poor ustref the Checaia, so well known unto you. Hear also died the Visier of his infirmity. In the first battle the Spahini of the Porta, with certain of the Kings Chiaus brought to the Visier three hundred heads of Persians: but in the second they made no great boast, for in deed both the one and the other was not without great loss unto them. We removed from Sancazan, and were again pursued by our enemies the Cheselbas, and yet without any fight between them and us: saving only, two days after we were departed from them, they took away from the tail of our Army, a great number of Camels and Mules, loaden with stuff, slaves, and munition, which although they were followed, yet could not be recovered: but that Mahamet the Bassa of Siuas, with the soldiers of the Porta, and of Caraemit, brought us a thousand heads of Persians, five Drums, and one Ensign, besides that with our Artill●rie, they were hardly entreated, and two of their Chans slain. We came afterwards in a direct course to Erzirum, without hearing any word at all of the Persians. And to the end you may know how we have left Erzirum, I do further advertise you, that there are remaining in it certain Spahini of the Porta, with certain Sardari and Vlu-Bassi, and two Sangiacchi, the one of by'r, the other of Marra, who afterwards fled away both. There is least for the Sardar or General and captain of these in the Fort, Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa of Tripoli, to whom the Visier hath also granted, that for three whole years together he shall be Bassa of Caraemit, and afterwards one of the Viziers of the Porta. There is least also for them victual, and munition, and great store of Artillery. But I may not omit to tell you, that in our Army we have endured such a dearth, as we have been enforced to give our camels Biscot and Rise: and when that failed us we gave them Packsaddles to eat, and after that pieces of wood beaten into powder, and at last me gave them the very earth. And this great dearth endured even until we arrived at Van. And at Tauris we were of necessity constrained, while the fortress was in building, to give our horses their dung in very dry powder, by reason whereof there followed a grievous mortality of horses, camels, mules and men: and the stink, which grew of this mortality was so great, that we were feign always every one of us to carry half an Onion under our nose to avoid it. Yet at last we are now arrived at Erzirum, from whence we hope also shortly to be delivered, for that every body had licence to departed even from Van. God be with you. From Erzirum the first day of the Moon of Mucaren.  
By this Letter it may manifestly be perceived, that the number of Turks which perished in this enterprise of Tauris, is peradventure greater than that which we have written. And although there be therein discovered some kind of diversity in the actions, otherwise than we have delivered them: yet ought no man greatly to marvel thereat: for that it is a very easy matter to vary in such a point, because the manner how, and the occasions why, yea, the very proceed of battles are many times not known to all men alike, especially in so huge an Army, wherein the effects and issues can very hardly be thoroughly known, much less the causes and occasions thereof.  
The end of the eight Book.   

