THE Mahumetane or Turkish History, containing three Books: 1 Of the original and beginning of the Turks, and of the four Empires which are issued and proceeded out of the superstitious sect of Mahumet. 2 Of their Conquests and the succession of the house of Ottoman, until the present reigning of Mahumet the third. 3 Of the wars and siege of Malta, which Solyman the great made to the great Master and brothers of that order. ¶ Hereunto have I annexed a brief discourse of the wars of Cypress, at what time Selimus the second, took from the Venetians the possession of that Island, and by reason thereof I have adjoined a small discourse containing the causes of the greatness of the Turkish Empire. Translated from the French & Italian tongues, by R. Carr, of the middle Temple in London, Gentleman. Dedicated to the three worthy brothers Robert Carr, William Carr and Edward Carr, in the County of Lincoln, esquires. ¶ AT LONDON, Printed by Thomas Este, dwelling in Aldersgate street: 1600. The Right Honble. Francis North Baron of Guildford 1703 ¶ To the right worthy and worshipful his loving cozen Robert Carr of Asuerby in the county of Lincoln Esquire, one in her majesties Commission of peace there. SIR the worthy estimation which first your Father, than yourself with your Worshipful Brothers have gotten, and ever retained in your country; for hospitality and many other your much commended virtues, together with the desire I have always naturally had to do that declining name: (arightly so called if in you & them it decay, whom all the rest hop'te to have seen the everlasting propagators of the same, and in which number I a sapplesse branch of that trunk am one) to whom I owe all service or aught which might add thereunto reputation; hath drawn me to make tender of these my traductions, from the French, Latin, and Italian tongues, of this Mahumetane or Turkish History, to your said self with your brothers, as true tokens of my devoted mind, whereof to the utmost of power you and they may dispose; Not for I think this Dedication or any other act of mine, can give aught to the fullness of your praises whereof every tongue that knows you plentifully speaks: But only for I seek in some honest office being an admirer of your and their virtues, to make known my affection (though myself unknown) which in many meditations hath often wished any occasion, that in true colours to you and them might once make it appear; And now not expecting longer any greater: (for what might he in occasion expect further whose value only consists in his mind) being importuned by the much entreaty of friends, that these my pains taken in this History might come abroad, I thought none so fit as well in regard of my said affection, as of your and their worthiness to whom to consecreate these my less worthy labours. Wherefore to you sir the first both in time and place I present this first book containing the Original of these Turckes with the four Monarchies descended of them as the forerunner both in time and place to the other following, and not unfitly appertaining: Because this book being furnished with much variety of matter as translations of Empires, change of government, small things from their mean beginnings growing to great perfection; great things by indiscretion and little consideration, ruined, and overthrown: Occasions happening and happily pursued, drawing estimation and advancement; neglected, pulling on dissolation and destruction. I say these and such like in this every where appearing to whom might I commend then yourself whose ripe age cannot but be freshly stored with multitudes of such good observations, gathered from precedents, and examples, foreign and domestic, both of these and former times: And surely when myself aright enter in consideration of these things (whereof these books are a rich storehouse) let me speak it with a reverend regard always (and under control of religion) I am in opinion often a Platonist, assigning all mortal affairs necessarily a period in their perfection, to which having attained, they fall into a retrograde of declining, until they be brought to the lowest degree which misery, can allot: nor there long continuing, again and again revive and arise from forth the ashes like to the Arabian Phoenix, (or as the Physicians talk of the state of our bodies) always either mending or impairing but never standing at one stay; So as holding on this continual course, the utmost point ever of felicity or infelicity is conjoined in the self same instant to his next contrary; which Macrobius well observing hath worthily depictured in these words. Non possunt primi esse omnes omni tempore Summum ad gradum claritatis cum veneris Consists eager, & citius quam discendas decides Cecidi eg●, cad●t qui sequitur, l●●s est publica: And as we see in casting up accounts those, and the same counters to fall in places now of pounds now of pence, without any certain continuance other than sorts to their course: So not unlike is our condition here, commanded still with the change either of better or worse, whereof Seneca according to his grave manner hath thus said; Nulla sors longa dolour & voluptas▪ I nuicem ●adunt: brevior voluptas. I ma permutat brevis ho●a summis: Nemo confidat nimium secundis. Nemo disperet meliora La●sis. Which reasons whilst more narrowly I do examine (though not so nicely as Plato to say that through the operation of the superior bodies in these inserior, or by the revolution of the heavens in this or that time this or that shall fall forth) have beegotten in me a belief for maintaining a second of his assertions viz. Omnes servi ex regibus & omnes reges ex servis oriundi. For if in the restless variation of things and progress of time, unavoidable ruin attend the succession of greatness, but advancement on the posterity of misery: who lives in so base and abject fortune who may not challenge his being from worthy ancestors, and assure himself in him or his to see the arising Sun of bright shining honour; As on the contrary, what other advanced to the highest degree of dignity, who may not suspect the means of his first beginning, and justly fear in the weaning of his fortunes to what condition (by the violence of this currant) he or his may be brought; All this I say am I drawn more readily to lean too; by reason of this present history, for beholding herein from how lowly and small beginnings the victorious & never degenerating race of these Ottamans', together with the invincible nations of their Turks are grown; that being but bare breach Tartar's only, run out of the caves of those horrid countries of the Rifean and Caucasus mountains, yet have with glorious success in their attempts led captivity captive, made themselves now conquerors over the whole East; & in fine are become even the terror of the West. Sacking infinite numbers of Cities and Countries: despoiling multitudes of Princes and high descended families of their lives, together with their crowns and kingdoms: and this done in so few years space above all opinion, or what else before was ever executed by the antic world. It cannot be but to that which the course of things doth daily cast upon them; (if there be a course in things which is not my purpose further here to dispute:) God almighty in his secret judgements doth hasten their proceedings, to chastise the ingratitude of us Christians for the small thankfulness we show for so many his gracious benefits liberally, (though unworthily) bestowed on us. But my office is not of a divine, having in purpose to make known only what they have even from the first done, and daily do, rather than the reason of the deed, how it is or can be done. In which I here present you and your Worshipful brothers with three books. This of their Original, and the several Monarchies descended from them; Another of their conquests and the succession of the house of Ottoman, whose greatness hath in manner drowned all the rest; The third of the small gainful attempt given by Soliman (great Grandfather to Mahumet the third of that name who now reigneth) to the Isle of Malta, or Melita, defended chiefly by the forces of the great Master, and the valiancy of the worthy brothers of that order. By which last book I would thus much infer, that since the prowess of so small a handful was not only able to withstand, but repel the fury and huge forces of so confident an enemy, puffed up with pride & assurance of so many rich spoils and gained victories: O what then would the forces of Christian Princes united do, so we might but once see the glorious beams of that bright shining day appear. To this I have annexed likewise an abstract (borrowed from the Italians) of such causes as are said to give greatness to the Turckish Empire a breviate only of a larger work yet by me unfinished, divided into three books which by god's grace shall come forth shortly, shadowed with the favours of you & your brother's names. These former in the mean time if it shall please you to respect with that kind acceptance which from you they seek, though not well deserve: I of my pains receive a large requital, who desire nothing more; Lastly whereas severally I assign dedications of these books to you & your brothers, upon my several reasons in their Epistles set down: it is not of any purpose to divide you or them from the pleasure of any part, which I wish should be common unto all: but rather to express thereby your mutual nature's comformities, for as these books though diversly directed, yet thus together perticipate their content to all readers alike if they please, whereto the dedication gives no hindrance. So you of all living brothers (with the mighty admiration of men) in distinct bodies are said to have in every good thing one and the same unchangeable will & mind always resident: where meum and tuum the worlds sole contentions never take place. Thus wishing to your Worship all content of your desires, and therein the full fruition of your health, with much affection prayed for by many, I take my leave and to your good opinion commend me; From the middle Temple this 20. of March. 1600. Your kinsman in all faithful service at command R. Carr. I: S: To his kind friend R. C. THe well fed paunch, sound sleeps and proud attire From face of men hath banished virtue quite Whereby the course of nature's free desire Is clean corrupt by customs foul despite. So every light is spent which gracious heaven Assigned▪ this life our staggering steps to stay That now a worthy wonder it shall seem If any one shall glorious acts assay. The Laurel wits reward, the Myrtle eloquent Drowned in contempt with fair Philosophy The gaining people hold for time misspent And few folks feet the straiter path do try Yet gentle friend let me of you require, Pursue▪ the praise due to your heart's desire. C: S: To his loving cozen & good friend. R. C. I Speak no praise to thee my cozen kind 〈…〉 (For well of aught I know you seek no praise) But joy to see that these our better days Shall be adorned with beauties of thy mind. O how I feared thy modest thoughts inclined To sit in silence musing mourning lays In scorn of fame and all that honour raise would drown the parts which heaven to thee assigned I know thy worth and so shall many more (Unless thyself and many more thou wrong) And since begoone to set thyself in shoe Bring out thy store in darkness hid too long, Nor doubt not aught for if (as erst) I see, That pleaseth others which once pleaseth me. R: M: To hiis friend. R: C: NO little glory gain they I confess who fitly foreign tongues our language teach: Yet he far more deserves without impeach, His own brains birth who well did e'er express. Then gentle friend make you yourself not less To post us French and Latin in our speech: But broach those quieres of rare conceit and reach, Which I have seen most worthy of the press. Those love sick Sonnets, those pleasing Comedies, Which oft with much attention I have heard; That rich discourse, where love in loving dies: And of all wits those, paradoxs preserd. (O) let this age but some of these behold And praise thy pen writ in a vain of gold. The answer to his friend. R: M: MY dearest friend I willingly confess, That I whose life should other lead & teach, Am not devoid of blame, and foul impeach, Which (O,) I would no tongue could ere express. Now for I have myself in wotth made less: Too stale a fable to the public speech, Is't not enough: but that I furthther reach To blaze my follies in a printing press. No pardon no, both songs and Comedies, And what besides pleasing applause hath heard, Without remorse in their creation dies: To birth and burial rites at once preserd. Too much of these did men in me behold, O would time past could be regaind with gold. FINIS. The Preface, To the courteous Reader. IT is no small wonder unto me gentle Reader, though the worth of the argument contained in these books were less, why the examples of other nations (as in other things) should not so much prevail with our country men, as to stir up some, according to the precedents in many other languages (wherewith the world in large volumes is fraught,) to have written somewhat of these Turkish affairs; For if we regard the greatness of their attempts, their fortunateness in success, their discipline, or what else may add aught to military glory: you shall find them in my conceit not inferior but superior far in every thing which hath given estimation to former ages, of which books we see every hand and study full, whilst these alone are hid from our people for want of some pain taking pen that might transfer so rich treasure from strangers unto us. If new things delight, (according to the natural engrafted condition of man,) these are new; If benefit be expected in books, (& especially in histories,) for counsel & forewarning mischiefs in the examples and harms of others, from what former history may we reap greater than this: stored with so many and notable precedents of all sorts, fresh bleeding as it were before our eyes, (and which should be a greater motive) telling of ensuring danger, not much divided from our own doors, when daily we lamentably see our neighbour's houses not far of flaming. New fashioned clothes derived from strangers, are every day much esteemed, new fashioned manners, new fashioned wits are affected: then either for the worth or fashion, let these French and Italian traductions receive your favourable censures: I did propound no greater gain in my pains, and hope of your courtesies to obtain no less, which granted shall encourage me to show you yet somewhat more worthy ere long in this argument, wherein I having first (for aught I know) broken the ice (saving only the History of Scanderbegg of the late Persian wars, & that of Tamburlaine though exceeding well done yet but particular parts of this discourse) shall be glad to hear of any companion▪ for further pains, to whom this subject will afford enough of sufficient and worthy matter; And so craving you would friendly correct what faults in the Impression have passed either by me or the Printer, I take my leave, and rest the servant of every well willing reader. R. Carr. The Original and beginning of the Turks, and of the four Empires which are issued and proceeded out of the superstitious sect of Mahumet. COnsidering that I have the pen in hand, I make so mine account, that I were as good to make an end as to stay, until you required of me, from whence the nation of the Turks are come, & what manner people they be, that have been so much unknown to our predecessors saving about three hundredth years agone, and that Pomponius Mela, and Pliny have made some mention of them and numbered them among the Scythians. But, to declare truly, their original and beginning, it behoveth to begin at the Sarazens, and than to write of the Empires, that have been engendered of their wicked and abominable superstition and sect, as the Caliphe of Baudras, the Miramamolin of Aphrick, the Souldain of Egypt, the Assan or sophy of pierce. For these are they from whom the Turks are proceeded. MAHOMET, (whom some do call Muhamet, and the Turks mehemet, that is to say, loved or praised,) was an Arabian; & borne in a village (nigh to Mecque) called Itrarip, about the year, of our Lord & saviour jesus Christ 600. at such time as the Emperor Heraclius governed in Grecia, & king Dagobert reigned in France, his father was named Abdala, which word may be interpreted, the servant of God, though in deed he was a Gentile and very Idolater. But Mahumet being an Orphan at the age of eight years, was left in the regiment of one of his uncles, named Abutaliph, who caused him to be instructed by a jew in the Mathematical and natural Sciences▪ and after that to be married at the age of fifteen or sixteen years, and then instructed him in the trade of Merchandise, which he practised both in Egypt and Sury, where not a little he frequented the company of jews & Christians, but chiefly with a Monk of the order of saint Benet called john, (as the Bishop of Ptolomais or A●on reporteth,) as also with another Monk called Sergius an heretical Nestorian, of whom he learned the holy Scriptures, & especially the old & new Testament. To which knowledge when he had attaigned & considered with himself, that it was no great difficult matter under the shadow of Religion, so to draw to him the Arabians being but gross, rude, and idolaters: he therefore absented himself out of company and remained secret by the space of two years. And after that presented himself to the people saying, that all the while of his absence, he was with the Angel Gabriel who taught and gave to him the law of God; and that to believe in Idols was foolish & vain. But perceiving, that at that time, his words could obtain small credit, he invented another policy. For which purpose he had an Esclave called Zeidimy to whom he told that the will of God was, that all men should be free, & therefore did give him immediately his liberty, whereby from every part, all the Esclaves in a country repaired to Mehemet, and gave him such credit, that whatsoever he commanded, they obeyed him: In so much as this company, thus drawn togethers, brought no little dread and fear to some great and wealthy families in Mecque, as were the Caraxins, Haximins, and Benimitains', who upon the intelligence of the drawing togethers of this wicked pack, took armour against them. Whereof Mehemet getting intelligence, fled immediately, and retired himself to the town of Almedine, sithence called Medinathalmaby, which is so much to say, as Medin of the Prophet, where he began in such sort to preach to the jews, that in steed to believe him, they beat him in sundry fights and his Esclaves also. So as in one of these skirmishes Mehemet got such a stroke overthwart his face, that not only he lost two of his sore teeth, but also was left for dead in a dike there, wherein he was cast: though in the end he overcame the jews. And because the Arabians, (which indeed be descended from Ishmael the son of Abraham, and of Agar his wives maid,) were called Agarins; he caused to be ordained (in that it was not honourable for his people to carry the name of a woman servant,) that from thence forth they should be named Saracens, deducted from the name of Sara, the lawful wife of Abraham, alleging that Ishmael was engendered of Sara and not of Agar her maiden. The which name of Saracens, so long endured, unto such time as the Turks did abolish both the name and the nation, as hereafter I will declare. Mahumet having thus crept into credit among this ignorant and rude people, that he was a Prophet and messenger of God, he acquainted himself with a Lady of no little wealth and riches; named Tadiga or Cadiga being a widow, and so to the purpose, he behaved himself towards her, that he married her, although he had three other wives besides her, whereof the one was called Anosse, the second Ahasse, and the third named Seick, or Zeich, whom he ravished from one that was one of his bringers up, besides a Concubine that he had called Marie a Christian woman of the sect of the jacobits. And than he began to publish his damnable law that it was lawful for any man to have four wives. Howbeit, through the marriage of this Lady, Mahumet was wonderful re'nforced and strengthened, in such sort, as that through his wealth that he did get, he was able to wage soldiers. Whereby partly by source, and partly by good opinion that was had in him, all his neighbours obeyed him, and so as his train growing to such a number through the multitude of Saracens that repaired to him, the Emperor Heraclius (who at that time had under his dominion, both the countries of Surie, Egypt, and afric) served himself with these people in his wars against the Persians. Howbeit, it so afterwards came to pass, that at a pay of the emperors army, among whom at that time were certain bands of the Saracens, so as money was not so plenty there at that instant, able to pay the whole army: And that he, which had the order of the pay of the army among whom the bands of Saracens also were attending for their wages, undescretly gave answer to the Saracens, that the Emperor had not money enough, there to pay the Chrictians, that were Soldiers; and therefore they being but dogs, ought not to demand for wages. With which answer, the Saracens being not a little moved, departed from the service of the Emperor, and returned into afric where they found Mahumet. The Emperor Heraclius, afterward sent into afric to levy his tribute there, which seemed to be not a little grievous to the Africans to be so much troubled with subsidies, as they were: they falling into a mutiny, (and stirred thereto also with the subtle persuasions of Mahumet, that told them, the pleasure and will of God was that each one should live at liberty,) the Commissaries of the Emperor were there slain, and the countries of Egypt and afric revolted wholly from the obedience of the Empire; of which rebellion; Mahumet was chief and their General: Who by reason of the same was immediately pursued both by the Christians and jews. And albeit the Emperor did send against him a great army under the leading of one of his Nobility called Theodore, who fought sundry battles with the Africans: yet in the end Theodore being overthrown and slain. Mahumet with his Sarazius after this victory departed from thence, & invaded the countries of Sury & Mesopotamia, and made conquest of the same. Thus than the greeks, lost the countries of Sury, Egypt, and afric, & other territories which the Emperors of Rome and Grecia, had ever in possession from the time of julius Cesar, saving that part of afric which the Vandals held who were Christians, though Arrians, & there had continued from the time that the romans, suffered them to inhabit: And so Mahumet was crowned king in Damascus, about the year of our Lord God 630. and lived after about ten years. After the death of Mahumet the Saracens preferred to his kingdom one of his disciples & familiars, named Othamar whom▪ the Turks do call Othmar. howbeit some affirm that he that next succeeded Mahumet was one called Bubacher, otherwise named Caliph which word signifieth enheritor or successor, because he was placed in the room & authority of Mahumet, and so after him were called all his successors, though some Italian authors do call them Alipha. The chiefest place where the Caliph had his residence, was established at the city of Baudars which the Italians call Baldat, & the Turks Bagdet, that sometime was the famous city of Babylon though others hold opinion that this City, was that, which in times past was named Susa, and is situated upon the river of Euphrates. About this time the Saracens conquered in a little space (upon the greeks) the territory of Caramanie anciently called Cilitia where the city of Antioch standeth, and Pamphilia which at this day is called Scauri, and the town of Selucia named by the inhabitants there Scandalor, and after that they made enterprise upon the kingdom of Persia, which they call Pharsie and this was about that time when the greeks did cut of the nose, and the tongue also, of the Empress Martin and Heraclion her son and of the Emperor Heraclius, because they enpoisoned Constantine the eldest son of Heraclius begotten upon an other wife at such time also the Lumbards' entered into Italy. Of Persia, at this time, was king one called Hormisda, named also by Hayton (that writeth of these matters) Ascaiorth elected king next after Adaesar, son of Syroe son of Cosroe or Cosdroe whom the Emperor Heraclius took prisoner when he recovered the city of Jerusalem. Hormisda, having assured intelligence▪ that the Saracens were coming to invade him, ●ought for succours at such as were his neighbours and chiefly of those of Turquesten who frontered upon the Persians on the West & towards the East on the realm which Hayton calleth Tarsie, and upon the famous river of Indus towards the North, and to the Corasmins and Med▪ on the South (which are the very confines and limits which Pliny and Strabo do appoint to the Parthes') whom the Turks do call Turguestain as Francis Freinston saith. This nation which sithence by the Frenchmen & other have been named Turguimans, and afterward Turks, (who among them at that time had no manner of law or policy, departed out of their country, to the number of six thousand fight men, to come to the succour of king Hormisda. But because (according to their custom) they brought their wives and children with them, they were the longer in coming, so as before they came, the Saracens and king Hormisda had sought togethers, and Hormisda overthrown and slain, about the year of our Lord God 640. And so the Saracens became Lords of Persia and of the whole countries about, saving the realm of Abeas, which is in Georgia, & a part of the greater Armenia called Haloen who were the refuge & receptacle of Christians. The Turqui●●ains being by this arrived, (in that part of Persia named Chorister or C●●●osley and by some C●roz●i●) they understood of the overthrow and death of Hormisda: for which cause, they stayed there, and fortified themselves in the best wise they could, and sent unto the Saracens, requesting to accept them as their friends, & withal that they would receive tribuit from them, for which always they would be at their commandment to serve them faithfully in their wars, if it would further vouchsafe the Saracens to beestow on them the place, where they at that time were to inhabit. The Saracens received their embassage courteously & accepted them as their friends and offered Tributaries, howbeit they caused the Turks to lodge further of in a part of another country which they appointed them; to th'end that if they revolted; they should do the Saracens less harm. In this manner remained the Turks or Turquimains, tributaries, & as it were subjects to the Saracens, whose customs, laws, & manners, they quickly learned through continual trade and frequentation which they had a among the Saracens; insomuch, as in the end there was no manner of difference betwixt▪ them, either in religion, law, or form of life, which was very easy for the Turks to do considering, that be over they lived without any law, rule, or policy, which they were sooner moved to embrace only to be partakers of the honours and riches which the Saracens, of whom these Turks became familiar companions and marvelously well beloved, for that they tried themselves to be every where in their wars, their best soldiers. Thus they lived togethers about three hundred years, that they were accounted in manner to be of one nation. Howbeit the Turquimains kept themselves always a part by themselves and grew to be of such wealth and might, that about the year of our Lord God 1400 they became masters over the Saracens, by occasion of discord growing among the Saracens themselves, as hereafter shall be declared. This first Caliphe, endured not very long, because another Sarazin named Ascaly, chased him from his place, purposing to have usurped his room, howbeit he could not so attain it, for he was slain by the Saracens, who preferred another (to that dignity) called Haly. Haly the second Calphe: was cousin german to Mahumet, & his son in law (as some affirm) having married Fa●●ma, (whom the Turks pronounce Fatma) the daughter of Mahumet, whose laws Haly changed, or rather annulled, and made new of his own invention, through which innovation of religion, or rather superstition, the Saracens became marvelously divided: Insomuch as those which followed Mahumet made a Caliph in Egypt. The others remained in Persia with Haly who always continued in such reverence and estimation as well among them as with the Turks at this day, that incontinently next to Mahumet when they go about any of their affairs, they say Alla, Mahumet, Haly, God Mahumet and Haly. Thus the Saracens began to be divided among themselves the which division hath ever sithence continued and endureth yet: For albeit the Turks & the Persians also are in effect very Mahom●●ists, yet differ they so in ceremonies, & other contrarieties of opinion, that the one do account the other very heretics. The Caliphe doth execute his office as though he were both their Pole and their Emperor. For these Caliphes' do ordain governors and officers through every province where they have authority, which they call Sultan's, which may be interpreted Provosts o● governors▪ But by succession of time, this term Sultan, ●s converted to an appellation or name royal, and signifieth the word king. At the time of this As the Latin word Imperator at the first was no name of Regal power and authority. first division there was a Sultan of Alexandrie named Selym that killed the first Caliphe of Egypt, and returned in obedience to the Caliphe of Baudras to have favour. After this, part of those Sarazens of Egypt that would not come to the obedience of the Caliph of Baudras, passed into afric & chased from thence the Vandals, which were Christians, but heretics, maintaining the abominable error of the Arrians, where these Vandals had domination sithence the time of their king Gencericus, who with his nation being vandals were chased out of Hispain by the Goths (that were Arrians as they also were) and so arrived in afric in the time of the Emperor Theodosius the young son of Arcadius about the year of our Lord God 410. and after were tributaries to the Emperors of Constantinople where they remained unto the year of our Lord God 668, that the Saracens (as above said) their first entered; and established a general to rule over them, whom they named a Miramamolin, which is so much to say as a ruler or lord over the people, & ordained his residence & place of dignity, to be at M●r●hque, at this day called Tunes nigh to Cartage. Which name of Miramamolyn hath sithence been changed: for at this day they call their king Moulee, as he that at this day reigneth at Tunis, is called Moule Assan that is to say, king or Seigneur Assan. I would not describe to you further at length what the Saracens did, after their conquests of Persia & afric. But will admit a little intermission unto the year of our Lord God 1040. at which time they were subdued by the Turks or Tursquimains their tributaries. For otherwise that were against my purpose, determining rather to make an Epitome or abridgement, than a whole large Chronicle of their doings. THE year of grace 660. Mehua (which signifieth sudden or hasty) Sultan of Egypt, successor of Selym took the Isle of Rhodes, and carried away the famous coloss or pillar of Brass that was esteemed on height three score and ten else, which an Earthquake overthrew as Pliny affirmeth. IN the year of our Lord God 660. Abdalla (the Sultan of Egypt after Mehua,) came to Syracuses; where sometime was slain the Emperor Constantins son to Constantine, whom his mother in law Martin, wife to Heraclius caused there to be poisoned: where the Saracens sacked the town with a great part of the riches of Rome which the said Constantins before had caused to be brought thither to have conveyed the same to Constantinople. ABOUT the year of 690. Abimelech (which word may be interpreted the father of the King) invaded Hispain, with a navy of 270. ships, but was repulsed, and from thence, passed into afric, from whence, again the Saracens were chased by the Emperor justinian the second: And so Abimelech was the first Miramamolyn among the Saracens, against whom, the Emperor Leonce sent a Captain of his, named Tiberius who by the army was made Emperor, and so without executing further his charge, returned to Constantinople, against his Master Leonce, where after he had taken him, and cut of his nose; he cast him in prison in which the miserable Leonce remained all his life: These matters being done at the time, when Sergius, the first of that name, was Pope. And Theodorick or Thierry son of Clovys' reigned King in France. IN the year of our Lord God 712. Sultan Selyman (which is so much to say as peaceable) whom, some do call QULEMEN, the Caliphe of Baudraz besieged Constantinople, but through pestilence and famen, poslessing his Camp, he was driven to raise his siege, which before had been continued by the space of two years. And this was, at what time the Emperor Theodoxe had taken his predecessor Anastasius & made him a Monk, when Giegory the twelfth was Pope, and Chilperic the last King of the line of Pharamonde reigned in France. IN this time, also Mizza Miram●molin, successor of Abimelech, ●t the request of julian the Conte of Consuegra (who was sent as Ambassador to him, fr●▪ Rodrigo King of Hispain) caused twelve thousand men under the leading of his general called Cariph, to pass into Hispain against the said King Rod●rigo to revenge the injury done to the said Conte julian, in that Rodrigo had deflowered the daughter (or as some do say the wife) of the said Conte julian, called Caba, as the Chronicles of Hispain do make mention: Who landed at Gibraltar which place our ancients name Calpe and the Saracens, Gibelcariph (the Mount of Cariph,) and from thence marched alongst the famous River of Bet is (and by the Sarizens named Guadalquiber) which is so called unto this dav. Where nigh unto the same, in a fought battle the said King Rodrigo, (who was the last king of the line of the Goths) was slain. And taking hold of occasion the Sarazens so far then proceeded, that they conquered in manner the whole kingdom of Hispain, where they lost the name of the Saracens and were called by the Spanierds, Moors of the name of the country in afric (from whence they came) called Mauritania. THE year 725. Eudes' Duke of. Aquitain, otherwise called the D●chie of Guien (descended from Alarie king of the Goths, who in the year of our Lord 412. at such time as the Emperor Honorius reigned) did possess the same duchy of Guien, from whence passing into Hispain, and from thence chase the Vandals, as before I have said, brought into France (against Theoderick brother of Chilperic, sons of Dagobert the second of that name: which Theodorick was the last king of the line of Pharamont.) Those Saracens, (who at that time were in Hispain, conducted by Abderaman (whom the French Historiographers do call Adramar) King of Cordova, who after their entry into France, took the towns of Bourdeaulx, Tholose, Narbone, Nimes, Arles and Avignon, Platina, Blondus, Sabellicus, and other Historiographers do write that those Saracens came even to towers, where they were fought with, by Charles Martel, (father of Pippin,) and overthrown so as all that ever was won by them before, was again recovered by the same King Charles, and the Saracens chased into Hispain, where after they remained more than 700. years. Unto such time as Ferdinand the king of Arragon did win from them the City and Country of Granado: (which was in the year of our Lord God 1487.) Howbeit, there tarried and remained still sundry towns and villages entire, peopled with the Saracens whom the Emperor Charles (the fifth of that name) coming to his dominions in Hispain found their dwelling, and caused to embrace the christian faith, yet they could never be compelled to change their habit or the language of the Saracens, nor perhaps secretly their abominable Mahometical sect, what face outwardly so ever they show. In the year of our Lord God 500 the Saracens of afric, did take the Isles of Corsica and Sardinia, and two and twenty years after they peeled and sacked the Isles of Candia and Sicilia, and so held them more than two hundredth years: at what time Pope Leo was persecuted by the Lumbards', and succoured by Charlemagne. The year of our Lord God 837. The Saracens under the leading of Sultan Sava won the port of Civitavechia, in Italy and sacked the city oh Rome, and the Church of Saint Peter, with the Mont Cassin (otherwise called Saint german, which is the chief monestary or abbey of Saint Benet. And twenty years after that they took the port of Ancona and over ran all the coasts on that side of the golf of Venice, and likewise those on tother side on the coast of Sclavonie: and this done in the reigns of Lotharie son of Lois le Piteux king of France, and Michael Emperor of Constantinople about the year of our Lord God 900. they likewise assailed the territories of Pulia & Calabria in the kingdom of Naples, & won Mont Gargan, otherwise called Le Mont Saint Auge) when as Constantine son of Leo, who was son of Basilius. Emperor of Constantinople reigned and that Berengier (of the line of the Lombard's) caused the eics of Lewes (who was last Emperor of the line of the French men and son unto to the Emperor Arnold) to be put forth. In the year 923. Roman the Emperor of Constantinople, did stir the Saracens to invade the territories of Pulia and Calabria which rebelled against him: Howbeit the Saracens were overthrown at the river of Garriglian by the Marquiz of Tuscan named Aulbry or Alberic, at the especial instance of Pope jehan the eleventh of that name. In the year 930. the Saracens won the town of Gennes, and spoiled all that coast of the Sea, when the Berengiers occupied the Empire, & fortified the town of Fraxinet which they kept 100 years. Thus the Saracens continued invading and spoiling the sertile regions of Italy (while the controversies were depending about the right of possessing the Empire, between the French, the greeks, and Lombard's, & the dissensions were on foot between the Popes & the people of Rome in such sort, as they enjoyed the most part of Pulia and Calabria which they kept even unto the year of Grace 990 or thereabouts, that they were chased both from thence and out of Sicilia also, by Tancred de Haulte Ville, or Haulte Fu●ille in Normandy, (who first began with them) but ended by Guillaume Ferrabach son of the said Tancred, with the help of Maloch lieutenant of Michael Cathalau Emperor of Greece: And so they did bring back from the hands of the Saracens Pulia, Calabria, and Sicilia, whereof the said Guillaume remained lord, in the time of Robert the French king, and of the Emperor Otho, the third of that name. In the year of our Lord 1040. the number of Sultains or Soldains began to be many: For in every Province, the Caliph) as I before declared) did institute one as at Damascus one; at Hames another; at Halep the third: in Egypt another, & the like in sundry other places; who falling at dissension one with the other, did in the end reuoult from the obedience of the Caliph. In Hispain likewise, every of the Moors that could get under his obedience a city or town, would immediately usurp the name of a king, as at Granado, Cordova, Toledo, Sarragosa, Civilia, and Valentia. In like manner was it used in afric, as at Tunes, Tripoli, Bugia, Maroch, Fez, and Tremessen and other places also there, so as in manner no kind of amity or friendship was maintained among these kings, but for the most part continual dissension & wars. Whereof when the Turks had got intelligence (who as yet rested under the obedience of the Caliph who were marvelously this while increased both in wealth & number of people) and withal perceiving that the Saracens were wonderfully weakened and diminished through these intestine divisions & wars thus among themselves; they made a king whom they called Sadoc (which name is so much to say as Just) and invaded the Saracens whom within short time they overthrew, so as thereby they made themselves shortly dominators over whole Persia and Syria, always with great reverence regarding in no wise to touch the Caliph, for the high estimation that they bore him who was suffered still to live quietly at Baudras. And at whose hands the said Sadocke would be named and created the Sultan of asia, howbeit he lived not long after. After Sadoc, his son Dogriz succeeded, who did annex to the got Empire of his father the country of Mesopotamia which Diogenes the Emperor of Constantinople had recovered from the Saracens at such time as they had wars among themselves as likewise the whole country of Cilicia, which he gave to his cozen Arthot. To Dogriz succeeded Aspalam his son; who about the year of our Lord God 1080. did send his Nephew Solyman into Cappadocia (being than under the possession of the greeks) to whom he gave all there, that he could conquer: Who in such sort guided his affairs, that he brought under his obedience the whole Asia the less; except the Sea coasts towards the South, and the Isle of Cypress: And this was that valiant Soliman that gave charge upon the famous Godefroy de Buillon and the army of the christians remaining in siege before the town of Niece, in Asia the less, as before I have showed; which Solyman the said Hayton doth name Solimansa. About this time a Gentleman of Hispain named Rodrigo de Vuiar, chased the Moors out of a great part of the realm of Valence in Arragon and from much of Whence ● family of Mendoza in Spain had their beginning. Castille, who was named by the Moors, through his excellency, Cyd: (that is to say, Lord) and Cyd Ruydas, from whom the noble & famous race of the Mendozzas are descended. To Aspalam succeeded Melechla his son who sent Arthot the Sultan of Mesopotamia to Antioch, whereunto also by his commandment, came the said Solyman and took the same city with all the country about, and thus you see how the greeks lost all Asia the less. Belchiarot, son of Melechla reigned after his father, who lived when as Godefroy and the christians passed into the holy land, and besieged the city of Antioch in Suria, being then under the dominion of the said Belchiarot, and by him committed to the defence of a Turk named Assan or Cassan whom in Antioch he had ordained his General, to whom after he sent in succour one named (by Hayton) Cerbagat, and by the Frenchmen Corbadas, who arrived there when the christians had already gotten Antioch, where upon he besieged them in the same city a long time, but in the end Corbadas was fought with by the christians overthrown & put to flight, as in the History of that journey plainly appeareth, wherefore Corbadas now returning back into Persia found that Belchiarot was dead, & that his youngest brother pretending right to the crown was slain. Now when the Turks of Persia could not accord and agree whom to make their King, but fought long among themselves thereupon, the fame of their dissension came to the ears of the Georgiens' and Armenians their neighbours, being christians, who considering the great army of the other christians than remaining in Sury, immediately invaded the Turks thus divided among themselves, and did beat & chase them out of Persia, so that such of the Turks as could escape some retired towards Solyman, and some to Arthot, and others of their nation, being than in Asi● the less. And this was in the year of our Lord God 1106. at such time as Baldovin brother to Godsrey reigned king in Jerusalem. This Georgiens' after that they had thus chased the Turks out of Persia peeled and spoiled the country, & forbearing from farther pursuit of their good fortune (as they should) against the soldans of Damascus, Halep, Hames, and others that remained in quietness. But with the Armenians departing from the realm of Persia, a certain people among the Corasmins (whom some Latin Historiographers do call Grossiones) neighbours to that province which divers do think to be those whom the ancients do name to be the Medes who upon the East have the Sea called Mare Caspium, Hircanum or Abucuth, and on the South Turquesten or Parthia, and upon the North Cumania or Alania, and upon the Occident or West Persia and Armenia the greater) who had none other vocation, trade or condition of life, but lived like herdsmen and keepers of cattle, having among them neither house or town (howbeit very valiant in wars) these entered then into Persia, where, of very poor caitiffs, they became a rich people and made a King among them called lalaladin (which signifieth the gift or grace of God.) With this their king they became so hardy and bold as to invade the Turks being in Asia the less: howbeit they were encountered by the soldan of Turk named Aladin & overthrown in a sore fought field in which conflict lalaladin their King lost his life, & the rest that escaped did assemble themselves in the plain of Rohai●, with purpose to have entered into Sury. But the soldan of Aleph did enbarre them of that passage, & chased them even unto the deserts of Arabia, who from thence, travasing the territory of Chaldee or Assyrie, they passed the river of Euphrates nigh to a castle there named Cacabe, and entered into judea (otherwise called the Jerusalem) where they committed much outrage and damage. Howbeit in the end this multitude of disordered people could not long abide togethers considering every of them would be a ruler, so as their Captain that should have commanded could not be obeyed, and so they departed by troops and companies, whereof some retired towards the Sultan of Damascus, others towards him of Halep, & some to him of Hames, but the most of them repaired to the Sultan of Egypt, to whom likewise repaired their Captain Bartat; seeing himself so abandoned and forsaken of his own soldiers. And thus decayed the force of this nation of the Corasmins (whom the writers of the passage and journey of Godfrey do call Hoarmins',) who maintained their reputation but a little time. IN this manner the Turks remained in Surie, chiefly the Corasmins. Now for the Saracens they divided themselves into little realms unto the year of our Lord God 1240. or thereabouts, that the Tartars overthrew them as hereafter shall be declared; whilst in the mean time the Turks daily continued wars against the kings of Hyerusalem as followeth. IN the year of our Lord God 1103. the Turks took prisoner Boemund the Prince of Antioch (son of Robert Guiscard surnamed Courbespine descended from Tancred, the Norman of whom before I made mention.) Who, three years after, was redeemed by his nephew Tangrey. IN the year 1105. the Turks made head against Baldwyn the first of that name (King of Hyerusalem brother Ptolemais Opp: nunc Acre. Laodicea Opp nunc, Licquee Berythus Opp: nunc, Baruth. of Godefray) as he besieged the town of Acre, and were overthrown, after which that town (otherwise called Accon and Ptolemais) was taken by Baldowyn together with the town of Licquee, which the ancients called Laodicea. And four years after that he took the town of Baruth sometime called Berythus, and so likewise the town of Sydon. In the year of our Lord 1115 the Turks vanquished and put to flight king Baldwin the second of that name at Montreal. In the year 1120. King Baldwin took Gazis (whom some do call Gary,) from the soldan of Damaz. In the year of our Lord 1122. King Baldwin was taken prisoner by Balach (named by some Alaph) Gamela Opp: nunc, Hames. soldan of Hames (anciently called Camela or Gamela and Gaucamela.) which word Balach signifieth a destroyer: So as he remained there prisoner by the space of one year. The year of our Lord God 1128 King Baldwin discomfited Doloquin (of some named Baldoquin) and of others called Baldecan, soldan of Damaz, who succeeded to the soldan Gazes. The year 1132 Foulques Daniou who married the daughter of King Baldwin, & succeeded in the kingdom Geth: nunc Ybelim. of Jerusalem, overthrew the Turks at Ybelim which Place holy Scripture calleth Geth. The year 1140 or there abouts, Alaph (or Balach) soldan of Hames, took the town of Rohaiz & there unmercifully murdered a great number of Christians. The year 1143 King Baldwin the third of that name, son of king Fulque discomfited at Hierico, the valiant Norradin (son to Baldecan,) Sultan of Damaz. The year 1146. The Emperor Conrade and King Lewes of France, son of Lewes le Groz passed into Surie, where with king Baldowin they besieged the town of Damascus, but could not take the same, and therefore they returned home into their Countries. The year 1148 after the departure of these said two Princes, Norradin the soldan of Damascus besieged Antioch, where Raimond the Conte of Antioch issuing forth in a skirmish was unfortunately slain, the Contes of Rohaiz and Tripoli taken prisoners, which Contee of Tripoli, after, was shamefully murdered by an Assassin. The year 1160 Almery king of Jerusalem brother to king Baldowin, took the town Alexandria, & beesieged the great city of Cairo in Egypt. The year 1170. Saladin the soldan of Egypt began to invade the holy land in the time of king Baldowin the fourth of that name king of Jerusalem, at what time likewise the Emperor Frederic made war upon the Pope & the church in burning & destroying Italy. The year 1174 king Baldowin discomfited the soldan Tyberias Opp: nunc, Tabaria Saladin, at the town of Tabaria (which sometime was called Tiberias) & after that overthrew a second time at the town of Ascalone. The year 1179 king Baldowin aforesaid fought again with the soldan Saladin at Margelion nigh to the town of Tabarie, where king Baldowin then was discomfited. The year 1184 began that dissension among the Christians in the holy land, which was the cause of the loss of the same: The original of which was this