The Ninth Book.  
The Argument.  
The Occasion of the Persians perplexed cogitations.  
The Persians resolution to assault the Fort.  
The Persians seek to be reconciled with the Turcomannes.  
The Turcomannes do deceitfully promise to help the Persians in their common miseries.  
The Persian king delivereth his son Tamas to the Turcomannes.  
The Turcomannes fly from the assault of the Fort, and call Tamas their king.  
The Persian Prince pursueth the fugitive Turcomannes.  
The Persian Prince putteth to death Mahamet-Chan, and caliph the Sultan: He committeth his own brother Tamas to prison, and withdraweth himself to Casbin, to gather a new Army.  
Saitan-Chalasi abandoned by the Soldiers that were in it.  
The Inhabitants of Chiulfall give tribute to the Bassa of Reivan, and also to Alycul●, whereby they preserve themselves in peace.  
Cicala the Bassa at the request of Giaffer the Bassa mindeth to secure the Fort.  
Cicala feareth the coming of the Persian king, and retireth to Van.  
King Amurath at Constantinople chooseth Ferat the Bassa to be his General, who had once already been General before Osman the Bassa.  
Ferat goeth to Siuas and so to Erzirum, where he meeteth with a very great Army, which was in great distress by reason of a dearth.  
Ferat passeth-on to Van, and there findeth the Soldiers of Soria, Palestina, jury, and Mesopotamia.  
The mustering of the whole Army.  
The Turkish General hath intelligence with certain traitorous and rebellious Persians  
The Persian Prince cometh to Tauris  
The causes, why the Prince would not attempt to assault the Fort.  
The Persian Prince overthroweth Zeinello, sacketh the City of Salmas, and discomfiteth the Bassa of Reivan.  
A treaty for the exchange of the two Prisoners Ebrain-Chan and Amurath the Bassa, but nothing concluded by it.  
The subjects of Manogli do great harm in Soria.  
Aly the Bassa is sent from Constantinople to Soria against the Drusians.  
The Prince setteth his Army in array, and goeth to meet and endommage Ferat.  
The Prince discovereth the treason of the Rebels, and so retireth.  
The Fort is succoured by Ferat, without any speech or word of any battle from his enemies.  
The Stratagem of Simon cometh to no good issue.  
Teflis is relieved with succours.  
The Persian Prince cometh to Genge, and is thrust through the body by one of his own keepers.  
THE NINTH BOOK.  
But the Persians in the mean time, were all full of wrath and indignation for the Fort that was builded by 
The troublesome cogitations of the the Persians.  their enemies. For on the one side they found themselves not only disfurnished of artillery, and of other engines to batter the walls down to the ground, but also to be much fewer in number, than were sufficient and requisite to resist the tempest of fires, which they knew they must endure in assaulting those that should be environed within the Castle. And on the other side, they reckoned it too great a shame unto them, that the enemy having made a Fort within their own natural City, should quietly rest there, and insolently threaten them with daily oppression, and mischievous calamities in time to come. And therefore being 
The determination of the Persians.  pricked on by glory, by virtue, and by very necessity, they determined even in the sharpness of winter, to gather fresh soldiers, and reducing the forces of their army into a convenient order, with trenches of earth, to approach the ditch, and to try if they could advance a countermure as high as their walls, and so attain to the conquest thereof. But in the gathering together of their new men they discovered new difficulties. For than they perceived manifestly, that to hire soldiers either from Heri, or from Gheilan, it was denied them by Abas and Amet-Chan: and that the Turcoman nation, which might have been the readiest and nearest at such a need, for the late death of Emir-Chan, and for the succession of Aliculi, were grown very contumacious: so that neither the King nor the Prince, nor the precedents and governors of the kingdom could tell on which side to turn them. At the last, foreseeing the safeguard of the Common wealth, they determined to draw the Turcomani to a reconciliation, hoping that if they should promise them any honest satisfaction for the wrong, wherewith they challenged themselves grieved for the death of their captain, they would become more tractable to do them service in their common necessities. And therefore the king sent letters to the heads & captains of those nations, & principally, to Mahamet-Chan, and to caliph the Sultan, wherein declaring 
The Persian king by letters soliciteth the Turcomans. The tenor of the kings Letters.  plainly unto them the peril of his honour, and the liberty of that whole kingdom, he showed unto them that all his hope of ridding Persia from that yoke, and setting free all those people, which in all ages heretofore had been so faithful and friendly unto them, was reposed only in their aid and assistance: and that their only Arms was able not only to maintain, but also to increase the renown of valour in the Persian nation: which estate, as in years forepast it wrought envy and terror even in the farthest and most remote peoples of all Asia, so at this present, if it be not succoured and relieved, standeth in terms to become a most miserable spectacle to all the world. And that therefore, forgetting all things that are past, as being done not to work any shame or scorn to their nation, but only for zeal and love to the kingdom, they would demand such satisfaction as they would require: for he would be ready to agree to any just request they should make. With these and perhaps with more affectionate and passionate letters were the wrathful Turcomani enticed to the revenge of the injuries which they had received by the Ottoman forces. To which Letters they were not a whit slack in framing an answer, but readily wrote back, 
The answer of the Turcomanni, and their crafty devices.  that they would come unto him, and put in execution, whatsoever for the common necessity he should command.  
Now they had already craftily concluded among themselves, that they would not suffer any other to sit in the rank of their Captains in the room of Emir-Chan lately deceased, but only the young Tamas the kings third son. Which conclusion they had plotted to themselves, with a resolute mind, to cause him to be accepted for King at Casbin, in despite of the king himself and of the Prince Hamze, nothing regarding, that by this action far greater seditions would arise in Persia, then everwere yet heard of, but only being wholly bend to revenge the sole death of one only Emir-Chan. So vile and so base an account did they make of the honour of their natural King, and of their ancient religion, that before such matters of so great respect and importance, very audaciously (I will not say temerariously) they preferred their own private revenge: and chose rather to become most bloody and cruel against those, to whom they were allied in religion, in blood and in country, then against their common enemies. With this malicious and fraudulent reasolution, to the number of ten thousand, under the conduct of two Captains Mahamet, 
Ten thousand Turcomans go to the Persian king  and caliph, they went to the king in all reverence, and offered all readiness to be employed in the enterprise, whereunto they were called. The old credulous king, not suspecting any mischief plotted by these rebels, was greatly comforted at their coming. And although by some of his Sultanes, that had felt some inkling of this conspiracy, he was advised to deal circumspectly and warily with them, and especially not to trust them with any secret, or to let any matter of importance to be in their defence: yet did he think every hour to be a thousand, till he had made them satisfaction, hoping thereby that if they had conceived any mischief in their minds, they would lay it aside, and being pacified by his amiable and courteous entertainment, yield themselves in very truth faithful and obedient unto him. And thereupon being more constant than he was in this his imagination, whiles he bestowed good words and gifts among them, at the last he demanded of them what Captain they would nominate in the room of Emir-Chan: promising unto them, and peradventure (as some say) with an oath, that whomsoever they desired, if possibly it might be, they should be satisfied. Hereuntoo the dissembling Mahamet-Chan made answer, that their desire was principally to do him pleasure and service: of whose bounty and good inclination they did so well hope, as that he would not appoint any person but such a one, as should be valorous, noble, and dear and acceptable unto them. The King stayed not from giving them presently to understand, that so he had determined to do, and frankly declared unto them, that finding Tamas his third son to be without any charge, and being desirous to give them a Captain that might please them, to the end they might rest more assured of the good will which he bore unto them, and have a good hostage in pawn thereof, he had made choice of his child Tamas to be the successor of Emir-Chan: and that if it so pleased them, they might accept of him, and with one accord endeavour themselves to conquer those odious walls of the Fort, which with so great ignominy and reproach of all the Persian Nation was there erected by the Turks. As soon as Mahamet-Chan heard the resolution of the king, who besides all expectation offered thus to gratify them, and voluntarily of himself, without any suspicion at all, yielded them the means whereby they might put in execution the work which they had maliciously contrived against the peace and liberty of the kingdom: he became more jocund than he was wont to be, and outwardly showed himself ready, for whatsoever the King would command him: and yielded also in the names of all the rest, large promises of fidelity and obedience, so that the matter might be performed, for which he had now given his word▪  
The king, who longed to see the hour, wherein this assault should be begun, as a matter no less desired by every man, then necessary for all; the more he was advised and counseled by his Sultan's and the Prince, not to deliver his son Tamas into their hands: and the less they feared that the king would have committed such an error, but rather believed verily, that the king would have made the conspiracy, which they had revealed unto him, to be capital and matter of treason in the Turcomanni:) the more resolute and unwise he was, and thereupon very secretly, and (as it were) by stealth, aswell to maintain his promise made unto them, as also to set his Son in such security, as he might not so easily be made away by his brother Hamze, or his brother Ahas, he gave him into the hands of Mahamet-Chan, as chief of all the Turcomanni, who to nourish 
The king delivereth his son ramas to Mahamet-Chan.  the good opinion and credulity of the King, and to secure the Prince and the Sultan's, gave a lusty beginning, by the help of all his followers, with trenches and Rampires to approach the Fort. Neither was there any great 
Great hopes that move the Turcomans to assault the fort.  time consumed therein: For they had now almost made the farther side of their ditch even with the enemy's wall, and the ditch itself was also almost filled up with earth, so that there wanted but little more labour to begin the desired assault.  
And now was there a great fame published over all the East, in what dangers the new Fortress was upon 
Advertisements sent into Italy.  these occasions, yea and advertisements were now sent into Italy, that it was quite demolished, overthrown to the ground, and burnt by the Persians: when as contrary to the common opinion▪ and contrary to the public expectation, wherewith all the world was now replenished, that false and wicked Traitor Mahamet-Chan, with all his Turcomanni, leading away with them the child Tamas, departed in the night time and upon a sudden from 
The Rebellion of the Turcomanni.  so noble and honourable an enterprise: and being utterly blinded with ardent desire to put in execution his ill-hatched purpose, covertly and without any noise removed from the besieged walls, and put himself on his way towards Casbin, still terming Tamas, by the name of the king of Persia, and sundry ways abusing and mocking the poor old king, and the Prince. Great was the astonishment of the subject Cities, when they heard the new publication of this unripe & unexpected young King. Great was the grief, that the old king conceived of this dangerous rebellion. But very great was the sorrow that afflicted the Prince, for these alterations of so great importance. Whereby not only so honourable and so necessary an enterprise was quite abandoned, but also there was put in hazard the preservation of his own dignity, the honour of that Sceptre, the peace and quiet of the Kingdom, and his succession to the Crown which was due and appointed to him. Whereupon 
The Doubts of the Persian Prince.  being wholly incensed with grief and anguish, he began to toss and retosse a thousand devices in his head, that he might resolve what he were best to attempt. To abandon the siege of the Fort, it grieved him above measure, and to suffer so pernicious a rebellion to go forward it seemed also to be too dangerous for the state of Persia. To provide for both these inconveniences at one time, it was altogether impossible. And therefore for certain days he stood wavering in a huge tempest of contrary thoughts: 
The determination of the Prince.  but at the last being inwardly provoked with the prick of glory, and encouraged by the chief Sultan's of the Kingdom, he resolved to turn himself against the Turcomanni, and by rooting out first these new springing dangers, that might have been able, alone of themselves, to have impeached every enterprise against the Turks to make the way more open for him to compass the siege, and to begin the preparation of his Army for the next Spring. And so having gotten together twelve thousand Soldiers, and raising also a 
The Prince, with 12000 pursueth the turcomans'.  part even of the King's ordinary Guard to go with him, all courageous and hardy, he set himself to follow the rebellious and fugitive Turcomannes, and marching in a direct course towards Casbin, all the way as he passed, he had always notice of the journey which they held. And being arrived at a place called Califteza, a days journey on this side Casbin, he overtook them, and joined battle with them. Wherein many: of them being sorry for their wicked revenge, would not so much as stir their sword against the Prince and many other also fled away for fear, and so he 
The tureomans' discon● fited by the, Prince.  obtained his wished victory over them. The seditious Mahamet-Chan was taken prisoner, and by the commandment of Emir-Hamze presently beheaded: the 
Mahamet-chan & Califo the Sultan beheaded.  like also was done to caliph the Sultan, and to divers other Captains of this pestilent conspiracy. Young Tamas also was taken prisoner, and by the direction of the Prince himself, sent alive to the Castle of Cahaca. 
Tamas imprisoned.  Five thousand Turcomanni there were, that being now the followers of Mahamet, fled out of this battle towards Babylon by the way of Sirrah: touching whom, the opinion of many was, that they should go to yield themselves to Solyman being then the Bassa of that City, which also was done, although repenting themselves afterwards of their folly, they sought to return into the favour of their king: But all in vain: so that being become Rebels to the one, and suspected to the other, they did at one time lose their Country, their Liberty, their honour, and the favour of all men, as well friends as foes. The Persian Prince passed to Casbin, and staying 
The Prince at Casbin.  there, he laboured to gather together the dispersed Turcomanni, those especially, that being moved with the honesty of the cause, would not bear Arms in so unjust an action: And afterwards to make an Army as great as was possible, whereby he might be the better able, at his return to Tauris, to attend the besieging and conquest of the Fort. And this was the end of the Turcomanne stirs.  
But the Turks in this mean time were busy about divers matters. At Constantinople, Amurath was busy about the election of his General▪ and the Soldiers of those 
Saitan Chalasi relinquished by the garrison ther.  Garrisons, that were placed in the Forts upon the frontiers, they were also attempting many things. Those of Saitan Chalasi, by the kings direction relinquished their Fort, because the King thought, that Lory a Fortress very near thereunto, was sufficient for the defence of that quarter: and now that there was a new charge for maintenance of Soldiers in the Fort of Tauris, added to his other expenses, this might be very well spared. And hereupon there was a lying rumour spread at Aleppo, that Lory was recovered by the Georgians.  
The Bassa of Reivan, more for covetousness then for any glory, being very angry that the nation of the Chiulfalini 
The Bassa of Reivan at Chiulfal.  did bring no presents unto him, seeing that Leventogli had sent very rich gifts to the Bassas of Van and of Teflis, settled himself against the Country of Chiulfal, and made an inroad upon them to annoy them, with a thousand five hundred arquebusiers. The Chiulfalini being advertised hereof, shut up their gates, and stayed waiting for the coming of the Bassa, with purpose to pacify him, by sending him some bountiful presents. Now Chiulfal is a place of some ten thousand souls or thereabouts, situate in the frontiers between the Armenians and the atropatian's, and yet within 
The situation of Chiulfal.  Armenia, three days journey distant from Tauris, inhabited by Christians partly Armenians, partly Georgians: a people rather given to the traffic of silks, and other sorts of wares, whereby it waxeth rich and full of money, than instructed in weapons and matters of war. It was always subject and tributary to the Sceptres of Persia, and contrariwise, both by nature and affection great enemy to the Turks. The Bassa thus went against them, and being arrived at Chiulfal, he found it defended with good store of armed soldiers, and the gates well and safely locked. Notwithstanding the Bassa was entertained by their Ambassadors, who were already gone out to meet him with their liberal presents, and to entreat him that he would accept of the people's good wills: Who if they had not heretofore brought unto him their voluntary tributes, it was done for fear lest they should have fallen into the displeasure of their King: who no doubt if he should have understood any such matter, would have been ready to destroy their country, and deprive 
The Bassa of Reivan returneth from Chiulfal we● pleased.  them of their liberries and lives. The Bassa who rather to make a booty, then for any other cause had that inroad, receiving his presents, was well pleased with their entertainment, allowed the excuses of the Chiulfalini, and returned again to Reivan.  
Advertisement hereof did fly in all haste to the Persian King, who imagining that besides the payment of these voluntary tributes some worse thing had happened, dispatched away Alyculi Chan with three thousand Soldiers, and with this direction, that if the Country were subdued by the Turks, he should fight against it: And if it had voluntarily yielded itself unto them, he should not only recover it, but also burn it, and bring away all the chief men of the Country for prisoners and slaves. Alyculi went to Chiulfal, and finding the matter to have passed as before is described, without using either 
Aliculi▪ chan at Chiulfal.  sword or force, he perwaded them, that in sign of their obedience still continued towards the Persian Prince, they would present him with greater and more liberal gifts, than they did their enemy Bassa. The Chiulfalini were very ready to perform what he required, and pleased him in fuch sort, that he carried back very good tidings of their fidelity and obedience to the King. Whereby this miserable people in midst of Arms and 
Aliculi returneth from Chiulfal well pleased.  Squadrons of the Enemy, what with presents and what with lies, preserved their liberties and their lives in safety.  
Whiles the Chiulfalini were in this sort molested, Giaffer the Bassa of the Fort, fearing least the Persian Prince would return with the Turcomanne forces, and 
Giaffer the Bassa in a great fear.  with a mighty Army for the siege, perceiving himself every day to wax weaker and weaker, by reason that many did secretly and privily fly from him, determined to send advertisement thereof to the Bassa Cicala at Van: signifying to him by writing, that he feared greatly lest if the Prince should return with Soldiers to assault the Fort, he should of necessity be enforced to yeeled it up unto him, because many were fled out of the Fortress, many perished by sickness, and many also slain, whiles too boldly and rashly they adventured to go abroad to provide victuals. And that therefore he would take care, as he tendered the honour of his Sultan, to send him secure, to the end that at the return of the Prince he might be able to resist him and maintain himself. Adding moreover, that now at this time, especially, this designment might easily be performed, because there were no forces of the enemies in those quarters, saving only a few which remained about the king, being twelve miles distant from Tauris. The Bassa Cicala, although he had a great zeal and love to his own City, which is indeed the greatest and most noble frontier town in all those countries, notwithstanding being deeply moved by the importunity of the enterprise that was propounded unto him, and very desirous to gain some credit of glory and renown with his King, entertained and accepted the advices of Giaffer, 
Cicala the Bassa of Van goeth to succour Tauris.  and getting him to Horse, with a train of three thousand Harquebufiers, and good store of munition, he traveled towards Tauris. The Persian King being advertised of this stir, sent out certain Spies to learn what way they held, meaning to meet them, and to set upon them: But the Spies coming near unto Salmas, were apprehended by the forerunners of Cicala, and being put to torture, they revealed at the last, how their King was in Arms, and on his way towards Sancazan. At this 
Cicala the Bassa in a great fear.  news Cicala was greatly astonished, as well for the danger, whereinto the sources and munition, which he had with him, were likely to fall, as also for that by any loss, which his troops should sustain in this stir, the Fortress of Van must needs be in great hazard to be lost, because he had left in it but a very few persons, neither was there any Captain to command them but only the Checaia his Lieutenant. And thereupon he determined to relinquish this dangerous enterprise, 
Cicala the Bassa retireth to Van.  and to withdraw himself back, to the defence and preservation of the City, that was committed to his trust and government. But although these expected and desired succours, were not conveyed to the Fort accordingly, yet had Giaffer as good fortune as he could wish. For the preparations of the Prince were so long and troublesome, and his return so much prolonged, that there was time enough yielded unto the Turkish General, now newly chosen, (as by and by shall be told you) to go into those quarters, and to preserve all that, which the only expedition and celerity of the enemy might have put in great hazard, and almost have brought to a desperate case.  
In the mean time, at the City of Constantinople, the King was in a great doubt within himself, what he 
K. Amurath busied about the election of a new General.  were best to resolve for the choice of a new Captain. On the one side Osman the Bassa having by his last will and testament left Sinan Cicala to be his successor, the many dangers he had run through in the quarrels about Tauris, and besides these his deserts, the great favours that Cicala had in the Seraglio, did make the King greatly incline to this his election. On the other side he heard of a certain public rumour spread among the Soldiers, that they could not by any means endure, to have so young a Captain appointed over them, giving out in plain terms, that every man might know it, that they would not obey him, and that some dangerous disorder would ensue upon it in matters touching the Army. Then was there also Ferat the Bassa, the same man which once already had had that charge, before Osman had it: and he showed himself very ambitious and desirous of this honour, and had of late performed some honest and convenient office in the Seraglio, whereby the King might take some liking of his person. Any other to make choice of, he had none, so that in this consultation with himself, he was utterly unresolved what to do. Yet in the end, because he was to provide in good time for his business, he determined to make choice of Ferat, a man of great fidelity, of 
Ferat the Bassa chosen General.  honourable valour, and already thoroughly instructed in all such points, as were necessary for the bridling of such an Army. Him therefore he chose to be Captain for the conducting of his succours to Tauris, and to him he granted the ordinary authority to manage at his pleasure such affairs of the Empire, as concerned this his iorurney.  
Upon this resolution, general precepts were sent out to all Cities within the Kingdom, and to the Bassas, the Sangiacchi, and other Governors and Officers thereof, with special commandment, that all their soldiers, together with their taxes, tenths, munitions, victuals, Armour, Artificers, and to be short all their necessary furniture and provision should be ready and in order upon the first warning that should be sent unto them at the next Spring. And direction was given to Ali-Vcchiali the Captain of the sea, that he should arm fourteen Galleys for conduct of the janizzaries to Trebisonda, and such other garrisons as were to be transported to Erzirum, and from thence to be employed where the General should command. Great provision of money was made, and in Soria (besides the ordinary some that is bestowed upon the yearly pay of Soldiers in Reivan, in Erzirum, in Aggiachalasi, in Lory, in Tomanis, in Teflis, and in Chars, which swallow up all the revenue of that Country, and also of the City of Tripoli, and amounteth to the sum of six hundred thousand Duckatets) 
The revenue of Soria 600000. ducats.  there was taken up in priest, of private Merchants in the City of Aleppo only, the sum of three score thousand Cecchini, to be repaid unto them with the first moneys that should be teceived by the Officers of the Custom 
A loan of 60000. Cecchini lent to the King by the Merchants of Aleppo.  houses. A matter that moved an extraordinary grudging among the people, for that it seemed a very strange and intolerable exaction to every man, beside so many grievances and impositions laid upon them for corn, for carriages, for pioneers, and for workmen, to endure this burden also of lending their money without any hope of restitution thereof. Yea and in deed every man did greatly wonder, how they were thus ill advised, by this means to make it known to the Christian Princes, what scarcity and want of money they had. The 
400. pieces of artillery with the General.  General had also with him four hundred pieces of Artillery: and did beside so work the matter, that Maxut-Chan, who was now appointed the Bassa of Aleppo, was granted unto him to be the guide of his Army, and 
Maxut-chan, Guide of the Army.  that Cicala the Bassa of Van, being scarce his good friend was removed from thence, and sent as Bassa to Babylon.  
And thus he departed from Constantinople in the month of April, and by the way of Chalcedon passing over 
Ferat deparreth from Constantinople.  the Sea into Asia, he came to Siuas, in truth, something later than he should have done, by reason of the great plague, which at that time did generally afflict and grievously vex the City of Constantinople, besides many other 
That plague at Constantinople.  occasions and executions that hindered his journey. Never was there so great a number of Soldiers sent out of Grece and Hungary, as was this year: And yet had he gathered them altogether, and mustered them before he departed from Siuas, where he stayed so long, that it was now the latter end of the month of julie, before he went thence. Neither was it the plague only that caused this his stay (for the most part of the Turks make no more dainty to avoid the plague, than we use to eschew 
Exceeding dearth at Erzirum and Aleppo.  any gentle disease:) but another great cause of it was the exceeding dearth of victuals in Erzirum, where there was neither grain nor corn sufficient for the necessity of their cattle and men: which dearth was also so great in Aleppo, that a Venice-bushel of wheat was fold for a dozen Checchini.  
At the latter end of those days, wherein Ferat made his abode in Siuas, and was now ready to depart from thence, there came unto him certain posts sent 
Advertisement from Giaffer the Bassa of Tauris, to General Ferat.  from Giaffer the Bassa of Tauris, by whom he was advertised, how the Persian Prince was hourly expected with a populous Army following him, and that if he should foreslow to send succours, and to prevent the coming of the Prince, and so give him time and leisure to assault the Fortress, he was in exceeding great fear, lest the Prince might surprise the same. Upon this advertisement Ferat presently removed, and hastened his journey in such sort, that he was in Erzirum about the beginning of August: where he was scarcely arrived, 
Ferat in Erzirum.  but suddenly being provoked thereunto by the report of the Princes coming, which was daily more and more confirmed, he set himself towards Van. To which place all the Soldiers of Aleppo, of Tripoli, of Damascus, of jury, and of Palestina were already gone by the way of Caraemit: for so they were commanded to do, because they might avoid the City of Erzirum, from whence, by reason of the great dearth Hassan the Bassa, gonernour thereof was removed, and could not keep residence there, but withdrew himself to Chars, where he lay at greater ease and less charges. Ferat therefore made haste to Van, where having gathered all his 
Ferat at Van.  Soldiers together, and made a revision and new survey of all his Army, he departed thence, and being presently come into the open and large Champaynes', he marshaled them in such sort, as though he should have been prepared to fight the Battle. Wherein he 
The marshalling of General Ferat Army.  did imitate old Sinan the Bassa, who although he reaped small commendations for these his feigned battles, whereof he made show in the Champeynes of Chielder, yet notwithstanding he showed great cunning and experience in matter of war, for that he would be assured of the Art and discipline of his Soldiers: without which, many Armies in numbers infinite and in Arms terrible, have been defeated by few squadrons in number far fewer, and in Arms less fearful, though in matter of War, and skill in fight more cunning and experienced.  
And therefore for the Vaunt-garde of his Army he appointed the Bassa of Mesopotamia, with all his soldiers: 
His Vauward.  a people watered on the one side with Tigris, and on the other side with Euphrates, partly infected with the fearfulness of the Arabians, and partly endued with the constancy of the Armenians: And of these, to the number of twelve thousand. In the Rearward he set the Bassa of Damascus, Captain of a Nation more famous than valiant, to the number of eight thousand: in which reckoning 
The Rearward.  were all the people of Soria, of Palaestina, and of judaea, watered with jordan and Orontes. In the body of 
The body of the battle.  the battle he placed himself with the soldiers of Grecia, of Peloponnesus, and of Bythinia to the number of eighteen thousand. In the right Cornet there were marshaled 
The right Cornet.  the Bassas of Cilicia, of Pontus, and of Cappadocia, and of all those places that are comprised under the name of Caramania, and Anatolia, with all those peoples that are dwelling upon the coast of Pontus Euxinus, upon Sangario and upon Maeander, to the number of twelve thousand. In 
The left Cornet.  the left Cornet the Bassas of Maras, of Erzirum and of Van made the Wing, with the Soldiers of both the Armenia's, and the Sangiacchi of the Curdi: watered with the Lakes Tospite and Martiano, dwelling in the middle between the Iberians and the Mesopotanians, on the one side frozen with the cold of Taurus, and on the other side warmed with the prospect of the South, in all to the number of twelve thousand. This last Cornette was kept with a perpetual watch by the Knight Martial of the field, and the other was defended with a continual 
The Marshal of the field Voluntary soldiers 20000 Master of the Horse.  trench of artillery: And in them both were mustered the voluntary Soldiers, that after so longwarre being greedy of spoil, and ambitious of glory, were equally divided between them, to the number of twenty thousand. The Vaunt guard went always a mile before the Army, with two thousand Horse, and four companies of the readiest light Horsemen to the number of three thousand: and before all these, four or six Forerunners or Spies on horseback. After the Auauntgarde road the Master of the kings Horse, called the Imbrahur Bassi, with four 
The janizzaries and the Solacchis.  hundred janizzaries. next after them followed four hundred Solacchis, and then four thousand janizzaries more, and presently after them, the Long-shot wrought 
The Sciemete  in Algiers and called Sciemete, being the ordinary and perpetual Guard of the General, who without any company 
The place of the General.  by his side, saving only his twelve footmen, came next upon them. And behind him his standards, his Drums, his Trumpets, and the whole body of his 
The carriages  Battle: between which and the Rerewarde followed his huge carriages for the necessary use of his Army, and on both sides the two great and large Cornets before described. The watch of the night, whether the Army were marching or lodged, was committed 
The night-watch committed to the Bassas of Cilicia and Caramania  to the trust of the Bassas of Cilicia, and Anatolia above named. And thus had the General Ferat marshaled his Army, with further direction that they should not hazard battle with the enemy, but upon certain hope that they might shun and avoid such cruel and memorable slaughters, as the last year under the unhappy government of Osman, had left heaps of dead Carcases almost even and level with the tops of hills: And withal he failed not to comfort and encourage all such, as quaked in their hearts at the remembrance of those mischances that they had seen or heard.  
The General was greatly perplexed in his mind with continual fear, lest his enemies should come upon him with some sudden assault: and the fame also that was spread before in Amasia and after confirmed in Erzirum, of the arrival of the Prince Amze at Tauris, with such an Army, as was publicly reported, did every 
The General Ferat made acquainted with treacheries in Persia.  moment increase his irksome cogitations. But on the other side, he reposed great confidence in the conspiracy that was plotted against the life of the Prince, with the privity of Alyculi-Chan the Protector and Champion of Abas the Mirze of Heri: Who under colour of accompanying the Prince to assist his forces, had resolutely concluded with himself, and absolutely promised Abas (having also given intelligence thereof to the Turkish General) that he would rid the Prince Amze of his life, or at least (which he thought might more easily be brought to pass) in the sundry revolutions and variable chances of the battle at some time or other, to make him fall alive into the hands of Ferat, and so to settle his Lord and Master Abas, in his estate. Upon these treacheries Ferat grounding himself, began with greater confidence to dispose his designments, and somewhat less to fear the reports of the Fame, that blazed abroad the huge preparations of Persia against him: which preparations in truth, as by most wicked devices and malicious conspiracies they were turned quite contrary from that end, whereunto the Prince Amze had continually appointed them, so if they had been employed with such saith and fidelity, as so righteous a cause required: without all doubt the writers of our time should have had in this fourskore and sixth year, matter enough to show, and represent to the whole world such accidents as should be nothing inferior to those of the year before going. And Persia should have seen some revenge at the least, of those most mischievous injuries that it hath received. But forasmuch as rebellion and discord, those two infernal Ministers of the Devil, have for the utter undoing and overthrow of the glory of Persia, continually favoured the Turkish Armies. No marvel it is, that the Persian Nation cannot vaunt of any revenge, that they have taken of any one indignity offered unto them by their enemies: and that our Writers cannot choose but write of the true and undoubted victories of the Turks, and the bare shadows of the Persian exploits. Which notwithstanding (but all in vain) our Christian Nations, even until this day, although they do see the manifest prospering, and evident conquests, which the Turks have had in divers States and Countries, yet do they easily believe, because they do most earnestly desire them to be true. But we will not fail as truly as possibly we may, to report, whatsoever we understand to have happened: that out of our writings the Readers may take such advise, as out of such advertisements may be gathered.  
The Persian Prince arrived at Tauris with the greatest part of his Army, about the twenty eighth of the Moon Regeb, which may be about the latter end of julie: In which place every body thought verily he would have stayed, and attended the conquest of the Fort: which now he might have utterly destroyed with more 
The Persian Prince at Tauris.  ease than before he could have done, because the soldiers that were in it were reduced to a very small number, and those that did remain were greatly impaired by sundry inconveniences, and withal shrewdly terrified with the expectation of the Prince's arrival. Notwithstanding this common opinion, and public conceit was utterly frustrated. For Amze did not only forbear to attempt this expugnation, but he scarce tarried any while in the City of Tauris. The cause of this his so doing, is diversly, yea and vainly reported. The Persians and all their adherentes say, that Prince took 
The cause why the Prince attempteth not the winning of the Fort.  this course, not because he was not able immediately to besiege the Fort, and easily to have gotten the victory over it, (for they did not stick very gloriously to vaunt, that it was in his power so to do,) but only because if he had taken and destroyed the Fort, then would the Turks have for borne to come to Tauris, and so the Prince should have lost the opportunity of joining battle with them, and plaguing the Turkish Army with such losses and discomfitures, as he earnestly desired to afflict them withal: meaning notwithstanding to destroy the Fort, after he should have satisfied his longing to be revenged on his enemies Campe. Others cannot believe that the Prince would relinquish so necessary and honourable enterprise for any such respect: for they were of opinion, that Amze could not have had a more glorious revenge, nor more grievously endamaged his enemies, then by overthrowing that Fort, which to the great danger and peril of the Persians was erected even in the midst of them: yea that Fort, for the building and accomplishment whereof, they had compassed all those mischiefs the last year. Another cause also there is yielded of this his so doing: And that is, the infirmity which the Prince knew to be in himself, as a man unacquainted with the dangerous attempts of a siege, very fearful of Artillery, and more courageous in any other kind of battle, than these that are used to be fought under the walls of any place. But let it be that he was lead by either of these two respects, it maketh no great matter: The truth is, that Amze with all the troops, which he brought with him (the number and order whereof shall be shortly hereafter declared unto you) did scarce make any stay in Tauris. For he had understood, that before the City of Salmas Zeinel the Bey, by nation a Curdo, and by office the Bassa of that City, had encamped himself: whom he determined suddenly to set upon, and chastise, not only for his rebellion, whereby of a Persian he became a Turk, but also for many other his insolent behaviours, which he had divers times used against the liberties and privileges of the Cities of Persia. This determination he put in execution, and being accompanied with twelve thousand Soldiers, he road to Salmas, where finding Zeinell with all his people, he gave him the assault. Zeinell was more ready to fly and make escape, then minded to fight or make rescues: and his Forces also as ready to follow his example: who being more intentive to save themselves, with their household stuff and other implements to resist their enemies, the more they sought by all means to preserve their lives, and slip out of the Persians hands, the more they fell into the spoil, 
Zeinello the Bassa discomfited by the persian Prince.  and were wonderfully ill entreated, so that the Bassa himself with a few other fugitives, could hardly save themselves in the cloasest and darkest corners thereabouts. And in this sort was Zeinello and the City of Salmas, that was committed to his charge, and defence, 