Guy of Lusignen, having married the Lady Sibil sister of the late king Baldowin (and widow of William Longuespee Marquis of Monferrato) by whom she had a son named Baldowin who at that time but sucked his Nurse to whom appettained the kingdom of Jerusalem; the said Guy of Lusignen father in law of the infant would needs have his title and wardship against the will & mind of Bartrand Contee of Tripoli to whose tuition and governance the child was given by force of the testament of king Baldowin, brother of the said lady Sibell, when in the mean time the infant died & there upon Guy of Lusignen named himself king in the right of his wife, wherewith the Contee of Tripoli was wonderfully wroth. The year 1186 Saladin took prisoner Guy of Lusignen king of Jerusalem, with the masters of the Templars and of the order of Saint john that came to succour the town of Tabarie, which the said Saladin had then besieged, so as upon restoring of king Guy, & the both aforenamed masters to their liberties, Tabarie, Lique, and Ascalone were rendered to Saladin, who in the end won also the city of Jerusalem, & after that the town of Acres. The year 1147 the Templars reencountred Saladin, nigh to Casal Robert, where Saladin ovethrew them, & slew in fight the master of the order of Saint john Jerusalem named Brother Roger dez Molins, which happened the first day of May that year. In the year of our Lord God 1149 there passed to succour the holy land the Emperor Frederic Barberossee, Philip the French King, and Richard King of England: Frederic took his way by land, and coming into Cilicia, where through extreme heat, desirous to bathe himself (or as some say in passing the river, which some do call Cauno, and the frenchmen, the river of Salif, & the latins do name Cydnus which passeth through the famous city of Tharsus, at this present named Therasso) was unfortunately drowned. The two kings his confederates arrived in Sicilia, & from the town of Mossana they passed into the holy land, & came to the town of Acre, which after two years beesieging they took. King Richard in his passage thither took the Island of Cypress which he gave to king Guy of Lusignen in exchange for the kingdom of Jerusalem: But after the taking of Acre king Philip being sickly returned into France. The year 1204 Baldovin Earl of Flaunders and Henry Conte de Saint Paul, with his brother Joys Conte de Savoy, and the Conte Boniface & Mont ferrat, with a great company assembled themselves at Venice, to pass from thence into the holy land. To whom the Venetians did grant ships upon condition that before they passed they should aid them to recover the town of Zara in Sclavonie (which before had revolted from them) and so having done they after proceeded on their voyage to Constantinople whereof they possessed themselves in the Empire which remained in the frenchmens' hands about threescore years after. The year 1210. Ichan de Brene, married the daughter of Conrade of Montferrat, and the Lady Isabella daughter of king Amaulry: who was sister of Baldovin the Meseled; and of the Lady Sibyl that was wife to Guy of Lusignen: Which said Ichan de Brene was made king of Jerusalem, & crowned at the town of Tyrus (which commonly is called Sur and Sor) by reason that it is situated upon a rock in the sea. But Alexander the great to the intent to win that town filled up all that distance of the sea betwixt the same and the land with stone and earth, so as at this day the same remaineth firm ground, which town of Tirus, came into the possession of the said Conte Conrade who afterward was shamefully, on a sudden, murdered, by a couple of the sect of the Assassins. In the year 1216. Pope Honorius the third of that name did send the Cardinal Colonne into Surie accompanied with Henry Contee of Nevers and Gaultier of Sancerre constable of France with others in a great number: who after their landing in Acre, descended into Egypt, & took there the town of Damiat, which within six years after, upon composition, was surrendered to Cordier son of Saladin, soldan of Egypt: whom the frenchmen do call Le Admiral des cords; In which time also jehan de Brene king of Jerusalem accompanied with his brother Garin de Montaguae great master of the order of Saint john's came into France, & in passing through Italy, the said king of Jerusalem gave his daughter Yolant By what ti● the kings of Spain challenge the right of the crown of I rusalem. in marriage to the Emperor Frederic (second son to Henry, who was son to Frederic Barberousse) with the whole interest & title which he had to the kingdom of Jerusalem, which the Kings of Sicilia do entitle themselves to & claim at this day. The year 1229. the said Emperor Frederic departed out of Italy giving hopes that he would pass into Surie, but incontinently he returned again as one having small devotion to perform that voyage. In the year 1230 the aforenamed Sultan Corder caused the walls of Jerusalem to be overthrown at such time as the Emperor Frederic persecuting the church, gave beginning to the partialities of the Guelves & Gibelins & therewith not contented; did call in the Saracens of afric to his service, and gave to them the town of Nucera in Italy (which yet is called Nucera des Saracens) from which afterwards they were expulsed by the Frenchmen. In the year 1237 Theobald king of Navarre, Emery Contee of Mont fort, & Henry Contee of Campaign, & Bar with a great army passed through Hungary & Constantinople into Surie, and recovered sundry towns which the Saracens before had won, but encountering with the Sultan Corder beetwixt the towns of Acre, and Gazera (sometime called Gaza) there they were discomfited and overthrown by the same Sultan. In the year of our Lord God 1244 the christians were discomfited at a place called Forbye, where were taken the Master of our order of Saint john's called brother Guillaume de Chasteln●uf and the Master of the Templars named brother Herman de Pierresort, the Archbishop of Sury, and two sons of Signeur de Boteron, (which otherwise was called Botrus) with more than three hundred Gentlemen; At which time likewise the cruel wars by sea began betwixt the Venetians, & the Genevoys about the interest & possession of the Monestary of Saint Saba in the town of Acre in Sury, which may well be said another cause of the loss of the holy land. In the year 1249 Lewes the French king, otherwise named Saint Lewes, passed the Seas and was taken prisoner before the town of Damiat in Egypt, by the Sultan Melechsalem, but after his attained liberty he recovered the towns of Sidon and jaffe anciently called joppes before that time taken by the said Sultan. I am now come unto the time that the Tartars invaded the Turks or Turquimans, but to the end it may be better understood how this came to pass, & from whom this people of the Tartars have their being, it behoveth me a little to turn back, & to begin a little before this time. In the year 1231. in that country of Tartary which at this day is called Catay, (and the oriental Scythia) at which time the Tartars lived without knowledge of any law, or form of government: there was one (by Hayton) called Cangy, and by Paulus Venetus, Chinchis, but by Michael a Michou, (Cinguis) beegotten upon a widow during her widowhood: who having other children by her former husband, they would have stain her all for she had conceived this Cangy while she was widow: howbeit she so wittily behaved herself in her words, that she caused them believe, how she conceived that birth by force of the beams of the sun; & other father in name the child had not, which opinion so taking place, was not only available to the mother, but also afterwards to Cangy, who coming to perfect age, brought this barbarous people to believe that the almighty God, had sent him to be their king; & to make them Lords of those other nations to whom even unto that time they had been tributaries, by reason they never had head to guide the. And so prudently this Cangy can led himself that he subdued all his neighbours, and therefore was surnamed Cangy Can, (or Cham) he reigned twelve years, and died by the stroke of an Arrow which had wounded him in the knee at the assault of a castell●● his Cangy was the first that persuaded the Tartars to believe in one God. To Cangy Cham, succeeded Hoccata his son, who to know countries further of, sent ten thousand horse men to invade the territory of Cappadocia than possessed by the Turks by whom these Tartars were overthrown: with which loss Hoccata being not a little moved, he sent again, thirty thousand men, whom he called Tamachi (that is to say conquerors) against whom, upon the fronters of Cappadocia (which the Turks call Genech) came Guijatadin king of the said Turks, (whom Sabellicus doth name Goniat.) In whose army were two thousand christians (the remainder of the forces, that before came into Surie) conducted by two ● aptains where of the one was called john Liminad of the Island of Cypress, and the other Boniface du Chasteau a Genevoys (Sabellicus calleth this Boniface, Boniface du Molin who he saith was a Venetian,) but in that days deed Guijatadin and his Turks were discomfited in the year of our Lord God 1239. about which time also Hoccata died, leaving behind him three sons, the one named Cin (whom Paul the Venetian calleth Cui) and of others Guys & Guyscan,) the second was called jochy, & the third Baydo or Batho (as Michael of Michou saith.) After Hoccata, his son Cin or Cui succeeded, whose reign not long continued. Next to him, Mango or Mongu whom (Sabellicus calleth Metho) cozen to the said Hoccata possessed the Empire of Tartary. This is that Mango Cham, to whom Pope Innocent the fourth, of that name, did send Frees Ascelin, (one of the order of the Freers Preachers:). in the year of our Lord God 1266. as Vincent the Historial and Michael a Michou do report. JOCHY whom some do call jachis' one of the sons of the said Hoccata took his way towards the West (being the countries of Turquesten and the Corasmins and part of the Region of Persia) even unto the river of Tigris which Hayton calleth Phison (but I believe that Phison is that River which is called Ganges) where jochy remained. BAYDO or Batho, the third son of Hoccato passed through Russie, Cumanie, or Comanie, and Moscovia and entered into Polone, Hungary, & Austruhe burning and destroying the countries before him which afterward through famine he was enforced to abandon and so, to return into Tartary Comanie, which is beyond the sea Maior, (called Pontus Euxinus) but at this day Zavolha and Zahady. Some do affirm that this country of Comanie is that which Strabo calleth Cataonia part of Capadocia, at this day called Cricassj. The said Baydo was called by the Polonians, Bathy & Zaim Cham, of whom Tamberlane the great descended (as Michael a Mechou saith, who did write of these great destructions in these North Regions done by Baydo) which was in the year of our Lord God 1263. To jochy in the orient, succeeded his son (named according to Hayton,) Barath, and (after Paulus Venetus) Barachim. IN the year of our Lord God 1250. or there abouts at such time as king Lewes (otherwise called S. Lewes) the French king passed the seas: The king of Armenia being a christian (& named Hayton, perceiving that the Tartaires had conquered so many countries, and were entered into natoly, purposed to entertain amity and league with the said Mango Cham or Mongu; Who (as before) succeeded to his cousin Gin or Cuj, son to Hoccata in the realm of Tartary, only to have aid against the Caliph of Baudraz and the Turks of Damascus, Halep, Haman & other places: for which he sent towards him the great Constable of Armenia named Sinebaud, but the year after, he went in person; where he obtained such favour with the said Mango Cham, that the same Cham received the holy law of the christian faith & was baptised by a Bishop being the chancellor of Armenia, with a brother also of his whom Hayton (being cozen german of the said king of Armenia) calleth Haullon, and Paul the Venetian Allau. This Allau was sent by his brother Mango Cham with the king of Armenia aforesaid, accompanied with a mighty army to make war on the Turks, who passed the river of Tigris and took the realm of Persia which remained without governor sithence the Corasmins had enjoyed the same. After which he invaded and took the country of the Assassins (whom the Latins do call Arsacides) of Arsacides. which people there is much mention made in the histories of the passage of the famous Godefride de Boillon. For which cause it cannot be much from my purpose if I declare partly where this country of the Assassins lieth, and what people they be. This territory being no great country is situated at the foot of the mountain Libanus towards the Orient (as Brocard the Monk affirmeth) beyond Antaradus otherwise called Tortosa, and frontereth upon Persia towards the North (which both the said Hayton & Paul the venetian do call Mulete.) The Lord of this country was called Aloadin or Aladin which signifieth Divine or of God. THE Histories of the said passage do name it le viel de la Montaigne (as also do Hayton and Paul the Venetian, who were then living.) This territory is, as it were a plain, environed round about with mountains, into the which, was but one only entry & passage: upon the which, Aladin aforesaid caused a great fortress to be builded named Tigado. All the said plain naturally Tigado. is very fertile and pleasant to the eye, by reason of the fair meadows, brooks, woods & groves, wherewith the same doth plentifully abound. Besides which natural contents, this Aladin had furnished the said plain every where with beautiful Gardens, vergers, rich palaces, and houses of pleasure, in most sumptuous wise that could be devised; and therewith caused the same to be inhabited with the fairest young men & women of the best faces that any where he could find. For which purpose too he waged certain soldiers, to await and watch the getting of such young men and beautiful women. Hayton saith that this Aladin cared for no manner of Religion. Paul the Venetian sayeth that he was a Mahemetist. When Aladin had thus surprised any young man, he was brought to this castle of Tigado, and within a little time on some fair day when the sun did shine very clear, one should come and bring this man (thus taken) a drink, which would enforce him so strongly to sleep▪ that he should so remain a very long space without any manner of moving or feeling as though he were plainly dead. Than would he cause him to be borne into this valley and so through his fair palaces and gardens among his beautiful women, and withal, to be clothed in rich apparel. So as, when he waked he found himself an other man, & as though comde into a new world. In such his galantrie, he was strait ways enterteygned feasted with the Ladies there, and wonderfully welcomed, with the show of all manner of pastimes and trained to all kind of pleasures: which youth and lust could desire, and this so long as all that day would endure. At night after a certain banquet prepared, whereupon to repast, the like drink as before, to make him sleep, again was given him. Thus being made to sleep; his sumptuous apparel was taken of, & his former garments put on, & so borough again into the said fortress from whence he went, and into such place as might be much unlike to that which he had been before. So as upon his awaking, he should soon perceive himself in an obscure & evil scented old chamber clean changed, from the place, where he could not but remember he had been before. When Aladin upon conference with him, would declare that the place where he had been was Paradise, and that it was in his power to send him thither when he would, if therefore the young man had mind to continue such blessedness for ever it was granted upon condition that he would take courage and hardiness to adventure his life and to die for him in such service as upon occasion he would command. To which numbers of young men for recovery of that felicity and Paradise whereof before they had tasted, would soon give their consent, as not esteeming any adventure dangerous whereby to attain that which he most desired, when Aladin to make these men the more fervent to execute his desires would cause them sundry times to be had to these places of pleasure and to taste thereof as before: And thus served this pestilent Viel de la Montaigne for sending abroad his wicked Ministers to murder and kill Princes even in their own houses, who cared not of the loss of their own lives in executing their damnable purposes, so that they might attain their vain Paradise as they expected, before hand promised by Aladin. Of this pernicious band, were those Assassins, that had almost killed Richard King of England in his own Pa●ilion being in the holy land, one of which likewise murdered at Sur, Conrade the Contee of Montferrat; and an other that valiant Contee of Tripoli in his own house, whereby I think the Italians do call those to be Assassins▪ which we in our French tongue do call Brigans, that is to say, spoilers and cutthroats. The said Allau therefore besieged the same strong fortress of Tigado; where before he could get the same he did lie there in siege the space of three years. Hayton sayeth he beesieged it by the space of seven and twenty years and in the end for want and lack of clothes to cover their bodies (though they had victuals enough) the soldiers defendants yielded the castle which afterward was razsed and laid level with the earth: while the siege thus continued Allau returned into Persia, & king Hayton into Armenye. IN the year of our Lord God 1255. Allau with the king of Armenia returned and came against the Caliph of Baudraz, where they besieged him in Baudraz, which in the end they took, with the Caliph also, and all his treasure, being of an inestimable value. Which treasure when Allau had seen, he demanded of the Caliph, why he did not therewith, levy & wage soldiers for his own defence, considering his so great means. Whereunto the Caliph answered; that unto that time, he always supposed, his own subjects had been sufficient enough to have resisted any foreign enemy, which Allau understanding, immediately caused all that treasure to be had into a tower and the Caliph there to be set in the midst of the same treasure, prohibiting that any should give him either meat or drink, whereby he miserably died through famine in the middle of his riches. And thus ended the Empire of the Caliphes' of Baudraz which unto that time had endured about six hundred years. THE year of our Lord 1260. Allau and the King of Armeny again did assemble their armies in the plains of Rohaiz, to the end to recover the City of Jerusalem and the residue of the holy land. Who when they had taken the tower of Rohaiz, they removed to Alep, which was rendered to them, the ninth day after the besieging thereof, though the castle of Alep held forth unto the eleventh day after that they besieged the City of Damascus, which also was rendered where the Souldains of these two places, being taken prisoners, were sent into PERSIA with their Wives and Children. The Prince of Antioch at that time was called Raymonde de ostrich, that married the daughter of the said King Hayton of Armenia, to whom were given back all the lands and territories which the Turks before had bereft him. And to the said king of Armenia was given the said town of Alep and other places which were frontering and nigh to his dominions. Howbeit, as Allau was nigh to Hyerusalem, there came intelligence that his brother Mango was dead: Whereupon Allau, purposing to depart into Tartary, left in Sury with the king of Armenia, a nephew of his called Guibogan (named by Sabellicus, Garbocao, and by others Guithboga) with ten thousand horsemen. And so ALLAV departed out of Sury towards the town of Almalech where MANGO deceased. But there he understood, that the Tartaires had chosen to their King another of his brotherens named Cobila, (whom Paul the Venetian doth call Cublay) with which Cublay, the said Paul was very familiar; by whom, the same Paul was sent into France unto Pope Clement the fourth of that name in the year of our Lord God 1268. at such time as the French lost the Empire of Constantinople, and that Carls de Anjou brother of the king saint Lewes, was made king of Naples and Sicily. Guibogan pursuing his enterprise, conquered a great part of Surie, with the help of the king of Armenia. Howbeit he would not utterly drive forth the Turks, but only made them Tributaries. Whereby it came so to pass, that the Christians of Sydon could not there abide the Turks to be so nigh their neighbours, invaded certain villages of the Turks, their neighbours being tributaries to the said Guibogan; and spoiled them and took prisoners of them, and drove away their cattle: Such as escaped, came to Guibogan to complain. Who immediately sent to the Christians at Sydon for redress: Howbeit in stead of amends, the Christians slew the messengers of Guibogan. Whereupon Guibogan gathered his power against Sydon, and in the end he overthrew the wall of Sydon, and the castle of Beaufort, and therewith also did set a side a great part of the amity that before he did bear to the Christians of Surye. The Christians in Sury, being thus at dissension with Guibogan who also was a christian, and come unto their aid: the soldan of Egypt named Cathos, and surnamed Melechmees, that is to say, a King of people, made wars upon Guibogan, so that in a battle, Guibogan was overthrown and slain, whereby the country of Surie remained under the obedience of the said Melechmees saving certain towns which the christians kept still; in the year of our Lord 1274. At which time the town of Damascus was shamefully lost and beetrayed and sold by a Sarazine that had the same in guard, to Melechmees. Allau, this while being in Persia, and advertised of this overthrow of Guibogan and the victory of Melechmees, & thereof giving intelligence to the kings of 〈…〉 ie, & Georgic, he raised a great army, that joining with the forces of these two kings, he purposed to have entered into Surie, to have recovered that which there was lost, and being in readiness to have set forward, he was suddenly taken with sickness, whereof within a while after he died. Abagan son of Allau succeeded his father & would not become a Christian, as his father was, but took upon him the superstition of the sect of Mahumet, and made wars upon his neighbours, whereby the power and might of the soldans of Egypt began marvelously to augment and increase, insomuch as Bendecar otherwise called Benedecadar whom Hayton calleth Benededar, and by himself named Melechdaer which signifieth the abundant or puissant king, being Sultan of Egypt, did win the city of Antioch upon the christians, with sundry other towns, and after allied himself with the sarrares of Cumdnie and Cappad●●●, & after invaded Armenia, during such time as king Hayton the king of Armenia was tournied and gone to A●●al●●● towards Cobila or Cublay cham. The two s●●● of the king of Armenia, upon such inva 〈…〉 made by the soldan, encountered ●he soldan with a great Army, which consisted of twelve thousand horsemen, & forty thousand f●●●●●●n: 〈…〉 soldan overthrew them & did 〈…〉 with the 〈…〉 of one of those sons of the king of Armenia, & the other so● led captive into Egypt. Hayron hearing of this overthrow hastily 〈…〉 Armenia, & p 〈…〉 g that he could not 〈…〉 of Abagan to 〈…〉, he proceeded no farther but fell to composition, with the soldan Melechdaer, and rendered to him the town of Alep with Sangolassar a nigh kinsman of the said soldan for the recovery of his said son, being prisoner as aforesaid, who upon the same conclusions was accordingly redelivered to his said father. King Hayton upon the return of the same his son did crown him king of Armenia, whose name was Thyvon; & after that Hayton entered into religion, and named himself Macarie, which signifieth blessed, when he had reigned over the Armenians forty & five years, & died soon after, how beit afore he died he pacified king Abagan with his neighbours the year of Grace 1273. After the death of king Hayton, Melechdaer that had conquered Antioch & Cilicia, purposing further to enter into Natolye where were sundry governors & Captains of the Tartars being subject to Abagan, among whom thene was a Sarazin named Paruana, who had secret conference with the Sultan Melechdaer, where of Abagan getting intelligence, raised a great army, and marched towards the soldan, which the soldan understanding, the Sultan would not abide him but fled, & Abagan followed him into Egypt, so far as he could for the great heats of the country, which enbarred him to proceed any further, nevertheless in this chase he overthrew ●oe than two thousand ●●●●emen pertaining to the said soldan, and after Ab again returned into natoly, & took Paruana, & caused him to be sawed in sunder with a saw after the manner that the Far●●res do use, & so to be cut in go●●i●s & pecces, wherewith they being served at their table▪ they did ●ated 〈…〉 as the same meat endured. After that Abagan, had thus set in quietness the country of natoly, he offered to give the same to King Thyvon of Armenia, but he durst not receive the same, through sear of the soldan of Egypt, in excusing courteously himself & aledging that the realm of Armenia was big enough for him to govern, so that to have greater dominions were but further troubles to him, & therefore most heartily he thanked him of his most gentle offer; which he was bounden to remember upon due occasion, upon which refusal Abagan committed the governance & regiment of Natolye to sundry of his own Captains, among the which one named Ottoman was one, from whom the Princes of the Turks, that presently reign, are descended. Abagan returned into Persia, where he stayed a certain time, and in the mean season he was stirred by the said king Thivon of Armenia to make war upon the Sultan of Egypt, named Melechsayt (that is to say the king desired) who succeeded next to Melechdaer & molested the said king Thivon: for which cause Abagan did send Mangodanior his brother with thirty thousand horsemen joined with the army of the same King of Armenia against the said soldan Melechsayt, and came before the town of Hames, where they found encamped the army of the Saracens, and thereupon each side preparing to fight; they ordered their army, and divided them into three battles, whereof the one was under the leading of Mangodanior, the second was guided by King Thivon, and the third by a Captain Tartarian named A●●●ech or Achmat, (which signifieth gracious) these two, so worthily behaved themselves with their battles against the like number of Sarazens, that those Saracens were vanquished and put to flight. The mean time, Mangodanior who had no manner of experience (as it seemed) in wars, without giving any manner of charge upon the enemy, which towards him was ready to encounter against him, he gave himself shamefully to fly, & stayed not a whit until he came to the river of Euphrates which they call Euphra, though he was not pursued or chased at all by the third battle of the Saracens, which consisted of those people called Beduins: who in the holy Scripture are named Madianis or Madianites, and to succour their companions that were overthrown and fled, followed their fellows so fast as they could; but the next day, when king Thyu on and Achmet were returned from the chase to Hames, & perceiving that Mangodanior was in such order departed, they followed him, and overtook him at the said river; and instantly required him to return, declaring to him how they had wone the battle & put the Saracens to flight, but for any thing they could say or allege he would not return but immediately retired towards his brother into Persia, about the year of our Lord God 1282 Abagan being not a little displeased with the flight and cowardness of his brother, was purposed to have gone in his own person against the Souldain, howbeit he was enpoisoned by a Sarazin and died leving behind him two sons, the one named Argon and Ragait. Tangodor nevertheless succeeded to his brother Abagan being elected by Tartars to be their king, this Tangodor was sometime a christian, and at the time of his baptism he was named Nicolas, but through his tomuch keeping company with Saracens, he became a Mahomatist and was named Mahumet, he caused to be destroyed & overthrown all the churches of the Christians within his dominions, and entered in amity and league with Melechsayt soldan of Egypt, wherefore one of his own brethren together with his said nephew Argon, accused him before Cobila Cham of the aforesaid crimes, whereupon Cobila Cham sent him word and commanded him to amend and redress those injuries which he had done and from thence forth to live in a better sort, or otherwise he would extremely punish him: but Tangodor, nothing amended with this advertisement from Cobila Cham, in despite, he caused his said brother to be apprehended, and to be put to death. Howbeit his nephew Argon, upon this escaped from him, and fled to the mountains, and after, with the aid and help of his friends and servants of Abagan his faide father, he surprised and took Tangodor and caused him to be sawen in sunder in the middle after that he had reigned three years in the year of grace 1283. Argon after that he had put to death Tangodor his uncle was elected king, but he would never accept the name and title of Cham without the leave of Cobila who perceiving the same gladly thereto did condescend. This Argon was a christian and caused to be re-edified & repaired the Churches which his uncle wickedly before had destroyed. He was visited by the kings of Armenia and Georgia to whom he promised he would go with them to recover the holy land, but the mean time he died, as one that had not the leisure to perform that worthy promise, after that he had reigned three years, at such time as Melechnazer soldan of Egypt flourished. After Argon, succeeded Ragayt his brother, called by Sabellicus Queghat, and by others, Tagadayt, a man most unprofitable to rule without either faith or law, hated of his own, and utterly abhorred of strangers, he had a son named Cassan Baydo or Bathy and according to Sabellicus called Bandon, and had a cozen also called Cassan which succeeded him anno domino 1290. This said Cassan Baydo was a christian, and honoured the Churches of God, and prohibited that none should speak of Mahumet, which those that followed the sect, took it in marvelous evil part, and secretly advertised the said Cassan or Assan which was son to the said Argon that if he would forsake the christian faith being also a christian, they would proclaim him king; unto whom this Cassan, son to Argon accorded, & under this promise & hope Cassan son to Argon raised war against his cozen Baydo, which Baydo hearing gathered his power togethers & encountered Cassan; & joining in battle Baydo was shamefully forsaken by his own subjects being Mahometists, that revolted to the part of Cassan, & so Baydo there was slain. After the death of Baydo, Cassan was called king, but at the first, he durst not declare what was resting secretly in his mind against those who brought him to this dignity by the means abovesaid. Howbeit when he thought himself assured and confirmed in his regal authority, he began first to show himself a friend to christians, and then he commanded to be put to death those who counseled him to deny the christian faith. And after he addressed an army against the Sultan of Egypt & the Saracens of the which his purpose Cassan advertised the kings of Armenia & Georgic, who with their armies came & joined with him at Baudras, and from thence marched to the town of Hames which is situated in the midst of Sury, where the soldan of Egypt called Melechseraph who had chased the christians out of Sury came against them with a great army & encamped in a great meadow, thereby supposing to have surprised the christians, and albeit he found the christians partly in disorder, and so gave charge upon them, yet Cassan with the rest of the christians so manfully fought it out, that in the end the soldan was there vanquished & put to flight: this battle was fought the seventh day before Christmas day in the year of our Lord God 1300 At which battle the said Hayton (that was cozen to the king of Armenia) saith that he was present, & did put the acts & doings of the same in writing. Cassan pursuing his victory marched unto the town of Casana, where the Sultan had lodged a mighty deal of his treasure, insomuch as Cassan took the town with all that treasure there, & marveled greatly what the Sultan meaned that in going to the wars he would bring so much treasure with him, which treasure Cassan took, and divided it among his soldiers. After that he marched to the city of Damascus which was rendered to him, where he sound that City was no otherwise furnishied but only with victual very plentifully, where the whole army of Cassan stayed forty five days, saving sortie thousand horsemen under the leading of their Captain Molay which pursued after the soldan. Harton not a little marveleth that in so little as this Cassan was, were resident so many virtues and valiant courage, though among thirty thousand men, there was not a worse shaped and deformed person than he was. Cassan being at Damascus, he received intelligence that one of his Cosens named Baydo was entered into Persia with a great army, to invade him. For which cause he returned into Persia to encounter Baydo, leaving behind him in Sury, one called Molay with twenty thousand horsemen and at Damascus a Saracens named Capehach to be general of the same, who sometime before was in marvelous favour with the soldan of Egypt & through certain displeasures betwixt them revolted from the soldan, and to obtain his favour again this Capehach shamefully rendered to the Sultan the town of Damascus, and other towns thereunto adjoining. Molay thus perceiving whole Sury stirred up into rebellion, he withdrew and retired himself into Mesopotamia, and after gave intelligence to Cassan of the troubles of Syria, who purposed the next winter ensuing, to return into Syria because through the fervent heat of the summer then present there was no grass or other feeding for horses, how be it the mean time Cassan sent an other Captain named Cotuloze otherwise called Caroloz with thirty thousand horsemen giving him also in charge, to advertise immediately the king of Armenia, and other christian Princes nigh to him adjoining of the journey, who upon the intelligence, with their powers repaired and chiefly Thyvon king of Armenia, Emery of Lusignen king of Cypress, the master of the hospital of Saint john's Jerusalem, named brother Guillau de Villaret, and the Master of the Templars, who all arrived by sea, at the town of Sur, and from thence marched with their army, to the town of Tortosa anciently called Antaradus: But the mean time Cassan fell sick of a grievous disease, that so as these wars for this time, proceeded no further, and every of the said princes with their powers returned home into their countries. Two years after Cassan determining to return in to Surie, again gave intelligence of his purpose to the king of Armenia, & that he should meet him at the river of Euphrates, where he and his army should abide for him, which army of his, was so great, that the same occupied the grounds of three days journey in length. And as Cassan entered into Sury the said Baido invaded the kingdom of Persia again, out of the which, before Cassan sundry times had chased him, & therefore Cassan made towards him, with so much expedition as he could, leaving Cotuloz with the king of Armenia and forty thousand horsemen, to proceed in wars against the soldan, who marched forward & took the towns of Hames, and from thence went & besieged Damascus, where, Cotuloz and the king of Armenia had intelligence, how that the Souldain came to raze their siege: wherefore they leaving certain bands to continue their siege, with the ●est of their army, they marched towards the Souldain, & finding him so strongly encamped in such a place where they could do him small harm, and that the Tartars through scarcity of fresh water, departed from them by troops: Cotuloz and the king of Armenia returned to their siege of Damascus, whereas in one night after, the waters about Damascus, began in such sort suddenly to grow, & that the Saracens thereabouts broke in sunder the Sluices; that in less space than an hour, all the places where the army of the Tartars and christians encamped, was drowned and overflown with water, which through the sudden coming of the flood, and the darkness of the night, was the more dreadful to the whole army, as those that did not foresee that water and inconvenience, whereby many of the Tartars there were drowned, as ignorant of the passages to escape, considering the dikes that environed the place of their encamping were both deep and filled with the overflow of this water, so as a great number of the horses of the Tartars there likewise perished, and all their baggage likewise: so as they that escaped had none other mind but in haste to return home into their country▪ and the truth to say, they being thus turmoiled with waters, they were not good or meet to abide any fight. Considering aswell their bows as arrows (which are the chiefest weapons that they do use) were all to wet, and made unprofitable thereby to serve: so as if the Sarazens that were very nigh them, had in this disorder given charge upon the Tartars, they might have had a ●ight good market on them: howbeit, the Sarazens as it seemed durst not issue upon them: so as the Tartars had leisure enough to escape, who stayed not much until they came to the river of Euphrates which they passed according to their custom (for Michael de Michou sayeth, that every of them that had a horse did pack and fasten his wife children and baggage upon the horse, and than the husband would take the tail of the horse fast in his hand: and in swimming, the horse brought them all, so to land, and thus, they used to pass rivers, were they never so great or broad. The Armenians and Georgians that were in this army were enforced to retire, as the Tartars did, though a great number of them also perished & were drowned, and durst not abide, through the great doubt, they had of the Saracens. Hayton the Historiographer being an Armenian borne, saith, that he himself among others was in this army, when this departure chanced, and allegeth, that the whole fault of this disorder and departure was in Cotuloz, that would not be advised by the King of Armenia, but only would follow his own wilful brain: But the King of Armenia marched on to the City of Niniveh (which standeth on the river of Tigris,) called by Eusebius, Nicibis, where most courteously he was received by king Cassan, and at his departure Cassan commanded ten thousand horsemen, paid at his own charges, not only to attend and conduct the King of Armenia, into Armenia: but there to abide at the king's appointment, to guard and defend the dominions of Armenia: unto such time, as he the same Cassan could conveniently raise an other army to return again in person against the Souldain of Egypt, but (alas to the great infortunity of christendom) this valiant Cassan died soon after. Some do suppose that of him Sury, took the name of Azamie, for that the Turks call Azam or Assam, Assamie: howbeit, it may be, that this word Azamie is derived from the ancient name of Aram, son of Sem, who were sons of Noah, of whom, the same country once was named, & by the Hebrux, Aram, that is to say high or excellent, which they would pronounce Aramie. After this Cassan or Assan, succeeded Carbagan, whom some do call Cerbagat, & the Frenchmen name Corbadan son of the said Cassan, who also was christened & at his baptism was named Nicolas, & so remained a good christian man during his mother's life, but after his mother's decease, he wickedly fell into the abominable sect of Mahumet, which all his successors after him, did never forsake, and at this day do maintain the same. Of the said Cassan or Assan are descended the kings of Persia, who in honour of this Cassan, have taken upon them the Surname of Cassan, unto Vssun Cassan of whom otherwhere we have made mention. But now, we name the princes of Persia, Sophies, for that Seichayder Sophi, married the daughter of Vsun cassan, & begat upon her, Ishmael Sophi, who reigned a little before our time, & was father to Taamar Sophi, who at this day reigneth in Persia. The Turks do call Persia, Pharsie: and the Persians, Quezelbach: that is to say red heads, as before of them I have spoken, which Persians and Turks, are perpetual mortal enemies one against the other, & very different in opinion touching their superstitious law and belief. A little before, I have made mention of the beeginning of the Empire of the Caliphes' of Baudraz, unto their end. Likewise of the Miramamolins unto their divisions, and in such sort of the Persians so much as I could get knowledge of them. Of the Othmans' I have amply enough spoken before, so as I need not, further so entreat of them, lest I should pass and exceed the measure of a Summarie or an abridgement? I have written also of the beginning of the Empire in Egypt, & therefore now it behoveth me to show how the same fell into the puissance and domination of the Mamaluches. In the year 1160. that Almery king of Jerusalem besieged the great city of Cairo as before I have spoken, the Souldain named Quare who as then was also called the Caliphe, perceiving that he was not able to resist the christians, he required succours at the soldan of Halep, who sent him a Captain named Saracon or Syracon, and by some called, Syrasson, who (by his nation) was a Corasmin: this Syracon having in such sort given aid to the Caliph that his countries were defended from the enemy, and therewith perceiving how unmeet the Caliph was to rule through his cowardness & to much fear in him resident; & considering also how few friends he had to lean to him, in time of necessity, he took the Caliph & put him in prison where he died, and Saracon made himself Souldain of Egypt. Thus the Empire of the Saracens or Arabians was transferred into the hands of the Corasmins or After Melechnazer, was Souldain, Melechseraph (which word signifieth the ardent or bright Prince) who did win upon the christians the town of Acre in Sury in the year of our Lord God 1293. and chased the christians out of all Sury, which he joined to the kingdom of Egypt: he was the first that caused to be coined in Egypt the Ducats of Gold, which are there called Seraphes. This Soldain is named by Sabellicus and others Melecastraphus. Thus proceeded the said Mammeluches, to dominate and rule in Egypt, and did choose their Souldains either upon christians that became renies or that were christians children, bought as abovesaid, and educated in that form of religion & trained so, to the wars as above is declared, albeit therwere none of these Mammeluches that durst go alone through the city where they were, but by express commandment of their Emyrs, who were their superiors; they should go two at the least togethers: and to be brief, these Mammeluches had the authority and domination over all the people of Egypt & Surie, from the time they chased the christians out of Surie until that Selim the great Turk, as afore is mentioned, utterly ovethrew them & their name for ever. Thus, the first of the law of Mahumet, that reigned in Asia, were the Arabians, whom the Hebreus and Suriens do call Saba, and the Greeks, Sab●i, & they themselves do name Saracens: after the●▪ there did the Turquimans or Turks rule, who chased from thence the Saracens: these Turks were Parthians as Hayton doth fronter and limit them. The Turks likewise were driven from thence by the Tartaries, being Scythians oriental, who have taken upon them also the name of the Turks though they be none in deed, and at this present reigning under the name of the Turks, who of very truth are but Tartaires and Scythians by their descent, which, their manner of fight and weapon therewith that they use, as their bows made of horn, which our elders do appoint and attribute to the Scythians, sufficiently do witness. Again the language Tartaresque, and the Turks speech, are not much different: for Michael de Michou saith that the Tartairs who destroyed Russia, and the regions thereabouts named in their language Tartaresque, the tops of steeples of Churches there, Altum Bachne, considering those tops of steeples were gilded▪ so in the Turks language this word Altum Bachne signifieth a head of gold or gilded. Wherefore according to the opinion of Authors, one may judge that they are Scythians and Tartars to whom the name of the Turks are given at this day, whose elders, in that they possessed the country of Turquestan; of that region, they have left the name of Turks, to the Turks that presently reign, being their posterity, which to others perhaps is unknown, being ignorant both of the difference of these two nations, so far of, and barbarous, and of the changes fortuned in their kingdoms. here endeth the first book. To the Worshipful his very good cozen William Carr of Stafford in the county of Lincoln Esquire, and one in her majesties Commission of peace there. SIR, to you who are the second possessor of my here expressed rich will, though weak power: I commend this second book of my French and Italian traductions, concerning the succession of the great house of Ottoman, and those their fortunate arms whether in offence, or defence taken; The rather for that yourself being resident in court where this argument (by reason of the present Hungarian wars and the often assemblies of the german Princes to provide some remedy for their feared harms) is much spoken of▪ you may with others see the manner and growing of this continuing and admired felicity, (here by me deciphered) though the means how, by very few is seen, save such only as are true spectators and observers of high reaching policy; what my pains hath effected in this point, I freely give as you may boldly challenge it for your due; who desire nothing more than ever to be found the general and particular servant of yourself and your most worthy brothers true jointenants by undivided moieties (as our lawyers term it) of me and what I may, whereof the suruivor whilst I survive may dispose of the whole: And so with all duty done which may be demanded of a most affectionate kinsman and serviceable friend: I take my leave, from the middle Temple in London this 20▪ of March 1600. Your worships of all others most at command R. Carr. The second Book Of the conquests made by the Turks, and the succession of the house of Ottoman. I Supposed to have been acquitted & dispatched from your earnest suits, and fully to have satisfied your demands, to the best of my knowledge and power, touching the affairs and matters concerning the Turks. Now you desire of me their progress, and continuances, as it were from the father to the son, how they have proceeded & attained unto the conquests of so many regions, which at this day they possess and keep: Yet you consider little the affairs, wherewith I am continually occupied, nor the imbecility of my memory, that so readily should write unto you a History of matters that have passed two hundred years & more in Countries, so far of & sundry, full of vocables & names, both right strange and different, from our vulgar language. Wherefore in this request, if I satisfy you not in such good sort as your desire, yet you ought to accept my pains in good part, for be it well or evil, it behoveth me to▪ do as you will have me. In the year of our lord God one thousand & three hundred, at such time, as the Emperor Henry, the seventh of that name, purposed to renew in Italy the partialities & divisions of the Guelphs & Gibelins (at which time also reigned in France Philip le Bel,) there were in natoly or Asia the less, certain Captains of the Turks (where this nation had continued ever sithence the passage and famous journey of Godefroy de Bologne, duke of Boullon, and there had remained, ever since the time that they presented themselves against the army of the christians, before the city of Nice, which we may name Victoire anciently called Antigonia, under their valiant general named Solyman or Soleyman. After which passed an hundred years & more, that not any did speak of this Nation, unto such time (as I have said) there were in Natolie sundry Captains among the which, more famous than the rest, were Othman, Caraman, and Assan or Azam, called by way of dignity Begy or Bey, which is as much, as Seigneur or Mounsi●ur, & in our English tongue Lord, howbeit the Turks do abstract and withdraw from this word Begy, this letter y, and so do call them Othmanbeg, Caramanbeg, & Assambeg. Othmanbeg (who was very valiant and a man of great activity) allied himself with two Greeks Reniez, and a third being a Turk borne, the one of these Greeks was called Michali, & the other Marco. Of the said Michali, are descended the Michalogli of whom, there continue some at this day, as likewise such of the lineage of Marco, who are named Marcozogli, the Turk was named Aramy, of the race of whom, called Auramogly, none can be found, that any knoweth: the successors of this Auramy, are accounted and reputed to be of the blood royal of the Turks, and to them, the Empire of the Turks should appertain, if ever the Othmans' line should be extinguished. With the help & aid of these three, Othmanbag aforesaid became of marvelous credit & puissance, in such sort as he conquered sundry cities & towns situated upon the sea side of La Mer major otherwise called in latin Pontus Euxi●us, & among them the town of Syvas which the Greeks call Sebasie was one, which is named by us, in france august. Caraman did draw himself towards Cilicia, where he rested, & called that region according to his own name Caramania. Assam