The city of Salmas also sacked by him.  endamaged and left for a pray to the Conquerors: Who entering into their streets, houses, and Temples, sacked and spoiled the same, exercising thereon such cruelties and indignities, as partly the natural desires of soldiers do use to practise, and partly such as the Turks themselves showed upon them (as it were for an example how to do in the like case) in that miserable and most unfortunate sacking of Tauris the last year. The like spoils did the Persian Army make in all those quarters round about: and so would peradventure have returned to Tauris, but that certain Spies arrived upon them, who brought advertisement, how the Bassa of Reivan, being issued out of his Fortress with fifteen hundred arquebusiers, had committed the like outrages in the villages and fields thereabouts, as the Prince had done about Salmas. With this news Amze was greatly moved, and immediately raising all his Army, he journeyed even until night, towards Reivan, and not far from the City encountered the Bassa: 
The Bassa of Reivan put to flight & discomfited by the Prince.  who discovering his enemy's forces a far off, began in great disorder to fly and retire into his Fort, leaving the greatest part of his Soldiers, being nothing so speedy in flight as himself, to the fury of the Prince, who slew them all, and exercised all mischief, that might be devised, and all terrible manner of cruelty in those quarters.  
But notwithstanding all these wrathful conflicts and broils of war, the two famous Prisoners, Ebrain-Chan and Amurat the Bassa, of whom we have made mention in the former books of this history, ceased not, by peaceable 
A treaty to exchange the two prisoners Ebrain and Amurat.  enter course and treaty about their own liberties, to procure that they might interchangeably be enlarged and restored to their own Lords. This practice continued very hot for many days together, and at the last the Turks were contented to enlarge Ebram-Chan, upon condition that Amurat also might be set at liberty. But the offer was thought to be very unequal: For (say the Persians) Ebrain-Chan, was imprisoned against all right, by the dishonourable treachery and infidelity of Amurath, to the great contempt and utter subversion of all laws, which towards Ambassadors ought most sacredly and religiously to be maintained in any cause whatsoever: and Ebrain-Chan ought not in any respect to be kept in prison, but with most manifest injustice and iniquity. Whereas on the other side Amurath the Bassa was lawfully taken captive, and brought into thraldom, not by deceit of words, nor breach of faith, but in plain battle, even with the danger of those that took him prisoner, and to be short, agreeably, and according to the laws of war, and Enemy-Nations. And therefore so unequal and unproportionable an exchange was not only utterly to be denied and rejected, but also unreasonable on the Turks behalf to be offered. These sound and effectual reasons of the Persians could not be answered, but either by money or by some other means that 
The treaty of enlarging the two prisoners is in vain.  might supply the defeats of the Turks inequality: Whereunto they would never agree to yield, and so the two Captains remanyned still in prison as thy did before.  
At the very same time, in the confines of Tripoli, certain Drusians of the territory of Manogli, who after the departure of Ebrain the Bassa were quietly and peaceably retired to their own homes, began to raise new stirs and troubles. Whereupon the Drusian Captains, that were carried prisoners to Constantinople by Ebrain the Bassa, and were now upon the point to be set at liberty, and to return to their wonted habitations; at the report of these fresh troubles and tumults, were again restrained, and clapped up in close custody, and in great danger also to have lost their lives. Now the rumour of these stirs was this: that Manogli perceiving all the Soldiers and garrisons to be now departed, for the war of Persia, as we have told you, and none other provision sent for the defence of those places, he determined to issue out into the field, and not only to revenge the death of his people, which unjustly, and by treachery they had suffered, but also to lick himself whole, and by a kind of violent restitution to be recompensed for all those bribes and presents, which with so many shifts and subtleties, as before is declared, were extorted from him by the Messengers and Stratagems of Ebrain the Bassa. For which purpose, being issued out into the plains and Champeignes of Tripoli, 
The subjects of Manogli do great harm in So●ia.  and having first wasted and sacked all the territory of Ebnemansur and of his other enemies, he forced all that Country with sudden invasions and inroads, even very near to the Cities of Balbecke and Tripoli. As for the defence and rescue of Balbech, Acra would not stir a foot, fearing belike lest he might be endangered by the valour and resolution of Manogli, wherewith he was very well acquainted. But for Tripoli, there were diverse Soldiers, that remained in that City, and lived as it were in Idleness, which with a great sum of money they had purchased at the hands of the covetous Officers of the Sultan Emperor. And these soldiers began to bestir themselves lustily. In this number of idle mates was one Mamut Bey, sometime a Sangiaccho, but now cassiered and put out of Office, who by means of his bribes having avoided to serve in these wars of Persia, imagined with himself, that such a fit occasion, whereby he might show himself willing and ready to repress the insolent invasions of the Drusian, might make him deserve so well at the Sultan's hands, that he would bestow upon him the office of Customer in that City, which so greatly he desired. And therefore he before any of the rest, displaying his Standard, and mustering all his bands of Soldiers, in so much that he did not spare the very Caddi and the Deftardar (that is to say, the judge and Chamberlain of the Gittie) but made them to ride out with him, he road to encounter the Drusians and to join battle with them, hoping either to destroy them, or honourably to put them to flight: Or else (as others do discourse of the matter) in deed not to meet with them at all, but only to bear away the commendation, that he was ready with his weapons in his hand for the public defence of the City, and custody of his lords Countries. These Soldiers of Tripoli were not far departed from their City, but the Drusians presently confronted them, and with continual shot of harquebuses began to disorder and divide them. But the people of Tripoli, although indeed somewhat negligently, yet did they continue the skirmish a great while, and would peradventure also have endured the battle a longer time, but that in the sight of all the Army, 
The Caddi of Tripoli slain by the Drusians.  to the general astonishment of them all, the Caddi or judge of their City was shot stark dead with a Piece, and fallen from his horse: Who as among all other men that came out of the City should have been the last man that should have intermeddled in such like actions, so was he the first man that was slain in the sight. At this spectacle there arose such a confused fear among the Turks, that the Deftardar or Chamberlain of the City, without any longer stay fled as fast as he could into Tripoli, and all the 
The Drusians bereave the Sangiacco of his Standard, and kill his standerd-bearer.  rest after him. The Sangiaccho also, who was the chiefest and busiest instrument of raising these stirs, had his standard bearer slain, and his Ensign taken away, with many other losses that happened beside among the base sort. Advertisements hereof was sent to Constantinople, and presently thereupon, the Drusian Captains (as we told you before,) were again restrained: Mendel, as a great confederate with Manogli, that had raised all these troubles, and Mansurogli with his complices, as friends unto Acra, that would yield no defence in so great a necessity. Howbeit the Turkish King dispatched away Aly Bassa borne at Aleppo, with the 
Aly the Bassa sent from Constantinople into Soria against the Drusians.  title of the Bassa of Damascus, and with authority to muster fresh Soldiers, and so wholly to attend the utter subversion of Manogli. But coming thither, he found no innovation at all, but his presence in that Country served rather for a reconciliation and peace making amongst them, then for moving any war against them. And in truth, if ever at any time there were good cause to avoid new war, at this time of all other it was most necessary to avoid it: because neither the common treasure, nor abundance of victuals, nor the desire or readiness of the Soldier did yield any courage to enterprise such troubles: Besides, the huge number of Locusts, which were in such abundance over all the Country of Soria, that in the memory of all the oldest men there living, never was there seen so great a multitude of those Excrements in those Quarters, did as a most horrible specctacle mightily increase the universal fear of grievous calamities to ensue thereupon.  
Now the Persian Prince having made an end of those outroades and spoils, which before we have mentioned, retired himself to Tauris, and towards his Father's Camp, gathered together all the rest of his Army, that was now arrived. The Order, Number, and Condition whereof it is not amiss to describe, in such manner and sort as I heard it reported at Aleppo, when I made diligent and due inquiry of these news there. They reported, that what with the Soldiers of Heri, the Turcomannes, and the bands of Gheilan, and what with all the rest of the Army, sent from the Cities that were subject and obedient to the King of Persia: The Prince had gathered forty thousand Soldiers: whereof, notwithstanding 
The Army of the Persian prince.  that I and others had some doubt and suspicion, yet was it commonly maintained by conferences among the Turks and Persians, and by letters among the Persian Merchants, and afterwards it was confirmed also to be true in deed. From Heri, under the conduct of Alyeuli Chan, they say there came an Army of eight thousand: From Ghetlan, under the government of a son of Amet-Chans, they say there came seven thousand 
The ordering of the Army of Persia.  Horsemen: Of the Turcomannes there were gathered together about six thousand: And all the rest levied by the subject and obedient Cities of Persia, whereof we have often made mention before. And besides all this multitude, the King was guarded by his ordinary Guard of Churehi and Esahul, whose number and necessary provisions we have already described in the second book. The company of Heri, with some part of the 
The order of the Persian prince to annoy the Army of Ferat.  Turcomannes were dispatched by the Prince under the conduct of Alyculi-Chan, to encounter the Turkish General: And the like order given to Emanguli-Chan, who had the Soldiers of Media, and the borderers of Armenia, under his government. Both these Captains had in special charge, that in the most narrow and most deceitful places by the way they should meet and receive their enemy's Army, and work them the greatest mischief and loss that possibly they could. All which, Amze did thus order and appoint, because he thought by this means to weaken his enemy's Forces, and then being so weakened, to come upon them with a fresh bartell, and utterly to destroy them at their arrival to Tauris.  
Both the Captains departed accordingly, making show that they would with all affection obey and accomplish the commandments of their Prince: But never was there heard any service of moment put in execution by them. For Alyculi went about to allege reasons and excuses, why they should surcease from meeting with the Turks: and Emanguli being as yet utterly ignorant of the wicked purposes and mischievous treacheries of Alyculi, followed also his example. But these excuses and delays of these two Persian Captains, the Turkish General took leisure, without any loss or hindrance at all, to arrive at Tauris, and to place the expected succours within the Fort. At what time, by good hap, but by what means I know not, the Prince was certified of the malignant intent of Aliculi, and of the designments, which many of the Sultan's had lately contrived together, to betray the Prince alive into the hands of the Turkish Captain. Of which suspicion Amze 
Prince Amze retireth for suspicion of rebellion.  being greatly afraid, he durst not only not trust himself to perform those battles that he had detremined to perform, but quite abandoning all this noble and honourable enterprise, he wholly employed all his care and study, for the safe custody of his own person, and so left the triumph of the matter in the power of the Turks And thus those great hopes and expectations, which the Persians had conceived of compassing very famous exploits against their enemies, did not only prove vain and come to no good issue, but contrariwise by this discovery they were converted into most dangerous disturbances, and all Persia thereby endured sundry alterations and revolutions of most important consequences. For both Aliculi-Chan and his Complices were pursued by the Prince as Rebels and Traitors, and also Abas Merize of Heri was manifestly discovered for a wicked and treacherous contriver of his brother's death. Whereupon the common mischiefs were increased more than ever they were before, and the public calamities yielded greater hopes to the Turks, than they had ever conceived and fostered in all this war.  
Besides these designments, there were others also, that contrary to all expectation came to the like infortunate issue, laid and plotted by Simon in Georgia, who by the direction of the Persian Prince had united together his Neighbours the Georgians, for the accomplishing of most noble and honourable enterprises. And the designments of Simon were these: That at such time, as he thought most convenient for sending fresh succours unto Teflis in Georgia, 
The plot of Simon the Georgian.  he meant himself in person, with the company of seven or eight thousand Georgians, and with a number of horse-loades of money (if not true loads indeed, yet seeming in appearance so to be) to present himself under the Fort of Teflis: and to the Turkish Bassa, Governor of that Castle, to deliver a counterfeit commandment wherein it should appear, that King Amurath did give the Bassa to understand, that by Simon being now converted to the Turkish Religion, he had sent fifty thousand Chechini, and other muntion for the Soldiers: and that he had also given unto Simon full commission and authority at his pleasure to manage and dispose of that Fort: and therefore that he should entertain Simon and give him credence therein. This his defignement Simon put in execution, hoping thereby without force of Arms and without any other inconvenience to make himself Lord and Master of that Castle. But the Turkish Bassa, although both the form, and the tenor, and the Seal of the commandment were very like to the ordinary manner of the Court (wherein Simon had used great care and diligence:) and although he thought it also very likely to be true, because he was revolted to the Turkish religion, as he had feigned in the counterfeit commandment, and that for all these causes he ought to receive and entertain Simon into the Fort: Yet Simon wanting one special thing, which in such like cases is a matter of greatest importance, he was deceived in his expectation, and with great shame and derision forced to retire, and so to avoude the Artillery, that by the direction of the Bassa rained like a Tempest upon his Soldiers. Now the thing which Simon wanted, was a certain token delivered 
Simon when his plot came to no good issue, retireth with loss and shame.  to the Turkish Bassa, when he was first appointed Governor of that Castle: For to every one that is left as Lieutenant in such Forts, ordinarily in this war, with all secrecy, and straightest conditions of allegiance and fidelity, there is delivered a counterfeit of the Mark, which shall be used by him, that the next year following shall be received with succours into the Fort. Which being required of Simon by the Turkish Bassa, Simon knew not what answer to make, and because he could not so do, he was disconered to be a treacherous deceiver and for such a one was he presently pursued in such and so eager manner as people included within a castle wall, could in so sudden an occasion use against him. And in this sort, did all the designments and hopes of the Persians vanish to nothing, and the report published in Italy, and particularly in Rome of the taking of this Fotte was quite dashed and found to be false, for that the fortunate Turks remained in quiet possession of the Countries which they had conquered.  
When the Turkish General had placed his succours in the Castle of Tauris, leaving for the custody thereof Giafter the Bassa with his former companies, he returned towards 
General Ferat having succoured the fort, returneth toward Erzirum.  Erzirum, having first caused a Fort to be erected at Chucchive Tauris, a place near unto Tauris: another at Coy, and a third at Cum, which sometimes belonged to Ebrain-Chan now prisoner at Erzirum as we told you before. And in every one of the said Forts he left a necessary number of Soldiers, with sufficient munition and maintenance for them. He sent also afterwards to Teflis in Georgia the succours, which they there had long expected and desired, and without any hindrance or difficulty very willingly received, because the counterfeit 
Succours sent to Teflis.  of the Mark was well known unto them, which before to Simon was both utterly unknown, and also greatly hurtful.  
But the Persian Prince having hunted Alyouli-Chan out of the quarters of Tauris, thought himself wholly delivered from the great fear of treason and rebellion, wherein he lived; and therefore in as great haste as he could, he put himself on his journey towards Genge. In which place having gathered together a good number of Soldiers, he determined to remove thence, and to stop the succours for Teflis, and so to procure the utter overthrow of the conductors thereof. He had always found Emanguli-Chan to be both faithful and wise, and in him he reposed an assured confidence for performing of any enterprise that he had in his hand, and communicated with him every devise that he had conceived in these wars. And therefore he made head and joined with him, and lodging most familiarly within his City, he stayed there for the setting in order, and disposing of his foresaid designment, being very desirous not to suffer this season to slip, without signification to the world of some notable novelty which might be correspondent to the fame, that of matters passed and performed the year before, was now spread and published abroad over all the world. But when he was even at the very fairest to put this his desire in execution, and when least of all he 
The Persian Prince slain by the treason of one of his Eunuched  feared any treachery or treason, upon a sudden in the night time, he was miserably stricken through the body by an Eunuch of his, that guarded him: and so the most resplendent and bright shining lamp that ever was in Persia, was utterly extinguished.  
What was the occasion thereof and who procured his death, divers & sundry are the opinions of men. Some think that his brother Abas Mirize of Heri, who had before conspired to cause him to be betrayed into the hands of the Turkish General, had now by force of money and gifts persuaded the wicked Eunuch thereunto. Others deem, that his own Father, being become very desirous to see Abas settled in the kingdom, did procure his death: which notwithstanding in mine opinion hath no point of probability. divers others do reason the matter diversly. But we, not only are not able to affirm the certain truth of this accident, but also have scarce any heart to testify to the world, that thus or thus in truth his death was procured. For we are not minded to set down any discourse for a truth, in such matters as have happened in these wars, since we returned and have remained in Italy: to the end that we would not diminish that credit and good opinion, which we know our Readers have justly given to all things hitherto written by us, as unto things that we were most desirous to understand for certenties, by such good means, as we have already named in our Epistle to the Readers. And we in the mean time will expect that some other Writer will pursue these adventures in such sort as shall seem best unto him. For touching ourselves: being weary of the many diversities which we daily hear by advertisements out of the East country, we have had no heart at all, to describe, what hath happened therein, in the year fourscore and seventh. But by the favour of the Readers here we have thought good to make a full point.   

A Letter to the Worshipful SIGNIOR MARIO CORRADO, Wherein is proved, that Tauris is not Terua, as iovius writeth: nor Tigranoama, as Negro taketh it: nor Tigran●certa, as others do think: but Ecbathana, as Ortelius and Anania do judge.  
Worshipful Sir, I have always made that reckoning of your Worship's counsels and advises, which your virtue deserveth, and especially touching those matters whereof it pleased you to advertise me, at such time as I was resident in this City, and so kindly entertained therein with all courteous and bountiful entertainment. For whatsoever I could possibly observe in the History of the Wars between the Turks and Persians, both concerning words and also concerning matters, I have endeavoured by all means to reduce unto that note which you delivered unto me, and have not failed as much as my skill could reach, to put in execution all your good precepts and advertisements. Only there remaineth in this history one thing which as yet is not throughlie justified: and that is, mine opinion touching the City of Tauris, which your Worship by reason of your douhting thereof, made me suspect at the first, but afterwards it pleased you to allow and confirm to be the best and soundest. And although I have freely and boldly set down, that Tauris is not Terua, as iovius writeth, but Ecbathana, as many others both before and after iovius do take it: and although I find many reasons whereby I have been persuaded so freely to avow it: Notwithstanding, when I considered that this was a matter of great importance in this History, to entrreat of the true finding out and acknowledgement of a City, for the conquest whereof, almost all these troubles of wars were principally raised: to the end that all things might the more plainly appear, I resolved to publish these my reasons, and particularly to send them to your W. not only because you first encouraged me with lively arguments to approve this particularity, being of itself a very important matter, yea & the more important in regard of the authority of such men as are of the contrary opinion: but also because you were a great helper unto me with your own private study to furnish me with so goodly a number of reasons for the same. By twelve arguments therefore, me thinks I may certainly and demonstratively reason, that Tauris cannot be the Terua of Ptolomey, but aught indeed to be called the ancient Ecbathana.  
My first reason is, because Strabo teacheth us, that the Pool Mantian, or Martian, or Margian (call it as ye will) that which is now termed the Pool Actamar, is situate 
The first reason.  in the confines of great Armenia, and stretcheth even as far as the confines of Media Atropatia. And in the twelfth book of his Geography, it is manifestly seen, that there is either very little or no quantity of country or people at all between the Mantian Poole, and Media the greater. The same may be collected out of Ptolemy, who (as it seemeth) doth place the forenamed Pool, rather in the entrance of Media the greater, than in the latter end of great Armenia. Out of this certain truth I gather this foundation. The Martian Pool is in the confines of the Medes and of the Armenians: and therefore it must needs follow, that if Tauris should be Terua, it must either be in the West, or in the. West south-west, or in the West Northwest, or else in the very Northwest of the said Pool: for in the South or in the North I do not believe that any man doth place it, and if he should so do, he should commit an error, not only worthy of correction but also of chastisement. But if Tauris be Ecbathana, it must either be in the East, or in the East Southeast, or in the Southeast, or in the East north-east, or else in the very North-east. For much less will any man be so bold as to place it in the South, or in the North of the said Pool, and whosoever should so place it, he should commit a double error. Terua indeed according to iovius, and according to that which the description of Ptolomey doth infer, is (as a man may say) in the very centre and midst of great Armenia, and consequently it must be in the West, or West south-west, or West Northwest of the said pool. Whereupon, if Tauris should be Terua, then should Tauris have the very self same situation. But both sense and reason, yea & iovius himself, & all other do with one accord confess, that Tauris is in the East of the forenamed Pool, and by a good quantity of ground distant from it. And therefore it remaineth, that Tauris is not Terua: but Ecbathana being a good way distant in the East of the said pool, a man may conclude, that the very situation and ancient ruins of Ecbathana have yielded matter and stuff to this new Tauris.  
And somuch the more likely, because all the Merchants 
The second reason.  and soldiers that use the voyage from Van to Tauris, and from Tauris to Van (being a place situate as it were on the eastern banks of the Martian pool) do uniformly testify, that in their traveling from Van to Tauris they have their faces looking towards the East: and in their return from Tauris to Van they have their faces turned towards the West: and that they pass through certain valleys between certain mountains which peradventure may be the tops of the Caspian mountain.  
The like testimony is given by many of the soldiers that went to Tauris with Osman. Besides whose testimony, 
the third reason.  we may also make a sound conjecture by the journey which that army made. For the said army being gathered together at the city of Erzirun, (which out of all doubt we must hold to be Simbra or Sinibra in Ptolomee) and by the way of Hassan-Chalasi and Chars, passing by Euphrates, and leaving Araxis on the left hand, it arrived at Van upon the Martian Pool. And from Van it came to the champaigns of Caldaran, and thence to Coy. From which place it passed afterward to Merent, to Soffian (which peradventure may be the ancient Soffia of the Medes) and so to Tauris. After that Tauris was sacked, and the Fort erected there, the army returned to Van, & from Van by the wont way to Erzirum. Now do not I know, to what end all this people should go to Van and to Coy, if Tauris were in the sight of Terua, which is on this side of Van, five degrees or there about. For it had been much better for them by a direct course to have passed from Chars to Terua, than first to go to Van, & then to come to Chars, and so to Erzirum. Neither can iovius be excused, in saying, that in those days they had no such way. For he himself in the three and thirtieth book of his histories, (reciting the voyage which Soliman made, at such time as retiring from Tauris, which he had sacked, he journeyed toward Mesopotamia,) doth expressly write, that Soliman in his return first arrived at Coy, and to the Champains of Caldaran. And a little after he addeth, that Tamas pursuing Soliman came to Tauris, and from Tauris to Coy and to the Caldaran Champains. By which voyages iovius might easily perceive, that Tauris, (which in his fourtinth book he situateth more toward the East then Coy is, by the space of four score miles or thereabouts) by this means must be in Media the Greater, where Ecbathana is: and that consequently it could not be thought to be Terua, which by Ptolomee himself is placed on the west not only of Coy, but also of the Margian Pool.  
This opinion is also fortified and made manifest by 
The fourth reason.  the authority of Ptolomee, who placeth Terua for latitude in 78. degrees, and the Martian Pool, 83. degrees. and so setteth Terua more towards the west, than that pool is, by four whole degrees. Howbeit if this Terua should be Tauris, as iovius will have it, than should it be on the east side of the said Pool, not only 4. degrees but five or six degrees. By these self same reasons me thinketh that Negro is likewise convinced, who in his Geography 
The error of Negro and others.  doth resolutely write, that Tauris is Tigranoama. And with Negro are those also confuted, which say that Tauris is Tigranocerta. For Tigranocerta is by Ptolomee situated on the West of Tigranoama, and Tigranoama on the west of the Martian Pool, by the space of three whole degrees. Besides that Strabo writeth, that Tigranocerta was above the river of Euphrates, from which river Tauris is distant more than twenty days journey of sumpter-horses.  
Moreover another argument may be framed in this 
The fift reason.  manner. From Tauris to Casbin at this day it is no more than nine days journey: & every days journey may be reckoned after five and twenty miles or thereabouts: which besides that I can justify it with the greatest certainty, that may be (next to a man's own sight) is also confirmed by Barbaro, and by others according to Ramusius. Howbeit this journey could not be finished in so few days, if Tauris were in the situation of Terua, considering that from Terua only to the very entrance of the Martian Lake there fall out three degrees, much more to Casbin which is in the midst of Media the Greater. For unto Casbin the way would fall out to be far greater for number of miles, of daies-iournies, and of degrees.  
Those also that going from Tauris do travel in a direct 
The sixth reason  line towards the North, do clear this for a manifest truth. For they report, that after a long journey, having first passed over certain mountains, they do arrive upon the Southern side of the Caspian sea, even directly wherethose havens of the sea of Tauris are, whereof Barbaro speaketh. A thing that was never read to have happened unto those, that traveling from Terua do go in a directlyne towards the North: for they always left the said sea on their right hand, and went into the very midst of the Isthmus, which is a narrow piece of land situate between the Caspian and Euxine seas: as it may sensibly be judged, by the right measure of Ptolomees Table, without any further reading of other writers or information of traveling strangers.  
The custom also, which the kings of Media observed 
The seventh reason.  in spending the Summer season at Ecbathana, as a City more cold, more northern, and more subject to the winds, seemeth to me to be no small argument for maintenance of mine opinion. For by that custom I do conjecture, that Terua being one of the midland Cities of Armenia must needs be less cold, and less subject to snows and winds than Tauris is at this day. Whereof all men do with one consent agree, that it is a cold, and a snowy City, and even in the summer time subject to the continual blasts of the winds.  
Next hereunto may be added the situation of Terua, 
The eight reason.  which in Ptolomee is placed between Euphrates & Araxis, and yet somewhat distant from both the said rivers towards the South: which doth manifestly declare that Terua cannot be Tauris, because Tauris is not only at this day beyond Araxis, but is also beyond the Caspian Sea, whereinto Araxis doth discharge itself.  
A man may also draw no slender argument, from those that go from Tauris to Ormus or Armuza, which we 
The ninth reason.  now call, the Island in the Persian sea, from whence they fetch their pearls and other precious things, although in deed it be otherwise somewhat unhappily seated by reason of the excessive heat that reigneth therein. These travelers leaving the Caspian mountains on their right hand, and not troubling themselves either with climbing over them, or with ferrying over Euphrates or Tigris, and without touching either of Mesopotamia, or Babylonia, or turning to Van or to the Mantian Marish, do ascend upwards towards Sirrah in Persia, & going as it were southward, they come at last to the Persian sea. So that if Tauris were Terua, and so in the middle region of the greater Armenia, then should they not need to go towards Sirrah, but they must of necessity pass over the Caspian mountains, or ferry over Euphrates or Tigris, or else travel the rough Mesopotamia, or turn themselves towards the Mantian Marish, or towards Babylonia.  
With the like reason may a man confirm this to be true, by those that pass from Bitlis, (a famous City in 
The tenth reason.  Armenia) to go to Tauris. For they must of necessity travel over the Caspian mountains, and still to journey eastward, leaving behind them the Mantian marish, the City of Coy, and the Caldaran champaigns: which whether they be the Champains of Araxis, or some other near unto them, let other men use their own judgement: for we can hardly certify the truth of that particularity. But if Tauris were Terua, which is in the midst of Great Armenia, then should they not need to make this journey. For neither should they travel so much towards the east, neither should they leave behind them either Coy, or the Mantian Marish, or the Caldarane Champains.  
This opinion of mine is no less confirmed to be true, 
The leaventh reason.  by others also, that coming from the furthest parts of the East Indies, do first arrive at Cassan a famous City of the Persian kings, and then travel to Tauris, & from Tauris to Coy and to Van, making always about eight or nine days journey towards the west: which could not be so, if Tauris were either Terua, or Tigranoama, or Tigranocerta.  
Like unto these reasons is that also which may be drawn 
The twelft reason.  from the journey that is usually made from Tauris to Babylonia. For as every man doth testify, and namely Angiolello in his voyage lately made into Persia, they travel by south south-west. Which is a manifest token, that Tauris is just in the situation of Ecbathana & not of Terua. For whosoever traveleth from Terua to Babylonia, he must of force travel not by south south-west, but by southeast.  
These are the reasons, whereby I have been persuaded not to leave this parcel of my history to remain in such doubt, but have taken upon me resolutely to decide the same. Which although they be very pregnant and strong, yet shall I account the better of them, if your W. will willingly accept of them, and vouchsafe to continue the reading of this my letter, until you understand also in what sort iovius and his followers have on the other side confirmed their opinion.  
For three causes do they believe, that Tauris should 
The first argument of iovius and his followers.  be Terua. The first Argument is drawn from a very subtle consideration, which they have, touching the similitude & likeness of the names of all those places, whereof they do find that many ancient Cities do yet at this day retain the first nomination, although by the alteration of speech it be somewhat different from the same. As for example, the Turks call Constantinople by the name of Stambul, which is a term borrowed from the Grecians, who call this City Stimboli. And this term which the Grecians do use, was first brought in whiles their Emperors reigned at what time the City of Constantinople was called by excellency 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say, the City: and such as went thither, or came from thence, used to say (even as we use also at this day to say of Rome) We go to the City, we come from the City, always using the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which Greek word, being corrupted by the common people of Graecia, began first to be Stimpoli, and afterwards being more deformed and depraved by the Turks, it came to be Stanbul. The like may be said of the City of Charsa, which Ptolomee calleth Corsa: of Anguri, which in old time was called Ancyra: of Euphrates and Araxis, the one being now called Frat, and the other Arais: of Caesarea, which still is called Caisarie: of Alexandria, which yet is called Schenderie: of joppa, which is called jaffa: of Antiochia, which is called Tachie: & of many others, among whom Terua may also be numbered, which afterward with a small alteration of the word came to be called Taruis, Teruis, and Tauris.  
To this first argument, they added also a second. For 
The second argument.  they say, that those which travel from Amida, being at this day called Caramita, the chief City of Mesopotamia, & go to Teruis, do pass over the river Tigris: which river runnet from the one side of the Mantian Marish unto the other side thereof with such swiftness, that it is likened to an arrow, and thereof it purchased the name of Tigris which it hath at this day, (as Strabo teacheth us). Neither do they pass over any other River of fame there. And that is a manifest token, that Tauris is in Armenia, even in the very situation of Terua.  
Besides these two reasons, they have also a third argument, 
The third argument  fortified upon the relation and report of those Armenians, that come to Venice, to Rome, and to other parts of Christendom: from whom, it may be peradventure, that iovius took his information. For all these have given, and at this day do give undoubted testimony, that Taruis is in truth in Armenia. Which testimony, if it be true, then must it needs be concluded (say they) that Taruis can be no other but Terua.  
These three arguments I have not deemed to be so pregnant & sure, as that they do deserve or enforce, that I should commit the truth of mine opinion to the authority of iovius. And therefore rather than I would yield unto them, I have found out a most easy way to resolve them, and to answer them most sufficiently.  
Whereupon, concerning their first argument, I say, 
The answer to the first argument.  that although the similitude of words do fall out well in many matters, yet in many other it doth greatly err, & may easily deceive us. For whosoever should go about to reckon up all the Cities, and all the Rivers, and all the Mountains, and all the Provinces, he should find a great want and error in the most part of them. And therefore we will allege some few of them, by whose example a man may know the slender force of the reason that is drawn from this similitude of words. And in truth what similitude hath Damascus with Siam? jerusalem with Godz? Arsacia with Casbin? Persepolis with Sirrah? Bithynia with Bursia? Chalcedon with Scutar? Tyrus with Sur? Ptolemaida with Acri? Derbent with Alexandria? Albania with Zuiria? Iberia with Gurgistan? Atropatia with Siruan? Mesopotamia with Diarbech? Appamea with Aman? Seleucia Pieria with Soldin? Anazarbo with Acsara? Arabia Faelix with Giamen? Cilicia with Caramania? and many others the recital whereof would be troublesome and tedious. And in deed, with great reason ought we to hold this for an uncertain kind of argument, which is taken from the likeness of words. For those nations, that have governed these regions have not always had one and the self-same regard in naming the places which they had subdued. But as in some of them they have still retained their very proper names, although their language hath made them somewhat to differ: (as in some aforenamed may be seen, and as now of late we have observed in Cyprus, which yet they call Cupros.) So in some others altogether forgetting their former names, they have called them by divers names, according to divers occasions, & in divers respects. Yea and iovius himself saith, that Amida was called by the Turks Caramita, for the blackness of the earth: and we also, besides the observation of iovius, do know that Alexandria upon the Caspian Sea is now termed by the Turks Schenderia, (as it should be called by the ancient name:) but because it is long and strait, it came to be called Derbent, and because it hath Iron Gates Demir-Capi. Likewise for Casbin, or as the Persians term it Casuin, (let it be which of the ancient Cities you will have it to be) it is notoriously known, that it was so called because it was at the first a place, whereinto they were wont to banish or confine such persons, as for their offences and misdemeanours had deserved that chastisement. Which for that it was a place of punishment, it was called by the Persians Casuin & Casbin, which in the Persian language signifieth Chastisement. The like I might say of the city of Aleppo, by the Moors called Halip, which in our tongue signifieth Milk (for the same Arabians do say, that it was so called for the abundance of milk, which in the time of the patriarchs was yielded by the herds and flocks of cattle in those champaigns). But because I have not that certain testimony hereof, which I have of mine other examples, I will not make account to build any foundation thereupon. And therefore next after those things that I have already noted, I will set down also what I have observed touching the river, that entereth into the sea between Beryto and Tripoli. Which river, because it runneth near unto a Church, which was sometimes dedicated to saint jacob, is by the inhabitants there called Mar jacut, which is to say, the River of jacob. Likewise the river Orontes, which is numbered among the famous Rivers of Soria, (whose banks I have viewed, even from his springing head to his main channel, which is near to Seleucia Pieria,) hath among the Arabians and the Turks quite lost his ancient name. And because it is very swift in his course, & hath many turnings and windings, (so that those which swim in it are oftentimes drowned therein,) as though the poor river had in that respect the nature of a murderer, therefore the Turks and the Moors have given it a name, that signifieth expressly, a murderer or traitor. And to the end that the truth hereof may likewise be known in mountains also, I will not conceal that which cometh to my memory touching the mountain Bacras, which is also called Beilun. This is a mountain, lying in the rank of the mountains that divideth Soria from Cilicia, (which how it was termed by ancient writers, I leave to other men to judge). But by the Inhabitants there, it hath been always, & is at this day called Bacras, for none other reason or cause, but for that it is so ragged, so eaten as it were, and in some parts, even in the grassy plots of it, so bald and so bare, that it resembleth the head of one that is scurvy, which by the Turks is called Bacras, and by the Moors Beilun: for so do the Moors also call that mountain. Hereby than it doth manifestly appear, that it is no sound argument which is drawn from the likeness or similitude, that ancient names have with the names of later times. For all places have not reserved, & retained among the diversity of sundry languages their ancient denominations: and so it seemeth to me that this first argument remaineth sufficiently confuted. As also the second, which having no good and sound root, may easily be overthrown.  
Utterly false is that foundation, which the followers of 
Answer to the second argument.  iovius do use in that place where they say, that the river Tigris passeth from the one side of the Mantian Lake unto the other side thereof. For it worketh not that effect, which they speak of, in the Mantian Marish, but in the Marish, that by Strabo is called Tospite, and Topiti, and Arassena. I will not here allege the testimonies of later livers, as namely of Cicala himself (the Bassa of Van) nor of a thousand and a thousand merchants and soldiers, but only the testimony of Strabo, whose authority cannot be refuted as a liar. He, in the eleventh book of his Geography, thus writeth. Armenia hath also great Lakes. One is the Mantian Lake, that is to say, Black and Green like the Sea Water: & (as they say) it is the greatest Lake next to Mwotis. It arriveth even unto Atropatia, and hath divers salt-springes. The other is the Arassen Lake, called likewise Topiti: (for so it should be read, and not Toeti, as some translate it.) This hath Nitrum in it: and teareth & renteth a man's apparel, and for that cause the water of it is not good to drink. The river Tigris, departing from the mountain near unto Nifates, passeth through this Lake, without mingling of itself with the water thereof, by reason of his swiftness, whereof it hath taken his name: for the Medians call an arrow Tigris. It hath fishes of many and divers kinds, whereas the fishes of the lakes are but of one kind only. near to the utmost corner or Gulf of the Lake, this river falling into a great deep, and running for a great space under the ground, riseth again near to Colonitis, and from thence courseth towards Opis, and the walls of Semiramis, leaving the Cordiae●ns on the right hand. All this did Strabo write, by the authority of Eratosthenes in his sixteenth book: where he saith also most plainly, that the said River Tigris doth not pass through the Mantian Marish, but through the Topiti. But no marvel it is, that iovius hath conceived this error, considering how greatly he is also deceived, when he will needs call Sirrah, Ciropolis: when likewise he saith, that in Cassan there is traffic for silks, and that this City standeth in Sultania, between the South and the West: and lastly, when he putteth no distinction or difference between the Zogdiani, the Bactrini, the Ariani, the Margiani, & the Aracosis, but maketh them all one. And therefore leaving these considerations, it shall be sufficient for me to answer to their last argument, which is drawn from the report of the Armenians, who say that Tauris is situated in Armenia the great.  
A reason (in very truth) very dangerous, very slippery, 
Answer to the third argument.  and very deceitful. And it seemeth to me to be altogether like to the reason of those, who going about to prove, that the Amomum of Dioscorides, is none other thing, but the Pes Columbinus (that is to say, the Pigeon Foot) of Mount Libanon, do use the common word of the Sorians, which call that Plant Hamana being in very deed nothing else but a kind of Pigeon foot. And in troth what assured credit may be reposed in those Armenians, and in such kind of people as are utterly unskilful in Geography, who never read any author, that had taught them the proper Terms of those provinces? Do we not see what a confusion and mingle-mangle they make of the same regions? Do they not precisely call one part of great Armenia, by the name of Gurgistan, only because many Georgians inhabit there? And likewise on the other side, do they not call one part of the great Media by the name of Armeni, because many Armenians do at this day dwell dispersed here and there in divers villages of that country? But under the word Rumeli, which in our language signifieth Greece, how many places do the Turks entertertaine, which are quite out of Greece? And with their Anatolia and C●ramania do they not likewise confound & (as it were) murder so many provinces, that it seemeth a matter impossible to find out their ancient names? what man is he then, that if he had many other means, and many other reasons to prove the truth for the certain acknowledgement of sundry places, would report himself wholly and absolutely to the relation of that people?  
This is as much as I thought sufficient to answer the 
The conclusion.  reasons of iovius, & to confirm mine own opinion. All which notwithstanding, I do refer to your worships judgement, who as a most gentle person, and a special friend to the truth, will make that account of my reasons as they deserve. Which that you will do, I humbly beseech you, and so heartily recommend myself unto you.  
From Rovigo the 17. of August. 1587. Your worship's most affectionate servitor, john-thomas Minadoi.   