repaired into Persia, which the Turks do call Pharsic, as also into Assiria which according to his name, he caused to be called Azamie. These last two and their successors have ever sithence been unmercifully persecuted by Othman and his posterity: In such sort, as utterly they have destroyed Caraman his blood, & gotten his countries. But Assambeg notwithstanding (which is called the Sophi) right valiantly doth defend his own, and liveth in continual wars and enmetie with the Othmen. This Othman reigned twenty and eight years unto the beeginning of the reign of Phillippe de Valloys the french King. Which Othman was so surnamed of a certain town or castle called Othmanach situated in Natoly betwixt Synope and Trebisonde the famous cities, and left a son named Orcan, who succeeded his father in his dominions. Or●an the son of Othman married the daughter of Caramanbeg, and after made cruel war upon him, causing to be put to death his eldest son brother to his wife, whom before he had taken in battle: he took also the city of Bursie, which the ancients named Prusias. At this very same time Andronico Paleologo, than Emperor of Constantinople dying, did leave his sons named Caloiany and Andronico under the governance & regiment of john Catacusan, who though he very prudently, behaved himself during the time of this his regiment, yet through the malice of the Patriarch, and of an other person of base conditions and birth (howbeit of marvelous credit after with the Emperor) Catacusan was expelled, who notwithstanding found the mean, after, to return again to Constantinople more strong than before, and for the more assurance of himself, he caused his daughter to be given in marriage to the young Emperor Caloiany: howbeit they could not so long remain in concord, but that the Emperor secretly departed to the Isle of Tenedo, where an army of the Genevois to the number of threescore Galleys came to succour him, who brought him back to Constantinople and chased from thence Catacusan. Now he immediately repaired for aid to the Venetians, through whose help returning home assailed the army of the Genevois riding with their Galleys in the canal of Constantinople anciently called Propontis: howbeit the victory remained to the Genevois, and the City with Caloiany, who in recompense of their worthy service, rewarded them and their Captain named Francis Cataluz, with the gift of the Isle of Methelin, in times past named Lesbos: Who continued the possession thereof unto the time that Mahumet the second did win the same from Nicolas Cataluz the last Duke thereof: This little division engendered after most cruel wars betwixt the Genevois and the Venetians: which as it brought the City of Venice to such extremety, that it seemed ready to render itself to the mercy of the Genevois, so in the end it was cause by the alteration of fortune that the Genevois (being in sundry fights and conflicts on the seas a●ter overthrown by the Venetians) came to miserable ruin and servitude, for thereby they were enforced to yield themselves, to the Archbishop of Milane whom they made governor of their City of Geanes, and to sell all their lands and Seigneuries to the commonalty and brotherhood of Saint George, which is within their City, and lastly to submit themselves to the french kings protection under whose subjection they remained a while, until he gave them to john Duke of Calabre son to Reignard King of the realm of Naples, until they revolted to Philippe Duke of Milane, whom in the end they forsook to, in such sort as (through their inconstancy,) they did not know well, to what good Saint, to vow themselves: howbeit the greatest mischief was, that this forenamed wars gave an undoubted occasion to the utter loss of Surie & the realm of Jerusalem (& what was worse than that) the same opened to the Turks, the gate and entry to Greece and other parts of Europe, as hereafter I shall declare, all which was about the time that Lewes de Baviere, & Frederic of Ostrich contended about the obtaining of the Empire of Alemaign. The said Orcan reigned two & twenty years unto the beginning of the reign of john the french king which was in the year of our Lord God 1350. leaving behind him his son Amurath. Amurath (whom the Hungarians and the Scla●●nes do call Ammarat, and the Turks Moratbeg which is as much to say, as the Lord Morat, (but Frossart supposing to pronounce this name, as they do, calleth him Lamorabaquin,) entered to his dominions when as Catacusan, pursued the Emperor his son in law, through the aid of Mar● Carlovich the Despot of Despot: what it meaneth. Bulgaria: this word Despot is so much to say in our English tongue as Prince or Lord: and the Province of Bulgaria Bulgari● is that Country which anciently was named Gaetae and Gepidae. This Amurath was secretly favoured among certain of the Nobility of Grecia, whom the Emperor Caloiaun hated, who finding that he was to weak, to encounter with the Nobility that revolted, he was constrained to demand and require aid of Amurath, who forthwith sent him twelve thousand horsemen, through whose help, when the Emperor had pacified his affairs, he gave the Turks leave to return home. But they having seen & tasted the sweetness & beauty of the region of Grecia, after their return persuaded (as it was easy to do) Amurath to go in person to invade Grecia. Which he so did, who accompanied with threescore thousand men, by the help of two great ships of the Genevois (among whom he bestowed a threescore thousand ducats) Amurath passed the famous straits called by the ancients, Hellespontus (and now the straits of Calipoli or the castles by reason of two castles whereof the one is situated in Asia, and the other in Europe) wherein ancient time were also the towns of Sestus and Abydos. The french do call these straits Le Bras de Saint George, Saint Georgesarme, where the said Amurath won the town of Calipoli being on this side those straits in Grecia, & than took Adrianople and Philippopoli anciently called Olympias▪ and so▪ overran the Province of Romany, in times past called Thracia, unto the Mountain Rhodope, which the greeks do name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Queen and Lady of those Mountains, which some a so do call, the mountain of Silver by reason of the mines of silver that are found in the same: and after overcame in battle the aforenamed Marc Carlovich taking prisoner the Conte Lazaro of Servia, which is Misia Inferior, (whom Frossart calleth Le Conte ●e Lazaran) whose head he smote off, which was when Charles the fourth was letted from resisting the sons of the Emperor Lewes of Baver to de●end himself against Frederic Marquiz of Misne & the County of Wittenberg his competiteurs, leaving the Empire after him to his son Lancelot, who sold the Cities and Segneuries of Italy (as Milane) to the family of the viconts and others. In the end Amurath was slain by a servant of the said Conte Lazaro as revenging the death of his said Master, the year of our Lord God 1373 after that he had reigned 23 years, about the beeginning of the reign of Charles the fifth the french king, and left two sons Pasait and Seleyman. Pazait or Basait as the Turks do name him, who never pronounce this letter P. (and called by Frossart le Roy Basant, son of Lamorabaquin and sometime ●morabaquin, according to his father's name. Enguerran & Master Nicol●● G●les that collected the Annals of France call him the king Basaa●g. This Pazait was hardy, diligent and very courageous, he stawniak battle Marc Carlovich, where with him the whole Nobility of Servia and Bulgaria ended their lives, and after did overrun the territories of Thessalia and Macedonia, now called Thumnestie and Albany. He wasted whole Grecia unto Athens which at this day is called Cethine and spoiled the territories o● Bosna (which is called Misia Superior,) Crocia and Sclavonie (that are named anciently Dal●●tia and Liburnia) and this at that time when the Emperor Lancelot son of Charles the fourth lived so virtuously, that his subjects sundry times did enprison him, but in the end was deposed by the Alemans', who elected at one time two Emperors, the one called joce Nephew to Lancelot, and the other Robert of Baviere otherwise called Ruebrecht which is interpreted in their Alleman language Trouble Peace. But to return to Bazait, who then invaded Hungary, & there overthrew king Sigismond, (that afterward was Emperor of Alleman, called by the Historiographer Engerrant de Mountralet, Sagimont) in the renowned battle of Nicopoli: the cause of the loss whereof was, for that the french men there serving would not be advised by the king Sigismond, nor frame themselves according to the policy of these wars as the Allemans' also counseled them, the which Frossart imputeth likewise to the orgulitie and pride of the french, where was taken prisoner the Conte of Nevers, john who afterward was Duke of Burgoign son of Philippe the first duke, Philip Darthois, Conte de Eve constable of France. john le Maingres called Boucicault and sundry others being men of estimation to the number of seven or eight, who all were sent to Bursie, the rest of that nation were slain to the number of a thousand horsemen. This battle was fought on Michaelmas even Anno Domini 1396 and these prisoners, were after redeemed for no little ran some, in expedition whereof great diligence was used by one james Hely a gentleman of Picardy, who also was taken prisoner among them, and before had served in the Court of Amorabaquin. After this battle, Bazait beesieged the City of Constantinople, and had won it, if it had not been that into natoly was entered the great Prince of Tartary called Tamerlaine or Tamburlaine, (but by the Turks Demirling,) and by some French Historiographers (as Enguerrant) named Le Grant Tacon de Tartarye, but the Tartariens themselves do call him Temircutlu, that is to say, the Fortunate Sword or lucky iron, descended of the race of one Cham of Tartary called Zaym Cham, of the Horde or multitude of Zavolba and Czahaday, which is towards the river of Rha or Volha, which falleth into the Sea Dabacuth, by the latins named Mare Caspium and Hircanum, which Zaym was he whom the Polonians do call in their Histories Bathy, the first Mahum●tist of all the Tartars. Tamerlaine, was afterward Lord of Tartary precopy, called by them Prezelzoph, situated betwixt the rivers of Tanais which they call Don, and Boristhenes called Nyper and D●r●●z, the which country of precopy was in ancient time called Scythia Inferior, now in possession of the Turk. This Tamerlayne was for the most part resident in the great City of Samarcand, which is toward the sea Caspium, who caused himself to be called the Scourge of God, though his very title of his dignity was Vlucham, which is to say, the mighty Lord. Bazait having intelligence of the entry of Tamerlayne into Natoly, thought it requisite to raise his siege of Constantinople, and with all diligence, to encounter with the innumerable army of Tamerlayne, where nigh the city of Dangory, by our ancients called Ancira (not far from the mountain Stella, which Enguerrant de Monstrelet, doth call Appadi, where Pompeius Magnus overthrew the famous Mithridates,) the mighty armies encountered, and cruelly did fight, in which conflict Bazait was vanquished and taken prisoner, whom Tamerlaine caused to be bound and made fast with chains of gold, and so to be put in a cage as though he had been a Lion, in which sort he carried Bazait about with him, through every region of Asia as he passed, so long as Bazait lined, which was not above two years after or thereabouts, who died Anno Domini: 1400 after he had reigned twenty seven years, about the twentieth year of the reign of Charles the sixth the french king. From this conflict escaped certain of Bazaits sons, who supposing to have passed into Europe, chanced to fall into the hands of the Emperor of Constantinople who caused the seas surely to be kept at that time. An other of his sons named Cyris, and by the frenchmen Quirici, whom some also do call Calapin or Calepin escaped over to Adrinopoli whose surname being called Ciris Cheleby was but a little of dignity and Noblesse given to the children of the great Turk, as Achmat Cheleby, Mahumet Cheleby, or Mustapha Cheleby, which is as much as to denominate a gentleman, according as the Spaniards do name their Nobility Don Alonso or Don Rodrigo, and the frenchmen Charles Monsieur or Joys Monsieur, being appropriate to their blood royal. Cyris reigned six years or thereabouts, and left behind him a son named Orcan, when as his three brethren named Musach, Mahumet, and Mustapha escaped out of Constantinople, while the Emperor was gone into France to the said king Charles to require succours against the afornamed Cyris, Musach slew Orcan his' nephew, & for recompense himself was after slain by his own brother Mahumet: And than first began they to devise how the one brother might kill another, which unto this time, they have right well practised and put in ure. Mahumet the first of that name, after he had slain his brother Musach, usurped the Empire, and recovered all the whole Countries of natoly which Tamerlayne before had won of Bazait. This Mahumet removed his seat imperial from the city of Bursie in natoly, to Adrianopoli in Grecia. He made wars upon the region of Valachie (which some french histories do call Valaigne and other Blaquie, and of the ancients named Bessi and Triballi.) He also overthrew in battle the Emperor Sigismond in the plains of Selumbez and was the first of his nation that passed the river of Donaw or Danuby: he subdued the country of Bosnia made war upon Caraman and died the year of our Lord God 1418 and in the xxxviii year of the reign of the said King Charles, after he had reigned eighteen years reckoning therewith the years of Cyris (which some do not) and left a son called Amurath. Amurath the second of that name was in natoly, when his father died, whereof so soon as he was advertised, passed into Europe; albeit the Emperor of Constantinople did what he could to stop his passage, who sent against him Mustapha his uncle, son of Bazait, whom the said Emperor had kept prisoner sithence the taking of Bazait, as before I have told: howbeit Mustapha being to weak, was vanquished & slain in battle by Amurath, who to revenge himself upon the Emperor of Constantinople▪ spoiled and burnt the whole territory of Thracia in Grecia: and took from the Venetians the notable town of Thessalonica called now Salonichi, which Andronico Paleologo before had sold them in despite of the Emperor Constantine his brother: after that, the said Amurath entered into Servia or Rascia & constrained George Vucovich the Despot or Prince of that country, to give him in marriage his daughter named Irinye, surnamed Catacusine, notwithstanding which affinity he afterward came against this Despot with an army, and enforced him to fly into Hungary, towards the Emperor Albert son in law to the late Sigismond the Emperor, leaving his son George for the defence of his said Country, this George was taken by Amurath, who caused his eyes to be put forth, though he was his brother in law. After the death of the said Albert; Lancelot brother to the king of Pole was chosen by the Hungarians for their King, albeit that Albert had left his wife with child, who after the death of her husband was delivered of a son, that at his Baptism was also named Lancelot, who after, wa● nourished and brought up under the keeping of the Emperor Frederic the third of that name, and was the only cause, that the said Lancelot of Polen, durst make no manner of enterprise against the Turks nor to invade them, lest in the mean time the Emperor Frederic should have annoyed him upon some other part, and so have set the other Lancelot (the true king in his realm of Hungary. During this time, Amurath who could not long rest, besieged Belgrado (which they call Nandoralba, and Alba Greca, and by the hungarians, Chrieschisch, but by our elders Taurinum,) situated betwixt the rivers of Danubia or Donaw, and Saws or Sava upon a very neck of land, where those two rivers do join togethers, the which town of Belgrado the said George Vucovich before had given in exchange for others to the said Emperor Sigismond for that it was the key and entry to the kingdom of Hungary: After which at the suit and persuasion of the same George Vucovich, the said king Lancellot raised a very great army against Amurath, and therewith recovered the territories of Servia and Rascia, which he rendered again to the said Despot George Vucovich: to revenge which wrong, Amurath levied a great power, under the leading of one Carabey who encountering with the Christians, nigh the mountain Costegnaz (anciently called Hemus) was there overthrown, and Carabey taken prisoner. The which two victories, with sundry others before and after, were obtained by the famous prowess, and valiantness of john Huniad called by Enguerrant de Monstrelet, and Philip de Comines, Le Blanc Chevalier de la Velaign, and by the Hungarians Ianc● Ban, or Vaivod, that is to say, Prince of Transiluania at this present Moldavia, and by the Hungarians named Sibenbourg, that is to say, Septemcastrum, but by our elders Dacia. This worthy john Huniad was father to the valiant Mathias king of Hungary, who not long agone reigned there. After this battle there was an abstinence from arms conditioned betwixt the Hungarians and the Turks, for two years, by reason whereof, & with the payment of fifty thousand ducats of ransom, Carabey was delivered: the which truce being soon after broken by the said king Lancelot, at the instance and persuasion of Eugenius the Pope, the fourth of that name, to king Lancelot was very infortunate, for afterward he was slain in the battle soughten beetwixt him and Amurath nigh the town of Verna, anciently called ●yonisiopolis upon Saint Martin's day, the eleventh of November Anno Domini 1444 where the said john Huniad was put to flight. Of this victory Amurath had small cause to rejoice considering it cost him very decree both in loss of his▪ best friends, & choice soldiers: after this Amurath took the town of Sophy, being the head town of whole Bulgaria, Scopie, and Novomont, and overran all the territories of Acarnania (called at this instant, Ducat or Dutch) and the Province of Cymera (anciently called Epirus) where he spoilt and wasted alongst the river of Achelous (at this day named the river of Pachicolan) unto the mountains Du Diable (in times passed called Acroceraunii) which are part of the Mountains called Pindus, he took also the famous port town, named Velone (sometime called Aulon) and passed the Gulf of Larta, in latin called Sinus Ambracius, unto the town of Oricus (now named Rigo) and so went forward towards the Gulf of Cataro (which is called Sinus Risonicus) being five and twenty miles from the town of Ragusa, (in ancient ●●me named Epidaurus.) He enforced john Cos●●i●th the Despot of Cymera to give him the enpregnable town of Croia with his three sons in hostage, and pledge of fidelity, all which he caused to be● come Turks the youngest named George Castrioth, at that time not above nine years of age, was called by the Turks Scanderbag that is to say Alexander▪ the great, who after, became so valiant a Captain, that for his worthy acts he was comparable to the famous and most renowned Pyrrus, and others his worthy predecessors, dominators and rulers of Epirus: for having command under Amurath, he conquered Servia, and did bring to the Turks obeisance the Country of Carmania▪ how beit afterward this Scanderbag returning to the christian faith, caused Amurath to lose the territory of Servia, and then took from him the strong town of Croia with all the countries, towns, & castles that before belonged to his said father john Castrioth, besides that in twenty or thirty battles, wherein valiantly he fought with the Turks, he always carried away with him the victory, so as Amurath had never juster matter to object to this Scanderbag, then to reproach him with unkindness, that being so carefully brought up by him, in his tender age, should so without cause reuoult▪ calling him by sundry letters the ingrate & unthankful son: howbeit Scanderbag cared so little for Amurath, that upon occasion he departed from his own Countries, to succour in person Ferdinand king of Naples against john Duke of Galabre, which Ferdinand he restored to his realm, & expelled the Duke from the same: for which deed Ferdmand afterwards, curteoushe received the spoiled and calamitous children of Scanderbag (whom 〈…〉 the second, after the death of their father exiled and 〈…〉 of all their livelihoode) & gave them lands in the kingdom of Naples, so as they became Marquizes of Saint Angelo, and of Tripaldo: so as a worthy gentleman of that race named Ferdinand Castrioth Marquiz of Saint Angelo was slain, valiantly fight on the imperial part in the late battle before Pavia. Amurath after that did win the country of Moree (which in latin by our elders is called Peloponesus) through the discord of two brethren, the one called Thomas and the other Demetrius, Despots of the same country, being brothers of Constantine Paleologo last Emperor of Constantinople, who by reason that the Albanois moved wars against them, sought for succours to Amurath, and became his tributaries, but after denying to pay their promised tribute, Amurath drove them out of their whole country of Moree. Howbeit Demetrius afterwards retired himself towards the Turk, but Thomas repaired to Rome, to the Pope where he ended his life, leaving four children, two sons and two daughters. Amurath being now become aged, and weary both of the world and of his victories, withdrew himself among certain Heremits and other Religieux, of his superstitious sect, pretending to lead the rest of his days solitarily and in quietness: & established in his place his son. Mahumet being but young of years, to reign and govern his Kingdoms, appointing for his governor one Haly Bassa, called of some, Caly Bassa. Howbeit when the famous john Huniades, with the Hungarians had gathered togethers a mighty army, to have invaded the dominions of this young Mahumet. Amurath (at the great instance and suit both of his son as also of the said Haly Bassa (that could not be obeyed) was enforced to take upon him the administration and government of the present affairs, who making head against the said Hungarians in the end, vanquished and put them to flight. After which Amurath invaded the dominions of the valiant Scanderbag, beesieged his strong town of Croia, howbeit he could not win the same. And in his retiring by the Mountains there, he was spoiled by the Paisaunts, and very many of his army slain, whereby Amurath entered into such a marvelous melancholy and displeasure, that what by disease therewith taken, and his old age togethers he died, in the year of our Lord God 1451. of his age seventy five, and of his reign thirty two, and of the reign of Charles, the French king the seventh of that name twenty six. Thus Amurath was the first, that instituted the jannisaries. MAHUMET, the second of that name, called by Enguerrand, and other french Historiographers Morbesan, perhaps they would have said Morbesalem, which is as much in the Surien or Moresque language, as these words in the Gospel, Vade in Pace, depart in peace. This word Morbesan among the Turks signifieth so much as Duke or Duchy. This Mahumet was son of the said Amurath, and of Iriny a Christian woman daughter to George the Despot of Servia, who began to reign the one and twenty year of his age, and two years after did win by assault the City of Constantinople Anno Domini 1453. where the Emperor Constantinie was slain, by which it so came to pass, that as one Constantine son to Helen, was the first Emperor of Constantinople: so an other Constantine son of an other Helen, was the last Christian Emperor there. This Mahumet proved in the end, neither mussulman or Mahometist, for in his infancy he was instructed in the christian faith, by his said mother, and after by others in the Turkish superstition, howbeit, when he came to age, he cared neither for the one nor other. In the beginning of his reign, he caused two of his brethren being but of very tender age (the one, of a year and a half, the other not passing six months old) to be slain: howbeit some do affirm that the elder son was secretly saved, an other child being put in his room, who was carried to Venice, and from thence to Rome to Pope Calixt, who caused him to be baptized and named Calixt Othman, upon whom the Emperor Frederic afterwards did bestow great livings. Mahumet having thus taken Constantinople as I have declared, did invade the dominions of Hungary, and besieged Belgrado, from which, he was repulsed by the worthy john Huniades, that was then within Belgrado, with the Cardinal Angelo, and the famous grey Friar called john Capistran▪ From this siege Mahumet withdrew himself and his army with shame enough, for besides his own hurts & wounds, he lost wholly his artillery & baggage, with his for ever hope to have the realm of Hungary: besides he was compelled wholly to attend the recovery of the dominion of Moree, which the Venetians had won from him, having repaired the Examilo ila. (which is a long wall of the length of six Italian miles extending from the Gulf Patras, which the latins do call Sinu Corinthiacus, unto the Bay of Egino named in latin Sinus Megaricus, between which two Gulfs, (as it were in the midst of the Isthmus, not passing six miles broad, being a piece of ground comparable unto a bridge tying the dominion and territory of Peloponesus, unto the main land of Grecia) the City of Corinthe stood sometime of notable fame, but now reduced to a little village called Coranto) the which long brickwall named the Examilo, Amurath in his life had caused to be demolished and cast down, to the end to have the more easy passage into Peloponesus: but when Mahumet came, the Venetians hoping they had been strong enough, in a battle which they fought with him, were clean overthrown, where a great number of Italian Captains were slain: so as Mahumet recovered the chief of the territory of Peloponesus, forthwith again after which in the very sight of the Venetians he did win from them the whole Island of Negropont called also Euboea, joined to the firm & main land with a bridge, with the islands of Stalimene anciently named Lemnos, and Methelin called Lesbos, appertaining then to Nicholas Cataluz a Genevois: and so prosecuting his good fortune he took the Isle of Saint Maura (called Nerytus, and by some Leucas, & Leucadia) together with the Isles of Zante (anciently named Zacynthus) and Cephalenia, (called now Chiphalonie:) He recovered the strong town of Croya, after the death of Scanderbag, spoiled the town of Scodra called now Scutare from Seigneur Aranith Comino, or Comnenus surnamed Golent father of Seigneur Constantine, who then governed the Marquesdome of Montferrato, after the death of the Duchess his niece, at which time Charles the eight the French King returned from Naples: after all this Mahumet invaded the territory of Bosne, and took the Despot thereof called Stephan Hierchec, and of some Historiographers the Duke Latic, and caused his head to be smitten off, compelling a young son of this Despot to be made a Renie, and to be circumcised, in surnaming him Achmath. He took from the Genevois, their town of Capha (anciently called Theodosia) situated in Prezocopie, named by the Geographers Taurica Chersonesus: which is as though it were half and sland, as is Peloponesus, and hath on the one side the Gulf of Nigropila (called Sinus Carcini●●s) & on the other, the Bay called La Mer Noir, named in latin B●cis Paulus, from which not very far distant is the famous Gulf called Palus Meotis commonly named the Gulf de li Tana, during which time of these his expeditions & exploits in war in countries so far distant the one from the other; he was assaulted in Natolie by Piramet Caraman, who enforced him to relinquish his further enterprises. Notwithstanding before his departure, he took the strong fortress of Mancup or Manlzup, situated in the Isthmus or straight piece of ground which knitteth or joineth Prezocopie unto the firm land called by the ancients Taphre, now Azan or Assou▪ standing upon the shore of the Gulf▪ of T●na. That done, Mahumet retired into Natelie, and repulled from thence Caraman, invading the countries of the same Caraman, whereof he did win a great part: and in his return took the city of Sinopes, the Metropolis of Pap●lagonia, which standeth upon the coast of the sea called anciently Pontus Euxinus', & now La Mer major, as also upon the same coast▪ the renowned city of Trapezonda, being the chief city of the Empire of Trapezonda, where he did put to death the Emperor thereof called David Conino or Comnenus, who was a Christian, descended of the valiant Isaac Conino, who from a mean Captain became Emperor of Constantinople, after the Emperor Michael: all which troubles above said came to pass, when as the Hungarians, and those of Ostrich moved wars against the Emperor Frederic to recover Ladislaus (whom some do call Lancelot) the son of Albert, to be their king and lord, whom Frederic had in keeping, yet would not restore him, though he was adjudged meet to reign: while Mahumet became thus victorious, there did spring a new enemy against him named Vssuncassan or Assambeg the prince of Persia, who with a great power of the Persians (whom the Turks do call Keselbach, that is to say, red heads, by reason that they did wear red hoods) entered into Capadoce and Trapesonde, and fought two battles with Mahumet; in the first of which Mahumet was overthrown, but in the second Assambeg had the worst, and thereby lost sundry of his dominions. This Vssuncassan or Assambeg was son in law to the said David Conyno Emperor of Trebisonde, of whom before I made mention, who reigned in the year of our Lord God 1472. Mahumet thus delivered of his adversary, returned into Caramany after the death of Pyramet Caraman, and enforced Abraham his son to seek for succours from the Christians, and chiefly of Pope Pius the second of that name, who was determined in person to have gone against the Turk, and for that purpose was repaired to the City of Ancona, where he had in readiness a great army on the sea: but while he stayed there for the Venetians that should have accompanied him in the voyage, Pius died, without any further exploit done at that time. Whereby it so came to pass, that this army being scattered, and the Allemen and the Hungarians continuing still at wars, this infortunate Caraman not able to resist Mahumet, was in the end miserably slain by him, and by this mean the race of Caraman was utterly overthrown, and his dominions rested in the subjection of the Othmen. Mahumet now assured and safe upon this coast of Cilicia, sent Omarbey, the Sangiac of Bosnia, who was son of a Genevois, to pill and overrun the country of Istria (called Liburnia) as likewise to spoil the territory of Carinthia (commonly called Crayn) & so to furrow the land of Stiria (anciently called Valeria, now at this day named Steirmarck) all which countries are comprehended under the name of Illyria. This Omarbey in executing his prince's commandment, passed unto the region of Frioll, (which in latin is called Forum julii,) travesing mighty and great rivers, both by fords and bridges made on boats as occasion served, and overthrew the army of the Venetians that came to debat his passage, in which conflict were slain & taken a great company of notable good Captains of Italy. Of another part Mahumet did send Athmath Bacha (surnamed Ghendich, that is to say with a great Tooth, son of Stephan sometime Despot of Bosnia, of whom I did speak before) with a great army by sea into Italy who took the town of Otrant● (called in latin Hydruntus and of the ancients I●pigium) situated in the territory of Apulia in Italy: a little before which Mesith Bacha Paleologo, descended of the race of the Emperor of Constantinople, did beesiege the famous city of the Rhodes with a mighty army, from which he was repulsed by the Christians that valiantly defended the same. Now Mahumet not contented thus with these three Armies, in person went against the Soldain of Egypt, but being arrived nigh unto Nicomedia (a City of Bythinia in Natoly, which City at this day is called Comidy, and of the Turks Nichor, Mahumet died in the year of our Lord God 1442 of his age 54. And of his reign 31. About the end of Joys the eleventh, and the beginning of the reign of Charles the eight the French king. This Mahumet was called by the Turks, Mahumet Boiuc, that is to say Mahumet the great, who left behind him, two sons the one called Pazait and the other Zizimy, which is to say love, for Mustapha his eldest son, who was Governor of Icony called Iconium in Latin, died soon after the second battle fought as above said against Vsuancssan, in which battle Mustapha had very valiantly behaved himself. PAZAIT otherwise called Bazait the second of that name, and the youngest as was supposed of his three brethren (through the aid and favour of the janizares of whom their Laga or Captain was his son in law,) seized and atteigned the Empire. And Zizimy his brother, was planted in the City of Bursie wherewith and the dominions of the same he could have very well contented himself. But Bazait would not let him rest so nigh, for which with the army that was put in readiness by his father to have gone against the Sultan of Egypt he drove his brother Zizimy out of Bursie. So as Zizimy for succour, was enforced to repair to the Soldain of whom he was aided both with men and money, yet nevertheless, after he had fought two battles and lost them both, he was in the end utterly put to flight by Achmat Ghendich Bacha, and not knowing how to recover himself, retired into the Isle of Rhodes to require succours of us Christians, being then of the age of eight and twenty years. Whereof Bazait being advertised sent great gifts and presents to the great master and counsel of the Rhodes, beeseeching them to keep well his brother Zizimy and for the maintenance of his estate and entertainment, he would cause yearly to be paid to them the sum of forty thousand Ducats, as also during the time of his keeping he would make no manner of invasion upon the Christians. For which this Zizimy, for safety, and to keep Bazait in continual fear and subjection was sent, into the realm of France where he continued very long in a house of the order of the Rhodes, called Bourgeneuf, but after he was given to P. P. Innocent the eight of that name, and had to Rome where he was resident, when Charles the eight invaded the Realm of Naples, who needs would have Zizimy away with him, hoping by his means to recover the Empire of Constantinople but the P. P. Alexander the sixth of that name (perceiving he must depart with Zizimy whither he would or no) enpoysened him in such sort (as was said) that after such his delivery he died within three days at Tarracine. Baizait thus dispatched of his brother; beeganne to invade the Countries of Transyluania and took Moncastro standing on the River of Neper called in Latin Boristhenes, with the town of Lithostomo at the mouth of the river of Danuby. After which, he caused to be put to death, his famous General Achmat Ghendich Bacha, comparable in valour to any excellent man of war of his time. He was son to Stephan sometime Despot of Bosnia as before I declared. This being done, to pursue the intent and purpose of his father Mahumet against the Soldain of Egypt and partly to revenge himself upon the same Soldain for maintaining of his brother Zizimy against him, he sent a mighty army into Sury. Of the which the Mammaluches getting intelligence, assembled themselves at Antioch, marching towards the Turks whom they found encamped under the mountain Amanus (now called Monte Negro) where they courageously encountered their enemies betwixt the same mountain and the golf of Layasse (which is called in Latin Sinus Issicus. Where sometime also Alexander the great, discomfited king Darius) overthrew the Turks army, and took prisoner the General of the same, called Cherseogli son in law of Bazait whom they brought to the Soldain than being at his great City of Cair (which the Turks called Mitzir.) But seeing I am thus chanced to make mention of these Mammaluches I shall not much digress from my matter, if first I show you what these Mammaluches are. This word Mammaluch in the Surienne tongue, (being Mammaluch the common language used in afric which we call Moresque and the most enlarged and extended vulgar speech that at this day is used in the world▪) betokeneth or signifieth a seruiteur or soldior. This Soldain and the Mammeluches were of one manner of Religion, and lived without marriage, as those that are of the order of the Rhodes & the knights of Malta do, who above their other apparel, used to wear a gown of white Bocassin bright & artificially made to shine. And as the great Turk hath four Visir Bacha exceeding the others in dignity: So hath the Soldain four Emir Quibir surmounting the rest Emir Quibir in honour next unto the Soldain. For this word Emir betokeneth an admiral and Quibir signifieth great. So as this word Emir Quibir, is as much to say a great admiral. Besides, they had in their society a great constable called in their tongue Derdard Quibir, whom Paulus iovius calleth the great Diadaro. The Soldain being but a Mammaluch is chosen to that dignity by the rest of the brothers, as they do elect the great Master of the Rhodes, and most often he is of one of their Emirs. Who being thus elected to be Soldain giveth to every of the other Mammaluches by way of reward a hundred Ducats for his welcome. All which Mammaluches were Christians Renies, or sons of Christians as are the janissaries; (who in no case would receive any Turk Moor or jew to be of their society) being all Liverous for so the Turks do name them. This Liverous were anciently named Hiberi and Circassi (whom they call Cercaz,) among whom the Colchi, Georgii, Albani, and others Christians who were jacobits and Nestorians, remaining about the river of Phaso otherwise called Phasis) were accounted. This Circassis being young when the Tartarians did surprise and take them, were carried by troops and sold to the said Emirs, with whom they were brought up in the exercise of arms but chiefly on horseback, who beecomming very valiant; were made Mammaluches observing the mahumetical law. This order of the Mammaluches began at such time as the king saint Lois was taken prisoner before Damyate (which some call Heliopolis) among whom the first Soldain was named Melechsalem whom they did kill and was the cause that the said saint Joys was the more easily delivered. But to return to Bazait, this overthrow that the Turks thus received nigh to the golf of Layasse by the Mammaluches, was the greatest calamity that ever came to the Turckes, whereof Bazait having received intelligence, and perceiving that his affairs had small good success on that side, retired his force into Sclavonye, and there took the town of Durazo (anciently called Dirrachium) and Epidamnus perteigning to the family of the Carlovichs who affirmed themselves to have descended out of the house of the kings of France. That is to say from Charles of Durazo surnamed the le Faix son of Peter Duke of Gravyn son of Charles second king of Naples, and of Hungary in the right of his wife. The which Charles was son of Charles D'aniou king of Naples brother to the said king saint Joys. IN the year of our Lord God 1493. Bazait sent eight thousand horsemen under the leading of Cadum Bacha to over run the Countries lying between Hungary and Sclavonie, against whom, certain of the Nobility of Hungary Croace and Sclavony did assemble themselves and encountered the Turckes nigh unto the River of Morava (anciently called Moschus) where the Christians were overthrown. Five years after, Haly Bacha the Albaneze and Eunuch with a great army by sea made towards the town of jara or jadera situated on the shore of the golf of Venice in the coast of Sclavony. And albeit that the forces of the Venetians (which was very mighty on the sea,) pursued the Turks yet durst they not charge them, which Haly Bacha perceiving, took at their noses the town of Lepantho, anciently called Naupactum. IN the year of our Lord God 1500. Bazait came in person to Modon, that sometime was called Methones, in Moree and took the same. And after, when Lewes the twelfth, the French King joined in alliance with the Venetians against Ludovic Sforza the usurper of the Duchy of Milayn, Bazait at the request of Sforza caused ten thousand horsemen to invade the territory of Friol, insomuch as they approached even to the town of Triviso in the view of the City of Venice. For which the Venetians prepared immediately a great army on the sea against the Turks, with whom the Galleys of France under the charge of Seigneur Ravestaing, as also the Galleys of the king of Arragon under the leading of the famous Don Ferrando consalvo joined, with which army they did win from the Turks the Islands of Cephalonia, and saint Mauro. But (upon certain conclusions of peace traicted by the means of Messire Andreas Gritti (who afterwards was Duke of Venice) betwixt the Venetians & the Turks) were again surrendered, yet the Galleys of France, passed forwards to the Isle of Lesbos, (otherwise called Metheline) hoping to have subdued the same, but not able to bring their enterprise to pass, they returned home again. About this time beeganne the fame and renown of Siach Ishmael the king of Persia, by surname called the Sophy according to the name of his father, who was son to the Daughter of Vssuncassan, and of one Seich Aider (that is to say the good Religioux) for he was reputed among the Persians to be a very good and holy man, and a Prophet called Sophi, of that sect new begun among the Mahumetists, which they call Sophi or Sophilar, of the which I did speak before, according to the which he lived. Some hold opinion that he was called Sophi of the Country of Sophena which was under his dominion. But neither the Turks nor yet the Persians know what Country Sophena is: The said Seich Aider after the death of Vsuncassam was shamefully slain by the commandment of jacopbeg his brother in law, doubtting that the people of Persia (who marvelously were affected owardes Seich) would have deposed the said jacopbeg and made Seich to have been their King. For which Seich Ishmael hearing of his father's death being than not passing eight years of age, fled to the town of Leziam situated upon the Sea of Abacuth (commonly called Caspium,) where he remained until he came to man's age, and than returned into Persia, where finding means to assemble but three hundred men through their help he took the town of Sumach, and after, increasing his number, he wan the City of Taurys in Armeny with the town of Syras, where the good Armours are made. He afterwards vanquished and slew in fight Aluant son of jacopbeg who made himself King after the death of his father, who was son to Vsuncassan (Uncle to the said Ishmael) and entered in league with the Prince Aladulad or Anaudule and the Soldain of Egypt by whom he was drawn to move war against Bazait, against whom he obtained sundry victories. About this time Selym, the youngest son of Bazait, departed from Trebisconde whereof he was governor, and without the knowledge of his father, married with the daughter of the Cham of Tartary Prezecopie. Through whose aid and a great number of Horsemen, which his brother in law (called of the Turks Chamogly or Canogly:) brought to accompany him, (having already gained the hearts of his father's jannizaries.) He enforced Bazait his father to leave to him his Empire. Which Bazait, purposing to draw himself to the cost of the sea Maior otherwise named Pontus Euxinus and there to lead the residue of his years in quietness, died in his going thither, empoysonned as was judged by his son Selym, in that they did drink togethers at their departure. Bazait reigned thirty years, lived threescore and three years, died in the year of our Lord God, one thousand five hundred & twelve. And in the fourteenth of the reign of Lewes the twelfth, the French king, leving behind him Selym, Achmat, and Corchuth. SELYM, thus having attained to the Empire, through the means above declared, endeavoured himself above all things to dispatch himself from the fear of his brethren. For which first he caused Corcuth his brother to be put to death, who before had fled to the sea cost over against the Island of the Rhodes and there had hidden himself until he might have gotten shipping to have passed unto the great Master, but being shamefully discovered by one of his own men, in the end was strangled with a bow string. Achmat his brother died by like death, being taken in battle, accompanied with an able army which he had gotten togethers through the aid of Siach Ishmael, and of Campson Ciauri Soldain of Egypt. Yet through his fatness and unwieldiness of body whereby he was not able to abide labour on horseback and so to fly, was taken & put to death. Selym, being thus delivered from his father & brethren, deliberated to invade the Sophy, aswell for the ancient enmity that was betwixt them, as to revenge himself of this new injury, for aiding his brother Achmat, to make wars against him. Howbeit, that the more easily he might bring his purpose about, he found means first to make peace with Lancelot the king of Hungary, & than for his greater surety, renewed the alliance & league that he had with the Venetians: after which he set forward towards the Persians', whom the Sophy met, accompanied with a great number of men at Arms, nigh to Assiria, where these great Princes with their Armies fought a wonderful sore battle, in which the Sophy through the Turks Artillery had the worst, & was put to flight: forsomuch as the Persian horses were never frequented to the noise & thundering of artillery, which they could not abide to hear. This battle was fought in the plain of Calderan, betwixt the cities of Tauris, and Coy: which city of Coy sometime hath been called Artaxata. The manner of this battle is painted in the counsel chamber at Venice, which there I have seen, & is reported that Selym caused so to be done, & sent to Venice, to the Senate ther. After which conflict the city of Tauris came into the hands of the Turks, with a great part of the Realm of Persia: Howbeit the Turks had no long possession of the same: For Siach Ishmael recovered all that he had lost, right soon after. In such sort as Thomas the son of the said Ishmael holdeth the same at this day. Selym now returning out of Persia came to Trebizonda, where he tarried all the winter, but the summer next ensuing he invaded the prince Aladolus, otherwise called Anardule, (who frontered upon the Soldain of Egypt, towards a Town of his called Alep, by the french men named Halappe, by the Turks Adelphe, & by our anciants Epiphania, supposed to be called Aleph, because it is the first Town which that way leadeth into Sury). Upon an other coast, he bordereth on the Turks, toward the province of Icony, & unto Armenia the less pertaining to the Persians. All this country of Anadule, was subdued by Selym, Anadule himself taken, and his head smitten off, by command. There rested now no more in the contrary of Selym, but only the Soldain of Egypt, who with a great Army was come against Caythby, the Emyr of Alep, who being subject to the Soldain, had revolted against him. The army of the Soldain was supposed to be about eight & twenty thousand Horsemen, the most part of which consisted of the order of the Mameluches, who little esteemed the Turks, considering that heretofore they had encountered them in other wars, & given them the overthrow, as before is declared. But Selym politicly feigning as though he purposed to invade the Sophy, whereof he made a bruit to run: when he was come nigh unto the Town of Aman, (called by our ancients Apamea, situated betwixt Alep and Damas',) was instantly required & prayed by the said Caithby, to give him succours and aid against the Soldain: Whereunto, Selym accorded right soon, as he, that found what he desired, and a ready occasion, for which he had long looked. Yet would he not utter his thoughts therein, lest the two armies of the prince and subject, being ready in the field to fight, and perceuing his purpose, (who in taking part sought so to over throw them both) should accord togethers against him. Wherefore immediately he reigned with the Emir Caith by, bidding defiance to the Souldain Campson Ciauri, with whom he fought in set field, where the Souldain was slain, and Caithby also as some do say,) whereby Selym remained Lord over all Syria, Damas. Jerusalem, & judea. The M●mcluchs who saved themselves in that battle, returned into Egypt, where with the others there, they chose an other Souldain named Tomombey, who before, was Emyr of Alexandria, howbeit Selym hotly following his fortune and victories, entered into Egypt, vanquished Tomombey in an other battle, took the great city of Cairo, (which of some, wrongfully is called Carra) & named of other by more apparent reason Memphis,) where whilst Tomombey would have saved himself on the other side of the river Nile, he was pursued by Canogly, who passed the river by ships, with ten thousand Horsemen, (the bridge that was made on boats over the same, being cloyed with janissaries, so as he was not able to pass that way,) by which Canogly Tomombey, being taken and brought back to Selym, caused him strait to be strangled, whereby the said Selym remained King of Egypt, Anno Domini. 