A Table, containing the declaration of the Names and words, used in this History, aswell Ancient, as Barbarous. Wherein the letter A. signifieth the Ancient: B. the Barbarous: P. the Persian: and T. the Turkish name or word.  

A.  
ACca and Acri, B. a Sea-coast City in Soria. Ptolomaida. A. according to Ortelius and Anania.  
Adena and Adana, B. a City in the confines of Cilicia, Adana, and it may be, Nicopolis, A.  
Aga, B. a Capitayne, or Chief of his company.  
Aggia-Chala, B. the Castle Deregrine, or the Castle of Strangers.  
Aggiami, Look for Cheselbas, and the Persians.  
Aleppo, B. and Halep, B. look for Halip.  
Alger, B. by iovius is thought to be julia Caesarea, A. and by Castaldo and others, to be the City of Cirtha in Africa.  
Altun-Chala, T. the golden Castle, or Castle of gold: A place in the confines of great Armenia, and Georgia.  
Amadan, B. a City of the Persians in Parthia.  
Aman, B. a City in Soria, watered with the river Orontes. Apamea, A.  
Amasia, B. Castaldo thinketh it to be Cappadocia, A. and others take it to be in ancient times called Amasia, A.  
Andera, or Andara, a Town in Drusia, where most exquisite Silks are made.  
Andrinopoli, B. a principal City in Thracia, Adrianopolis, A.  
Angori, B. a City in Cappadocia, which is a Region in Asia the lesser, and by Bellonius thought to be Encyra, and Ancyra, A. in the peregrination of Saint Paul.  
Antachie, B. a City in Soria, now decayed, but yet worth the sight, both in respect of the situation and walls thereof, as also for the River that runneth by it. Antiochia, A.  
Arasse, B. a River that watereth the South part of great Armenia, & almost divideth it from Georgia. Araxis, A. Achlar, and Ares, T.  
Arbella, B. a City in Assyria, according to Strabo, and Q. Curtius, and by the error of some thought to be Taruis.  
Arcipelago, B. but in old time called Mare Egaeum, A. a part of the Sea Mediterranean, that separateth Europe from Asia.  
Ardachan, B. a City of the Turks in great Armenia.  
Ardovil, P. a City in Media, the first Seat of the Persian Sect, wherein Giunet, Sederdin, and other their successors, that were authors of the Persian superstition, did reside and reign.  
Arz, T. a Supplication, a Request, or an Information.  
Atmaidan, B. the high Street, or chief Market place in Constantinople.   