1518. These victories thus attained, Selym returned to Constantinople, and purposing to remove to the City of Adrianople, died in his iournyeng, at a village called Chiorlich: where before with his Tartarians, he did fight with his father Bazait, and was overthrown. Thus he died in the year of our Lord God one thousand five hundred and twentieth, of his reign the eighteenth year of his age the six & forty year: and of the reign of the right Christian king Erancis the French King, the eight year After that he had put to death three of his most worthy Bachas, Chenden Bacha, because he would have mutined his janissaries, entering into Persia. Bostangi, otherwise called Constantin Bacha his son in law, for sundry exactions and spoils that he had committed: & janus Bacha, where of none could tell the cause, saving that Selym thought him to be high minded. This Selym left but one son named Solyman, called by the Turks, Selyman: whom he recommended to the custody of Peribacha, who before had governed him in his youth. SOLYMAN came to his reign the xxviij. year of his age, who the year next ensuing by the counsel of Peribacha, besieged Belgrado, & did win it from king Lewes of Hungary (the son of Lancelot.) who at that time was very young, having the Princes & Lords of his Country at discord among themselves, about the Regiment of their King and of his Realm: Whereby it came to pass that no manner of Order was foreseen, either for the defence or succouring of that famous Place. The next year after, he beesieged the Rhodes, espying always after the custom of his elders, the discords & divisions among Christian Princes, the which enterprise was clearly against the mind and counsel of Peribacha, who accounted that journey very doubtful and of no little adventure: Howbeit the same succeeded too well with him, as he desired. In the year of our Lord God 1527. when Italy was in wars & troubles, Solyman entered into Hungary in favour, as he said, of john de Ziphs', the Vayvod of Sibenbourg, who pretended that the kingdom of Hungary did to him only of right appertain: where it came to pass, that the young King Lewes, coming in person to the fight, was slain: after which, the said john attaining the kingdom, died, leaving a young son, an Infant, behind him, under protection of Solyman, with his Kingdom likewise. The same Selyman in the year 1535. going in expedition against Thomas king of the Persians took from him the whole country of Mesopotamia, with the city of Babylon, and in 1538 continuing at Aulona he gave an attempt to the winning of the Isle of Corcyra. 1540 he both besieged and took the strong fortress called Castle Novo in Dalmatia. In the year 1541 john de Ziphs' king of Hungaria being dead as aforesaid, & his widow calling Solyman to her aid, who as then was besieged in the city of Buda, by Ferdinand king of the Romans. The said Solyman not only came to relieve her, but beating back the army of Ferdinand, took the said city, placed therein a Bassa, and sent the widow with her infant son into Transiluania. The year following the same Solyman defended the city of Pestum in Hungaria against the united and assembled forces of the whole german Empire, and after took from them the two strong holds of Strigonium and Alba Regalis, and in fine concluded peace with Ferdinand king of the Romans and Hungaria, upon condition of a yearly pension (which they do call a tribute) to be paid him. In the year 1549 and 1550 he undertook another expedition against the Persians, and established a Beglerbeg at Vanum in the confines of Media and Armenia, after which he possessed himself of Tripoli in Africa, Temeswar in Hungaria, the which with the adjoining countries he committed to the defence of a new Bassa. In the year 1553▪ he commanded his eldest son Mustapha to be put to death at Halep: gave order though in vain, that Zegethum in Hungaria, should be besieged & afterward enforced his son Baiaseth (desirous to succeed his father) having first overcome him in battle, to fly to the king of the Persians, where being apprehended, he the said Baiaseth, with his four sons, Solyman, his nephews, were cruelly slain▪ 1560 the Turks gave a great overthrow to the Christians, at the Island of Garb, while the said Christians were desirous to recover the town of Tripoli, formerly taken, as is said by the Turks. After which the said Solyman attempted (but with small success) the Island of Malta, yet took that of Chios belonging to the state of Genua. Lastly being again recalled into Hungaria by john of Transiluania he died before Zegethum in the year 1566. and of his age seventy six. To whom succeeded his son Selimus the second, this Selimus made peace with Maximilian the Emperor every eight years to be renewed, took from the possession of the Venetians, the Isle of Cyprus, & in the year 1571 received that memorable overthrow in that worthy sea fought battle at Lepanto. He likewise by Sinamus Bassa his general, took in the kingdom of Tunis in afric, forty years after that Charles the fifth the Emperor had held it in his command, & caused that famous fort of the Gulet, to be overthrown & leveled with the ground: This Sinamus Bassa, is he who at this day is the great commander of all ● Turkish forces in Hungaria. And so the said Selimus in the end of the year 1574 died. Who left behind him a son called Amurath the third, the which Amurath, for the space of 14 continued years, held wars both long some & variable with the Persian king called Mahemet Hodobende, (as much to say as the servant of God,) which wars scarce determined he began to make head against the Christians & the Emperor Rodolphe, by whose soldiers the Bassa Bosnensis 1593. and others at Sisciam in Hungaria had been slain. This Amurath after many miseries inflicted upon the poor remainder of Hungaria, & the confines of Austria in the end of March, the year 1595 concluded his days. To him succeeded Mahumet the third his son, who now reigneth, a young man then of the age of thirty two years, little more or less, of a great spirit, able body, & infaligable mind, who before the performance of his father's funeral rites, caused xviii of his brothers, & father's sons by several concubines to be strangled, all which with their said father he took order should honourably in the same monument be interred, seven & twenty of his sisters he enclosed in the Seraglio, a place in manner of a monestary, deputed for the retiring of the great Senior his children, & the safe keeping of his concubines. This Mahumet is thought to prosecut the wars against the Christians, which his father left unfinished, with more fervent desire & greater forces than any other before him. In this sort as you see, have I for your content entered and finished this matter, which required more largely to have been touched, & to have busied one of better knowledge, which things though but slightly run over, may suffice to make apparent, that since but mean princes in regard of the united Christian forces, have thus encumbered the course of their conquests it is not Impossible the like again may be done, & greater when God shall encourage us thereunto. The end of the second book. To the Worshipful his very good cozen Edward Carr of Sleford in the county of Lincoln Esquire, and one in her majesties Commission of peace there. SIR, one and the same love and duty, derived from an infinite desire to serve and honour you, formerly protested to your worthy brothers, and now continued towards you, hath drawn on this third book, in such sort, as you see, not without some special reason, for herein being in most lively and fair lines, laid forth, the perfect models of true valour, and resolution, with many other parts of action and exact military discipline, admired precedents both for rule and example: I could not in my own conceit better dispose of, then in commending unto you, being as I hear, a man in action, and one whom your country hath built their better hopes, when service or the like occasion may call them thereunto: what I wish, and well hope, that the two first books have obtained from them, of favourable acceptance and entertaining, my honest will according to my meaning: the same I would entreat most earnestly of you, for this: which granted shall engage me ere long to some greater task, better fitting your worth, and in conformety more fully squared to my own desire, till when I take my leave and rest, for ever in what I can. Your worships exceedingly devoted R. Carr. The third Book. The History of Celimus secundus: of the wars and siege of Malta. WHO soever that complain of the inconstance and imbecility of humane affairs, & the estate of mankind, truly they do it not without cause: for well observing they shall see all things, with the heavens themselves, sometime flow, & sometime change, though not according to the face of the heavens, and the positions, motions, and courses of the stars, (which in their times appointed, do make return,) the matters and state of mankind are always like, for neither mankind itself, nor their worthy acts, policies, arts, regiments, and laws, (whereof the most part are either at this present, changed, or else utterly decayed,) which any conversion or return of the heavens can come again, whereof example unto us, are the Assyrians, Meds, Persians, Egyptians, Carthagians, Greeks, and Romans: For▪ time changeth and consumeth all worldly things, which had enfolded and utterly overturned, the famous acts of these worthy nations, in the horrible darkness of oblivion and forgetfulness, if that an other (as it were a resplendishing and most bright sun,) had not been reserved from the first beeginning of mankind, that should countervail such in constance and imbecility of humane things, whereby not only to prepare an immortality, to sliding and fluxible matters, but chiefly which all we mortal creatures ought to desire,) to show the perfect way, to joyful felicity. And that is, the memory of the acts and doings past of mankind, which we use to call and name a History: for when that in mankind, there is by nature an engraved appetite and desire of that goodness, which is called felicity, so as what soever we think, we justly do any thing, we refer it to that end of goodness and felicity, but verily that true goodness, and most certain felicity consisteth in this point, that we may be assuredly joined and knit with almighty God, and to be like to him, as he hath appointed us: Which unfeignedly they may affirm, to have attained and gotten, who that having brought in obedience to reason, the desires of their minds, and appetites, will found and establish their universal life upon virtue, accordingly as to the perfect dignity of mankind is required: howbeit, none there is, that would suppose to have gotten certainly and absolutely this felicity, except he will live and be conversant in that kind of society and company of men, which by policy and wholesome laws, being congregated and gathered togethers is rightly to be called a city or common wealth, which truly, then shall be accounted happy▪ if that three things, (whereupon due felicity consisteth,) shall aid and help the same, that is to say, That it may be, that well it may be, that Vt sit, et bene, et semper. always in that stay it may be: And for so much as there be two especial points, whereunto every well ruled City or Common wealth ought to have regard, that is to say, to peace and war, and that by peace, rather than wars, we enjoy and have happy lives, considering that wars ought to be taken in hand to the end, that we may in peace live quietly: and such desire of peace is in mankind, that no travail, no charge, no dangers and perils will be eschewed that peace may be attained and gotten, when as through the same, each necessary matter for quiet life is purchased. But truly, of that kind of peace I mean, nor when armour is laid a part, we stay from moving of wars, and in the mean time rancour and malice to have domination in our breasts: but rather of such peace, I mean, that is grounded upon the love of God and benevolence in the hearts of each good Citizen, to be good unto every one. Albeit, Sapience and Wisdom must be the Queen and unfallable guide of us mortal people, who if she be our guide to felicity, she is plain and able enough, of herself to accomplish the same, it is she that hath Fortune in obedience, it is she that giveth virtue, diligence, and other good acts, and the same can make fast to remain in us: but unto her there be two ways addressed, the one by Philosophers and establishers of wholesome laws, the other, by Historiographers, the one by general precepts of good life & demonstrations of reason, the other, (by show and declaration of worthy facts, coming to pass, and sequels of the acts and doings of mankind, joined with variety of examples, & matters of themselves.) leadeth & guideth us to wisdom, & so much this exceedeth the other, as the very acts & doings hath the superiority over words & sayings, and as it may be well perceived of what force it consisteth to allure the minds of any, to the embrace of the same: for this path way of history, both kings, generals in wars, and chiefly rulers in common wealths, citizens young, and old, rich and poor, miserable, and fortunate, aught to have in price and estimation, in this to delight, this to love, and of this to make to themselves a fellow, companion, and familiar, as it, which unto every age, degree, and fortune, is most apt, and replenished with every kind of examples, aswell of private as public fortune: for when we perceive, how that fortune changeth or overturneth and abolisheth high, low, and mean, men, families, common wealths, nations, Empires and kingdoms; if there be any thing amongst men, that hath power to encounter and countervail fortune, and to stop her of her pretended course, it must be either, only history, or else none other art can be found, that with the consideration of the ends & examples of the good and evil of all estates and callings, set before our eyes, we may thereby be brought unto the desired port of felicity: For in history, as a most pure and clear glass, or as a most ample and large Theatre, and high scaffold, one may ponder and way, the course the race, and mutations of humane affairs, the causes, and motions of the events and comings to pass of the fortunate and infortunate, and of their prudencies and temerities: wherewith, except we be to much guided with folly or sloth, we may be brought and led (as it were with hand) to the seat of quietness and felicity: in which, only tranquillity, and abundance of all things to be desired, glory and immortality is found. Wherefore having not a little considered of what valour, the memory of things done is, and how much utility and profit the same bringeth to the affairs of mankind: I have (so much as in meelieth) not only endeavoured myself in much reading of histories, but also the same written in other languages, have put in latin, and I myself likewise, to write the history of the wars of Malta. Howbeit in the great plenty and abundance of the famous acts and doings of worthy persons as, that which pleaseth one, liketh not an other; so to me, though not a little it seemeth hard and difficult to give due ornament of words, unto the arts and doings of valiant servitors, I have taken in hand, to put in perpetual memory, the worthy wars done in the said Island of Malta, of the which so briefly as I can, I will show unto you the truth. The wars, which Solyman the Emperor of the Turks moved against the knights of the order of Saint john, heretofore founded in Jerusalem, & now resident in the Island of Melita commonly called Malta, I purpose to write: not only because the same seemed to be marvelous cruel, and doubtful to which of the parts the victory would incline, but rather the worthy virtue and force of those excellent defenders, no less may unto each one appear, than likewise it may be well perceived, how much the force of Christian nations, joined togethers may prevail, and which being sundered and disjoined how little the same can do: But before I make mention of the beginning of the wars, it is requisite that I should touch somewhat of the original and beginning of the knights of this order of Saint john, & by what means they first came into this Island of Malta, to the end that every thing may the more easily & plainly be understood & known. At such time as the christians of the Latin Church, moved wars against the Saracens & Turks, & other barbarous nations, for obtaining of Jerusalem & other cities of Syria: there were that vowed themselves, & all the goods that they had to serve in defence of the most sacred religion of our saviour Christ: Among these, were some that builded Hospitals in Jerusalem, for receiving and lodging of Pilgrims, & that defended the ways and passages of Pilgrims from the invasions of the Infidels, who always studied to annoy the christians● of these, some were called joannits, some Templars, some Teutones. Howbeit the Templars (about CC. years agone (by means of Philip le Beau the french king, & Pope Clement the fifth of that name condemning that order) were utterly destroyed, the orders of the joannits, and Teutones did remain: Nevertheless the truth of the name of the joannits, is not according to the common fame, which supposeth that it took name in the honour of Saint john the Baptist, but rather (as saith the Bishop of Tyrus, who at that time right gravely wrote the acts and worthy doings of the Christians in the Orient:) that the hospital & house, (whereof the joannits do account themselves to be brethren) was founded by the Amalphitans people of Italy, who traded about affairs of merchandise into the Orient, (at such time as the Egyptian Bishop whom the Egyptians called their Caliph ruled in the city of Jerusalem) and by them, their order was consecrated to Saint john a Cyprian borne, Patriaroh sometime of Alexandria, who by reason of his great charity towards the poor people of God, was called Saint john the Eleemozinar▪ But unto those, that think the name to be ascribed to john Hircanus one of the Machabais, they seem, they would crave authority from to much antiquity: Howbeit I will leave the credit thereof, unto the authors and inventors of the same. Notwithstanding, it is most manifest, that the white Cross, (which the joannits use upon black apparel,) the first took of one Gerard sometime master of the hospital in Jerusalem: but their institutions & rules, (wherewith their order is governed) one Raimund● Poggio a Florentine (created with no little authority Magister Equitum, (according to the warlike order of the ancient Romans) did establish, & so in process of time (both by the liberality of Princes, & other nations) they increasing with wonderful wealth, & riches, they builded to themselves (by virtue & good order,) such domination as it were another king do me, & attained therewith no little fame & glory, howbeit when as by the space o● CC. years, they had worthily served in Syria against the infidels: at the last when the infidels had taken Jerusalem, they retired themselves unto Ptolemais, a city in Phoenicia, & from thence, being expulsed by the soldan of Egypt, then with a great navy (which they got together, partly by their own wealth, and partly by the help & aid of the Templars, and other christian nations, which succoured them) they invaded the Isle of the Rhodes, being possessed at that time by the Turks, whom they expelled from thence, where they & their posterity remained, unto such time as by the aforenamed Solyman, with a great and marvelous navy invading and besieging the Rhodes (when as with their own only force they could no longer resist, and were forsaken, as it seemed, of all other Christian aid and help) they were compelled to yield up the Island of the Rhodes into the hands of the Turks, and so to forsake the same. This fortress of the Orient in such sort being lost, and that the joannits, had retired themselves into the Island of Sicilia: than by the liberality of the Emperor Charles the fifth of that name, they obreigned the Island of Melita commonly named Malta, in the year of our Lord God 1529. and there ever sithence have stayed themselves, which Island (as opportunity shall serve when hereafter in this history, I shall entreat of the besieging of the fame, and of the counsels and preparations of Soliman,) I will at length describe. The joannits, thus rested and settled in Malta, and their power not a little increased, they sea●ed not by all the ways and means they could to endamage and annoy the Turks, aswell on the ●eas to spoil the Turks, as also in every war that our Emperor moved against the Turks, they ever joined their forces with the powers of the Emperor. With which so doings Solyman moved aswell by his usual insatiate appetite of domination and rule, as with his ancient hatred conceived against Christian religion, was marvelously offended, and began to note and mark this their doings, and devised with himself by what means he might drive the joannits, from the seas, and utterly (if he could) to destroy them: therefore with no little diligence and haste, he caused a great navy to be prepared and rigged forth, and so commanded to his Admiral and Captains of his places on the sea costs, to be in a readiness at the next spring, when as, a little after, in person he had viewed part of such things as he had before commanded, and part by intelligence he had understood, to be in readiness. Than calling his nobility together in counsel, he used these kind of words to them (as was reported) which follow. That, which by these forty years I have always desired, The woor Solyman, his Nobili that after mine other wars, I might get so much leisure, whereby I might once drive out from their nests these boasting Cruciats, glorying so much themselves, to be the chiefest propugnacle and fortress of the Christians. The same occasion, (me thinketh) I have now obtained through the help of the great God and Mahumet. For, as touching the attempts of the Persians I have in such sort repressed, that they cannot harm us. And as concerning the troubles feigned to be in Hungary, I trust to give such orders in that behalf, that our enemy there, shall be glad to get and hide himself in the furthest part of Germany, and to be fain to demand & crave peace at our hands. You, yourselves, are not ignorant what complaints are daily made unto us by our subjects and marchanuts whom those of Malta (whom rather pirates than soldiers I call) when they get themselves to the Seas, they utterly spoil and reave from them all that they have. The injuries of whom, and others unto us done, both God's law and man's, doth move us to revenge. Nor truly there can be any thing more acceptable, or joyful to me, or more aptly can purchase to me an Immortal fame, than that I might bring to pass (before I depart from this mortal life,) two things, the one to win the Island of Malta, the other is to have whole Hungary and the lands and dominions of Sarmatia in subjection. Except some will think that it will be greater difficulty to me, to expel these Cruciats out of their Rocks of Malta, than to our elders that drove their predecessors both out of Jerusalem and whole Syria, and to us also that after, expelled them out of the Isle of Rhodes. But this Island (you will say) is more nigh Itally, from whence aid may soon come, and with their Navies the easilier to be defended. Beeleeve and credit me, that the Itallians dare not fight against us on the seas; when they remember howoft they have had the overthrow at our hands. As for any great garrisons, the place being so little and strait, they cannot have. And if they have, they cannot feed them long. Wherefore for their affairs, we intend this next Spring, to set forwards our mighty Navy, and for that purpose we have already given in commandment to every of our Captains of the Seas, that with their Galleys and Ships, they may be in a readiness to depart. The King of Arger will be there to serve us. Our Garrisons remaining at ALEXANDRIA, in EGYPT are in readiness. The Navy of Dorgutes, are likewise rigged forth to serve us, by my means. To this great and mighty Navy of ours, we doubt not but that the force of the Occident wil● give place: Which with the aid of the great God and Mahumet, and your invincible courage, I firmly hope will come to pass. There resteth no more, but for you to think, how these wars may convenently proceed, and to give to us your faithful advises and counsels in the same. Which that you may the better do, behold here before your eyes the plat of the whole Island of Malta, and of every fortress in the same, which I received from certain friends of mine right expert in discryving of such matters. The words of The showeth counsel of the of Mal● Solyman thus declared, and throughlie considered by those, to whom both the Island and the order of the same, was right well known, and by them declared, what, conveniently was in that beehalfe to be done. It was fully resolved and concluded, that the Navy so in a readiness at the appointed time should set forward, and to depart. And so the Navy being vitailled, and the Soldiers shipped, tarried only for winds. Of these proceedings of the Turk, Signior jean Valet, a French man borne, and at that time great Master of Malta, both by letters and Espials getting intelligence, for that he had at Constantinople such friends, as most prudently got knowledge of the secret counsel and doings of Solyman, as one not afraid but always thinking that victories remained in the hands of God, and that the part of a prudent General and others at his commandment, is to be always vigilant, diligent and to work by Counsyle, and therefore he called togethers a Counsel of the Knights of the order, to whom in few words he did speak to this effect following. What, Solyman the Turk (most noble and valiant words let the mastar to ●ann●ts. knights) prepareth, and how great and mighty wars he intendeth to move against us, I think of late you have understood, so well, as I do, whereof to make any long circumstance of words to you, ● need not. The enemy is known, his insatiate desire of domination and rule is known, his might and force is known, yea, & his continual hatred against us & the Christian faith is no less known to you. But now rather let every of us, do our endeavour to have first almighty God to be our friend, and than to prepare every thing for the wars. Almighty God would be our friend, and we assuredly shall please him, if we do two things. One, if we from hence forth, amend our lives, the other is, if we honour him with pure religion and to have a firm hope & trust in him, which is called Piety. With these virtues, our famous elders, obtained innumerable victories against the infidels, in the Orient. And there is no doubt, but, if with the like virtues, we be furnished, we shall give overthrow to the cruel purposes of this bloody Tyrant. Howbeit, for so much as Almighty God is ready to aid such as would be circumspect & apt to do well, and not the slothful, and cowards: Let us therefore provide for those necessaries as both our profession requireth, and order of wars, willeth. Whereof part, in ourselves consisteth, & part in other Christian Princes remaineth. As for victual, money, armour, and other things which order of wars desireth, we shall so provide for the same, that you shall well understand, that money, in necessaries, I will not spare, and much less, labour, where I may enploy it. In these affairs I will be ready to spend all that I can make. And for any safeguard of my life, I will not eschew any peril. As touching other Princes, I cannot believe, that (upon such weighty occasions whereof the peril no less toucheth them, than us,) they would be negligent to give us aid. As for the Pope's holiness, the Emperor, and the king of Hispain, I doubt not (for the Piety and godliness in them remaining) but that they will succour and aid us to the uttermost, and that also they will move others to do the like; And as for you, most worthy lamps and lights of Christians and others of our most loving brethren knights of this sacred and martial order, I doubt not but that you all, will so courageously and valiantly fight against this most cruel tyrant, subverter & overturner of the true religion of God, and oppressor of all good conditions, manners, Arts, and discipline, in defence of our Christian Religion, lives, goods, and glory of the Latin Church, that the view of the glorious Cross of ours, (which this vile dog) so much abhorreth and condemneth) may be seen to his perpetual care in Constantinople (where he dwelleth.) We have not now affairs in the Isle of Rhodes, far from our aids and succours out of Asia, Europe, and Egypt, compassed about, with the enemy, both by land and sea: but rather in the view and face of Italy & strong fortified places, whereby the enemy may be easily overthrown. That it may so be, let us make earnest prayer to almighty God. When the great master had thus given end ●● his most prudent words. The Knights of the order which than were present, with one voice answered, that sooner their lives should take end, than that so common a cause for want of their endeavours should quail, or that they on live, to come into the hands of that cruel tyrant Solyman. After common prayers and general processions, commanded to be done in every Church in the Island of Malta: there were immediately of the order of the Knights, three chosen, to be Tribuni or general surveyors, whereof one an Italian by surname called Imperadore; the other a French man borne, named Bornye; the third, a Spaniard, borne in Aragone, called Quatrius, gentlemen of great providence, foresight, and right expert in knowledge of wars. Who according to their prudence having considered every thing meet to this war, they immediately did put the same in readiness. For they, considering, that the suburbs and trees, nigh unto places of fortification would not a little be an anoynce to the fame, they immediately caused them to be cast down. Thus the fortifications being viewed, and the Garrisons of every fortress there, augmented, and the same abundantly victualled according to the considered necessity thereof. Letters were immediately sent from the great master both to the Pope's holiness and other Princes, together with diverse messengers into sundry places, that might give intelligence hereof as well to the knights of this order remaining among other nations, as to others. Of which letters, one written to Pius the fourth of that name, Pope of Rome, that of this, the others may be well considered, this (as followeth) is the Copy. WHile that I endeavoured myself with the force of The Letter from the great master of Malta to Pope Pius the fourth of that name. this our order to withstand the great Turkish navy now in readiness to approach towards us: I found myself in manner unarmed from every necessary, which of myself I cold never have furnished, if your exceeding goodness (most holy father) both with your Letters, money, and one Ensign of valiant Soldiers had not aided me. So that otherwise I had not known, how well to have done. For considering by reason of the sundry threatenings which the turk made these sundry years passed, against this place and order; I have been brought to such intolerable charges that I know by no means, how to come out of debt, of the money that I have borrowed, besides the interest daily thereof increasing. Howbeit a greater matter encombereth my mind, which is, (whether this army of the Turks either shall proceed, or stay,) when I perceive, him, being our general enemy, so diligent to set forward his Navy and continually busy about his other afayres of wars, and we of this order, to be put to these intolerable charges. Will not any think, that, right great is the folly of us Christians, that will suppose, that when the power of the Christians is such, that scarce it being able to defend themselves: The Turk will fear to receive any detriment at our hands. What courage will he conceive, when none of us encountereth his intolerable pride. Besides he well knoweth, that if he might get but togethers his only pirates that remain here in the Ponent or West parts, he were able, of them, in mine opinion to make a greater Navy and Army by sea, than that we Christians with no little difficulty made against him the other year. Which the like again, this year, I would be right glad to see. Howbeit who is so ignorant that if such a Navy and force may be made of his only Pirates, what if a great part or the whole power of his Countries in the levant and Orient, were joined togethers, may not he than do us a greater detriment, if God of his goodness do not stay him, unto such time as Christian Princes have convenient space to gather themselves together to encounter so puissant and mighty an enemy. And when as it seemeth that the Princes of the Christians so much neglecteth the favour of God, that with no detriments and with no infamies, they will awake from their too long sleep and sloth, it is to be feared that God will take of his hand and to let slip to this cruel tyrant, occasion and power to accomplish his long desired mind and fury upon all us Christians, that no power which hereafter shall be against him made, can be able to withstand his cruelty. Which inconveniences, I doubt not, but that your holiness, long, before this time, hath considered, and that worthy mind of yours is inflamed with the desire of so holy and Godly revengement as is to be done upon so common a cruel enemy & heathen dog. But I fear to seem to much arrogant, in your holiness sight, that have taken so much boldness upon me to entreat upon such affairs so rudely with your holiness, to whose divine providence these things are better known than to me. Nevertheless when as such things, which by eyes are seen, do a great deal more move us, then that which we hear with our ears, than I having these things continually before mine eyes, am so afected, that I cannot in such weighty affairs hold my tongue, but most humbly and lowly do beseech your holiness, not for this sacred order of knight's sake, only, which always is and shallbe ready to live & die for the defence of the Christian religion, (considering by our profession no kind of death must be refused, where due occasion shall be ministered,) but also in the name of whole christendom that so much already hath tasted your most godly and paternal zeal and love towards them, that for the public tranquillity of the same touching matters of faith, you laid aside all your own private commodities and affairs, calling together of late a counsel general: now that you would vouchsafe, to call some other counsel togethers (being a matter of no less importance, to repair the woeful ruins of long times past, and to eschew worse to come) whereby Christian princes gathering themselves togethers may convert and turn their powers against this pestiferous serpent; and to drive him into his ancient limits, that no longer, he have power to devour such multitude of Christians; as to the great shame of Christendom he hath done: For so far we have seen him spread his deadly poison, that now he hath in manner compassed the little limits of the christian kingdoms: now considering that all domestical and civil wars being utterly extinguished, and assured amity and peace by the providence of God being resident among Christian princes, it behoveth us now to awake. For if by misfortune our princes again should fall to any new wars among themselves, this importunate beast would not sleep, but would seek how he may work our utter ruin. Truly most holy father, for the great piety and singular prudence in your holiness remaining, I hope that so great an occasion of laud and perpetual glory (whereby you may deserve well towards both God and man,) you would leave to no successor of yours: With this hope I will comfort myself, trusting before I shall depart fro this mortal life, to see this saored●ourny to be advanced against our cruel and commoneenemie of Christ's religion, besides which, nothing can happen to me more joyfully, or be to me a greater felicity: If therefore in these matters, I have been either longer, or more liberal of writing, than to me hath appertained, I hope that of your fathely clemency, you will give pardon unto me, whom no little care of our Christian religion rather than rashness hath moved me thus to wright: And for my part for your perpetual goodness or rather piety towards this our order, I most humbly render to your holiness immortal thanks, and so will continue to do during life, and so do beseech almighty God to preserve your holiness in good and prosperous life. About this time Dom Garza di Toledo, the Viceroy of Sicilia, under Philip king of Hispain, and governor of all his grace's navy in those parts, fearing that the navy of Solyman, under colour to seem that he would invade Malta, would strait pass to the Gulet, a Castle standing in the straits and entering of the pool or stagne of Tunes, and to beesiege the same, therefore he passed over to the castle of Gulet, both to furnish the same with new supply of Garrison, and other necessaries thereunto appertaining, and in his way, the Viceroy touched at Malta, and there landed to confer with the great master, touching the wars pretended against Malta: But they having intelligence that the navy of Solyman was departed from Constantinople, so as by reason of small time, they could not tarry so long togethers as the weight of the cause required, Dom Garza immediately departed from Malta, unto the castle of Gulet in Barbaria, which when he had viewed, and furnishing the same with such necessaries as it lacked, he returned with all possible diligence into Sicilia, to rig & set forward there the king's navy. But the mean time, the 1565. The 22 of March the Turks navy unlosed from Constantinople. navy of Solyman the xxii. of March in the year of our saviour Christ M. D. lxv began unloose from Constantinople, & the next day after departed from that port towards Peloponneso, & so came to Methone. There Mustapha Bassa a man of the age of lxxv years, being appointed to be general of the Turks army by land, there mustered his army where of his horsemen called Spachi, which came out of the lesser Asia, were seven thousand, having to their captain a gentleman of the same province of Asia, with two lieutenants. Out of Cilicia came v. C from the Island of Mitilena came also iiii. C that of every of their provinces had captains from whence they came: he had also of old soldiers, whom they call janizers, four thousand five hundred, to whom Solyman himself appointed two Captains to be their leaders, considering that their general whom the Turks (in their tongue) call Aga, never departeth out of Constantinople: Besides this, there be among the Turks, a kind of soldiers that live of the fruits and stipends of their spirituality, of these in this army were thirteen thousand, who at Constantinople had vowed themselves to serve for the defence of their faith and Emperor. There came also out of Thracia and Peloponneso two Captains, and one lieutenant with a thousand two hundred horsemen, & three thousand and five hundred other soldiers that came from divers places, voluntary to serve for wages: there likewise, did Pial Bassa the Turks Admiral, muster his navy where he found to be a hundred & thirty galleys, eleven ships of burden of the lesser sort, a eleven ships of burden of the greater making, besides a great ship that was broken besides Methone, in which were then six thousand barrels of gun powder, thirty thousand shot, and six hundred Spachis, of the which scarce two hundred were saved. There came also from the Island of the Rhodes ten galleys, under the guiding of Haliport a man of the age of threescore and ten, two galleys from Mitylene under the leading of Salach, brother to the king of Alger, that newly was dead, also there were othersoists & pirates ships, about the number of seventeen. With this great and mighty navy, the Turks departed from Methone the thirteenth day of May, and arrived at Malta the eighteenth day of the said month of Male, and took first port at the North cast part of The 180 Ma●● the Navy of the Turks arrived at Malta. the Island, which the inhabitants call Marzasirocco. But the Turks perceiving that they had not a safe rodested there, they removed from thence to an other rodested of that Island, called Maiaro. All this time the famous pirate Dorguta was not come, it was said, he was tarrying in the Island called Meninges, commonly named Gerbas, with his ships, and in readiness to come, and that he had sent to the king of Tunes, four pieces of artillery of brass, and other things, which he gave to him, to the end that the king should not aid the Christians in these wars, but rather to help the Turks with a certain portion of victual according to the agreement made beetwixt them, and for these and other causes it was feigned that the Turks would first go unto the Gulat, or else of purpose these news were sowed, to the end that those of Malta crediting the same, should at unawares be surprised: But the great master of Malta (being a man of a marvelous quick and ingenious wit, and therewith right expert in the act of wars, and also wonderful constant and circumspect against the practices and policies of the enemy) did forecast these devices and counsels of the enemy, and right well did espy their purposes on every side in his gentlemen and soldiers all, there was espied to rest an assured constancy and marvelous liveliness to serve in so worthy and most honourable cause: how beeit before I further proceed, this place requireth, to discriue unto you the situation of this Island called Melita otherwise Malta. & of the especial places thereof (wherein so many worthy acts were done,) to make mention. The Island Malta is placed beetwixt afric and Sicilia, and doubted descript●▪ Malta. whether it should belong to afric or Europe, if it had not been that the ancient inhabitants of Melita time out of mind, having used the common language of those of afric, ha●e always reputed the Island to be a member of afric. This Island from the North east to the North west is drawn in length twenty miles, & in breadth twelve miles, & from the place where it is broadest, it proceedeth to be straight & narrow upon the south towards that part of afric, where those famous quick sands remain that are called Sirtis Minor, upon the cost whereof is situated that town which is named Leptis parva, & upon the North faceing Silicia, being more towards the Promontory or lands end thereof, called Pachino than unto Lilybeo, & in compass and circuit threescore miles the Carthagians first inhabited this Island, & after, as I understand one Battas, the first builder of the famous city of Cyrene's, did reign there in the time of Dido, which afterward came again in subjection of the Carthagians & so remained under their dominion unto such time as the same in the second wars of the Carthigians, that they with their navy on the seas, being overthrown came into the hands of the romans: at which time those of Malta were supposed to be very wealthy by reason of the repair & much concourse of s●ndry nations, through trade of merchandise that frequented thither, and famous, through sundry notable arts there used, & also of their notable Cotton which is very soft & white, there growing, of which sundry garments are made by those of Malta and had much in estimation. This Island is well replenished with honey there growing, whereof some suppose this Island to have the name, and also very famous with the growth there, of sweet roses: the trees there, have fruit twice in the year, and oft times two harvests there, in one year, chiefly of barley flax & Cotten: How beit the ground there every where, is stony, uneven, as here an hill, there a valie, very unfruitful for trees, albeit there groweth, the fig tree, Apple tree, Almond tree and Vines planted with the much labour and diligence of the inhabitant, they have wild date trees but unfruitful, they have exceeding plenty of great thistles, which they use for their fuel and fire. In this Island of Malta is marvelous scarcity of sweet water, which neither the skies (by reason of little rain there) giveth, nor yet the grounds there, yieldeth. And ●● for such fountains and wells that there be, 〈…〉 y I believe that it is the rain that falleth in winter 〈…〉 t maketh them, and yet they be half ●alt and brackish, and dry in summer. The Inhabitants through the exceeding heat of the Sun are so ●anned, that they look in colour much like to the A●thiopians so that rather in winter each thing that there groweth, seemeth to be more pleasant to the view & sight. The men of this Island for the most part are very healthful of body, of slender diet, very diligent and painful rather than apt to wars, whom old age sooner than disease and sickness, doth take them from this life: Their form of buildings (except their city which is situated in the midst of the Island somewhat more towards the South which also is called Melita) having certain suburbs about the same, are long & low not much unlike the sheep coats of Barbaria, covered with reed or thacht: the little and pretty dogs called the Miletean Dogs, are supposed to come forth of this Island, which Pliny rather ascribeth to the other Island likewise called Malta, lying in the gulf of Venice, between the Island Curs●●la and the shore of Dalmatia. In this Island of Melita called Malta, some affirm that Saint Paul the Apostle after shipwreck there did land: howbeit let them beware, it be not the other Malta, in the gulf of Venice that Saint Luke makes mention of, when as Saint Paul in the the sea Adriatico otherwise called the gulf of Venice, was tossed too and fro with cruel tempests of weather, but that he came out of that sea, into the other sea of Mediterraneum, where the Island of Malta standeth, it appeareth not in Saint Luke. And as to that, which they say, no venomous beast neither there is engendered, nor, if from any other place, any venomous beast be brought into that Island doth harm, and the same so hath continued there, sithence that time Saint Paul, did cast of from his hands the viper and adder, that would have stung him: howbeit it may be thought that this Island hath naturally had that property, as likewise those islands thereabouts called Gaulo, Galata, and Clupea, at this day have the like virtue by nature, & sundry other islands in that sea of Mediterraneum, as others other where: for the Island of Candye nourisheth no manner of venomous beast, as England hath no Wolves, nor Ireland any Serpent, considering both the air of the places and nature of the grounds, are contrarious to the same: but touching this matter, as sundry have their divers minds, so, that which hath seemed to make against the common opinions by any probable manner, I have thought good by the way not to let pass but to my purpose I will return. Malta upon that part, which is towards Sicilia, is bowed and crooked into sundry bays and rodesteids meet for the riding of ships: as for havens and ports this Island of Malta hath two, besides the haven upon the East part of that Island, called Marzas●●acco▪ and besides also the rodested of Saint Thomas, and an other which is not far distant from the same, called Seal or Scala: of these two aforenamed havens or ports, there is one which stauncheth from the South to the North, alongst the side of a long piece of ground of the said Island, in form like unto half an Island, and this haven of the inhabitants is called Marzamusetto, the other haven stretching from the East to the West is likewise named Porto Maior. Upon the uttermost part and front of this half Island is situated a Castle or fortress right strongly fortified both by nature and art, called Saint Elmo, whom hereafter I will name Saint Hermes. To him that entereth into the other haven called Porto Mayor, there do appear upon the left hand thereof, four long pieces of ground towards the sea, as it were certain little half Islands or promontories, with as many rodesteds or bay for ships thereunto appertaining: upon the first of these said four promontories is situated a certain Gallos', being the common place of execution for offenders: upon the second promontory is planted an exceeding strong castle upon an incredible high and ragged rock of stone, called the castle of Saint Angelo, nigh unto the which, there is adjoining a town severed from the castle but with a dike and wall called B●rgo, and sometime the new town, cut and made out of a rock right well fortified both with the sea, and art of the soldier. In the Castle of Saint Angelo, the great Master of Malta remaineth, & in the town, the knights of the order are resident. Upon the third promontory there is a town also called B●rgo, and a Castle called Saint Michael. The fourth promontory is uninhabited: having a mighty bay in the same, stretching to the water of Marza, and in manner to half the Island as before I have said. Again from the haven or port of Musetto towards the West, there appeareth an other rodested, which is dedicated to Saint George, and an other called Benorrat: beyond lieth the port of Saint Paul, not much less than that, which is on the oriental part of the Island, after, is the rodested called Salynarum. Upon the other side of the Island which is towards afric is the rodested called Miliaria: there be also sundry other little Islands not far from Malta, as the Island of Gaulos, which some suppose to be C●sira, at this day called Gozo, in compass thirty miles, towards the West of Malta, not passing five miles distant, by sea from Malta, which Island of Gozo, in the year of our Lord 1551 was taken and wasted by the Turks and six thousand captives, out of that Island were taken & had away, at such time as the town of Tripoli in Africa, (which sometime was called Leptis Magna,) was won by the Turks, from the knights of this order. Between Goza and the West side of Malta, there lieth two other islands, whereof the greater, commonly is called Cumino, and the lesser Cuminetto, severed the one from the other, with the sea, being there very narrow. At the South and by West part of Malta, there is an