B.  
BAgdat, B. Laonicus calleth it Bogdatis, and the Italians call it Baldacco, in old time Babylon, A.  
Balbech, B. a City in Palaestina, which Bellonius taketh to be Caesarea Philippi, A. and so is it accounted in the peregrination of Saint Paul.  
Balsara, and as Frederico writeth it, Bassora, B. a City in the channel of Euphrates, called by Castaldo, and others, Teredon, A.  
Bassa, T. a captain, a Governor, a chief Lord.  
Beglerbey, T. a great Lord.  
Bestan, P. a City in Hyrcania.  
Bey, or Beg, or Bech, T. a chief man, or a Lord.  
by'r, which some call Birta, B. a City upon Euphrates, in the confines of Soria.  
Bruz, B. a Hill in Armenia; the crest of the Periardj Mountains.  
Prussia and Bursa, B. in old time the chief Palace of Bythinia, and called in the old time Prusia, A. But Ortelius unadvisedly thinketh, that Bursa and Prussia is not a City, but a whole Region. And herein also is Castaldo deceived, if our own sense have not showed unto us one City in steed of another, or if we be not deceived in deed in the very names of them.   

C.  
CAddi, T. a judge.  
Cafe, B. a place within two days journey of Babylon, where Aly and his children are buried.  
Caffa, B. Anania uset h no other name: although in deed Caffa now was in old time called Theodosia, A.  
Cahaca, B. a Town so called, situate between Casbin and Tauris.  
Cairo, B. a huge City in Egypt, near whereunto are the famous Pyramids: whereby a man may easily judge, that there was the most renowned city of Memphis. Ortelius thinketh that it is Babylon: but Ortelius himself setteth down another Babylon in another table of his, and placeth it in Assiria. So that he maketh two Cities of one name. Whereof notwithstanding it is no time now to dispute.  
Caissar, B. a place in Cilicia, of no great reckoning, and without any note of antiquity.  
Calaus, T. a Guide.  
Caldaran, B. the name of certain famous Champeynes. Perhaps they may be the same Champeynes which Strabo called the Champeynes of Araxis.  
caliph, P. a Priest, or Prelate.  
Canac, B. a River that divideth a part of Atropatia from Armenia.  
Candahar, P. a certain Kingdom. In old time Peripaniso, A.  
Capigi, T. a gentleman Vsher.  
Capigibassi, T. the chief gentleman Vsher.  
Capigi-Larchecaiasi, T. the Lieutenant or chief Lord of the gentlemen Ushers.  
Caracach, P. a Territory of the Persians in Media.  
Carachala, T. the black Castle, it is in Armenia, but it belongeth to the Georgians.  
Caraemit, T. the black City. It is now the Metropolitical City of the Mesopotamians. iovius and others call it Amida, A.  
Caramania and Caraman, B. the black Region: It is commonly deemed to be Cilicia, A.  
Casbin and Casuin, P. we may well interpret it: The place of punishment. And it is the City, whether the palace of the Persian Empire was translated by Tamas, and called Casbin, because those that for their punishment had deserved banishment, were at the first banished thither. It is yet in Media the great, a little more South than Tauris: So that a man may very well think it to be Arsacia, A. in Strabo.  
Casenda, T. the common Treasure. Look Hasna.  
Cassachis, T. Robbers by the high way.  
Cassan, B. a City in Parthia, very famous and rich. Ortelius and the rest make no mention of it.  
Cassangic, B. a place belonging to Maxut-Chan in Armenia.  
Cecchino, or Zecchino, a Venetian Duckate.  
Chala, and Chalasi, B. a Town or a Castle.  
Chan, P. and also used in Tartary, and is the same that the Turks call a Bassa.  
Chars, B. peradventure it is that which Ptolemy calleth Corsa, A.  
Checaia, T. a Deputy or Agent.  
Cheiserie, B. we think it to be Caesarea in Palaestina, A. a little from joppa. Ptolemy saith it is Caesarea, whereof Strabo maketh mention. It hath many notes of antiquity.  
Cheselbas, B. a Red-Capp. It is a title given to the Persians: who are also called the Soffians, the Cheselbas, the Persians, and the Aggiami. Look Persians.  
Chianichie, B. a place near to Ragusa, very famous, because it was the native Country of Ebrain Bassa, son in law to Amurath.  
Chiaus, T. a Nuntio, or an Ambassador.  
Chielder-Giol, B. the Lake of Chielder: for Giol signifieth a lake: and it may be thought without any error to be the Pool of Euphrates, A.  
Chielder Monte, B. the hills of Periardo.  
Chielebi, B. a Gentleman.  
Chiulfal, B, a Town in Armenia, yet inhabited at this day by the Georgians.  
Chiuri-Chala, B. a new Territory in Georgia, that is to say, inhabited of old by the Georgians, but yet comprehended under Armenia.  
Clisca, a Territory in Armenia, and in old time possessed by the Georgians, though now in the hands of the Turks.  
Codabanda, P. Blind or weak of sight. Hodabanda signifieth the self same thing, but other writers erroneously pronounce it Hodabende.  
Coran, B. a City in Parthia.  
Corfu, a late word: a famous Island, called in old time Corcyra, A. and according to Ortelius, Corfinio, A.  
Coy, B. a City in the borders of Armenia, and Media, between Van and Tauris.  
Culbat, B. a City in Parthia.  
Cur, B. a City in Parthia.  
Curchi-Bassi, P. Captain of the Curchi, who are the soldiers, that are appointed for the guard of the Persian Kings Court.  
Curdi, B. a people which many think to be the Parthians, A. But we cannot possibly think them to be so. wherein we agree with Castaldo.  
Curzolari, B. in old time called the Echinades, A. which are certain Rocks, very famous by reason of the victory by Sea obtained by the most happy and fortunate League of the catholics, against the Turkish fleet.  
Cussestan, B. a part of Assyria.   

D.  
DAgmat, B. a City in the confines of Parthia, and of Media the great.  
Damascus, A. a City in Soria. Look Sciam.  
Deftardar, T. a treasurer or Chamberlein.  
Demir-Capi, T. the Iron-Gates. Demir-Capi is also called Derbent. It is a City sometimes called Alessandria, A. near to the Hyrcanian Sea. It is called Derbent, because it is in figure narrow and long: and Demir-Capi, because there were the Iron-gates, that were sometimes the entrance into Scythia.  
Demotica, B. a City in Thracia, famous in regard of the banishment of Sinan-Bassa into that place, whereof mention is made in the History, Lib. 5.  
Derbent, B. a City called Demir-Capi. Derbent signifieth straight or narrow.  
Diarbech, B. the Country of Mesopotamia.  
Divano, B. a place of audience, or a Counsaile-house. It is sometimes taken for the audience itself, and sometimes for the Counsel itself.  
Don, B. the River sometimes called Tanais, A. in Sarmatia.  
Drevis and dervish, B. a Religious person, an Eremite.   

E.  
EDel, B. sometimes called Volga, A. a famous River in Sarmatia within Europe.  
Emir, B. a common name among the Arabians, and the Drusians, used for a Prince, a Duke, a chief Noble man.  
Eres, B. a City in Atropatia.  
Erzirum, B. we think it to be Simbra in Ptolemy.  
Essahul, P. a troop of Soldiers beionging to the Guard of the Persian King.   

F.  
Fachis, B. a Master of Ceremonies, a Master of Religion. Famagosta, B. a new word corrupted from the vulgar Greek, which calleth it Famausta, in old time it was Salamina in Cyprus, A.  
Farssi, P. the Region of Persia.   

G.  
GAngiara, B. a sharp crooked dagger.  
Gaza, A. a City in the confines of judea, and in the way that leadeth towards Pelusium, A.  
Genge, B. a City of the Persians in Armenia the greater.  
Gheilan, B. a City in the Region of Gilan, which Castaldo calleth Geli.  
Giamen, B. a Province in Asia, where Arabia Felice is situated.  
Gianizaro, B. a degree of Turkish Soldiers so called.  
Giavat, B. a City of Atropatia, in the confines of Media the greater.  
Gien, B. a City of the Parthians.  
Giol, T. a lake or a pool.  
Giurgi-Chala, T. the Georgian-Castell, now possessed by the Turks. It is in the confines of Georgia and Armenia.  
Godz, B. the City of jerusalem.  
Gogna, and Conia, B. a City so called, and in old time Iconium, A. the chief City of the Lycaonians.  
Goletta, B. a famous Island.  
Gori, and Gorides, B. a Territory in Georgia.  
Grin, B. a Territory inhabited by the Georgians, situated on the hither side of Araxis.  
Gurgistan and Georgia, B. the Region that containeth all the ancient Iberia, and part also of Armenia the great. The inhabitants of the Country do call all that Territory Gurgistan, which is inhabited by the Georgians. In which point, Negro, Anania, and Pius secundus are not well advised, because they think that Georgia is only Iberia.  
Gwergi-chalasi, B. a Castle situate in the midst of a little lake towards Tauris.   