Ad Eurotiotum. other little Island called at this day Piper: All which islands are in obedience to the great Master of Malta, the rest for the mos● part are compassed with huge rocks, and raging seas, thus of Malta and the inhabitants thereof, (somuch as appertaineth to the knowledge of this present matter,) I think there is enough said. The mean time, what power and army monsieur Valet the great Master of Malta, had to withstand the Turks arrival, I will show unto you first of all. In the Island were a thousand and three hundred soldiers, that took wages: of a thousand of those, some were Spaniards, some French men, and some Florentines, the rest were Neapolitai●s: There also were a thousand, that frequented the seas, pertaining to the Navy of the Knights of Malta, and five hundred in the town of Saint Angelo: Of the inhabitants of the Island were about five thousand, that were trained for the wars, and were retired from their Country habitations to Borgo, where the great Master was resident. There were also five hundred Knights of the order, besides the Priests and esquires, for there be three sorts of them, that in this order of Malta are called brethren: And this was the whole number that defended the Castles and Towns of Saint Hermes, Angelo, and Michael, into the which the soldiers were distributed, accordingly as each place was thought requisite to be defended. In the City of Malta (whereof before I mentioned,) were placed two hundred soldiers besides the citizens, & four hundred chosen out of the rest of the whole Island, and three hundred, also that served on horseback, unto this garrison of the city of Malta, was appointed to be general, one Sore▪ Io▪ Vagno a M●ncalerio, a gentleman borne in the country of Piedmont: besides these things, was prepared a marvelous furniture of victual, armour, weapon, and necessaries, which usually was to be provided, meet for abiding of a long siege and other wants, and above all other, that which is to be desired against every infortunity, there was planted in every one that there served, an invincible courage, which oft times maketh the overthrown to be victorious. Things being in this order and readiness, and understanding that The Turks landing in Malta. seven and twenty of the galleys of the Turks had taken the port of Marzasirocco, and had landed certain of their soldiers: Immediately Gyon the Captain of the navy of the order of Malta, a right diligent and forward gentleman accompanied with fifty Arquebusiers was sent to view the enemy, and in so much as he could to endeavour to draw the enemy to some open places: But the Turks espying them, right quickly retired to their galleys again: at an other part, where the greater part of the Turks navy road, there were landed two hundred Turks, & upon them gave a charge, one Rivier a gentleman of france, accompanied with eight other horsemen, who having his horse slain under him, and with the loss of one of his companions, came into the hands of the enemy. While these matters were in doing, a christian man a captive among the Turks slipped from them, as they road in the port of Vulturno, and fled into the city of Malta, and discovered there to the general, the purpose of the enemy, saying that the devise of Mustapha the general of the Turks army was, that the most part of their army should land with their great artillery, and to besiege and give battery to the fortified places, whose opinion Piale Bassa, the Turks Admiral, did utterly mislike, saying that if he so did, he should but come to his manifest destruction, considering they had not passing eight thousand janizers, and ten thousand Spachies', besides a rude and untrained company of mariners to be left in the ships, wherefore unto such time as Dorguta should come, who every hour was looked for he would enterprise nothing▪ at whose coming, he would then agree, that the castle of Saint Hermes should first be beesieged. For Solyman the Emperor of the Turks, did command that nothing should be done without the advise and counsel of Dorguta, such confidence and credit had this barbarous prince in the warlike knowledge and practice of Dorguta: But whether this intelligence were true or feigned, the Turks nevertheless riding in the port of Vulturno, landed twenty thousand of their soldiers, with five field pieces, and encamped themselves right strongly Azorbar. in a place, which those of Malta call Azorbar: that done Pial Bassa accompanied with seven thousand with him departed to view the situation of the fortress of Saint Michael, upon that part which looketh towards Saint Katherine's Church, and durst not approach nigher, because the artillery of the fortress began to shoot of a pace, against him and his company, besides, certain of the garrison of the fortress, made a salie and issue upon the enemy, and in such sort behaved themselves that one named Curfeline, by surname called Prata a gentleman of right singular worthiness, having in his company but one only Spaniard, valiantly bearest an ensign from the enemy, & killed a Sangiaco, and certain others of the Consultation of the Turks. Turks. So the Turks retired to their camp, where among the Princes of the same, consultation was had, whether it were better, that battery should be first laid to the fortress of Saint Hermes, or to the town of Saint Michael: Finally it was concluded that the fortress of Saint Hermes should first be beesieged. So the Turks to view the fortress, mounted upon a hill, who being perceived by those of the fortress, issue and salie was made, and therewith a skirmish on both sides began, and after a few slain on each part, each side retired. Matters in this sort growing hot, the Prince of Malta, having in memory those things that were to be done, thought it most convenient to urge and stir the Viceroy of Sicilia, in haste to set forward his Navy, that then was in rigging. Therefore he commanded a galley to be with all diligence, set in a readiness to depart towards Sicilia, for the conveying of one named Saluago, a knight of that order, for the exploit of such matters of charge, wherewith he then commanded him. The mean time the Turks began to erect a Mount, of intent both to Vallum ex●●uunt. Pa. 40. batter the fortress of Saint Hermes, & to annoy the ships of Malta, as they road in the port, that thereby they might open a more safe entry for their galies that were abroad. Howbeit the fortress of Saint Elmo otherwise called S. Hermes, so troubled them with the strokes of their great artillery, that the Turks were sane to forsake that piece of fortification, before the same could take end, which partly discouraged the boldness of the Turks. During which time, the Turk Ochial with six ships having in the same nine hundred soldiers deducted, out of the garrison of Alexandria in Egypt, came as a supply to the increase of the force of the Turks. Therefore the Turks began an other fortification upon an higher plat of ground then before they did, whereby, not only they wonderfully annoyed, the port where the ships of Malta had their rodested, but also troubled with their great shot, the castle of Saint Angelo, and besides with entrenching they gate night the Castle of Saint Hermes, albeit, at the first they had much to do therewith, considering they of the fortress did what they could to enbar them, notwithstanding in the end the Turks with much labour and diligence wherein they exceed all other nations, they accomplished their trench. Wherefore the Turks, with no little expedition, in such sort and place planted their great artillery, that they determined, both the castle of Saint Angelo & Saint Michael, should be encumbered with the stroke of their Canon. This while, there was in the Camp of the Turks, a Spaniard, a gentleman, A fugitive. albeit a slave, he, when he had assuredly learned a part of the pretences of the Turks, gave intelligence of the same to monsieur Valet the prince of Malta by a Christian that was a fugitive, which when the prince understood, he sent two ensigns of Spaniards into the castle of Saint Hermes, under the leading of the valiant captains Cerda and Miranda, to supply a certain want there▪ which after was to the great defence of the castle of Saint Hermes, & detriment of the enemy. This season arrived Dorguta the Turk, the general of Tripoli accompanied with thirteen ships and one thousand six hundred soldiers in them, after him also came ten Brigantines, which brought Decem B●emes. two ensigns of men of war, from the town of Bona in Barbaria, and out of the Island of Meninges. The mean time Saluago (a Genuan borne, a knight of the order and a very forward gentleman) who (as before) was sent into Sicilia, arrived at the city of Messana, who (after he had declared to the Viceroy, his charge, and the state wherein Malta was,) was commanded to ship himself again in a bark that was prepared for him to depart, for whose safe conduction two galleys under the regiment of the captains Cornissone and Santalo, knights also of that order were commanded to accompany him, who left him not until he was nigh the Island of Malta, and then returned back into Sicilia, but Saluago, not without marvelous danger of his person, and but with loss of one of his men, passed with his ship through the midst of the enemy into the town of Burgo, about three of the clock in the morning. This while, the Turks seemed to change their devise, where they once determined to have besieged both Saint Hermes and Saint Michael, but now encamped themselves at the water of Marza, being a fountain there, which made the entry of Saluago to be more difficult and perilous: Howbeit after Saluago had declared to the great Master his charge, from the Viceroy of Sicill, immediately the great Master caused him to depart into Sicilia again, and to show to the Viceroy, that they had great need to have more aid of soldiers, and that for the time he would vouchsafe to help them with the supply of an other ensign or two of chosen soldiers, that the better they might withstand the fury of the enemy until further aid came. Saluago neither sparing labour, or dreading peril, immediately got himself to the sea, and in short time landed in the Port of Sarragosa▪ in Sicilia, where he found those two Galleys, whereof I told you before, and in them caused forthwith to be shipped (as was appointed) four hundred soldiers, among whom, were sundry knights of the order of Melita, and with them also were sent certain expert Gunners and Cannoners. These so shipped, Saluago gave advise that they should eschew the West part of the Island Melita, and compassing about, should endeavour themselves to draw towards the East part thereof, and so to get unto the South coast of the Island, and there to land at the port called Miliare, and from thence by night to conduct the soldiers (by places of covert,) unto the City of Melita which from their landing place was not passed four miles distant, and so from thence easily to get unto the Castle of Saint Michael. Which advise so given Saluago departed to Messana, and there showed to the Viceroy the fury of the wars in Melita, and the great lack of soldiers there, and required that he might have but a thousand footmen besides those which he had already sent, and than he verily hoped that the fury of the Turckes should for a time be endured, unto such time as the Viceroy with his navy should give further succour. While these matters were putting in readiness, which might have had more haste, if that our Christian Princes in so weighty and dangerous causes had not seemed to have slept too much: the third day of the month of june, which was the holy day dedicated to saint Hermes, The first assault. the Turks suddenly went to assault the fortress of saint Hermes, supposing to have gotten by scaling of short ladders that part of a new fort which the Christians had builded joining nigh unto the conterscarpt of the Castle. But the Christians with the help of a new Casemact made strong and large in the dike, with faggot & earth, (which before had no manner of defence there) and by the aid of the Castle also, worthily withstood the enemy; In such sort as that they filled the dike of the fort with the dead bodies of the Turks. The Turks notwithstanding (by reason of their multitude, wherewith rather than manhood they obtain the victories that they get) did marvelously stand to their mark, in such sort, as that with very force (though late at night) they did win that part of the fort which vieweth the port of Mussetto, and immediately there, with a marvelous expedition they entrenched themselves with a new work, to the end they might not be endamaged by the Christians. For by the help of the Turks artillery which were planted upon the other side of Marzamusetto they were not a little aided to entrench, considering upon that part, their Artillery in such sort scoured, that our men durst not abide there, in that part of the fort to resist, wherewith also the corner of a bulwark & the curtain of that part of the fort were likewise beaten in sunder. Whereof though the height and greatness was very troublesome to the enemy; yet was the same little profitable to us, because the sides thereof was not bending & crooking enough that thereby both the same might the better have been defended, and the enemy more conveniently have been beaten on the flank. But for as much as the night approached on, the Turks to the number of five thousand remained there still, for about nine thousand gave the assault) & the Christians were compelled to retire themselves out of the fort into the fortress, & to leave the fort to the Turks that won the same. The Turks through the benefit of the darkness of the night with pokes stuffed with okam and earth, filled that part of the dike, that was under the rampart, that the breadth and deepness of the same, upon the approach, might less annoy them. In this aslalt, above eight hundred Turks were slain, whereof part were janissaries, & part of the Spachies', besides not a few Spach●, qui seruent avec trois ou quatre cheualls chascun, et aut 200 ducats per An, et sont tous Azamoglan et esclaux dudict grand Turc. that were hurt, of whom a good part remained in the dikes, half dead & half alive, for that part of the dike which was filled with them, did stop both them and us from coming to help them, considering there was no passage to them, but only that one which was in the front of the rampire, wherefore those that so remained hurt, of very force must needs perish, when none could come to help them. Of us christians at the first encounter, were slain about xlv, of the which were certain knights of the order of the joannits, as Gaurdamps borne in Avern in france, Masius of the province of Narbon in france, Contilia a Spaniard, Somatia a Florentine, & Ninecas a German, & certain wounded, as Captain Motta, who afterward died in the fortress, of his hurts. The great Master thinking requisite, as reason was, that a supply of soldiers should be sent to succour the fortress, to the aid thereof, immediately he sent not only two C soldiers but also two C gentlemen of his own, that were knights of the joannits, who if they had been more, together with the four hundred that were in the castle, perhaps they might have beaten the enemy both from the walls & the utter forts also, & to have defended the place longer time: But because the great Master lacked soldiers, therefore he did send Saluago into Sicilia as before is declared, that he might obtain but five hundred soldiers for the time. And in the mean season he would abide the malice of the enemy and to eschew no labour or peril: Albeit he thought that he had no little occasion to lament the infortunity of christian Princes, that by their long stay, the apparent occasion to overthrow so cruel an enemy, should be overslipped. Howbeit he did greatly marvel that he heard of no manner of aid out of Sicilia, nor of the two Galleys furnished with soldiers, which Saluago (as before) did send: but the Galleys through the fault of one of the Mariners kept not their appointed course; For whereas they were commanded to eschew the West part of Melita, and to keep course towards the East, they did not so, but sailed only towards the West unto the Island of Gozo, which only was through the default of the Mariner affirming that he did see certain Galleys of the Turks riding in the port of Miliare for the defence of the same. Which (as it was after well known) was utterly untrue, when in deed, the Marryner only through fear (which oft times not a little hindereth notable enterprises) durst proceed no further. Whereby the great master wanted his most necessary aid, which meruailosly grieved as well the Viceroy and others, as chiefly Saluago, for they evidently did see, that if the Turks did win the fortress of saint Hermes, being the chiefest hold of Melita, the rest of the places there not only should be brought in marvelous danger, but also those of the Island Melita should be utterly debarred from their entrise to have succours. It was not impossible but that the fortress might be easily won and gotten, considering that the enemy had gotten one of the Bulwarks of the fortress, and that the fortress being but narrow of itself, was in manner on every part continually assaulted, which being considered by those, that could skill in wars, did greatly move them, chiefly when they perceived that aid so secretly came. The mean time by the commandment of Pope Pius the fourth of that name, certain soldiers were gathered to the end that by his example, other Princes might the better be encouraged to give succours to the order of the joannits, and therefore he commanded that one hundredth pound of gold should be given to Cambiano, Lieutenant of that order in Rome, and certain furniture of ponder to be delivered to him out of the castal of saint Angelo at Rome, that nothing should on his part seem to want, that possibly he could do. For, unto his holiness soldiers, which were in number sixth hundredth, he appointed Pompeio Colono to be Captain, and Camillo Medici's to be Lieutenant. After this band, followed many voluntary soldiers that both vowed themselves to serve in so holy a cause, and also to win immortal fame, proceeding with such ardent and courageous minds, that every little stay, seemed to them to be an whole year. Therefore they departing unto Naples, found there joan Andrew Auria, with a leaven long ships, and the Prince of Populonia with nine, Lanicio Provano with three, and so many other that were rigged forth at the charges of other private persons. Into these ships that came from Rome, all the bands of footmen there, were shipped and carried over into Sicilia, to the City of Messana, where the king's navy was in riging. While that the Christians, considered not that the peril was so great as it was in deed. The Turks not ignorant of the same, determined to prove the uttermost, before that the powers of the Christians should augment, thinking that if they could get the fortress of Saint Hermes, the rest were easily to be had, first thereby they should be only masters of Porto Musetto, whereby they should gain a safe and sure rodested for their navy, so long as they liked. Besides, to have all that piece of land, betwixt the two ports, both for the beating of the fortress of Saint Michael, and that no ship should enter, or go forth out of the haven of Porto Maiore, without their leave. These things and others, when the Turks had pondered, they beeganne to give a terrible battery to the fortress of Saint Hermes, in such sort, as the great artillery seafed not to thunder by the space of four days continually. The next night after, the Turks suddenly assaulted the breach with ladders, and almost had gained the top of the curtain, when as our Christians desiring nothing more than to come to hand strokes, courageously gave charge on them, that in the end the Turks, were in such sort repulsed, that never after (until they wan the fortress) they durst raise a ladder against the same. While on this side these matters were in doing, the soldiers of the Turk Dorguta, puffed up with a certain pride, as though they would seem to exceed the rest, gathered themselves togethers at Martia Scala, being a little bay, beetwixt the place of execution and the rodested of Saint Thomas, whom when the garrison of Borgo perceived, they immediately issued, and so hot handled them, that after the kill of a great number of them, the rest of those Turks were compelled to retire from whence they came. In which conflict was slain Bonnemio a gentleman of France a knight of the order of the joannits, with seven others. At that time, Monserrato was sent into the castle of Saint Hermes, to be Captain there in the place of Brolio, who before, there was Captain, and through his intolerable watchings and travails, about his charge, was fallen very sick. Which Brolio oft times before did write to the great Master that the fortress of Saint Hermes, was in such sort fortified and furnished, with every thing thereunto appertaining, that he thought that it was in manner impossible that the enemy should get it, for the knights of the joannits and others that there served, took such encouragement by his worthy exhortations, that coming to hand strokes they fought it forth above all men's expectation, nor the Turks though they had these repulses, left off so, but began a new battery with their artillery by the space of certain days, and assaulted most furiously the fortress, with all the engines that they could devise. Among which they had invented a marvelous bridge A Bridge of masts. framed upon masts, of such a breadth that ten persons might easily fight on front thereupon, and of such a length, that it overreached the dike and rested upon the curtain of the fortress: Besides they placed four thousand harquebusars alongst the dike, to beat the top of the Cortaines that none within should approach to the defence thereof, and than caused all their navy to come nearer the shore of Saint Georgis port in landing their whole force. And when as by the space of eighteen days they had battered this poor fortress, and had cruelly rend the bulwarks and Cortains thereof with thirteen thousand shot, and in assured hope to have won the fortress. Behold one Baragamo a Biscaian borne, one of the order of the joannits, accompanied with Captain Medrano a Spaniard, and sundry other valiant servitures repaired to this dreadful Bridge, and to the great marvel of all that did see them, there encountered the Turks. The fight on both sides was marvelous vehement, and in such sort the Turks manfully beehaved themselves that they had planted one of their Ensigns upon a Bulwark there, which when as Captain Medrano, had worthily bereft, and held in his hands, and departing therewith, both he and Baragamo, with the shot of The death of Medrano and Baragamo. harquebuses were slain. At that time those three hundred soldiers whereof I told you before, which were sent thither from the great Master, showed themselves, in doing notable service: For so soon as they perceived the fortress to consist in that apparent danger, some of them hurled wild fire upon the bridge, some burning pitch and brimstone, another sort of them tumbled mighty great stones upon such as would have entered, another part of them, kept the enemy occupied with continual shot, that they durst not come nigher. The bridge of Masts, burnt. So that after a dreadful fight this new devised bridge of the Turks was burnt in sunder, & with the ruin there▪ of perished eight hundred Turks, the remnant, so well as they could (whereof few escaped unhurt, and the most part very sore wounded,) retired to their shames, leaving behind them whether they would or no, two of the chiefest ensigns they had, the one pertaining to Mustapha, the other to Dorgutes, which our Christians to the great grief of the Turks, fixed upon the height of the Curtain. During this cruel assault upon the one side; the Turks upon the South West part of the fortress, gave another vehement charge, in such fort, as they had won the Va●mure of the same, which when the garrison that remained in the Castle of Saint Angelo did perceive, and thinking that with their artillery they were able to drive the Turks, from the place which they had gotten, they unbended at the Turks, a great piece of artillery, and in steed of them, taking one for an other, seven of our Christians, being on the Rampart of the fortress, were pitifully slain, which when they had perceived, and to amend their former error, they caused another great piece to be blown off, with the stroke whereof, were torn in pieces four of the Turks most notable Captains, and twelve other of their best and hardiest soldiers, that the Turks had. While thus furiously that the fight continued, the Turks entrenched upon that part of the fortress of Saint Hermes which is towards the Castle of Saint Angelo. But our men espying their doing, with pots filled with wild fire and burning pitch, hurled among them, caused the Turks right soon to depart. The Turks (thus being expulsed by the valiant hardiness of our Christians) returned carefully, into their camp, leaving behind them dead in this terrible assault about two thousand of their soldiers, where two hundred of our men were slain, & as many hurt. In the day of this assault the great Master espying opportunity caused a foist to be prepared, and to be had over a piece of a ground unto Martia Scala, and one therein with certain Mariners to pass into Sicilia, with letters to inform the Viceroy, and the Pope's holiness also, of the manful defence of the fortress of Saint Hermes▪ and in what extreme danger, the same remained except speedy aid and succour, were given to the same: the tenor of which letters written to the Viceroy, is as followeth, having of purpose thought convenient not to set forth unto you the contents of the Pope's letters, when as the effect of both the letters being one, the rehearsal of the letters of the Viceroy may well enough suffice. To Dom Garza di Toled● Viceroy of Sicill and High Admiral of the King's Mavie, most bartie greeting. sithence Saluago departed hence, I have sent unto your Grace two several letters, which were conn●i●d through the city of Malta, unto the Ilandos' Good, which I would of god, that they had come to your hands. But after, perceiving that neither messenger nor yet letters came from you, I commanded one of my men with certain letters, to be put in readiness to depart unto you, unto Messana▪ who after that he had proved to get forth, sundry nights, and at last escaped, he had not fully passed two miles on the sea, when he was espied by the Turks Navy, that in all hast made towa●d●▪ him, which when my messenger perceived, with all the speed he could, retired from▪ 〈…〉 de parted, and so ran his ship on land, ●●d with the loss of his letters hurled into the sea, saved himself and his company from the hands of the Turks. Albeit perceiving now that the Turks have brought their Navy out of the Port of Vulturno, and thinking with myself, how much it is requisite that your Grace should have intelligence of matters here already passed, I have therefore caused a foist to be set in readiness at Martia Scala, while the Turks were occupied upon an other part of this Island, so as now I hope these my letters may shortly and with safety come unto your hands. But what I have thought convenient, your Grace should understand, are these. The fifteenth day of this month, the whole Navy of the Turks, about night passed this port, and because the night was dark, we could not perceive the inconvenience of their navy, for we learned so much after that their galleys though they were left in manner unarmed, they could not well be towed from the place they had them, and chiefly for lack of water, they were enforced to depart from the port of Vulturno, and perhaps the fear of your Navy, which they understood (as I was informed) to be a hundred and fifty ships riding at an ancre in the port of Messana, was likewise the cause that they would not ride in the port of Saint Paul, but planted their ships above Porto Musetto, and a good part of their galleys at Saint Georges, howbeit their ships & galleys are not so far in sunder, but if your Grace's navy should come at the sudden, in the fear that they are in, they would make speed, a pace to their navy, if they were further off distant. At the port of Vulturno, appeareth not one turk, as for their first encamping places at Saint Katherine's, and Saint john's, after the burning of the villages, they have forsaken: and now the Turks have their navy riding, whereas I told you, and their army on land lying before the fortress of Saint Hermes, which as almighty God hath hitherto defended, so I hope, he will still conserve the same, and the more it is to be hoped, in that (as yesterday) it so came to pass, that after a most furious assault continued by the Turks, by the space of four hours, with four charges given, and valiantly sustained by our worthy soldiers, with the overthrow of a bridge, which the Turks had planted over the dike of the fortress, the Turks had the repulse not without some loss of our Christians, where among others Captain Medrano, (to my great care) was slain: with this victory our christians are so encouraged, that I hope with God's help, the fortress (until your Graces coming) may be defended, chiefly, in that the enemy hath partly diminished the fervent heat of their usual shot of their great artillery, so as if I had now any aid or supply of soldiers from your Grace, or mine own two galleys that are with you, furnished with soldiers, I am in assured hope that the enemy should never get the fortress from me, for the defence whereof, while I look every hour for succour, both the soldiers and munitions, which I had, in manner are consumed, determining not the less, with that little number which is left, to continue in the defence thereof, though it should cost us all our lives, until such time your Grace shall send aid, who (as we assuredly hope) for the piety and famous virtue in your Grace remaining, you would not forget us in this distress, but rather your Grace considering the great danger that we are in, (which must needs be the ruin of us all, if you defer any longer,) you will help us out of hand, with some supply of soldiers, when so easily you may now send them, for the Turks are departed from the East part of this Island, so as those which you will send may without any peril land at a place in this Island called Saxa Nigra. In your Grace (after Almighty God) is situated our health or hope, therefore we most heartily beseech your Grace, forsake us not in our imminent dangers, for unto your approved wisdom & piety, we commit all that we have, and so fare your Grace most heartily well. From Malta this seventeen of june. The Viceroy having received these letters, and considering the great danger, of the besieged fortress, was as it appertained wonderfully moved therewith, and showed a marvelous desire to set forward the kings whole navy against the Turks, howbeit because the ships that should come unto him from Geanes, was at that time not arrived, it was thought expedient, that his Grace should not adventure to fight with the Turks, until their coming: therefore it pleased his Grace to send Signore Giovanni Cardono, with four long ships called Galliaceis, of the which two pertained to the knights of Malta. Unto Cordono the Viceroy joined a gentleman called Robles, with an ensign of Spaniards, being chosen soldiers. There were shipped, also with these about four score knights of the order of the joannits, that only at Messana, tarried for passage into Malta, among these of the order of the joannits, were Signore Parisoto the nephew of the great master of Malta, Vincentio Caraffa, Boninsegna, and Maldonado, both Spaniards, Centio Aquitano and others, who though through tempests and foul weather, they came not timely enough to the Island of Malta, as was desired, yet their coming was a marvelous great help to the other Christians. Which new supply if the same had come before the losle of the fortress of Saint Hermes, perhaps therewith the fortress might have been saved. These four Galliaceis departed from Messana the seventeenth of june. But the Turks, the mean time (not caring for their great loss of soldiers, no more than they had been beasts gone to the slaughter house, determined desperately to renew their fight,) began their furious battery again, with the great artillery, continuing the same, both day and night, unto such time as such breaches were made, as conveniently were to assault, than the Turks gave so furious a charge with such a multitude, and courage therewith, that unless the most valiant virtues of the defenders, joined with contempt of death, and hope of immortal glory, had had the superiority of the apparent terror: truly, the Turks had either put our Christians to flight, or else to have compelled them to yield willingly the fortress. Right hot was the fight on each side, in such sort, that both parts seemed to be so desperate in fight, the one to win the fortress, & the other to defend the same, that it appeared that day would have given end to those wars: five hours it was furiously fought, so that in the end the Turks through the worthiness of our christians were repulsed, howbeit the Turks the night following rested not, but still beat at the fortress with their great artillery, that therewith the curtains being so torn & rend, our christians had much a do to stop the enemy from scaling, a●●o●● th● which our christians had marvelous provid 〈…〉. In this terrible conflict, were slain of the side of the christians two hundred, & of the Turks part, an innumerable sort, among whom the famous Pirate Dorguta, The famous pirate Dorguta wounded to death. while he executed no less the part of a prudent captain, than also the function of a worthy soldier, through the stroke upon his head with a great stone at this assault, was wounded to death, and so within two days after died, and his dead body from ●●●n●e, honourably was transported to Tripoli in Barbaria. But with this worthy Constancy, and valiant acts of our Christians, the Captains of the Turks (being made more furious and raging, then before they were) collected all their Navy into one place, and commanded that the fortress on every side, both by land & sea, should be assaulted and that ever fresh soldiers should continually be sent, until the fortress were won by assault. Therefore the Turks immediately caused, both bridges, ladders, engines, weapon & other necessaries meet for the assault, to be with all diligence put in readiness which when monsieur Valet being then in the castle of Saint Angelo perceived, fearing (as reason was) that the fortress was not able to abide & bear the furious charge that was in preparing against the ●●me, therefore about two days before this last assault, he called together the counsel of the order of the joannits, showing them, that they all did The counsel of the joannits perceive, so well as he, in what marvelous danger, those rested, that were defenders of the fortress, nor he doubted but that every of them, for the piety, & Godly hearts in them remaining, had no little compassion of the peril of the rest of their brethren, and other worthy soldiers, there yet remaining, no less● then if the cases of the defenders were their own, and therefore required, to show their best advise, what were requisite for the safeguard of such valiant persons. The matter being thoroughly considered, the counsel gave immediate The sentence of the couns●●●l. resolution, that forsomuch as the fortress no longer could be kept, that the lives of the defenders should be saved, and that for the bringing away of the defenders, twelve foists should be sent. For which cause there was elected, three knights of the order, that they in the night following should pass over to the fortress and not only to declare to the defenders, the determination of the great Master and counsel, but also to survey, in what state every thing in the fortress were, after so many cruel assaults suffered, and that, if there were cause, to forsake the fortress, than the waters there to be poisoned, and the whole artillery, to be cloyed up with nails. For executing of which ambassade forth with departed Medina a spaniard, Rocca a frenchman, & Constantino Castriota an Italian, not without marvelous danger of their persons, considering the Turks espying them, charged at them sundry shot of the arqebus, & after their arrival in the fortress, they expressed to the defenders, the pleasure & determination of the great master & counsel of the order. The defenders understanding, the Th● answer of the worthy defenders. great care & thought, that the great Master & counsel had for their safety, most humbly gave thanks to them all, for the same. Then so much as concerned the estate of the fortress, if the straightness thereof, the small number of the defenders, & the great number of the enemy, should be considered, truly the fortress were in marvelous danger, chiefly in that the enemy was purposed to give of new another desperate assault, howbeit insomuch as hitherto, they had tasted of the merciful aid of almighty God, that unto that time had defended them, from the rabious fury of so terrible an enemy, in that the place as they thought was defensable, with munition enough, there yet remaining, and that chiefly they had required of the great Master the honour of the charge in defending of the piece or place if they knew all to lose their lives, they intended to defend the fortress, to the death, perhaps such occasion of most honourable defence, never would come to them again, therefore they were utterly determined to spend their lives, for the glory of almighty God, and his holy religion. The race and course of this brittle life is but short, but the glory of eternal life, is perpetual. And considering that to each one there is an appointed death, it is to be desired of every good man, that this life of ours being subject to casualties, might rather be employed about the service of Almighty God, and his common wealth, than to be reserved to the extremity of old age. And if their chance should be that there were none other way but to die, they hoped to leave such victory to the enemy, that the joy and pleasure, which they would gain thereby, should cost them the best blood that remained in the worthiest Soldiers that the Turks than had. And therefore they required the messengers to show to the great Master, what they had vowed, and to continue his good opinion in them, as pertained to have, in worthy Servitures: & chiefly of such as had given themselves to that order of Knighthood. The three Messengers having thus received the defenders answer, containing greater courage than good hap, returned to the great Master, who calling again the Counsel togethers, & hearing the valiant answer of the defenders, was likewise desirous to hear the opinions of the messengers, Castriota was of opinion, that insomuch as the defenders were yet Masters of the dikes, the fortress might be kept, & that he Castriota, (if he were commanded) would take the defence of the fortress in charge, and that rather he would lose his life, than to forsake the place. But Rocca the French man was of contrary mind, saying, that he verily believed, the fortress was not able to be kept, if julius Caesar were on live, & had the defence thereof, & saw to what extremities, the place was brought unto, & that every Bulwark there for the most part, rend in sunder by the enemies artillery, & hurled down, & compassed with such number of desperate enemies; he would never suffer, that the lives of so many worthy soldiers should, through inconsidered partinacitie, have end, but rather to forsake the place, and to reserve the lives of so many valiant Servitures for other places of greatet importance. It is a valiant & worthy man's part, to do that which a man may do, and not to stretch beyond that, which a man cannot do. And, that to be done, which as he thought, was used to be considered in diseased membres incurable in man's body: that for the safeguard of the life & the rest of the whole body, it was meet the incurable member to be cut away, and not to care of the loss thereof. The Spaniard agreeing in opinion with Castriota, thought convenient, that the place should not be forsaken; for that the dikes and Rampers of the fortress for the most part were yet not beaten in sunder, and that a marvelous unity of mind was resident in the defenders, joined with a lively courage and desire to come to hand strokes with the enemy, which in manner promised an assured victory to the defenders. The several opinions of these three Messengers being thoroughly considered, it was thought good, by the most part of the Counsel, that the defenders should continue in their charge for certain days: For that it was never the usage of that order, to forsake with ease such places, as once were committed to their guard: but rather to continued in defence of the same to the death; to th'end that the barbarous enemy might understand, with what kind of men he had to do, to the repressing of his temerarious arrogance and pride: Lest, in forsaking the place, the enemié would perhaps think it were done through fear. Whereby the courage of the enemy would increase, and the ancient honour and estimation of this sacred order would abate. The Turks this while, minding to put in effect, which The last assault given by the Turks to the castle of Saint Hermes. they before determined, the three and twentieth of june, with their whole Armies both by land and sea, about my dnight, assaulted cruelly the fortress on all sides, erecting their ladders, bridges, and other Engines meet for that purpose. First unbending at once two and thirty great Cannons, that with the furious strokes thereof, that which remained up of the fortifications, were utterly thrown down. The Christians on tother side manfully stood to their defence, some they overthrew into the dikes, some they repulsed, & some they slew, but a great deal being more courageous, to wound & annoy the enemy than to look to their own safety: insomuch were the greatest concourse and thrust of the enemy was, there were the Christians ever ready to show their force and prowess. The noise of each side was great, mixed with vehement exortations, joys and mournings: the face & countenance of the fight was variable, ambiguous, incertain, horrible, and pitiful to behold. Thus it was fought unto three of the clock, when yet was doubted to what part the victory would incline. And except the Turks had begun again furiously to unbend continually their great Artillery, (whereby they overtbrew all the Curtains and Bulwarks unto the hard Rock whereon the Christians stood:) the Christians might well enough have sustained for a few days more, the fury of the enemy, but the Rock thus made naked both of the defenders and walls, and more than four hundred of the garrison slain, rested nothing up, scarce that could hide the head of the Soldier: So as none, could once mount or show himself, to stand to the defence, but immediately he was torn in pieces with the shot of the Canon, that never seized. And now Monserrato the General of the fortress, together with one Garas, ruler of Euboeae, with one bullet were miserably slain togethers, gentlemen of like virtue, piety, and worthiness, who for this short life, and most honourable beehaviour in the same, have now togethers gained eternal glory. Nevertheless, the other. that remained on live, and that stood manfully to their charge, nothing discouraged with the loss and slaughter of their companion's, but rather as such as seemed to have received new force and strength out of Heaven, they encountered the enemy most courageously, in tearing and rending the Ensigns, which the Turks had fastened upon the fortress, and killing the Ensign bearers, Captains and others, of the chiefest of the enemy. So that the Christians looked for none other thing than to give up their lives, for the Religion of Christ, to obtain eternal life. Now the Sun in his race, had ascended the midst of the Heavens, whereby was such raging heat, weariness, and continual thundering of Artillery, again the multitude of the enemy so great▪ that still sent fresh men to renew the assault. On the other part, the little number of our Christians lest on live, weakened with marvelous labour, watchings, drought, & wounds. The Turks at last gained by force the fortress of Saint The Fort of Saint Hermes won. Hermes, but with such an incredible loss of their soldiers that it was wonderful that so great a multitude of the Turks, could be slain by so little a number● of the Christians: thus our Christians valiantly fight were every one slain. here I cannot let pass, to touch the unmerciful cruelty of these Turks, exercised against the knights of the order of the joannits, whereby one may understand, of what nature & property cruelty is of, which ever showeth, what will it hath still to revenge, when the death of the person cannot suffice. For after the winning of the fortress, the Turks finding there, certain knights of the order, beetwixt death and life, caused most cruelly their hearts to be cut out of their breasts, & their bodies invested with their scarlet cassocks, & white crosses (for that the knights of the order of the joannits, in warers do ever wear scarlet, & in peace black) to be hanged up by the feet to the number of a thirty of them, in the sight of the Castles of Saint Angelo, & Saint Michael, but when this beastly cruelty seemed not to be enough to Mustapha, he also caused these dead bodies to be tied togethers, and to be hurled into the sea, howbeit the sea being moved as it were with greater mercy, than was in the Turks, the next day after did cast the dead bodies fleeting into Porto Maiori, where the great Master knowing who they were commanded that the corpses should be taken up, and buried honourably, with no little lamentation made for them. In such sort that the great Master straightly commanded that from thence forth no Turks should be taken, but immediately to be slain, whereby such as alreawere taken, by and by were put to death, and their beads thrown over the walls. From the beeginning of the siege, unto the winning of the fortress of Saint Hermes, there were slain of that garrison, the number of a thousand three hundred persons of the which there were a hundred & thirty knights of the order of the joannits. The great Master Valet, having thus lost the fortress of Saint Hermes, though he had (as reason was) a careful heart, yet in dissembling the same, he showed outwardly a good countenance, to the end, that he should not discourage the rest of his soldiers. Saying that nothing hath chanced but that almighty God hath provided the same, for such is the fortune of wars, and the will of God, that sometime one, and sometime another, may suffer overthrow. It is only cowardness and not the worthy virtue and immortal courage of these valiant servitors, being dead, that should cause us to make care and mourning, nor, for all this the enemy ought so much to be dreaded, considering his loss in deed, that rather it seemeth he should account himself to have received the overthrow then to be named victorious. And as to such of our christians as are dead in this worthy service, let us firmly believe, that they are recompensed with glory & immortality in the kingdom of heaven, which ought to inflame the hearts of every good man, to serve as they have done, & as for himself, he had not yet laid aside his hope of assured victory to be gotten of the rest of the enemies, rather by the help of almighty God, then by his own power, and that he supposed, all there being present, to be of like mind, and so to be and continue, he required them. These words being spoken, the great Master being ready against all extremities of Fortune, departed from the rest, and after much devising with himself alone, he determined with himself in the end to write to Petro Mesquito general of the city of Malta, and to advertise him, and the brethren of the joannits at Messana, together with the Viceroy, of the loss of the fortress of Saint Hermes. The copy of whose letters I have thought expedient to describe to you, to the end that the marvelous providence of Valet the prince of this order of the joannits, may the more appear unto you, which is as followeth. During such time as the knights of the order, abiding The letter of the great Master to Mesquito. at Messana, are preparing their passage hither, the miserable overthrow and taking of the fortress of Saint Hermes hath chanced, which as you ought to know, hath left unto me no little care, so I assuredly think, the ●ame hath fortuned, not without the secret permission of almighty God, which I take in such good part, that rather the father of Heaven, will correct us by this loss, then utterly to suffer us to perish. And albeit in mine opinion, it is not requisite, to doubt any wise of his merciful goodness and mighty power. Yet I cannot but complain that it hath seemed, I have been forsaken of those, that should not have becomed them so to have done, that in the space of seven and thirty days, wherein our most worthy Christians now dead, sustained such furious charges of the enemy, (as rather a marvelous matter done by God, than man,) of our own (who of duty ought to have regarded us) we have been succoured with no manner of aid, which sundry times in this space, they might have done, how beeit as I perceive, we must hope no longer of man's help, considering that neither our letters, diligence, earnest requests, admonitions, or commandments, can in any wise take place with them, whom duty rather ought to have moved to obedience, than negligence to have stayed them all this while. Lack of time will not permit me, to write as I would to the Viceroy, but rather your part shallbe, to give intelligence as well to his grace, as to others our brethren there of the occurrants of this Island. Which our brethren, if they had obeyed our commandments as had appertained, or else had sent us any aid at all, perhaps we had not lost the fortress of Saint Hermes, about the defence whereof, so valiant & worthy servitures as ever lived, have lost their lives therein. Wherefore except the Viceroy make haste to deliver us, I fear he shall come to late to do us good, chiefly if we be besieged, before we have the little succours, which as I dream, are in coming to us, & as I fear scarce will come in time. Nevertheless we do not mistrust of the love & providence of almighty God towards us, but that the divine virtue of the Viceroy, within few hours, to be moved & stirred up by the holy ghost, will with speed deliver us. The mean time, the enemies hath gotten together all their navy into the port of Musetto, & are very diligent in purging of the places of the fortress, & reedifying of the rampers & bulwarks which with the strokes of their artillery they did cast down. Therefore upon the sight hereof, I require you to send to us, the captains Catharinensis, Belcarensis, Belmestio, and Zoric, with their bands, that in our necessities, we may use their faithful and valiant endeavours. So requiring of God to send us aid from some place, fare you heartily well. From the castle of Saint Angelo the four and twentieth day of june. MEsquita the general of the City of Malta, after that he had read the letters of the great Master immediately caused a foist to be rigged to the sea, & in the same sent one Masio Co●onello, to whom he gave both the great masters letters to him sent, and also other letters of his own of like effect directed to the knights of the order of the joannits remaining at Messana, requiring Masio with all the hast he could, to pass into Sicilia. The mean time, Mustapha Bassa sent a messenger to monsieur Valet, and with him an old Spaniard, a prisoner to the which prisoner Mustapha promised liberty upon condition that he would go to Borgo with his messenger, commanding them both that they should practise with monsieur Valet to yield himself, and the whole Island upon any reasonable appointment. Who after they had arrived at the town, the Turk remained without, & the christian entered in & was brought to the prince, to whom he disclosed the charge & commandment to him given by Mustapha. When monsieur Valet herd the Spaniard once name appointment & yielding, he began to enter into such a choler, that if he had not been a christian man, he had commanded him immediately to have been hanged, therefore he gave the Spaniard choice, whether he would tarry still among the Christians in Borgo, or else immediately to depart, & to tell to the Turk that came with him, except he did get him away in haste, he would cause the artillery of the castle to constrain him to speed him away. The Turk with this answer returned to the camp, wherewith Mustapha fell in such a rage, that he openly said that from thenceforth he would use all the cruelty that he could against the Christians. At this time with Mustapha Philip a Turk a noble man revolted and came to the Christians. was a gentleman named Philip, descended of the noble family of the Lascares in Greece, who at such time as he was a child, was taken by the Christians, when as they won the town of Patras in Achaia. During which time, that he was a prisoner, he was so courteously used by them, that ever after he bore marvelous affection and good will, towards Christians. This Philip being privy to sundry counsels of Mustapha, (moved as it seemed by divine inspiration from Heaven) thought that he might marvelously aid and profit the Christians, if he should come to them, and therefore determined with himself to pass to the fortress of Saint Michael. Which as he proved many times to do, so in the end in the Calends of july, he did cast himself into the sea (considering he could not get to the castle by land) and so did swim to the castle, not without great danger of his life, for he being espied by the Turks he was shot at, with sundry arrows and arquebuses. Upon his landing, he was immediately brought to the great Master, to whom not only he discovered sundry counsels of the enemy, but also showed, what ought to be done at a corner of the fortress of Saint Michael, to the end to make frustrate certain devices of the enemies, which they purposed to practise against that place, and of sundry other things which afterward turned to much commodity of the christians. Who also, as opportunity served, right valiantly, after, fought against the Turks: So as, that after the siege, and Malta being delivered, he repaired to Rome, with marvelous commendation of the great Master, where the Pope's holiness courteously entertained him, and for his virtue and good service done aswell towards those of Malta, as towards whole Christendom, he rewarded him with sundry gifts. Where likewise, be did forsake his Turkish faith, wherein he was brought up, utterly detesting the same, and from Rome he repaired to King Philip, to whose Majesty he discovered likewise certain pretences of Soliman the Emperor of the Turks. While these things (as above) were done, Colonello (of whom before, as I showed you, that was sent into Sicilia) arrived safe at Messana, where he found the Christian Navy not as yet ready, so that the afflicted affairs of Malta could not out of hand be succoured. For neither the ships that should come out of Spain were than come, nor yet Govianni Andrea Auria, with his eight & twenty Galliaceis, who stayed to enbarque four thousand footmen, under the leading of Capino Vitellio, that were collected in Etruria. The knights of the order at Messana considering this tedious tarrying, and what peril would ensue upon longer stay, fully determined with God's help, to succour their brethren of the orderin Malta. And with such power as they had gotten togethers, under the leading of two notable gentlemen, knights of the joannits, the one of the house of Messana, & the other of Baroleto; they purposed to pass into Malta. Albeit before their departure, they repaired to the Viceroy: & in consulting with him, they required his Grace, to call to memory what service the knights of the joannits had done, not only for the King of Hispain, but for all Christendom; and what charges the joannits were at the other year, at the winning of Pinon de Beles', where they neither spared victual, artillery, or ships, nor yet their own proper lives; where their service might either profit the King's highness, or any part of the Christian common wealth. And besides this, that he would vouchsafe to consider with himself, that the loss of the Island Malta, not only should touch the joannits, but universal Italy, and chiefly the Island of Sicilia; by reason it should be a neighbour to so mighty an enemy as the Turk. For which causes and others, that shortness of time prohibiteth to report, they required of him four thousand footmen, with whom all the knights there, of the order of the joannits, accompanied also with sundry noble personages and other voluntary soldiers, would pass over into Malta, to succour their brethren there: with which supply, they said they assuredly hoped, if at the least, they could not repulse the enemy or win again the lost fortress, ●et to stay the further proceedings and pretences of the furious enemy, unto such time as the whole Christian Navy being in a readiness might invade the Turkish Fleet, and also (as they trusted) utterly to destroy the same. Upon these words, while the Vice Roy, deliberated with himself what he should do, there came a messenger out of Hispain, but what the effect of his letters was, which he brought, though some judged one way and some an other, none certainly could tell: but so it came to pass, that through his coming, the Vice Roy gave a brief answer to the joannits, saying, that he could not satisfy their request, considering the same were an utter weakening & diminishing of the force of the king's navy. whereby it should come to pass in so doing as they requested; that he could not give them such succours, as shortly he pretended to do. Howbeit if they would transport all the joannits that were at Messana (with a part of the soldiers which the Pope's holiness sent) into Malta, in those two Galleaceis which they had prepared; he himself would furnish an other Galliace to be sent with them. The knights having received this determined answer, when as they otherwise could not amend themselves, they took the offer of the Vice Roy. While these ships were making ready to depart; the four ships whereof before I made mention, which transported the 600 Soldiers, & four score knights of the joannits, by the space of twenty days were on the Seas, tossed with marvelous tempests, & other stops and stays, that they could not attain to Malta. And chiefly they had commandment given them, they should not land, except they knew certainly that the fortress of Saint Hermes, were still in possession of the christians. But approaching to Malta, they sent their espial on land, & promised him, to tarry on the Sea, unto the next day for his return. The mean time the Seas by tempestuous weather began so to grow, that the Espial could not return at his appointed tyme. Wherefore the ships that did abide him, dreaded that either he was perished in the tempest, or else come into the enemies hands. Whereby, they sailed back to Pozalo, a place on the coast of Sicilia, to the end to learn somewhat there, of the state of Malta. Where, upon their arrival they certainly did know, that the fortress of Saint Hermes was yet ungotten by the Turks: Which when they had learned, they departed to the seas again. But coming within six miles of Malta, where at their place determined, they were appointed to land, they spied a fire from land, as a sign made unto them, whereby they judged, both that their former Espial was taken by the enemy, & that some Ambush was there laid for them. Whereupon they returned to Pozalo again, at which place, they learned of one of the Knights of the joannits, a French man, that came out of Malta, of purpose to them, that the forenamed fire by his commandment was made, that they being instructed by that sign, might safely proceed to their landing place in Malta. Upon the understanding whereof, they all with speed did get them to the Seas again, and failed to Malta, where at a place called Saxa Nigra, (which is situated in that part of Malta, which is towards Lybia,) they landed in a quiet night, the nine and thirtieth of june, & so being not seen of any others, marched without impediment, to the City of Malta, where, with incredible joy they were received, and there tarried unto the time they knew the further pleasure of the Great Master. The mean time there grew about Borgo, and the other places thereabouts such a mist, being not oft times seen there, that none in manner could see thereabouts, when as a boy scarce of the age of twelve years, lokeing out at a window of the castle, and all afraid, cried immediately, that he saw the Turks marching towards the castle o● Saint Michael, which being perceived, and certain of the knights making towards that part, in their way, they gate a certain Grecian born that dwelled at the city of Malta, who being brought back to Borgo, and straightly examined of the cause of his departure from thence, considering he had no passport, without which, it was lawful for none, to stray abroad, in the end this Grecian confessed, that he was purposed to have fled to the camp of the enemy, and to have given him intelligence of the arrival of this new supply, to the end that the Turks, might in the marching of this supply towards the great master, surprise them by some ambush. Whereupon the joannits considering, that by some occasion hereafter, this fugitive; might work to them no little detriment, they caused him to be cut in four pieces. Three days after, this new supply of soldiers that came out of Sicilia, about night sa●elie came to the great master, saving two or three lacques, that were charged with certain armour and other farthels, who came into the hands of the enemy. It is in manner, incredible what courage was augmented in the hearts of the beesieged Christians, through the coming of this new supply, and chiefly Valet, the great master, seeing before his eyes, assembled, the flower of the joannits, and other most worthy servitures sent to him by the providence of Almighty God, said (with tears in his eyes for joy) I thank thee humbly, most mighty God and heavenly King, that of thy merciful goodness dost hear my prayers, and dost not forsake this pitiful flock of thine; travailing under my charge, being compassed (as thou assuredly knowest) with these most raging and furious wolves; What shall I say more? but these are the works of thine only perpetual goodness, apparent omnipotency, and inscrutable wisdom. This new supply, that was come to the great Master, were earnest suitors, that it would vouchsafe the great Master to grant them that benefit, that they might serve in the fortress of Saint Michael, the great Master praising their valiant courage, did condescend to their request; without changing at all, there, the ancient garrison. The next day following, such of the garrison of Saint michael's, as had desire to come to hand strokes with the enemy, issued forth, & meeting with the enemy at Saint Margaret's; so worthily behaved themselves that they killed above 200 of the Turks, & hurt as many of them, that none of the garrison returned home to the fortress, without blood drawn of the enemy; yea and without loss of any of their company, at that time. Which when Mustapha parceved, he knew right well that it was the new supply come to the fortress of Saint Michael, therefore he found marvelous fault with those that had the charge by sea; that by their negligence, this supply gate landing & entry: So as they, to whose charge the utter parts of the Island were committed, came in wonderful suspicion of Mustapha. Whose suspicion also was augmented through the departure of three Galleys of Argire, that stole away, whereby he had small credit to the rest of the Argirians there, and much less confidence to the Renegants that were Christians, and there serving the Turk. Wherefore he ordained that none of those persons should tarry on land out of their ships upon pain to be thrust through on stakes, and to be burnt to ashes, and so in changing that watch, he appointed the galleys, of Salach the Turk, to take the custody of the Island, that no supply should enter. And to the end that neither of his own, nor any Christian should surprise their Navy, he caused sundry of his own ships to be set a longest the breadth of the port of Musetto, and the one to be chained to the other. And forsomuch as that the bloody flux and other diseases had invaded his camp, he ordained for the sick three kinds of places, one for the wounded, at the water of Marza, under the guard of 2000 Turks, another on shipboard, for the voluntary soldiers, & the third upon scaffolds devised betwixt ship and ship for the Renegants. At which time Mustapha made Ochial the Turk, general over Tripoli in Barbaria, who passing thither with five Galliaceis ro take possession of his charge, & after setting every thing in order there, he returned to the camp in Malta. And for the better furniture of bread for the camp, the Bassa caused two ships freighted with wheat to be transported to the town of Leptis, and there to be made and baked because the camp of the Turks had much need of bread. Likewise Mustapha sent to Solyman the Emperor Zaloth the Turk, to show him how he had won by assault, the fortress of Saint Hermes, and bare with him the plat of the Island, as he found it at his entry there, & to declare to him that he found those of Malta▪ better prepared, & more strong, than he hoped in the beginning, to have found them. And that it his pleasure were, that he should continue the wars there in that Island it were not a little requisite, to aid him with a great supply of men, victual, and more furniture of munitions. Which if he send, he trusted to win the remnant of the fortresses of Malta, though not so soon, as perhaps would be looked for. And in the mean time while he received answer he would foreslow and protract no time, to prove by assault & otherwise, to gain the fortresses if he could. And because, he should seem, not to have written vain matters to his Prince, Mustapha had beegun his battery with seventy great pieces of artillery, (among which, were three mighty Basilisco's,) in fourteen several places, insomuch as from the Promontory of the place of execution unto the water of Marza, and from thence unto the fortress of Saint Hermes, where they had placed 300 janissaries in garrison, they entrenched and fortified all that compass of earth right warlike, with marvelous strength. With which cruel battery, continuing day and night, they tormented the towns of Borgo and Saint Michael, that the walls, bulwarks and houses were there wonderfully endamaged, so as none knew well where to be safe, whereby at the first, both women and children were marvelously annoyed. And the Turks themselves were driven to keep within their fortified camp, nor durst issue abroad without great multitude, and for all that they escaped not home again to their camp all free, for the horsemen of the Garrison of the City of Melita, now & than scouring the country, would charge them on the back and kill many of them. When the news of the loss of the fortress of Saint Hermes came to Rome; the City was replenished with marvelous care and fear for the tidings: insomuch, as some there, mourned to see that ancient glory of the Latin Name was in such sort diminished. another sort, was in no little dread that the calamity of Malta would redound to Rome. There were also an envious and detracting kind of men more liberal with carping tongues, than expert in knowledge of wars, that laid the whole blame of the loss of the fortress upon monsieur Valet the great Master: whom, both his Invincible courage, and no less the valiant and noble personages there accompanying him, than also this History making mention of all their most worthy Acts, would perpetually deliver him from such infamy and slander. But such, as care not for their own estimation, by likelihood would not spare to defame the Renome of an other. For as Ignorance cannot judge well of the Policies and Inventions of the learned sort. No more can Coward Varlets rightly discern of the worthlie Acts and valiant doings of Courageous old and practised Soldiers. But to return to the matter of our History, before we told you how three Galiacies were in preparing, at Messana, and what diligence they used about the same that had the charge thereof; in such sort as the seventh of july, they departed out of the Port of Messana. There were in those three ships besides the Knights of the joannites, six hundred Spaniards, and three hundredth of the Pope's Soldiers, under the charge of Pompeio Colona, among whom, were some that voluntary rowed, & some that were constrained. To the constrained, liberty was promised if they would do their endeavours, to bring them into the port of Borgo, they should, after, be advanced to rooms of Soldiers as the others were. So as not only their purpose was to succour those that were besieged, with men, but also with victual. For which cause, they shipped 250 Medimni of Wheat, besides Gun powder, Sall-peter, and Lead, meet for Artillery and like uses. And albeit they supposed it very difficult, to enter the Port, being so strongly guarded by the Turk: nevertheless such desire rested in the minds in the joannits present in those Ships, that they made account the entry might easily be brought to pass, both to them and tother. When they approached nigh unto Malta, these ships made forth a Fragot to see if any sign from the Castle of Saint Angelo could be espied, whereby they might understand, whether the ships might proceed to enter or retire. When the Fragot upon his proceeding, parceving a sign that he should return back, returned to the ships showing the sign of retiring: though the Turks when they provided the sign did what they could to obscure the sign by shot of great Artyllarye at the same, whereby they replenished the Skies with marvelous obscurities, as though the same had been through dark Clouds; which the ships understood well enough: and so returned back into Sicilia. In deed, it was not thought meet by Valet that most courteous prince, that so many worthy knights of the order, and so many noble personages and valiant fouldiours, being togethers in those ships, should be brought in manifest danger, for he did see apparently how that certain of Turks ships, lay by night, at the in coming of Porto Musetto, at a place called Arenula to enbar all entry and issue, to and fro Porto Maiore, without their leave. At which time, when as the garrison of the city of Malta, had intelligence what good success the new supply had upon their issue made (as before) against the Turks, they taking courage thereby; made likewise asalie upon the enemy, that spoiled abroad in the Island, as they were driving certain cattle, which they had taken, & in such sort they of the city valiantly behaved themselves, that after sundry of the Turks, by them slain, not only they recovered the cattle, but drove the rest of the Turks to their ships. The camp of the Turks understanding the chase to come towards them immediately struck a l'arme, and repairing to the pavilion of their general Mustapha, seized for that time, the battery. Which matter, caused the Prince Valet to suppose, that the Turks was marching to give assault at the breach▪ and therefore the prince fully determined with himself to be there present at the defence of the breach, thinking thereby that his presence should not a little increase the courage and hardiness of the garrison of Saint michael's. For which purpose, immediately he caused a bridge upon boats to pass both the half islands to Saint michael's to be made. But knowing what the a ●arme meant, he returned to the castle of Saint Angelo. There were some that judged this doing of the Prince to be marvelous bold & courageous, but not void of great danger occupying such a place & function, as he did, and therefore was worthy to be blamed for the same: Alleging, that matters of great weight & importance, ought rather to be put in effect by the force of the mind, counsel, & direct order; given by the General, than by any force of body by him to be showed. Unto which affairs, though the General be absent, yet by his prudent orders established, he may be present among his soldiers. For the decay of the General (which if he come to handstrokes may easily happen the ruin of the rest whereof he had charge, may likewise ensue: as we daily see, when the life is gone, the body is dead. Other again affirmed that the prince Valet, was worthy of much commendation, judging that the presence of the General was most necessary in perils, considering that the Soul cannot rightly govern & direct the body, except it be present, yea, in the body: For in such doing hath but followed the examples of the most prudent Generals Alexander, Themistocles, Caesar, Marius, and sundry others using these kind of words in effect following: Ego met in agmine, in Praelio, consultor idem & sotius pericul● vobis cum adero: Me vosque in omnibus rebus juxta geram. Both, in the Esquadron & fight (O worthy soldiers) you shall have me present a Counsel & companion in all perils: Wherein, as your fortune shall be, the same shallbe my. Who is so rude of wit, that if the same be requisite in other things, in Peace, it is much more to be desired in wars. The presence of the Master oft times causeth his affairs, with diligence and greater facility to have fortunate proceedings. Nor truly the prudent Poet (discriving the wars beetwixt the Latins and the Ruteli,) was of other mind, saying Vrget Praesentia Turni, the presence of Turnus provoked the courage of his soldiers, by which most evident reasons it was judged that Valet the prince of the order of the joannits should have done both manfully and most prudently according to his function, if according to his determination he had been present at the defence of the breach among his soldiers, if the Turks had assaulted the same. The same time the king of Argire with seven galleys & ten other ships, in which were two thousand and two hundred soldiers, came to the aid of the Turks army in Malta. Who seeming to be very sorry, that he was not there at the beginning of the wars, required of Mustapha, to have so much honour showed him, that both for the declaration of his good will, for the exploit of some notable service & to prove what courage rested in his own soldiers he might have the foremost place withhis soldiers to assault the fortress of Saint Michael, which not only was granted to him, but also Mustapha caused two thousand chosen soldiers of the army of the Turk, to be joined to him, which being granted to him, about 90 small ships were commanded to be brought from Porto Musetto, unto the water of Marza, for that upon that side the king of Argire purposed upon the water to give the assault unto the fortress. Which when the Prince Valet did perceive, as also, having had intelligence of this the Turks preparation & devise, by a certain fugitive that came out of the camp to him. Immediately he called before him two of the best practised & faithful pilots, that were in Borgo, & of them demanded by what means the Turks might be enbarred from the approaching to the foot of the wall of the sortresse. The pilots answered that their opinions were, if of masts of ships, and other timber joined togethers at the ends with rings of Iron, and thereof as it were a long chain to be made, and the one end there of to be sastned from the corner of the castle of Saint Angelo, unto the other side, where the enemy with their boats were determined to enter, the enemies devices should be utterly stopped in that behalf. This policy liked the great Master in such sort, that in the night following, the chain was ended, and placed accordingly. The Turks in the dawning of the morning, seeing this chain placed to enbarre their pretences, were astonished, not knowing how to land the soldiers: but while the king of Argire and his company were in this maze, a fugitive a Christian, a man of marvelous hardiness, (to which kind of persons, rashness serveth for virtue, and desperation in stead of constancy) came to the king, and promised that he would break this chain afore aid. Whereupon (taking an axe with him) did enter into the water, after whom followed two or three others, to aid and help him, and so swimming to this chain, this fugitive began to strike at this chain with his axe. Which when the Christians in Borgo, did perceive, about five or six of them with their swords drawn did on their part by and by swim likewise to the defence of the chain, where, after killing two of that company, those Christians did put the other to flight. After that, none was so bold to put in proof the like again: Nevertheless, the king of Argire, did not leave his purpose, for the xv day of july, at the break of day, he proceeded to the assault, both by land and water. The Christians perceuing the pretence of the Argirians, had prepared the most part of their Artillery to be laid towards that place where the Argirians came to give the assault. So as, upon the repair of the Turks, the Artillery of the Christians were unbended with such violence by the space of three hours, during the time of the assault, that with the bullets of the Canon & other Artillery, about two thousand Turks were torn in pieces & drowned, with twelve of their ships. Howbeit the most part of their ships approaching to the Chain, & perceiving the same to enbarre them to land where they purposed, they turned the ships upon an other part towards the fortress of Saint Michael, but doing nothing, they likewise were enforced to return. Upon the land, likewise, it was marvelously fought, so as many Turks were slain, and two hundred of our Christians wanting, among whom Frederic, the son of Dom Garza, Viceroy of Sicell, was torn in pieces with an Iron Bullet, also one Gordio a Frenchman: Francis Senoghera, with his nephew john, Hispapaniards borne, and knights of the joannits, Medina, there, likewise was wounded to death, who afterward died of the same. But the Prince Valet, perceiving in what perils the state of whole Malta should stand in, if many such battles were often fought, when as, those that were weary, both day and night should continually have to do with the fresh and new Soldiers of the Turks, and to have no manner of supply of soldiers, sent to succour them. Therefore the seventeenth of july, he sent a messenger into Sicilia, who by swimming passed from the Castle at the utter bay: leading to the water of Marza, and from thence escaped unknown through the midst of the enemies, unto the City of Malta, and so from Malta taking shipping, came with diligence to Messana. To this messenger, Valet, gave letters, by the which he required that he might have those two Galleys of his own, there remaining, and the same to be furnished and sent with those number of knights of the joannits, as were remaining at Messana, and with so many other soldiers as might fill and replenish those Galleys. And that, upon their coming nigh to Malta, they should abide a loof before the Port, unto such time they had a convenient sign made unto them whether they might safely enter the Port yea or no. At which time that the messenger of Malta, came to Messana, there came thither a fleet of ships out of Spain that brought in the same sundry knights of the order of joannits, of divers nations. When as the Viceroy purposed to send away to Malta, the two galleys written for, he first thought meet to write to the great Master certain letters Ciphered by two several little ships, whereby he signified to the great Master, that with those he sent the two Galleys for that which he wrote howbeit he required that the Galleys might have assured sign made unto them, when they came in sight of the Island, whether they might enter without evident peril or no. These two little ships, thus departing from Messana towards Malta, (whereof the one was furnished with sundry simples and medicaments pertaining to Physic & Surgery, did not both keep one course of Sailing▪ Whereby the boat that had the Medicaments for Physic and Surgery, came into the hands of the Turks, as afterward was learned, the other arrived▪ safe in Malta. Nevertheless because, a few days before, all the ways between Saint Michael's and the City of Malta, were utterly enbarred by the Turks, and that three Christians which were used to go and come betwixt those places, in their passing were surprised & taken by the Turks, and most cruelly put to death. And besides, the entries of the Ports were vigilantly guarded, that none without the knowledge of the Turks could well enter. Whereby the knights of the order, resting at Messana, could not tell how to send safely the two Galleys away to Malta. Notwithstanding considering that the great Master so earnestly written to have them, & that they thought, Vbirerum agitur summa, unius particulae periculum, minus esse metuendum. Where the whole affairs rest in danger, the peril and loss but of a part & particle thereof for the conservation of the rest ought the less to be regarded and feared, they determined with themselves to commit the two Galleys to the guiding of Fortune; always aforeseeing, that all those knights of the order, should not pass in that hazard, but only forty of them joined with a good number of soldiers, that furnished up the two Galleys. With these passed Captain Salazar, an Hispaniard, in a boat towed by the Galleys, into the Island of Goza who after from thence passed▪ into Malta to espy both the state of the City, and the Turks Army. The mean time, the Turks not forgetting, the great overthrow and repulse that they received at their late assault at Saint michael's, and not a little desirous to revenge the same, therefore they began with terrible fury their battery again, against the fortress of Saint Michael, in such sort, as that so much as the defenders repaired up in the night, the Turks by day by their Artillery overthrew and broke. While the enemy's Artillery, did their feat, the Turks devised their bridge, which they finished, and did set over the dyke before the Sun rising, the twentieth of july, whereby they might come to hand strokes▪ with our Christians. Which being perceived by the defenders, and considered, what detriment the bridge would import, if the same were suffered▪ Immediately signior Parisoto the great masters nephew, and Agleria, knights of the Order, with a good company of other soldiers, issued forth of intent to have burned the bridge. Who in such sort were received by the Turks, that without executing the matter, they came for, all those that issued together with Parisoto and Agleria, were utterly slain. The Turks (this space) seized not to continue the fury of their Artillery▪ in battering the walls; until the xxviij. day of july; So as, that afternone, they courageously assaulted the For tres on sundry parts thereof; and thrice did send fresh men, to supply the rooms of their soldiers that were either weary in the fight or overthrown in the assault, & so manfully the Turks stood to their mark, that they doubted not to gain the fortress that day. But our Christians on their part with no less valiant courage resisted them, & with very force, what by gun-shot, arrows, wildfire & handstrokes, at last they compelled the Turks to retire from the assault, with incredible loss. With this victory, the hearts of the defenders in such manner increased that they cared nothing for the malice of the enemy. And because there was not so often skirmishing on our side, as was wont, and that the artillery of the Christian side, began to stay from shooting, the Turks supposed, that there was few soldiers left on live in the fortress, & that their furniture of powder, shot, and other things, were spent. Which stay from skirmishing & shooting, was rather done of purpose by the counsel and devise of the Prince Valet, then for any want of those matters in the fortress, & for a good cause, considering that he heard of no manner of certain aid, at that time, & that every day more & more the enemy's fury & malice did grow the greater, he thought it not requisite, to consume his garrisons & other furnitures idly & to no purpose. But the Turks perceiving, that by these often assaults of theirs, their pretences took little effect, they determined with themselves to prove what they could by myning, and one mine they had in manner brought to pass, before our Christians did perceive the same, & to the end they might blind the eyes of the defenders, they caused two galleys towards the water, to approach the walls of the town of Saint Michael, & to beat at the same with their artillery, supposing by the same that the garrison to have forsaken their charge, & to have aided the rest, would have neglected the custody of the walls of the castle, & so by this mine, to have entered into the fortress. But the defenders, understanding the subtle policies of the Turks, by the means & prudence aswell of certain of the garrison, as chiefly of one of the ensignebearers there, brought utterly to nought the mine of the enemy, by a contermine. For the ensign bearer first entering the mine of the enemy, with a lantern in hand, & casting certain arteficial fire among the enemies in the mine, that whether the enemy would or no, he drove them out of the mine. For which good service done, the great master rewarded this worthy ensign bearer with the gift of a chain of gold weighing five pounds, & because that Virtus virtutem parit, eaque in arduo sita est, one virtuous act, allureth another to do the like, though the same be very difficult to attain unto. The next day after which was the first of August, certain of the garrison of the fortress issued forth, & with powder burnt to pieces the bridge which the Turks before had devised & laid over the dike, which worthy deed so done, turned to the whole fortress a wonderful commodity. For the next day after, at the Sun setting the Turks assaulted again the fortress, upon that part which was guarded by Carolo Roffo, where by the space of three hours, it was valiantly fought on each side, but in the end the Christians repulsed the Turks, leaving behind them three hundred slain. And on the Christian part remained dead, Roffo himself with one Bareso, and certain other soldiers. This while during the assault the Turks in such sort exercised their great artillery with continual shot, that none of the defenders durst scarce show his head to look into the dike, but immediately he was dispatched, but for all that, where occasion of any worthy service was at that instant to be showed, the soldiers of the fortress would not spare his life, to execute the same. As well appeared in Calderonio the Hispaniard, who when he doubted that the enemy was breaking that part of the wall of bulwark, called the bulwark of Castille, he issued immediately to espy and know the same, but in a moment he was slain with the bullet of an arquebus. Whose infortunity as to some it would have been a terror and fear, so was the same not the less an encouragement of the rest, to endeavour to do the like service. For when they perceived that the enemy did what they could to fill up the dike of the fortress, they of the garrison determined rather to end their lives with honour, then to come into the hands of a most cruel enemy, and therefore concluded togethers to issue forth that night upon the enemy, and to enbar them of their purpose. Whereupon a hundred of the garrison issued forth, part where of were joannits and part soldiers that took wages, and so worthily gave charge upon the enemy, that they enforced them to forsake the dikes and to fly away a pace, leaving behind them slain fourscore Turks, and ten killed of our side, among whom of the Christian part remained dead two knights of the order Giovanni Cantabro, and one Macrino, whole heads the cruel Turks had cut from their bodies, and planting them upon spears, did set them in the valie of Saint saviour's▪ to be viewed of the fortress. That day at night, those that were in the city of Malta▪ made many bone fires, and therewith shot of their arquebuses, showing thereby a great token of rejoice: Which both those that were besieged, and the Turks also hard very well, whereby the Turks supposed, that either the Navy of the Christians began to approach the Island of Malta, or else such supply of Christians were landed, that was able to encounter with the Turks Army there. But it was none of those two matters, and only of purpose done, aswell to show their own courages, as to make the Turks estonished with the newness of the matter. The Turks the mean time filled the dike of the Bulwark of Castille, which thing caused that neither the Turks could be endamaged by the Casemacts of the dyke being cloyed up▪ nor yet by the Flankers from the Bulwark of A●●rne. Whereby the Turks without any manner of impediment, might easilier enough assault the breach which they with their Artillery, before, had made. Also from their Mount placed upon the right hand of Saint saviour's, they began to beat vehemently, with two brazen pieces there planted, so as, that at the first stroke, they beat in at a window made for the shooting out of Artillery, wherewith the enemy was want to be encumbered, of the which place one Francis Castilia had the charge: so expert were the Canoners of the Turks part. Also one Giovanni Bernardo Godineto a Spaniard, and knight of the Order, with the stroke of an Arquebuze ended his life. That day Francis Aquila●es, a Spaniard, one of the Garrison of Saint Michael, having wife and children in the Isle of Gozo, alured by two wicked counsellors, that is to say, Fear and Hope, shamefully fled out of the Town of Saint michael's, unto the Enemy, counseling the Enemy to Assault the Town again, saying, that without all doubt, they should win the Town, if they would attempt the same again, because there were scarce four hundred Soldiers left, and yet what with extreme labours that they had suffered during the siege, and what by their hurts and wounds, they were not able to endure longer, as for the rest of the Soldiers that were there, they were utterly consumed & dead. Wherefore the Turk's perceuing, that such breaches already were made, by their Artillery, in the towns of Borgo & Saint Michael, that Carts were able to pass through them, they purposed to assault both those towns at once, and to prove whether there rested in the garrisons of those two towns such courage and force, as were able to give them such repulse again, as before so often they had received. Therefore upon the seventh of August, at one instant hour, the Turks assaulted Borgo at the Bulwark of Castille, and the fortress of Saint Michael, with such a fury and multitude, that the whole earth thereabouts was covered with the enemy. And such was the thunder of the great Artillery, the hail of the arqebus shot, the noise of Armour, the faufare of Trumpets, the sound of Drums, and cries of men of each side, that Heaven & Earth seemed to beat togethers. Which when the bands of Horsemen that were in the city of Malta heard by the thundering of the great Artillery, and saw the Skies obscured with the smoke of the same, and doubting that the Turks would not leave the assaults, unto such time they had won the Towns, as they did, before Saint Hermes: Immediately all the Horsemen most valiantly issued out of the City of Malta, and to the end to turn the enemy from the Assault, they gave charge upon those bands of Turks that guarded the sick and wounded persons resting at the water of Marza. Who thus being assailed upon the sudden, fled, and our Horsemen chase them in killing and overthrowing them marvelously. The noise, and cries of such as fled, being perceived by those Turks (who all this while were occupied in the assault of Saint Michael) they were enforced at that time to leave the fight, and to come to succour the rest that fled. Thus were the Turks repulsed from both the Towns, leaving behind them slain, above 1500 Turks besides those that were slain by the Horsemen of the City of Malta, before they had succours from the Campe. Of the Christian part of both the Towns were slain more than an hundred, and as many wounded: both the assaults continued more than five hours. here monsieur Valet, being thus delivered that day, and many other, from such evident perils, caused general Prayer to be made to Almighty GOD, and he himself with the whole Towns men, repaired to the Church about the same. While these things, were thus in doing, Dom Garza the Vice Roy of Sicel, had secret intelligence out of Calabria, that Soliman the Emperor of the Turks had caused certain ships to be set in a readiness at Constantinople which were furnished with soldiers, victual, & other necessaries appertaining to the wars, to be sent to Malta. Wherefore to meet with them, the Viceroy sent the Lords Altamira and Gildandrada, accompanied with five Galleaceis: who departing to the Seas, and sailing until they came within thirty. miles of Malta, they could not see nor hear of the ships that they sought for; but only of a Galley and a little Bark of the Turks. The Galley was taken, and the Bark escaped away to the Turks. This while, Mustapha thinking there was none so strong, but that continual labour and watching would in the end break and weaken him utterly, he thought convenient, to keep the defenders occupied without giving them any manner of rest, in all that he could: therefore he commanded that the fortress of Saint Michael, should be assaulted again at the breaches before made by the Artillery. But the Turks by the valiant defenders were quickly repulsed: with no little destruction of the enemy. These often assaults, this Bassa did not make, in that he had any great hope to win these Places, but rather to show himself to execute the function and office of an expert General, and to satisfy the mind of his Prince Solimane, who had commanded them, either to win the places, or else there to loss their lives about the same. But also the Bassa had dispatched and sent a little Bark away with Letters to Solimane, by the which he gave him intelligence of the state of his Navy, with what marvelous inconveniences his army was afflicted, what small hope he had to win the places of the Christians, and what preparation the Christians were in making to give succours to Malta, & other such like things. The mean time the two galleys of Malta, departed from Messana, and came to Sarragoza, where they tarried one day, while the ship of Salazar was set on ground to tallow, to make her more swift of sail, and that the better the next day after they might pass togethers, the famous promontory and lands end of Sicilia, called Pachino. The next day, as they departed out of the haven of Sarragoza, they encountered a boat that came from Pozalo, having in the same one of Malta, being very sore wounded, who being demanded, who had in such sort evilly entreated him answered that when as he & a companion of his, that other night, arrived nigh that port, and so required by two Sicilians, that had houses upon the shore, to come on land, and to lodge with them that night, which they did, suddenly the night being quiet, five Turks landed, by whom the two Sicilians were taken, and his companion slain, and he himself hurt, as they did see, which two Sicilians that were taken also told those Turks, that in the port were riding two galleys, having in the same sundry knights of the order, with other soldiers, to pass in Malta, by whose words the knights of the order, in those two galleys well perceived, that their going into Malta, was discovered to the enemy, whereby they knew it was either most dangerous for them, to enter the port of Borgo in Malta, or else utterly impossible. Nevertheless they dread not to keep on their course towards Malta, toweng at their sternes the boat of Salazar. While these two galleys thus sailed they perceived not far before them two other Galleys, and a little Bark, who espying the two Galleys of the Christians to follow them, made all the hast they could towards Malta from them, whereby the Christians thought, that without doubt, they were the Galleys that had sent the five Turks on land, who had done those hurts, which he of Malta, before recounted to them. howbeit the two Christian Galleys continued their course unto Pozalo, from whence by their letters they gave intelligence to the Viceroy, of occurrants to them happened in their voyage. And forsomuch as they could not proceed on their course, in that the South and south-west winds, were so much contrarious to them, they retired with their Galleys to Sarragoza again, and so to proceed as the Viceroy should further advise them. About the which, immediately a knight of the order, was sent from thence to Messana, to the Viceroy, whose counsel was, that the two galleys should stay at Sarragoza, for the rest of the whole Navy, that right shortly would come and accompany them into Malta. But Salazar being brought to Pozalo, determined in his boat to continue forward his course, and albeit at the time, that he departed from Pozalo, the seas were marvelously troubled with winds, thunders, & other storms, the other days following were so quiet & calm that within a short time, Salazar arrived safely at the city of Malta, and there taking apparel of a Turk upon him, and like weed for a companion of his, that could speak the Turkish tongue as he could, by night they departed thence into the Camp of the Turks to espy the estate of the Turkish army, where they espying that, they came for, they perceived that the whole number of the Turks left on live in their Camp, amounted scarce to fourteen thousand men, whereof many of them were ●●urt, and very sick, the residue, were but an unmeet and unwarlike company, considering that their former fights and assaults had consumed their best soldiers, and after having secretly viewed the manner and form of their encamping, Salazar with his companion returned back to the city of Malta again. The next night after, Salazar with one Pietro Paccio a Spaniard a gentleman of marvelous hardiness and courage, repaired to a place nigh unto the beacon or watch place called Maleca, which place when he had thoroughly considered, he left Pietro there, and keeping in memory the signs and tokens of the cities of Gozo and Malta, as Pietro showed him, to the end to declare the same to the Viceroy. Salazar taking passage in his own boat again, found fortune so much to be his friend, that shortly after he arrived at Messana, where he discovered to the Viceroy, what he had seen, amongst many talks, he showed how weak the Turkish Navy remained, how slender their Army on land was, void of good soldiers, and weapon, that their whole number of Turks were not able to encounter, with ten thousand Christians. To affirm the words of Salazar to be true, at that time returned one of the two little ships, whereof I told you before, that were sent to be espials in Malta, bringing with him a Spaniard, and a fugitive out of the Turks camp, besides, also returned four galleys that before were sent from Messana, who brought with them fourteen Turks, whom they had taken about Malta, who all approved the words of Salazar to be true, that is to say, that the Turks army was marvelously diminished, and that with beat, they could not be compelled scarcely to approach to the walls, for which cause the Bassa, had slain sundry of them. And the thing that made the Turks so affrayed, was that they saw never any of them whom the Christians wounded, but he