H.  
HAlip, an Arabian word, and signifieth Milk. It is a very famous City in Soria, which iovius calleth Alapia, Bellonius calleth it Hierapolis, and Qillanova being in a notorious error for this point, calleth it Antiochia. For Antiochia is two days journey distant from Aleppo, more toward the Sea, as we ourselves have seen with our eyes.  
Hasna, T. It signifieth Treasure, Store, Money collected aswell for public, as for private uses, although properly it is only taken for the public Treasure, or for the kings moneys.  
Hassan-Chalasi, T. The Castle of Hassan. It is also called by the Turks, Passin. It is a new erected thing between Erzirum and Chars, situate upon the banks of the river Euphrates.  
Heri, B. a City in Aria.  
Hispahan, B. a City sometimes in Parthia.   

I.  
Iesselbas', B. a greene-Cap. A certain people between the Bactrians and the Sogdians, so called, because they did wear Greene-Capps on their heads.  
Imammadulasis, B. a City in Parthia.  
Imbrahur-Bassi, T. Master of the King's horse.  
Isnic, B. a City in old times called Nicaea, A. in Bythinia, near to the Moor Ascania, A.  
Istigelu, and Sagialu, B. a Renowned family, both at Casbin, and also over all the kingdom of Persia.   

L.  
LAke-Actamar, in old time called the Moor or marish Martiana, or Margiana, or Mantiana, A. and according to Strabo, it is in Armenia the greater.  
Lake of Esseecchia, in old time called the Marish Lychnitis, A. in Georgia.  
Lake of Isnic, in old time the Marish Ascania, A. in Bythinia.  
Lake Tospite, or Toeti, it is in great Armenia.  
Lizza, B. a City by the Sea-coast in Soria, called in old time Laodicea, A.  
Lori, B. a Fortress in Armenia, sometimes belonging to the Georgians, but now possessed by the Turks.   

M.  
MAcadems, B. a word used among the Drusiani for a Deputy, an Agent, or a chief Factor. For an Emir or Lord in Drusia. Look the 7. Book.  
Macuco, B. a Measure in Soria, wherewith they measure Corne. It is a little bigger than the bushel of Padua, that is four bushels and a half, Venetian measure.  
Malan, B. a City in Parthia.  
Mar delle Zabacche, B. in old time called Palus Moeotica, A. the Fens of Moeotis.  
Mar di Bachu, B. in times passed Mare Caspium, and Mare Hircanum, A. It is also at this day called the Sea of Corazum.  
Mar Maggiore, the great Sea. And Mar Nero, the black Sea, sometimes called Pontus Euxinus, A.  
Mar Morto, the dead Sea, sometimes called the Lake Asphaltitis, A.  
Marant, B. a City near to Armenia in the confines of the Medians, or rather within Media.  
Maras, B. a City in Cilicia, called by Bellonius and Ortelius, Maronia, A.  
Marmara, B. a City upon the Sea-coast of Thracia.  
Masandran, B. a City in Hyrcania.  
Massiat, B. a City in Parthia.  
Masul, T. a man cassiered, or deprived of his Office: in English, jack out of office.  
Mecca, B. a City in Arabia Foelix, where some think Mahamet was borne, and where he is also buried.  
Mengrellia, B. sometimes the Region of Colchos, A. famous for the golden Fleece.  
Meschita, B. the place where the Barbarians do meet together, to say their profane prayers: in English a Temple, or a Church.  
Miana, B. a City situate in the borders of Media the greater, of Persia, and of Parthia. It is peradventure so called, by the River that is near unto it, whose name is Miana.  
Miriza, and Mirize, P. the title of a Prince in Persia. The King's chief Lieutenant.  
Moldavia, a Region in Dacia.  
Mordar, P. a chancellor. The Turks call him Tescheregi.  
Mucaren: the first month of the Turkish year: much agreeing with our january.  
Mufti, T. the chief Priest.  
Mustaed-Dini, P. the same which the Turks call Mufti. The chief Priest.   

N.  
NAplos, B. in old time called Napoli, A. in Samaria: peradventure it was in time past Nephthalim, A.  
Nassivan, B. a City in Media the greater, or else in the confines of Media, and Armenia. Some think it to be Nasuana, and others take it to be Artaxata, A.  
Anatolia, in the opinion of Bellonius, comprehendeth all the Regions of Phrygia, Galatia, Bythinia, Pontus, Lydia, Caria, Paphlagonia, Lycia, Magnesia, Cappadocia, and Comagena.  
Neneruan, B. a place in Armenia bordering upon Georgia.  
Nisabul, B. a City in Aria.  
Nisaur, B. a City in the confines of Parthia and Hyrcania.  
Nosul, T. a Tax or collection of Corne.   

O.  
OLti, T. a place belonging to the Turks, between Erzirum and Ardachan.   

P.  
PAngiazar, B. a City bordering upon Hyrcania and Media the greater.  
Passin. Look Hassan-Chalasi.  
Persiani, The Persians. They are also called Aggiami, Cheselbas, & Sofiani. Persiani, of the Province of Persia: Aggiami, of the Region Azemia, or Aggiamia: Cheselbas, of the Redd-marke which these people wear in their Turbantes: and Soffians, of the Sofis, who is their chief Governor.  
Peruana-Giol, T. the lake of Sclaves. It is in Armenia.  
Phasis, A. a City in Colchis, called yet at this day Phasis and Fas.  
Porta, a Gate: but principally in this History it is taken for the Court of the Turkish Sultan: because all his Counsellors, and chief Governors of his kingdom do use to sit in the Gate of the emperors Court, to hear and dispatch causes aswell private as public.  
Portugal, in old time called Lusitania, A.   

R.  
RAfadi, B. a man of a false Religion, of a false faith.  
Rama, a Town in Palaestina, which Castaldo calleth Lidda. Peradventure it was that Rama, A. which mourned and wept for the great slaughter of the holy Innocents', Math. 2.  
Ramadan, T. one of the solemn feasts of the Turks. It is also the proper name of a man, and the name of a Moon. For as we have twelve Months, with their several proper names: so have the Turks their xii. Moons with their several proper names also.  
Reivan, B. a City in Armenia. It may be, it is Terua in Ptolemy. But I do not altogether agree with him in that point.   

S.  
SAffetto, B. a City in Galilee, inhabited by the jews.  
Saha, or Shah, P. the great King or Sofi of Persia.  
Saitan-Chalasi, B. the Castle of Satan, or the devils Castle, in the confines of Armenia and Georgia.  
Salmas, B. a City betwixt Tauris and Van, but Southward to them both.  
Sancazan, B. a place near to Tauris, famous in this History, aswell in respect of some battles there fought, as also of the death of General Osman, who died there.  
Sangiacco, B. a Lord, or a kind of Captain.  
Sardar, T. Captain of the jannizzaries, Captain of the Army, and properly the General.  
Saru, B. a City in Media the greater.  
Sasuar, B. a City in Parthia.  
Sciam, B. the City of Damascus. Look Damascus.  
Scutar, and Scutari, B. sometimes called Chalcedon, A. a City in Asia, right over against Constantinople. Some do erroneously call it Chrysopolis, A.  
Sechi, B. a City in Atropatia bordering upon Georgia.  
Seida, and Seit, B. in old time called Sidonia, A. a City on the Sea cost in Drusia.  
Sembran, B. a City in Parthia.  
Semitarra, B. a Scimitarre, a long crooked Sword. A Faulchon.  
Ser, B. a River sometimes called Cirus, A. that watereth the South part of Georgia.  
Sessa. Look Tocca and Turbante.  
Siec, B. an old, wise, Religious, learned, and prudent man. A man of good, and holy life.  
Siliurea, a City in Thracia called S●lymbria: Which the Persian calleth Selimbria, and Nicolo Nicolio, Seliurie.  
Sinibra, or Simbra In Ptolemy A. It is now called Erzirum, four days journey distant from Trabisonda.  
Sirrah, B. some call it Persepolis, A. and some Ciropolis. A. It is the chief palace of the Region of Persia.  
Siruan, and Siruania, B. sometimes called Media Atropatia. The Hebrews called it Madian, A.  
Siuas, B. in old time Sebastapolis, A. a City in Anatolia.  
Soffi, and Sofito, P. an ancient word signifying a wise man, learned and skilful in Magic Natural. It is grown to be the common name of the Emperor of Persia.  
Soffian, B. a place near unto Tauris. It may be perhaps the ancient Soffia.  
Soldin, B. a City upon the Sea-coast of Soria, destroyed long ago. It was called in old time Seleucia Pieria, A. within five miles whereof the River Orontes dischargeth itself into the Sea: But Castaldo in his description of Asia, doth not describe it in deed, as it standeth.  
Soria, B. in times past the Region of Syria, A.  
Spahini, T. a company of Turkish Soldiers so called.  
Spaoglani, B. a company of footmen, inferior in degree to the jannizzaries.  
Stambul, by the Turks and Arabians so called, in steed of Constantinople.  
Subassi, B. The Lieutenant or Captain of a Garrison or Guard.  
Sultania, a City in great Media.  
Sultano, or Sultan, B. a Captain. A great Lord▪ It is very often used for the Emperor of Turkey: as Sultan Amurath, the great Turk Amurath.  
Sumachis, and Sumachia, B. the chief Palace of Atropatia.  
Sunni, B. a man of sound faith, and sincere opinion in matter of Religion.  
Sur, B. a City upon the Sea-coast of Soria, in old time called Tyrus, A.   

T.  
TArtari, and Tatar, B. the Tartarians, inhabiting Scythia and Sarmatia.  
Tatar-Chan, B. the chief Lord or Governor of the Tartarians. He is called the great Chan of Tartary.  
Tauris, and Taruis, Read the Letter to S. Mario Corrado in the end of this book.  
Techisnandan, B. Certain Mountains in Caramania Deserta.  
Teflis, and Tiflis, a City in Armenia, but belonging to the Georgians.  
Teftiss, T. a Process or Bill of complaint, put up by the Plaintiff.  
Teracan, B. a City in Parthia.  
Tocca, B. the round Roll, which the Barbarians use to wear on their heads. It is also called Sessa and Turbante.  
Tomanis, a City in Armenia, but belonging to the Georgians, very famous for the notorious & treacherous straits that are near it.  
Trabisondo, B. a Sea-coast City upon Pontus Euxinus, called in old time Trapezuntium, A.  
Triala, B. a place in Armenia, renowned for a number of Churches there, which held of the Romish Religion.  
Triala, B. a Sea-coast City in Asia and 〈◊〉.  
Triala, B. a white Roll, which the Barbarians were upon their heads. Look Tocca.  
Turbat, B. a City in Parthia.  
Turcoman, a City betwixt Tauris and Casbin.  
Turcomanni, a people mingled among the Turks and Persians.  
Turcomania the greater, of old called Great Armenia, A.  
Tursis, B. a City in Parthia.   

V  
UAn, B. a City in the Martian Marish.  
Visier, B. a chief counsellor, or Governor general of the State of Turkey.  
Vlac, and Volacchi, T. Posts, or couriers to run of a message in haste.  
Vlu-Bassi, B. the Captain of a certain number of Soldiers, but not so high in degree as an Aga is.   

Z.  
ZAffo, and Giaffa, B. a City by the Seaside, in old times called joppa, A.  
Zagatai, B. certain Tartarians, comprehended under the name of the Sogdianis.  
Zaghen, B. a City in Armenia, inhabited by the Georgians.  
Zaini, T. a noble company of valiant Soldiers.  
Zanga, B. a City in great Armenia.  
Zante, B. an Island in the Ionian Sea, called in old time Zacynthus, A.  
Zine, B, certain festival signs and shows of public joy.  
Zuiria, B. a Region lying at the roots of Mount Caucasus, towards the Hyrcanian Sea, and was called in old time, Albania, A.   
FINIS