lost his life. Besides that, they said, they did see the Christians, with incredible hardiness defend their places, & that no piece of artillery of the Christians side, was at any time vainly blown of, wherefore the Turks affirmed, they had right good cause, to be weary and repent & to detest such wars, which made them to eschew utterly to fight, and utterly to fly away, and chiefly such as were Renegants, that had forsaken the Christian faith and become Turks. For which cause there was right straight watch set by the Bassa, and commandment given by him, that either they should win the town, or else to lose their lives all, for so had Soliman their prince commanded. These words and such like (which the Turks that were taken did tell to the Viceroy,) made the Viceroy to set forth his navy in a readiness more soon then otherwise peradventure he would. In the fortress of Borgo, this while, was one Francis Givara, a Captain, a very hardy gentleman and wonderful Ingenious, he a little from that place where the enemy with Artillery had beaten down a part of the brickwall of the town, builded a piece of Fortification, containing in length fifty paces, & in breadth 〈…〉 paces, with two flanking Corners: which being finished within two nights, turned afterward to a marvelous help and aid of the defenders of that Town. The enemies, the mean time, under the corner of the Dike where Boninsegna the Spaniard, a worthy Knight of the joannits had his charge, began to mine, which when the defenders perceived, they encountered the same with an other mine, & thereby brought the mine of the enemy to none effect. During this time, while a Fugitive was coming from the enemy towards Borgo & swimming the water, the Turks took him, which was marvelous hindrance to the Christians that were wonderfully desirous to know of the estate of the Turks Army, and of their Counsaills. But the enemies seeing the small success of their purposes, would yet prove further devices, and therefore caused two mines to be made, one towards a Bulwark of Saint Michael, and the other to the Bulwark of Castille, into the which mines for doing of the feat, were certain Barrels of Powder bestowed. Howbeit the pretences of the Turks could not so prudently be wrought, but through the vigilances of the defenders, the same was espied, and so came to pass, that their mines came to none effect, and the Turks slain in their own mines, with loss also of such barrels of Powder, as they had laid there, which the Christians recovered from them. With these offences and difficulties, the hopes of Mustapha and Pial, the Bassas of the Turks, being utterly overthrown, they with the residue of the Captains entered in Counsel to know whether it were expedient to tarry any longer, or else to return home: Whereof the most part, were of advise, that they should depart. But Mustapha was of an other opinion, saying, that he thought convenient they should tarry until the Galley which he sent to Constantinople to Solimane their prince, with letters, returned again. Whereby they might understand what the pleasure of the Prince were for them to do in such behalf: and in the mean time, by force or guile, to seek some good Fortune of victory. Which in deed the Enemies proved and attempted more often, than that they gained thereby. For as they themselves were unquieted, so they purposed not to let be in rest the poor Christians, sometime in exercising their usual fury with Artillery, sometime either myning, or entrenching, or filling the dikes, or else assalting some breach to their own loss: howbeit, all which that they did, they executed the same with marvelous diligence and in small time. Therefore when as, Robles Master of the Tents, in the night came to view the ruin and overthrow of a part of the brickwall, he was suddenly smitten in the head with a bullet of an arqebus, and immediately died, to the great lamentation of all such as had known him. For in him were resident sundry good arts; with which he profited much those that were besieged. Wherefore the Great Master sent a notable gentleman right expert in the wars, that was Colonel of the Fautery (whom unto that time he kept about himself;) to be general of the fortress of Saint Michaells', who with such singular prudence guided his charge, with watching, counsailling, and providence, that so often as the Enemies gave attempt to that piece, they were always repulsed, with no little detriment & loss. The mean time those two galleys with tother ships of the Turks (which (as before I did tell you) were espied by the two Christian galleys of Malta,) arriving among the Turks Navy, showed unto Pial Bassa, the Admiral, that the Christian Navy was in readiness to come to Malta, who dreading the sudden coming of that Navy, commanded 70. of his long ships to be put in a readiness, leaving 40. ships in the Port of Musetto, being the residue of his Navy, which were utterly out of furniture, & unarmed both of men & tackle: the masts of which 40. ships, were consumed about making of bridges, & other necessaries, for the assalting of the places in Malta, & the men thereof likewise were spent with sundry diseases, & fights wherein they served: Therefore Pial, for certain days, abode all the day time nigh the shore of Malta, about a place there called Maiaro, & in that time he stayed abroad upon the high Sea; abiding the coming of the Christian navy. But he perceuing none to come, he landed his company again: & forsomuch as that the furniture of powder began to decay in the Turks Camp, therefore was given that of every thirty barrels of Powder, in every ship twenty or five & twenty barrels according to the appointed portion should be taken. Whereby the Turks, with greater fury than ever they did before, battered the walls of both the Towns, with such great pieces of Artillery as are called Basiliscois: whereof every bullet shot out of the same weigheth two hundredth pound, and in compass seven spans. With these pieces of Artillery the walls of the fortress of Saint Michael, were thrown down and made flat. Likewise at that time, Mustapha Bassa, in such sort at Borgo beat the Bulwark of Castille with Artillery, that in manner the same was overthrown. When as the enemies perceived that both the towns was utterly made void, both of their walls and other pieces of Fortification, so as the Turks might look upon the Christians, and the Christians on them: without further tarrying: the Turks upon the eighteenth of August, at noon time of the day, with their universal army gave charge upon both the towns, at the which the Enemies, were three times put back, and thrice returned, and in the end the Turks were utterly repulsed, after five hours fight. In this most dreadful assault, the invincible courage of the Prince Valet, was apparent to each one, who armed with his Cuirass, and formidable with his Pick in hand, was seen before the rest of the Christians most valiantly fight. Whose manful presence, not only gave courage to his soldiers there, but also moved up the hearts of the boys & women in such extremity to do notable service. For so it cometh to pass oft-times, Magis homines moventur exemplis quam verbis. That men are more stirred forwards with examples of well doing, then by only doings. Of this great number of the Turks, a part of them had gotten down into the dikes of Borgo, and there tarried, and to the end they should not be damaged with the flankers of the bulwark of Castille, they fortified themselves on the flank with earth and faggot, which they accomplished right quickly. And for this purpose they did the same, that they might undermined and sape the walls, about the which they had occupied the space of fifty yards. When the garrison of Borgo understood the policy of the Turks, who thus had gotten into the dike, they immediately caused certain of the great artillery to be shot off, alongst that part of the dike, wherewith & with fire also hurled into the dike, a great sort of the Turks with their fortyfication in the dyke, were destroyed. The next day after the enemies renewed at the same places, their fights again, ever supplyeng the places of their wearied soldiers, with fresh men. But first of all, ensuing their usual custom, they beat at both the towns with their artillery until night, then about midnight, when the Moon shined upon the earth, this furious assault with raging cruelty and force began, which at the first made our Christians somewhat afraid, who having yet memory of their former manhood, & virtue, so behaved themselves, with their wild fire, shot, & other weapons, that the enemies were enforced to depart right evilly handled, into their camp, after three hours fight. That day, another mine of the enemies was found made towards the fortyfication of the bulwark of Castille, in the which were perceived to be a hundred Turks, who were all slain, and the mine broken. Nor for all that, the day following the enemy was quiet, but seven times invaded those places again, and sending fresh soldiers, who not only with weapon, but also with bags of powder and fire, continued their fight. At the which Boninsegna having his face burned, lost an eye. Likewise, at that instant the enemy assaulted the fortress of Saint Michael, at a place called Sperone, assayeng at that part, to have entered the fort, where Centio Aquitano, with an invincible courage, mounting on the rampart, with his Pick most manfully fought to the overthrow of such of the enemies, as enterprised to ascend the rampart, & after killing one of the enemies, to the fear of the rest, being shot through one of his arms with the stroke of an arqebus, and retiring himself, until he had dressed his wound, manfully he returned again to his place, & from thence he departed not until such time as the enemy forsook the assault, & he remained victorious. Thus the Turks at both the places, with marvelous loss of their soldiers were repulsed, leaving the victory to the Christians, of which our Christians were then slain, to the number of an hundred, whereof the most part were torn in pieces, with the Turks artillery. Among whom at the ruin of the bulwark of Castille, was slain one Frago, and at the fortress of Saint Michael, Scipio Prato, Giovanni Baptista Soderino, Paulo Boniporto, Marino Fagiano, Ruffino, all knights of the order of the joannits, and sundry others, worthy of longer life. The Turks again wrought an other mine, at the fortress of Saint Michael, which when the defenders perceived, they so provided for the same that the mine took none effect. With such and many attempts and fights, certain of the knights, & not of the lowest sort of them, fearing that, which so often is assaulted, at the last may be gotten, said to the great Master, that they thought good that all the books of good learning and tables, and relics of Saints, and other matters of religion, were meet to be had out of the town into the Castle of Saint Angelo as into the most sure and safest place. The great master though he knew right well, that all which they spoke proceeded of a right good zeal & mind, nevertheless nothing moved therewith, he answered them in this sort, that this their advise, was none other thing than an utter discouragement of the minds of all the Christians there, who unto that time had showed them so valiant, a great deal above any man's expectation, therefore he was fully purposed to save all, or lose all: & to the end that none should have further confidence in the castle Angelo, he was fully determined to bring forth the garrison there, to join them with the rest to fight against the enemy, & to leave in he castle only gunner's to beat at the enemy as need should require. An answer right worthy given of such prince, & to be commended to perpetual memory of posterity, for how should the soldiers hope, when he seeth his general in despair, or to do any hardy act worthy of commendation, where the general is full of vain fear. While the great master, thus with this answer, not only made them ashamed that gave him this said advise, but also renewed the hearts of some that feared, with further courage. The Turks determining with themselves that, that day (no less than the other three days were before) should not be void of some fight, furiously assaulted be times in a morning, those two towns, with greater force, than he did before, chiefly at the ruins of Castille, where Sanromanus of Aruernia defending that quarter, lost this brittle life, gaining immortality for the same. At Saint michael's, Adornio, a knight of the order, with one Fagio, and sunder others, were wounded, for the enemy tarried not long at the assault, but retired. When as immediately the enemy began the usual thundering of his artillery again, that therewith the whole Island seemed to tremble, & the Skies to be set on fire. The mean time Valet being weary with the morning fight, departed for the time, to recreate himself, when suddenly a Spanish Priest, with his hands holding up ●o heaven, ran, and met with the Prince Valet, saying & crying out, Malta alas is lost, for three or four ensigns of the enemies, are already entered the town, in at the ruins of Castille. Which when the Prince Valet heard, forthwith he did put on his head his Burganet, & with his Pick in his hand, came among his soldiers saying. Behold most worthy companions the hour is now come, wherein you must show yourselves valiant defenders of the Christian religion, for if you still have with you that noble courage, which you have always hitherto showed in the former assaults, there is no cause why you should doubt in this extremity, for you see but the same enemy, and we have still our former God with us, who as hitherto he hath mercifully saved us, so he will now defend us. Therefore most worthy sons all, come on with me; & let us courageously give them the charge. With these words, Valet himself gave the onset, fight stoutly where the greatest peril remained, after him, mansully followed his Soldiers, yea, the townsmen, children, women & old men, right fearsely striking at the Turks that were entered. Where the fight on each side was exceeding cruel & perilous, some stopped the enemies from further entering, some killed them entering, some gave them the chase in wounding & driving them forth again. The Turks resisted marvelously, and thus it was courageously fought on each part: within and without the grounds was covered with all sorts of weapon, dead bodies, and blood. The Great Master as cause served, was always present, providing every necessary: some he praised, some he encouraged, some he monished, & he himself right lively fought, executing sometime no less the act of a worthy Soldier, than also the function of a most prudent General. At last, with the Sun set, this cruel conflict ended: and the Great Master remained victorious, but not without loss of two hundredth of his men. Where, of the enemies were slain to the number of two thousand, besides those that entered, whereof none escaped. These were four of the sorest conflicts that the Christians which were besieged, had with the Turks. During this time, the Viceroy of Sicel, for setting forward his Navy into Malta, stayed for none other manner but only for the return of Giovanni Cardono, with his twelve long ships that before was gone to Panhorm, to conduct and bring with him four Ships there with victual. But perceuing that he tarried too long, he sent a Post to him to bid him come away with all the speed he could, and if he could not bring away those ships with victual by towing them, for their better speed, than to ship their victuals in his own ships, and leaving the others behind at Panerme, to make hast away, his own self. Therefore the Viceroy with his Navy of 72. Galleys the xx. of August, departed from Messana, and came to Sarragoza, bringing with him in his Navy ten thousand chosen men, among whom were 200, and more, of the knights of the order of the joannits, and about forty knights of the new order of the Stephanits, which order of knighthood was lately founded by that most prudent Prince Cosmo Medici's, Duke of Florence, in the year of our Lord 1561. In this they differ from the joannits, where the joannits wear the White Cross, the Stephanits wear a Red Cross, written about with Gold▪ again the Stephanit, may be once married, which cannot be permitted to the joannit. The Island named Ilua, anciently called Aemathia, lying in the Sea called Tuscum, is the place of their residence, but unto such time as their new City called Cosmopolis, be finished, being in building by the Duke of Florence, being likewise the Great Master of the same, as he is the founder thereof. The knights of the Stephanits, remain at Pisa, a City in Italy, under the dominion of Florence. And in that they be called Stephanits, it is not that they deduct or have their name of Saint Stephan the Protomartyr, but of one Saint Stephan, sometime Bishop and Patron of Florence; Canonised amongst the number of Saints. Besides the knights of th●se two aforenamed orders, there were in the Christian Navy sundry Noble men, as Ascanius Cornia, the Marquis of Pescaro, and his brother Annibal Estensis, Hercules Veraus, Aeneas Pius, Capinus, Vincentius, of the Family of the Vitelli●, and sundry others of Noble parentage, and famous in the wars. The Christian Navy being thus arrived in the Port of Sarragoza, the Viceroy sent immediately D'auri with a Galley and a little boat into Malta, to the end he should land some person, and to speak with Pietro Paccio who (as I showed you before) was left at the Watch place of Malta in the Island, and of him to learn what he had spied, sithence the departure of Salazar. From whom he understood, that no ship, that way, was seen in the Seas, sithence Salazars' departure saving a Foist which the one and twentieth of August in the morning made towards Gozo, and that, that day at night (as he received intelligence from the watch of Malta,) sixteen Sales of Ships came and rode at the rodested of Salinas, but whether after they went, he could not thorough the darkness of the night observe the same. Our Christians (this while, right trimly fortified themselves near the Ruins of Castille, in sundry places thereof couched their Artillery in such sort, that both it was able to beat the enemy on the flank, & to scour also alongst the rampers joining to the bulwark of Boninsegna. The Turks, meaning again, to assault both the towns of Borgo & S. Michael, they first devised as it were a Pluteum. scaffold made of Timber & boards able to hold the number of 30. soldiers, & these to be set at the breach of S. Michael, that through the Artillery that should be shot from that scaffold, none of the defenders should be able to show or mount up his head to defend the place. Which our Christians perceuing, they thought the same to be intolerable, and immediately made issue forth, and putting to flight the Turks that guarded the scaffold, and setting fire in the scaffold, did burn the same. In like manner, were the Turks rejected from Borgo, that at the ruins of Castille, had prepared such an other scaffold, which likewise by the defenders there was burnt in pieces. The next night after, our Christians that guarded the ruins of Castille, issued upon the Turks and not only destroyed the enemy's Fortifications towards that part, but also killed those that had the keeping and custody of the same, and without loss of any one of the Christians, safely returned into their charge again. And albeit that day and others after, the enemy proved both with their Scaffolds again, and repairing their Fortifications that were cast down, and other Engines, to drive the defenders from the walls: yet all their policies and labours, through the vigilancies and virtues of the Defenders, came to nothing. The Christians devised a Mine under the Ruins of Castille; and in the same couched an eight barrels of Powder, that if the enemies made attempt again, that way, they would give fire to the trane, and so blow them up. And while the Christians were thus working, the Turks was likewise myning towards that part: But the Christians perceiving the same, did get unto the Turks Mine, and not only getting from them certain barrels of Powder, and putting the enemies to flight, but also destroyed the Turks mine, performed their own mine. In this manner things passing on both sides, Mustapha the general, being very famous & right expert in the art Military, considering that the most part of the summer was spent, and that longer he could not well abide, and that stiffly to stand & continue against an enemy, openeth oftentimes an assured way unto victory, he determined therefore with his whole power to assault again the fortress of Saint Michael, wherefore he caused to be brought forth the chief standard of Solyman his prince, upon the top whereof was a globe of fine gold, and commanded with the same, the soldiers to give the assault, and with force to enter the town, through the ruins there made. The soldiers of the Turks therewith gave the charge, and the Christians right courageously resisted, a doubtful conflict was on both sides. And when the Turks were twice repulsed, Mustapha in person came unto the trenches, with his soldiers, & perceiving them to remain discouraged, he began to require & exhort them not to fail him at that extremity, for that day should perform their former travails and victories, and not to permit his enemies, in manner overcome, to spoil them of their long hoped victory, for the Christians have not a piece of fortyfication left to cover themselves, all are cast down, and that never a good soldier of them were then left on live, saving a few wearied & maimed sort of them, that were not able to abide the sharp edges of their swords, with such pertinacy and stiffness, they got at last the castle of Saint Hermes. Then according to the vocation of each soldier, Mustapha promised either money or honours, mixing threatenings to some, & gentle words of desire, to others. The Turks through Mustaphais pretence, whether they were stirred up with his fair promises, or enforced through his threatenings, they ran freshly again to the assault, where the conflict of each part was wonderful furious, but in the end the Turks were enforced to retire. For our Christians had made a dyke, and in the same had couched two field pieces, with which they beat on the flank, a scaffold covered with raw hides against burning, which the enemies had gotten in there. And at the first stroke, the scaffold was beaten in pieces with the artillery, and forty Turks under the scaffold were also torn in pieces, with the bullets of the same. And the same night those Christians that guarded in Borgo, the bulwark of Castille, issued forth upon the Turks, and broke down all the places of defence of the enemy, nigh unto the bulwark, & besides wan a rampart from the Turks, which exceeded in height any piece of fortyfication that the Christians had left to defend themselves, and from the same overthrew the Turks, and did put them to flight By this, the Christians understood right well, that the Turks had no great will to fight, and that their courages diminished, for at that rampart for the guard of the same, were left in manner three hundred Turks, and our Christians that gave the charge were not above twenty five persons, and yet those three hundred as it seemed durst not abide our twenty five. Again our Christians had made a mine nigh unto the rampart of Castille, and perceiving that a certain number of Turks were come to that place to reedefie the places of strength which the Christians did before cast down, the Christians gave fire to the place, whereby sixty Turks there being were blown up and slain. While these things, thus were in doing, Dom Garza the Viceroy of Sicel with his whole Navy departed from Sarragoza, and having convenient winds, kept his course unto the promontory of Pachyno, when a great ship was espied in the sea, which by foul weather as afterward was learned) was brought to that place. That ship came out of the Island Meninges, and was freighted with victual, gunpowder, and a great number of shot to have been conveyed to the Turks camp in Malta. The great ship espying the Christian fleet, yielded herself. Which the Viceroy in changing her mariners sent back to Sarragoza, when he with the rest of the fleet kept forth his course towards Malta, but the wind changing upon him, and blowing with such a fury, he with the whole Navy was driven to the Island Aegusa, being 220 miles towards the West from Malta. Now was the first of September come, when the letters of the Viceroy came to the great masters hands, by the which he signified unto him that he would shortly be with him with his whole Navy, that a Christian, a prisoner, escaping out of the Turks ships, gate in to the town of Borgo, and told that very few Soldiers meet for any conflict was left on live in the Turks camp, and that the most part of that army, left on live, with wounds, famine, & sickness was wonderfully weakened, & that daily innumerable of them died, saying further that the Turks were purposed to lay siege to the city of Malta, and had for the same put in a readiness five great pieces for the battery, and for the drawing thereof thither, they had gotten first twelve horses, and then four, which sometime pertained to garrison of the city of Malta. In the mean time the Viceroy with the Navy of the Christians, which by tempest was put unto Aegusa, having convenient wind to return, came back again into Sicilia to Drepano, and from thence did set sail towards Gozo. In sailing, the two galleys of the joannits espying two foists of the Turks gave charge upon them, and took them, and so the fifth day of September came to Gozo. But the Viceroy espying no signs out of Malta, for convenient and safe landing there, returned to Pozalo in Sicilia again. After whom Auria followed, and showed that he had seen most certain signs, out of Malta for safe landing there, to whose words the Viceroy giving credit, came the day following in the morning betimes with his whole Navy to Gozo. That day a fugitive a Christian, stale out of the Turks camp, and came to Borgo, saying he came of purpose to bring him glad tidings, that the Turks, the day following would prove an assault at Saint Michael's fortress, and if they sped well, they would abide, and if not, to give up the siege and depart. And to the end that the Turks should have the better courage to serve, he promised to him, that first worthily would sasten his ensign upon the walls, he should have the reward of five talents of gold, and to promote him also to the higher rooms in the wars. The great Master thinking (as always he did) that almighty God ever provided such men to give him intelligences, he gave most humble & hearty thanks to God, and then caused every thing to be set in a readiness, to overthrow the purpose of the cruel enemy. The Turks all that day, with their great artillery, bet at the houses in Borgo, & at the ships riding in the port, wherewith a great ship there, was sunk. But Dom Garza, in the morning betimes departed with the Christian Navy from Gozo, and passing the straits arrived in Malta, and there landed his Army sercretly by point of day. And while his ships stayed for him, he marched forward with the army about a four furlongs, showing to the Captains and their lieutenants, what they should do, and admonished them all, unto such time as they came to the great Master of Malta, every edict and commandment that generally should be made among them, to pass in the name of the king of Hispain, and than at their coming to the great Master to obey him as they would do unto the king, if he were in place. And in the mean time, commanded the army to be under the regiment of Ascanio Cornia, and he to be advised as the most part of the counsel there should order. And so with exhortation of a few words, leaving the army marching towards the city of Malta, the Viceroy about noontide of the day came to his ships again, and with the same sailed towards the East part of the Island, and stayed in the sight of the City of Malta, being but three miles on the South from the sea. Whom when the city espied it is not to be demanded if they were joyful, for in an assured sign and token of gladness, they unbended the whole artillery of the city. The Viceroy again hearing the same, caused the gunner's of the whole navy, to answer the city, with blowing of, twice of all the artillery in the Christian fleet. That done the Viceroy returned into Sicilia, to receive into the Navy, the bands of the duke of Urbine, and of certain Spaniards, that were staying at Messana & Sarragoza, and with them to return towards Malta, to follow and persecute the Navy of the Turks, which in manner was unarmed. The Turks this while, that purposed to assault the fortress of Saint Michael again, & so to prove if they could win the same, a few days before the coming of the Christian navy, had begun to pack, and gather together their necessaries, but understanding of the arrival of the Christian fleet, and landing of the Christians army, immediately some sounded the alarm, some crying to remove, and so marvelous fearful, every one seeking for the counsel that was thought best▪ some began to fly away, some to take weapon in hand, but the most part of the Turks marching to the trenches retired their artillery, and did set fire in the fortyfications that could be burnt, and so with as much expedytion as they could they drew their artillery and the rest of their baggage into their ships. Which when the garrison of Borgo perceived they manfully issued out, and gave charge upon certain bands of Turks that were at a place called B●rmola, guarding a great and mighty piece of artillery. The Turks having no lust to fight, fled away a pace leaving the great piece in the possession of the Christians, which the Christians with force drew into Borgo, and if at that time, the new supply of the Christians had been there in a readiness, and to have given charge on the back of the enemies, while they were thus in hasting to their ships, either they had opened to themselves a manifest path way of victory over the Turks, or else to have spoiled them of the most part of their great artillery. But I think if the new supply had been there present perhaps they would rather have followed the ancient, opinion of famous men of war saying, Hosti abeunti viam sternendam esse, pontemque vel argenteum faciendum, give way to a flying enemy▪ yea and if you make for him a bridge of silver. Albeit the garrisons of Borgo and Saint Michael, (by reason of their fresh victual & other necessaries appertaining to further besieging if need were, which through the unequallitie of the ways & lack of horses, was very difficultly and with much labour on foot brought to them from the city) thought not requisite to trouble the flying enemy, with further skirmishes. Whereby the Turks shipped their carriage artillery, and the most part of their army, without great let or impediment. So the xi of September the Turkish navy departed from Porto Musetto, when a fugitive a Genova born came to the prince Valet saying, that 10000 Turks were landed again, & marching towards the city of Malta, to fight with the army of the Christians, which were coming towards Borgo. Which when the great Master heard immediately he sent certain bands, to seize the sortresse of Saint Hermes, and there to fix the ensign of the sacred order. Who accordingly forthwith departing, took the possession of the fortress wherein they found four and twenty pieces of Artillery, great & small: which the Turks (having no further leisure) could not take away with them. The Navy of the Turks this while departing from Porto Musetto, passed unto the Port of Saint Paul, and there did set on land seven thousand Turks, under the leading of Mustapha, their General by land. Who had intelligence given him that the whole Army of the Christians which newly were come, exceeded not the number of three thousand soldiers. And therefore being the more bold to fight, by reason of the little number which he supposed that we were of, he marched on proudly towards the City of Malta, and in his way thetherward, Mustapha discovered the Army of the Christians. Who espying the Turks, and ready to fight, marched forward courageously against them, and encountering upon a hill, the Christians valiantly gave charge upon the Turks; at which first encounter few were slain of either side. But in the end by reason that our number was both greater and our force therewith the more, the Turks gave back and fled, the Christians followed, killing and overthrowing them, unto such time the rest were driven to their ships, but whilst each one clustered to get to their navy through to much haste, there perished in the sea about four hundred Turks, and a thousand and eight hundredth slain on the land. So as if our Christians had been expert of the places, and known the land, there needed not one of the Turks to have escaped away on live. The Turks being thus beaten into their ships, stayed still with their Navy in the port of Saint Paul, all the next day following, & a great part of the next night then before day in shooting of a warning piece being a sign of their departure, they set sail and departed towards Grecia, leaving the Island of Malta, shamefully wasted and enpoverished. Thus the Turks being driven out of Malta, to their notable calamity and overthrow, the Prince Valet made victorious with immortal glory, caused general processions and prayers to be made to almighty God for his infinite benefits to them showed in this careful time, ascrybing the chiefest cause of this victory to his inexpressable goodness, then Valet distributed to the worthy servitures, that honourably had behaved themselves all this while, condign rewards, in praising openly every one according to his demerits with continual thanks to them all for their great pains, and travails passed. Unto the wounded and sick he had such tender regard for the restitution of their health, as though it had been to himself. He lamented much the destruction & wasting of the country of Malta, and earnestly devised for the repairing thereof again. Amongst all these things he did not forget to learn, which way, or whether, the enemy this while passed, & what he pretended, which many, in the mids of their victory, letteth pass, for which cause every one hath given this worthy Valet the name of a most prudent, valiant, and courteous prince, and as one prepared of God, to remain on the earth, to the defence of his sacred religion, that during his life, every thing under his charge, cannot but remain fortunate and prosperous. About this time Soliman sent a mighty Army to invade Hungary, which, the Spring time after, he himself in person followed: through whose coming, whole Germany (as it had good cause▪) was marvelously afraid, and gathered themselves together. The Germans of ancient time have, with other nations, rather for glory than their own safeguard, made wars▪ But with the Turks rather for their own safety they have always fought, than for any glory that they have sought thereby. Howbeit Maximilian the Emperor gathering together a great Army against Soliman, proceeded and laid siege to a place ●●●led Vespe●●●, and did by assault win the same from the Turks. But Soliman upon an other part wan●●●om the Emperor Segest and jula, being two places of no little importance. When as the fifth of September, Anno 1566. Soliman the Emperor in the course and raze of his victories ended his life in the famous▪ City of▪ Quinque Ecclesie: which of five Churches in the same is so called. To whom his son Silimus succeeded in his Empire and dominsons▪ who if he were like in conditions, either to his father Soliman, or to his grand father Selimus▪ and Germany to continue in his Intestine and inward contentions and divisions, as it still doth, it is to be much▪ f●a●ed▪ but that it would happen to Germany ●which already ●ath▪ chanced to the infortunate countries of Thracia, Dacia, Maesia, and the most part of their woeful and miserable neighbour the Kingdom of Hungary. For it is an assured and very true saying that Nulla tam magna tamque firma potentia est, quam discordia non comminuat et perdat. There is no Kingdom or Power, be it never so great and mighty, which discord and civil dissension in itself, doth not destroy and bring to confusion. The end of the third Book. ¶ To the three worshipful brothers worthy Patrons of virtue and all good Arts, Robert Carr, William Carr, and Edward Carr, in the County of Lincoln esquires: Raffe Carr their most affectionate kinsman wisheth all content. Having Right worthy Gentlemen, formerly made known to every of you: by such simple remembrances as my power could afford, how much I desire & daily study in particular to serve & honour you: I thought it now not amiss, treating of one argument com'd of the same kindred, & derived from the general observations which every where with profit in these three first books are to be gathered, thus jointly to you all to perticipate this common good: For if the use which every one ought arightly to make in the reading of Histories, be grounded chiefly in the election of taking, or leaving, the better, or worse, of such things as by examples are faithfully propounded: which upon occasion should be applied either to the well governing of a private life, or to the enabling of our understanding for counsel in our country's service: In either part I say I know none, (of many who have had these Turkish affairs with the perpetual felicity in consideration) to whom with more credit a man may give belief, then to Hubert Folieta the Genuoys, whilst with much wisdom, gravity, and discretion, he handleth though briefly, the causes of the greatness of the Turkish Empire, to his dear friend the famous Captain Marcus Antonius Columna. A treatise I suppose to every conceiving man, or such whom the care of a common good doth possess very acceptably. This same therefore for the former alleged reasons, have I here annexed▪ so faithfully as I could persuade the nice Italian tongue to speak our proper language. To which I have further added, (that the occasion of this discourse might the better be apparent,) the narration of the war of Cyprus, held betwixt the Turk and Venetians, some thirty. years ago. In which their wars, the Venetians being exceedingly overborne, (notwithstanding that notable victory obtained by them and their confederates in the Gulf of Corinth,) made privily their peace, without knowledge given thereof either to the Pope, or king of spain, who in these wars had been their associates: whilst Marcus Antonius Columna, Pope Pius quintus general, always in opinion against the same, persuaded to his power the contrary: & that so worthy an occasion of further victory, should not so unworthily be relinquished. Of which matter imparting his mind to his friend Folieta, it became the subject of this ensuing discourse: wherein Folieta not intermeddling with what the Venetians had done, only lays down in general such causes, (as by great reason may be thought) of those fortunate successes which hourly attend the Turkish Ensigns. To which I had rather remit you, then longer to detain with the harshness of an ill pleasing Epistle. And now having for the present done that due observance to you all, of me long both determined, and desired: I most earnestly beseech you to take my boldness in good part, void of all saucy presumption: my meaning as it is, clothed in a sincere will always to serve & honour you: & my request as I shall deserve, for ever to be preserved in your good opinion. Wherewith if you shall so much grace me, I protest there can no one thing give more fullness to much of that happiness which in this world I affect: whereof nothing distrusting, though meanly deserving, I take my leave and rest. Your most bounden for ever Raffe Carr. ¶ THE NARRATION of the wars of Cyprus, held betwixt the Venetians, and the Turks, ● during the years. 1570. and 1571. Cyprus', so called by reason of the rich Copper Mynes therein contained, plentiefull, and abounding in excellent wines, Wheat, Oil, & Sugar: being in deed that true Mecarian Isle under xxxv. degrees of the Poles elevation: standeth in the Gulf Issicus, distant twenty German miles from Syria, containing in length fifty miles, of the said Germane measure, but in breadth ten or twelve at the most, and in divers places less. Salamis, the City of Cyprus, built by Teucer Aea●ide: held for their Kings for many descents: the same Teucrians, of which race Euagoras, and Nicocles were, men celebrated and made famous by Isocrates Orations: To these Teucrians succeeded the Ptolomees: to them the Romans: under whose government, although much and grievously vexed by the Saracines, they continued firm and constant, unto the time of Andronicus Commenus, and Henry the sixth Emperors: For about the year 1190 Richard the son of Henry the second, King of England, sailing towards Palestine, and put from landing in that Island, by Isaac Commenus then the governor; took the same by force: which afterwards he gave to Guy of Lusignan, (son in law of King Almerick, who had lost the City of Jerusalem) in exchange, for the bare title and name to him and his posterity, of the said Crown of Jerusalem. The issue and line of which Guy, enjoyed the said Kingdom of Cyprus 250. years, until the time that Peter reigned, who was taken prisoner by the soldan of Egypt, but afterward upon Tributary conditions restored, to which Peter succeeded Peter the son, who at the death of his Father, being very young, was afterward married to Haelena Paleologa, and by her had issue Carlotta, married first to john, King of Portugal. But lastly to Lewes, Duke of Savoy, which Lewes for a small time reigned King of Cyprus. This second Peter, ●ad likewise a bastard issue, called james, who by the help of the soldan of Egypt expelled from the kingdom of Cyprus the said Lewes of Savoy. james took to wife Katherine, the daughter of Marcus Cornelius, adopted by the state of Venice, who being with child by her husband, (and he before her delivery dying, in the year 1470.) The said Common wealth, took to their charge, both the mother, child, and Kingdom. But shortly after the enfant died, supposed to have been poisoned by the practice of that state: who solely thereby possessing themselves of the kingdom, reduced the same into the form of a Province: Katherine the mother being brought back to Venice, who lived to the year 1510. Now Selimus the first Emperor of the Turks, after the utter oppressing of the soldans, and taking of the kingdom of Egypt, caused the yearly revenue which before was accustomed to be paid to the said soldans by the kings of Cyprus, of all such merchandise as were brought in or transported thence, to be set in certain 8000 Ducats, upon condition of which payment by way of a yearly tribute he freely granted to the Venetians as to his vassals, the possession of the said isle: which payment of 8000 ducats▪ the Venetians only would suppose to be granted as an honourable reward, or gratuity, & in no sort as a tribute▪ But Selimus the second demanding of the said Venetians by a Herald, the Fee & possession of Cyprus, which hitherto he alleged they had held under condition of a yearly tribute, affirmed their whole right, (so they had any) to be extinguished, & the Interest to be devolved, & com'd back to him, as the superior & paramount Lord: Because contrary to the allegiance due to the lord of the Fee, the said Venetians had given harbour, and receipt, unto certain Spanish Pirates, enemies to the said Selimus, who by the licence of the Venetian Magistrates, had brought into Cyprus, & there made sale of great pillage & certain booties taken out of Cilicia: And although divers other of the Turkish Emperors had tolerated the said Venetians to withhold what was not their right, yet he the said Selimus had in determination to have his due: with which if in good accord they would be content to depart. he was not in any sort to violate their bonds of amity, or break the peace, but would endeavour in every degree to advance the estimation of that common wealth. If otherwise, yet he the said Selimus, was not to forego his right, whose meaning was to recover the same by force. The Venetians upon this message, although (by the scarcity of provision and victuals which for divers years before they had endured, as likewise by the firing of their Arsenal, (wherein the year precedent, their whole sea preparation had been consumed,) they were mightily perplexed and amated, yet with noble resolution they returned answer, that the said Selimus had no just cause why to bereave them of their jurisdiction in Cyprus, which now for a hundred years, in right of inheritance they had peaceably possessed, and that the yearly pension accustomed to be paid to the Sultan's of Egypt, was no tribute dew to him, as to the superior lord, but only an honourable gratuity, whereby the kings of Cyprus were accustomed to acknowledge their thankfulness unto the said soldans, as to their benefactors and friends, by whose help Peter sometimes the king there had recoveted the same. In which their good cause they made no doubt of god's assistance. by whose aid and help, they had decreed & nothing doubted with force of arms to repel the violence and injuries of Selimus: and to defend Cyprus. This answer returned to Constantinople, all the merchants of Venice trading there, were presently apprehended, their goods seized, and Pial Bassa Admiral at sea, with a navy, Mustapha Bassa with an army by land, (conducted through Asia and Cilicia) were sent against Cyprus. Whilst in the mean time at Venice, Petrus Lauredanus duke of that common wealth, by grief and discontent died, during whose government many heavy mischances, and calamities, had beefallen that state, others more dangerous daily ensuing. To this Lauredanus with great applause of the people, Lodovicus Mocinega succeeded. The general appointed for this war of Cyprus, was Hieronimus Zanius an old man, high fourscore years of age, yet of much vivacity and ability in body, who slowly coasting along jadera and Corcyra, made thereabouts, whilst the rest of the Navy should approach, an idle and unprofitable abode, but in the end holding course towards Crete, he there continued, as he had in command expecting the aiding forces of the Pope, the king of Spain, & of Cosmus duke of Florence. But now whilst these affairs, were in this sort carried by them, Piall Bassa the Turkish Admiral, first putting a strong garrison in Rhodes, arrived at Micarium in Cyprus, upon the Calends of june, whether Mustapha Bassa had likewise transported both his foot and horse forces, without any world's resistance. Now the Venetians a little before had fortified the city of Nicosia (distant from the sea coast seven german miles, and which in formerages had both been the seat of their kings & an Archbishop's s●a,) with eleven bulwarks & a garrison of two thousand soldiers, under the government of Nich●●●us Tond ●●us & Astor B●leonius. This city Mustapha (being without impeachment master of the field) besieged, erecting round about the same many forts and sconces; which having by a whole month both battered & often assaulted, was in the end taken by force, where he repairing the ruins of the said fortifications, and planting therein a garrison, enforcing the course of his further victory, upon the 16. of September, the same year he began to lay siege to Famagosta. On which day, the Christians who had lingered all this while about Crete, with a navy of 200 ships, wholly ignorant what things had happed at Cyprus, and now setting sail from Heraclea Sentia, not far of encountered Lodovicus Bembus, who recounted the loss of Nicosia, whereupon the generals of the fleet Hieronimus Zanius, john Andreas Auria, & Marcus Antonius Columna, with others calling a counsel of war, through different & delaying opinions, whereunto may be added the misfortune of a horrible tempest which dispersed the fleet, lost both opportunity, & the advantage of executing any honourable attempt. In which their consultations it was chiefly argued, that now the harvest being far spent, & the winter drawing near, the navigation of the Pamphilian seas would be exceeding dangerous, besides if aught should fall out otherwise then well, there was nowhere thereabouts safe harbour for the ships. That the Turks now becomed insolent through the success of their late uctiory would fight with greater courage than before, having besides all the havens & other harboroughs friend unto them, whom it was not now possible by any means as matters were fallen forth, to expel from Cyprus. The confederates further alleging that they were sent only in aid of the Venetians, not to recover things once lost, but to give let lest aught should be lost, which occasion since it could not be holden, it was thought most convenient again to return ●o Crete & the gulf of Venice. Andrea's Auria likewise alleged for himself, how he had in command from the king of Spain his Master to come back with his navy in the end of September, whereupon this Christian captains casting away both hope, & counsel, of recovering Cyprus: & retiring back were before they could recover Crete, with great storms of wind, they and their whole fleet miserably afflicted. Now when they were arrived at Crete, Andrea Auria craved licence to depart, that so he might obey his prince's command, from whom he had in charge, for the reducing of his fleet to Messana in Sicilia▪ which the general of the Venetians did not deny him. Whom Hieronimus Zanius' himself, within few days followed, leaving behind him with the charge of the army & chief command Sebastian Venerio, but the said Zanius arriving at Corcira, the senate of Venice, with much contempt did there abrogate his authority, and from thence sent him to Venice prisoner. So this year thus unprofitably spent, and with infinite charge wastefully cast away, this Christian fleet furnished of every thing requisite, as soldiers, captains, munityon, money, victuals, and in deed what not, who had in admirable expectation of some worthy exploit drawn the eyes of all Europe, most by their variable, different, and deldying counsels, partly by tempests & the pestilence, which in short time had consumed many numbers of galley slaves, and mariners, became utterly frustrate. When Pialis Bassa (who by spies had understood of the departure of Auria, and the Venetians from Crete) passing by Rhodes, and after by the 〈…〉 islands, returned to Constantinople. But Mustapha. Bassa, that had taken Nicosia, and now enforcing the course of his victory, had besieged Famagosta, he I say leaving in the harbour and other parts of the Island sufficient strength against incursions, drew the residue of his forces to winter in other garrisons. Now the Venetians having their Navy thus returned without aught worthily executed: created a triumuitate Capital, for the finding forth and punishing of all such as arightly might be said to have been faulty in that fleet, whereby that expedition had no better success, their wars provision to so small purpose spent, and so great an overthrow, with derogation to the honour and reputation of the Venetian name, had happened. They likewise laboured to compound a Peace with the Turks, for which cause they sent to Constantinople, jacobus Ragazonus, to deal with Mahomet Bassa, whom they well hoped to have found favourable and better inclining thereunto, than the rest. But all this in vain, therefore with great care and industry they procure the contract of a league, or confederacy betwixt themselves: the Pope Pius Quintus & Philip king of Spain: by sundry extraordinary means they levy huge●summes of money, and repair with larger provision, their weather beaten and unarmed Galleys of Corcyra. Committing the whole charge and command of these affairs to Sebastian Venerio, than Governor of Crete, whilst in the mean time Pertai Bassa made by Silimus high Admiral of all the Turkish forces by Sea, landith in Cyprus, a new power, and Mustapha Bassa, chief General of all the Army by land, with much extremity, as hardly besieged the City of Famagosta: when the worthy Captains Marcus Antonius Bragadenus, Astor Beleonius, Lodovicus Martinigus, and Laurencius Tenpolus, most valiantly for the said Venetians defended. The City Famagosta, is seated in the East part of that Isle towards the Syrian sea, not far from Constanti●, famous for that worthy Bushop Epephanius, which is supposed to be the same Salamis anciently inhabited of those kings of Teucria. This City of Famagosta, was built and enlarged by Henry of the Family of Lusignana, King of Cyprus, about the year of Christ 1295. at what time Ptolemais was lost, (which whilst it was possessed of the Christians, was that famous Staple wherein the traffic of all commodities coming either from the East or West continents, was exercised.) But Famagosta although both by Nature and Art strongly fortified, being beefeiged and assaulted by this huge Army of the Turks, with all means which open war, or secret policy, could devise: at length after eleven months defence, weakened with extremities, and void of all hope or aid, was brought to those difficulties, as they were enforced to render the same to Mustapha, upon composition, that so their lives, goods, and the use of Religion to those Christians that would remain there, should be free: & to the rest not willing, passage might be had & safe conduct to depart. But the perfedious Turk, (little regarding his faith, or soldiers assurance formerly given) when the said Captains and Magistrates, accompanied with a train of their valiant & warlike companions, (to whom by name he had given their safe conducts) approached his tent, gave order all, should be killed, Antonius Bragadenus only excepted, to whom after three several commands in his presence to have his head cut of, yet changing his purpose for the greater ignomenie, permitted his nose only & ears to be lopped away. And whereas three hundredth besides of the Christians, were come forth into the Camp upon security of the peace, these as the rest, he bid should be pitifully slain. And for such as were gone aboard the ships in hope to have sailed for Crete, he caused them besides the dispoiling of their goods, to be made all Galley slaves. After which, Mustapha the next day entering the City, Teupolus by his command was strangled. And Antonius Bragadenus the cities governor thus deformed & dismembered in his nose and ears, after he had by way of mockery carried in show about the most special, & famous parts of the city, reviling him with all kind of villainies, caused his skin whilst he was yet quick, to be fleane of: the which torment Bragadenus with great constancy endured, calling God for witness & revenge of so monstrous cruelty, and perfedious breach of faith. These things thus executed in Cyprus, the Turkish navy on purpose to withhold the Venetians from attempting aught for the regaining of the said Is●e, entered the Gulf of Venice, persecuting all such Cities on the coast of Dalmatia, both by sea and land, as were under the obedience of the said Venetians. Whilst in the mean time the confederate Navy of the Christian Princes very leisurely were assembled at Sicilta▪ The General whereof was Don john de Austria, the base begot▪ son of Charles the fith, and brother to Philip King of Spain, who enbarking at Barcilona, brought with him along to Genua, Rodolph, and Ernestus, the sons of Maximilian, the second, than Emperor. From whence going to Naples, and thence sailing to Messana in Sicilia, he there expects the rest of the associate leaguers, which were one hundredth and eight Galleys of the Venetians, from Crete, and elsewhere, thirty from Naples, twelve from Panormos', twelve from Genua, under the conduct of Andreas Auria: twelve from the Pope, whose Captain was Marcus Antonius Columna, four from Malta, with some others out of Spain which all of them should there meet together. Where now though late, being assembled upon the fourth of September, they weighed their Anchor's in Messana Port: and coasting the Salentine, and Lacinian promontory, they passed the islands of Corcyra and Cephalenia, and came to the Gulf of Corinth, where they understood that the Turkish fleet at the islands Echinadas, were then remaining. In this Turkish Navy, were chief of command: Hali Bassa the Admiral, Pertai Bassa, Lusalis King of Algiers, Hamsam son of Barbarussa, the Sir●ch of Alexandria, with others to whom the great Signior had given command, that in any case the Christian fleet should not alone be fought with, but overcome. Where joining in Battle with the Christians, in the said Gulf of Corinth, upon the Nones of October, GOD giving us the victory, the Turks were wholly discomfited and enforced to fly. Their great Admiral ship taken, Haly Bassa slain, and some thousands of Captive Christians who were slaves in the Turkish Fleet, set at liberty. For which Victory, generally through Europe there was thanks publicly given to God, with other spectacles & shows of joy, ●et for all that those worthy captains left no sooting of any other memorable exploit or trophy pulled from the empire of the Turkish tyrant, as was well supposed they might, who notwithstanding the same, held no● only the whole Isle of Cyprus, but many towns besides in Dalmatia before taken, amongst which Vlcinium and Docleum won by force were not the least. In the year 1571 then next following the Venetians both feeling and fearing the forces of that mighty enemy, wherewith they were well nigh oppressed, made preparation again for all things needful to these wars. But whilst new stirs in the low countries, and borders of France, did seem to encumber king Philip: the succours from the confederates long in coming, Don john de Austria, about the Calends of September repaired to the place of appointment, and the associates with their fleet, scarce showing themselves to the Turks at Peloponesus, without aught else worthy of that preparation, had retired to their places of wintering. The Venetians I say, supposing themselves forsaken, and left to themselves, without the privity of any other their confederates privily made peace with Selimus. Of which while divers men, diversly did dispute according as affection or fancy led them, Marcus Antonius Columna Admiral of the Pope's navy (who in this expedition was a companion and associate to john de Austria, the chief general) amongst others was in opinion clear against and improving the same peace, condoling the deed, and constantly affirming so noble a victory thus got against the Turks, was to have been prosecuted with all might and main, which not only in his public and familiar conferences, he had often protested, but likewise had affirmed by his letters, (writ to his ancient friend Hubert Folieta of Genua,) whereunto whilst he the said Folieta returns answer, and his opininion withal, he further takes occasion thereupon, to touch some causes of the greatness, of the Turkish Empire, with their perpetual felicity and good success in those their warring affairs, the which for that it is most worthy to be read, as well for the excellent wit therein contained, as for the great profit, and pleasure which thereby may be conceived, I thought it not unbeefitting hereunto to have it annexed. ¶ The causes of the greatness of the Turkish Empire, written by Hubert Folieta of Genua, to the famous Captain, Mircus Antonius Columna. YOU write most worthy Columna, what great grief you conceive, in considering this peace, thus concluded betwixt the Turks and Venetians, being ashamed as you say, of the condition of us Christians, that notwithstanding the memorable sea victory gotten against them by the confederate princes, (wherein yourself, with that most fortunate prince, Don john de Austria was both a counsellor and companion in command,) than which since the suppression of the Roman empire, there was never seen or heard any more famous, yet notwithstanding the great joy, thereon conceived is suddenly settled, the hopes from so happy beginnings which had inflamed good men's minds in short time vanished, and the preparations of so high and excellent counsels com'd to nought. For my own part (sir) I am in opinion, that not only the grief but the shame is to all noble minds, as to yourself in common. What the determination of the Venetians was therein, as I do not well know, so if I did, it is not needful that I should detect it. For there are some as it is well known to you, who mightily disallow of what is done, and are much discontent, that they through pusilnanimity, and sudden despair should so give up their friends, who for their sakes alone, had thrust themselves in the dangers and charge of those wars, to which opinion I perceive you specially inclining. Others thinking otherwise and excusing them do answer that the Venetians perceiving it lay not in their power, alone to manage these wars with sufficient might, and seeing few other of Christian provinces and princes, aught provoked by so worthy and good beginnings, or happy success, whereby to take part either in pains or charge, or to lay hold with the said confederates of so fair an occasion, to conjoin the forces, and to revenge so many injuries, in all former times received, now especially when it was suppoled, that the Turks were utterly dispolyed and left naked, both of friends, ships, or sea forces, and thereby had opportunity to expel them, from forth whole Europe. But chiefly the german princes failing, whom the many attempts of the Turks, against their state hath continually, with offens●ue arms vexed, afflicted with infinite losses, and nearest of all others, to the danger had been in these affairs, for their own safety to have given them furtherance. All which motives to others, smally availing the said Venetians, and therefore destitute utterly of hope, nor daring to support themselves, in the succours of their confederates, knowing what enemy, they had in hand, they were compelled to prefer wholesome & commodious counsel, rather than plausible, and so without obstinacy to their destruction, (as was supposed) to provide for their pivate affairs. Thus these things in both parts, diversly disputed, according as every man his affection or passion persuades him thereunto. Myself will leave of uncertain estimation, indifferent, to every man's own peculiar judgement, without interposing mine, especially when the matters handled are to small purpose, the deed done not to be undone, and that every expostulation is frivolus, which is without fruit. But rather let me communicate with you, my honourable friend, in that whereof your Letters give good occasion, and which may perhaps, bring with it to us, both some profit, detecting such my cogitations, as often and long have encumbered my secret thoughts, and manifesting therein my opinion, which without some gain, I hope shall not return again. For if what my conceit is herein shallbe allowed by you, a man of so great estimation for wisdom, and accustomed to the managing of high affairs, then shall I think myself assuredly protected from the caluminations of all maligners: or if not allowed, yet shall I give occasion by my writing, whereby you may remove the error, which for long hath taken possession in my mind, and so in both these parts, it shall draw me advantage. The effect whereof is, that as I have always holden these Turkish affairs to be both fearful and prejudicial to the good estate of all Christian Provinces, yet now more than at any time am I driven into a wondefull admiration of the same, who having so great a Navy vanquished, consisting of a huge number of Ships of war, whereof part were sounk at sea, part taken by our men, together with so great provision of munition and all other things befitting the wars, devoured by the deeps: besides no small number of worthy warriors, Captains of famous memory, expert Navigators, (whereof there is great scarcity every where) which in that battle perished▪ all of them being such things as by any accident once lost are hardly to be recovered in many years continuance, yet such and so great is found the forces and faculties of those Turks, as notwithstanding all these losses with indaunted courages, forthwith they have fitted another Fleet, little inferior to the first, which provided and at all points furnished, against the beginning of the following Summer, set sail to Sea, daring to show themselves in sight of our victorious Fleet, with semblance not to yield one foot to flight, so ours had been so adventurous to have com'd on. Of which matters whilst often I have reasoned with myself, and searched what were the causes of so much greatness, what arts & means had brought them to so much estimation, and how they could attain such excellent perfection in every military function. Together how it comes to pass, that so many of our men should continually revolt, and abjuring all Christian rites, becomes affect●rs of that impious Mahumetane sect, whilst on the other part we find none or very few of those repairing unto us. Of these things I say, whilst with myself▪ I often argue what I conceive, may it please you here to see set down, First I hold that in both parts this case gives rather cause of pity, than admiration: For beholding so many Nations and People conjoined with us in the indissoluble bonds of Christian Charity and Religion, who to our and a number of Christian Princes shames, are dayelie borne down with the heavy burden of captivity, whilst we neither with care enter into the consideration of these things, or harbour the least thought in our hearts, to make them succour: I say it is to be lamented, that so much blindness should have thus possessed our minds, when in deed the miseries of our oppressed brothers, ought no less move us to commiseration, then if the like danger were descending upon our own heads. We see this daily increasing flame, catching hold of whatsoever comes next, still to proceed further, no● that the insatiable desire of dominion in these Turks can with any riches be content, or with the gaining of many mighty and wealthy Kingdoms be so settled, but of what is this day gotten, to morrow they build a new ladder whereby to climb to the obtaining of some newer purchase. And which to fear, is more fearful. That whereas every bondage in itself is hateful and far worse in condition then Death, yet that of the Turks of all other is most cruel, most execrable: Who hold it not enough to bring the Provinces in obedience, unless all be under, who either excelled in Wit, Fortune, wealth, or honour, all the Nobility slaughtered, or commanded into far distant and remote Countries, whom beereaving the exercise of every Noble Science, stripping of all necessary ornaments, deformed and mishapte in all baseness, at length be brought to what fullness of misery may be imagined. And for those our brothers, which is the second point in our grief propounded,) I know not whether it were better fitting to deplore their condition, then to detest their hateful Impiety, who bewitched with the fair shoe of a frail and very small good, renounce the everlasting and Celestial riches, abjure Christian Religion from Heaven descended, and by the son of Almighty GOD, to us men delivered, which only all other means shut up, makes free passage, and lays open the path that leads to eternal Blessedness, and the Kingdom of Heaven. These things as I first said, (dear friend) are to be pitied, and wherein we are with all endeavour to labour, least at any time the like may hap to us, or we brought to the same pass, than which in miserable misery there is neither state nor place more abject. Now for this much admired Turkish glory, and so many years successful Felicity, whereof whilst few aright enter into consideration, perhaps it may seem with some very strange, yet in my conceit neither are the things themselves unusual, nor the causes thereof obscure, which then the better shall appear, if one by one we compare and examine their fashions, laws, counsels, and discipline, with those other of us Christians. First than none will deny me I am sure, but that amongst these causes, which extol kingdoms & common wealths, to great wealth, much power, and high estimation, religion before the rest is to be preferred, which religion containeth in it a double function, one is most excellent and divine, and the same for which at first religion, was by heavenly providence, inspired into mansminde: this (as I said formerly) being the only and most certain guide, conducting to immortal blessedness, than which was never greater gift granted to men by Almighty God, whose operation is such, as in regard thereof it draws our affections to esteem all riches, all pleasures, kingdoms and commands, or what may be thought precious in this life, to be wild and of no value: according to that saying, what shall it avail mortality, to obtain the dominion of the world, so in the end he make shipwreck of his own soul. A second function of religion is political, appertaining to public government, and to contain people in obedience, and due observation of laws, wherein all antiquetyes bear witness, that whosoever well and wisely have founded cities, societies, or common wealths, they have always had this part of religion much respected: which as it nothing detracts from the majesty of religion, so doth it make the same, to be holden in higher reverence, whilst the use and profit thereof, extends itself in each man's eye, to the governing of all human affairs, and preservation of every well planted state. Of that first and excellent part, we have no purpose to speak, for it little appertains to the argument in hand, wherein it shall iuffice thus much alone be said, that all the lice of every Christian man, ought especially to be spent in giving thanks, to that divine deity, by whose goodness we have our souls illuminated, with the bright beams of true religion, all clouds of erroneous darkness driven away, wherewith the minds of such as are ignorant in the same be hourly blinded, whereby we may find, how much better by infinite degrees, the condition of Christians is, rather than that of the mahometans, who misled by the lies of that wicked impostor, and following his damned positions, diverting from the eternal path of salvation, are carried headlong in their misbelief to hell torments, and everlasting damnation: but let the urging of this point, be the office of divines, and now again to my purpose. Then let us come to the point, which is proper to our question, wherein it shall be nothing pertinent whether any professed religion, be true or false, (for that as before is said, appertains to the soul's salvation) but where of the whole substance will censist in this, that what religion soever received, may be sincerely & carefully observed, by the supportation of such a religion, only kingdoms and nations, have gathered great wealth, and attained to great estimation, power, and dignity, as may be manifestly proved▪ both by forcible reason, and many memorable examples. For whereas it was apparent, that the chief and best means to enlarge any Empire, is appropriate to the true knowledge of managing arms, and the glory of military profession, in which two things, are specially respected, obedience and discipline, of both these, religion I say is the principal foundation, whereby it always came to paste, that every nation advanced at any time to greatness, have ever been studious, and most careful preservers of the same. In maintaining which position omitting numbers, that may be named, I will content me with the romans, who far surpassed all other people in wisdom, as in wealth, valour, and glory. For these grave and true experienced men, finding that the considerations of religion, were of great force, both to beautify their state, and enlarge their Empire, in no one thing laboured more than the true observation of the same, possessing their people still with opinions of fear and reverence towards their Gods. To which always so great belief was given, as nothing was ever executed in public or private, which was not attempted, as having the Gods the first authors thereof. So as what ever of their affairs were finished, what new designs taken in hand, what expedition put in practice, what fortune of war assayed which was not done, the Gods first consulted, nor did they labour any other thing in those their vowing and rendering vows, dedication of Temples, observation of progedies (wherein the wise of that age were exceeding ceremonious) with sacrifice and supplications, beseeching the good will of the Gods, but to persuade the people that whatsoever was done was all by the pleasure & permission of the same gods, who observing every action of man's life, becomes sharp chastisers of wrong and wickedness, but most severe revengers of their own neglected or contemned deity, whereby it came to pass, that amongst those romans, no crime was accounted so heinous, as that of an oath or faith plighted & broken: and of this religion how great the estimation was, it may perfectly appear, by that example only, when as the counsel, with so great diligence laboured, to dissuade them from those assemblies of the Tribunes, determining in the favour of the people to propound certain laws, against which the Senate in opposition, could give no other let, but that the consuls should proclaim, the leading forth of the legions in expedition, from the attendance of which warfare, whilst the people had no power to resist, neither could the authority of the Tribunes give any redress, they before having in that case sworn their obedience to the consul, and seeing no other means, how to rid them of their religious oath then by the death of the said concull, consulted amongst themselves to kill him: whereof they had put the practise in full execution, if it had not further been told them, that no religion could be dissolved by any contrived mischief: holding murder as it seemed, in a less degree than the violatyon of their faith. Which one thing, ever held their soldiers so observant to the will of their commanders, to whom they had once given the assurance of the same, that that people which in a settled peace, was never but stubborn and rebellious against their superiors, the same in war were ever found quiet & contented, bound only by this military oath, whereof by peace always they became discharged. To which again may be said, so great was their regard, that they would prefer the observation of the same, before the preservation of their own lives: submitting their heads even to the block, if at any time according to the manner of those wars the Consul should give in command for any service not well executed, that a Capital decimating amongst them, should be made, and by this it came to pass, that through the doubtful danger of death, both by the enemy and their commander propounded: their soldiers always in wars were assured to do the utmost of their iudevours to overcome: choosing rather to die valiantly fight, then be vanquished, least in the fear of an incertain death, whose peril they might perhaps avoid by boldness and resolution, they might incur that certain slaughter, from avoiding whereof, Religion cut of all hope: For which cause, I judge that no wise man will deny me but Religion as in every public design, so especially in the affairs of war, is a most firm foundation. Now whether that this part of religion is either of the Turks or us Christians, not more sincere care and sacred constancy observed, I rather leave it to every man's peculiar opinion, than therein to deliver my own judgement, yet some things I will note by the way: as they come into my mind. First since that the especial parts of religion consisteth principally in this, that all things be referred to that supreme power by whose will we believe every human action to be governed, it is wonder how far the Turks for this point surpass us, having that opinion with such firmness settled in their minds & attributing so much to the divine providence, that there in they seem rather to exceed to much, then believe to little, whilst necessarily they will tie what ever befalls us, unto fate, by no human counsels or provision avoidable: For which cause they suppose that by the same fate a certain limit of time is assigned every man's life, which neither can be prolonged beyond the same, neither by any means of us shortened, & therefore when the appointed hour of death shall come, of necessity the same must be undergone: in which hour, we are as certain to die, though privately shut up in any chamber & divided by all means from danger, as if a man were conversant in the heat & fury of fight, where a thousand weapons were bend against his bosom, which death, if not by heaven decreed, there amongst these weapons of as great safety may a man assure himself, as in his own chamber: now this opinion though it may be disproved, in so much as thus it attributeth to the necessity of destiny or fate, yet to the matter handled, it brings this gteat good, that the Turks become thereby more confident & bold, whether fight in battle or undertaking any other dangerous exploit, because thereby the fear of death is fully bereaved them, the certainty whereof as they conceive, consists not in perils, but in their unavoidable destiny. Now that all human affairs are in the supreme & divine moderation, depending wholly upon the power of heaven, is a most holy true & Christian opinion, which as every man ought constantly believe, so must we eschew all causes that seem to impech the credit thereof. And therefore we are to consider, least by the contrary persuasions of any philosophy, we may be miss, especially by that of the Peripatikes, whose opinions are now a days in high estimation. The great part of whom do so dispute of the divine nature, as though it had no human affairs, nor could have any in consideration, being a most damned doctrine, & unworthy the majesty of heaven, for so with one stroke they utterly cut of all religion: For in vain then should we pray, vow, sacrifice, or by any other act of grace, beseech the goodness of almighty God, crave his assistance, or desire he should behold us in mercy, when we are assured before hand, that none of all these he either doth▪ or can regard: which impediment is bereaved the Turks whilst they are quite forbidden the study of Philosophy, (though I am not ignorant how that wicked seducer Mahomet, had therein a further meaning: viz: lest by the knowledge thereof, the great vanity & small ground in the promulgation of his laws might appear,) so greatly hath this ignorance proved profitable to the Turks, for the maintenance of their opinion in Religion. But whether the study of Philosophy bringeth more good or hurt it is not my purpose here to dispute, reserving it for a longer argument & more opportune time & place. Now this opinion thus planted in the minds of the Turks, makes them fearful of the divine majesty, and inflames them with a reverend regard of religion: By which it comes to pass, that though this their serving of God be full of error, yet shall we find every where many excellent signs of their blind devosion, commending their diligence to the furtherance of the same: For none than they doth with greater reverence repair to their temples, prostrate with all humility, craving pardon of their sins by the assistance of God's spirit, holding all holy things in high veneration, wherein omitting other, they so much respect, not only their own Priests, and religions, but even those of ours, as they accounted it in the highest degree of sin, to injury any one of them any way, which hath been approved by infinite examples of pirates, of whom a number (as often it hath fallen out) having taken any Priest of ours, have presently set him at liberty, lest by retaining the servant of God, they might thereby importune the same God to revenge his wrong. Another thing to their great commendation is, that none then they more carefully look to the conservation of their laws, none punishing the public breach thereof in whosoever, more severely. For which there is never heard with them, any blasphemy against God, any adultryes committed, or aught else wherein there is offence, either in the violation or negligent observation of the same. And yet for all this, I am not Ignorant that by the same impious & execrable law, more heinous sins are permitted, but that it may appear, how strict even the mightiest are in preserving their said laws, we have in this age a memorable precedent testyfied in the person of the great Emperor Solyman, which I will here recount. This Solyman amongst those number of excellent chosen women, who are kept specially for the king's concubines (for it is permitted by the law of Mahumet, that every Turk may hold so many concubines as he is able to maintain,) calling one among the rest more often then any other, & she perceiving thereby, how the Emperor was mightily possessed with her love, by a cunning drift so much effected with him, as she obtained her freedom, (for it is to be noted, that as well boys as girls, so shut up in the Seraglio, are his slaves,) after which being by Coach sent for as at other times to come & accompany the said Emperor, made answer, how she much admired, what reason the great Signior had, who being a prince of so much majesty doubted nothing publicly, to infringe the holy law of Mahumet, by which it was provided in plain words, that no man in such sort should accompany free women, & thereby so grievously to offend, even in the view of his people, whose eyes were all cast upon him. Now the Emperor much moved with this answer, as likewise bridling for the present the heat of his desire, demanded the next day, of the learned in their laws, whether by law it might be admitted any man to keep free women, for their concubines, whereunto when he had received answer, that it was not lawful, and not enduring the want of that wench, whom he loved entitely, the said Solyman for that reason married her. Now I need not on the contrary part to recount, how Christions carry themselves in the like cases, lest I further exulcerate those wounds by handling, which I am sure by admonishing will not be cured. The next place to religion, whether establing any common wealth, or enlarging a dominion, is worthily attributed to discipline, wherein beetwixt us and the Turks, the very truth is, in my opinion, that there is admitted no comparison, whilst discipline is a thing with them of high estimation, but with us of little or no account, & that this is so, it appears clearly in this that every year the great Emperor at certain seasons sends his inquisitors abroad through all parts of his territories, to make election of the choice children to be found of an assigned age, which inquisitors where they come, call together all the said children of the same place, select from amongst them, such whose towardness and inclination showeth itself, either by the disposition of the members, or countenance fit for their purpose, those they take, whom bringing to the court, there by especial masters provided, be they instructed in all manner of martial discipline, by which & through much exercise, their bodies and minds are confirmed to endure every labour, nor is there any one entertained in their warfare, but such as by much exercise are enured to this discipline: whereas on the other side it is hourly seen, that our armies for the most part, do stand of men, both rude and unexperienced in all martial demeanours or discipline. This above named discipline, hath in it a triple use, whereof the first is the true knowledge of things appertaining to the wars, this drawing with it an enabling of the bodies forces: by which it falls out, as we have often seen their strength approved, that an arrow shot from a Turkish bow, hath cloven the shank of a galley oar, where the wood hath been nine inches thick, so as the head of the same arrow, hath showed itself on the other side: whereas such soldiers as we put in pay, without consideration, are chosen in companies ignorant of all things appertaining, & then for the most part learning the use, and art of their weapons, when there is more need valiantly to manage them. Another commodity of discipline is, that it prepares the body to the enduring of labour and wants, enables the mind to an invincible resolution, in bearing all extremities, which misery, or the scarcity of things, may cast upon man. For their minds accustomed to continual exercise, cannot be daunted with pains, spare diet, or other inconveniences, wherewith it is daily acquainted, content consisting, not in many, but necessary things: so as we see their great armies long time, often kept together with small provision, their fleets and land preparations, executing aught with exceeding expedition, whilst a huge part of baggage, ordenarily (attending other camps) gives to them no let. Whereas both our land and sea forces, are still encumbered, with loadings of household provision, our soldiers ever fainting without the affluence of every thing, their bodies impatient of labour, and this not only when they want not things necessary, but if they abound not with delicates, so as to our shame be it spoken, a man may observe in our camps, those excesses of feastings and needless fare, which even in the plentifulness of peace, might in Cities perhaps seem riotus, where amongst other things ill beseeming, it irks me to think, that men should be brought to so much nicenesle, as in a fleet, to have Snow carried, for cooling their wine. The third use of discipline is the profit of obedience, them which there is no one greater virtue in the exercise of arms. This as it is with the Turks more in estimation then ever in any age the like hath been seen with other nations. So of all people in the contrary hereof we are desperately diseased, even to the death, our soldiers being mutinous, factious, disobedient, who fashioned by no rules of discipline, contained in duty, by no regard o punishment, in their own camps, themselves to themselves for the most part work more mischief, than what at any time they receive from the weapons of the enemy: which foul faults to our greater shame, is as common to the captains & commanders, as the private soldiers, a number of whom studying their particular revenge, their private ambition, or (than which with men of war there is nought more odious) their servile gain, betray their country, neglect their Prince's command, and without executing aught worthy their trust and employment, cause often Impediments through malicious envy of a nothers' glory, to what soever might be worthily executed: Such things I say, with us, men dare daily do, freed from fear of all condign punishment, so as I cannot name a place in shame or dishonour base, whether these or the like with everlasting Infamy, have not brought us. Next now ensues that I speak of the Turkish valour and virtues, no mean causes or of small regard in the enlarging of any Empire, wherein if I should affirm that they do much excel us, I might so both become injurious to the Christian name, and procure myself more envy than I affect. Yet truth is truth, by whom foever delivered, and well I may say that true valour is with the Turks of more account when to the valiant alone the passage to all military promotion is laid open, where any one's merit towards his country by any manly act performed, shall advance him through all degrees of dignity, even to that which is next the highest with us, on the contrary Nobility being of greatest reckoning, such for the most part every where commanding, who though they show small or no testimony either of valour or virtue, yet supported by the greatness of their blood, manage matters as they list. This being that one thing which so much hath exasperated the minds of many worthy Christian servitors, that flying from those ensigns where they found no place for their virtue: repair to the Turks, who for their good parts fairly entreat them, & according to the proof any one makes of his worth, doth so prefer him to every room of Honour: their condition in that point being exceeding commendable, who demand not whence the man is, but what he is, neither holding that virtue and valour are jousts of granfathers' inheritance, like to riches & those other of Fortune. Yet for all this, I must not deny but that nobility ought much to be esteemed, being in itself of great might to stir up the mind to honourable actions: and a rich ornament to all such as have virtue thereunto conjoined. But barely to prefer nobility before valour & virtue, or for any man's gentry solly to commend him to the greatest functions in a common wealth, or to command an army, that utterly I disallow, as full of danger to any state: I highly reverence the kindred of kings & princes, whom to have placed in great commands, is not alone without peril, but profitable. For if authority be of estimation in all human affairs, in those of the wars especially it is a most material point, wherein the Soul and life of good governing, chiefly consists: as having obedience always attendant, no one thing more furthering, as I have said every warlike design; & therefore to such all soldiers & captains without repining, submit their greatness, not being subject to envy & misreports, before whom every man forceth himself for the foremost, because the testimony of their valour & virtue shown in their prince's presence cannot be concealed by the calumniations of any backbiter, whereby as often it happens, men do despair of a due reward. In these things therefore I would thus be understood, that where there wants a due mixture of their parts together, compounded: it is better in my conceit by the Turkish precedent to prefer in command a man endwed with virtue lacking those exterior badges of great blood, then that any supported by nobility, should bear sway Indigent of those perfections which at first begot all true Nobility. Malo pater tibi sit Thirsites, dum modo tu sis Aeacide similis: Vulcaniaque arma capessas. Quam te Thirsite semilem, producat Achilles. The last though not the least of those things which antiquity have attributed to the necessity of the well establishing any state, standeth in measuring arightly according to every man's merit, reward of well doing or punishment of it. Now in either part how far we are to the Turks inferior, it is often admired. But lest I give occasion of further offence, & procure from many that hatred which I desire not to undergo, I will desist from further prosecuting this course, in preferring these Turkish considerations with ours, & only will say that as the whole scope of their counsels & other projects tends to the glory to be gotten by the wars, so are all ours in an other kind more excellent, for the maintenance of common society & the studies of peace, which with so infinite a desire we hunt after, as all charge, all expense of time, & money, all care & diligence is held both light & little, for obtaining the same. And this appear first by the great numbers of Priests, Mounks, Freers, & other religious, possessing great power, & wealth, with large lands, and stately erected monasteries, wherewith the plentisul countries of Europe, are every where pestered: to whom a great part both of Christendomes revenues & commodities be com'd. This I do not disallow but much commend the piety & wisdom of our ancestors, who have been so bountiful in bestowing to holy uses, so liberal towards the maintenance of God's service, releveing the necessity of the poor, and both nourishing & cherishing the studies of Arts & every good literature. Another thing with us is, that our seats of justice prolong the deciding of causes, with many quiddetyes, & delays, which is the sole reason that we see so many lawyers & judges, so many attorneys, solicitors, clarks, notaries, advocates & proctor's, to whom so great rewards & large fees are assigned, as this practice of the law (like to that other) hath drawn with it no little part of the wealth of Christendom. Again, the Schools of good learning are by us with great charge maintained, to which many repair, & perceiving the account that learned men daily live in, do spend either all, or the greatest part of their life in that profession. Lastly (good god) what cost is bestowed in every handi craft thing, what huge foundations hourly laid, what state & abundance of public & private buildings, what superfluety in ensigns of honour, pictures, hang, & plate, what delicacy in every household provision: What riot in feastings: what pride & expense in apparel: with how great stipends are the masters in these Arts maintained, all which as they greatly beautify our Christian countries, malign the Turks in regard of us to appear rude & unpolished: so are they utterly ill fitting for martial affairs, or enlarging of an Empire, whilst they consume & waste a great part of that wealth which were better bestowed in the wars. Now with the Turks all these things are in proportion, either small or none. Their Priests & Religious are very few, their living little, supplied with things only necessary. Their law determinations want demurs, and delatory pleas receiving sentence at the first or second hearing; without tossing so many volumes of the civil & Canon Codices; with their comments: so many year books of the common laws course, whereby so great store of counsels & advocates, such quantity of clarks and notaries are in small request. There is amongst them no orders of Monks & Freeers, no piles of stately builded Palaces; no sumptuousness in their daily port, but thrifty carriage, spare diet, wherein the hands of cunning cooks have no meddling: the Turks neither caring or craving these things, but spending what they have in their needful preparations for the wars, where wealth and rewards are peculiarly appropriate to the valiant. No marvel therefore that so many as I have said, of worthy Christian servitors, leave the displayed Banners of JESUS, where small and for the most part, no consideration is allotted their merits, repairing thither where they find riches and estimation the guerdon of well doing. Now since the one and only means, of the Turkish glory, doth proceed from the warlike designs, it is no wonder that all their endeavours, should wholly be bend to that, which thus alone draws with it honour, riches, & power, whereby we see how they excel all other nations, in martial estimatyon, & execution of high exploits, what great numbers of valiant soldiers, they continually keep in pay, how huge forces of horse and foot they maintain, so as to all people their name is now becomed fearful, & that always they return victors from every war once undertaken, for enlarging their dominion, our men's minds on the other part by multiplicity of knowledges and employments, being so distraught as few can spare any time to follow such service: through as I said the innumerable sorts of handy crafts, studying of arts, & professing of religion, things indeed that have diverted the thoughts of the greater part, of able Christian bodies, from the affectation of arms, for it is the condition of man, with greater content to follow that course of life, which is easy, safe, less painful, & free from danger, than that other of the wars, processed enemy to rest & quietness: especially when this first with pleasure, brings nevertheless the commodities of estimatyon & riches, manifesting the apparent reason that thus we see all our cities, so replenished with merchants, craftsmen, inholders, vintner's, & such like: every place reporting the disputations & different opinions of Philosophers, & divines, with continual canvasing of law cases. All which things as they mightily I say, adorn our peaceable part of the world, so do they wholly disable all martial credit, for which we find upon every occasion, how weak our forces are, for cause of the small number, who follow the wars. In which, this further I dare affirm, from sound judgement, that of that age, whose bodies through Christendom are fit for the wars service, the hundredth person scarce doth apply him to that profession, whereas on the contrary with the Turks, the greater part always do wholly devote themselves, to the practice of arms. But now let us come to the inflicting of punishment due to offenders, the fear whereof, of equal contains men in compass, both to the civil and martial discipline: wholesome laws being with us, as well as with the Turks, to that end established. Yet the vigour & force of good laws, should not consist in a positive decree, but in a and sacred inviolable observation of the same: the rigour whereof we Christians, for the most avoid by the cunning distinctions of lawyers, mitigate by the favour of great personages, or break through by our own power. Where with the Turks these things are otherwise, there being left no means to obtain pardon of any offence, no hope of escaping punishment: so as we see with us all things to be corrupt & dissolute: liberty for each one to do what he list. Our soldiers licentious & freed from fear of punishment, with careless carriage, executing what ever is committed to their charge, still mutinous, & seditious, respectless of command, great doers in words, little indeed, in skirmish making curtsy, who should first begin, or ranged to fight, running away the first squadrons scarcely charged, or before any honest hazard of fortune were attempted: & although we have as cannot be denied divers worthy captains, who are not impechable, of any these crimes, yet what shall those few excellent men affect in reforming the general corrupt conditions of time, in faith little: whose virtues are to feeble, to encounter the outgrown vices of this age. Again it is well known, that many great commanders there are, who casting away their private counsels & considerations, prefer the public good: yet even these have such for inferior leaders, who are no less, (if not more) faulty▪ than the ordinary soldier: the greater part of whom follow the service for gain, and make a traffic of the wars. Who when a muster of men is to pass, and pay to be made, beelie their number, either borrowing, or subborning base fellows, to fill up such rooms as are failing, whereby it falls out that the pays be ever strong, but the companies weak. Now none of all these defaults be conversant in the Turkish camp, where the soldier is ever serviceable, and at command, executing what they have in charge carefully, reserving their heat of courage to encounter the enemy, which with high resolution they both undertake and maintain: nothing dismayed, with a first overthrow, nor discouraged with the enemies second good success, whereby to leave the field, but valiantly fight contained, more by the force of their laws, & the punishment thereof, then by fear of the enemy, keep their assigned ranks, expecting the best, and enduring the utmost of good or bad fortunes chances, who always bearing in mind, the fearful spectacles of those their barbarous chastisements, as there may be caused, etermine either to depart the field as victors, or if fortune envy their valour, rather there to receive an honest death, from the edge of the enemy's weapon, then at home to be strangled, or have his throat cut, by a hangman. Again whilst the valour, of the leader strives with the obedience of the soldier, who never have their private counsels, derived from the public good, we find them to perform most excellent offices: in their several places both towards their king and country. These are such observations (true honoured Columna) as formerly I said, have long possessed my mind, touching the greatness of this Turkish Empire, which if you allow, I shall the better like, if otherwise, conceal them to yourself I pray, lest they may chance into such men's hands, as may detract from the estimation of my judgement. FINIS.