A LETTER Written by a French Catholic gentleman, to the Masters at Sorbonne.  
CONCERNING the late victories obtained by the King of Navarre, aswell against the Duke of joyeuse at Coutras upon Tuesday the twentieth of October. 1587. as else where.  
LONDON Printed by john Wolf for Edward Aggas, and are to be sold at his shop at the West end of Paul's. 1588.   

A LETTER WRITten by a French Catholic gentleman, to the masters of Sorbonne at Paris: Concerning the late victories obtained by the king of Navarre aswell against the Duke of joyeuse at Coutras upon tuesday the twentieth of October. 1587. as else where.  
MY masters, I shall not be, as I think, the first Reporter of the lamentable news of the death of the Duke of joyeuse, and the overthrow of his whole Army: and so consequently may rejoice that I shall not be the author of your heaviness, albeit I will not nevertheless fail in the discharge of my duty, neither be the last that shall give you advice upon so strange an accident, to the end to testify unto you, that for my own part I bewail this public calamity, howbeit, not so as to despair of whatsoever this heavy day hath left us, but rather to seek after the most firm and steadfast kind of hope, that we may and aught to conceive, to the end to bring forth the peace of this miserable realm. In as much therefore as yourselves are the most notable company among whom the principal point of the estate, namely religion, is entreated upon, I do direct myself especially to you, to the end you may judge of my zeal, and if any profit may be taken thereof, you may impart the same to those that still hearken after you for the understanding of their salvation: also that it may be the foundation whereupon again to build up our ruins to the common relief of the people, and the discharge of your consciences. But before I come to these remedies, I will lay open unto you the new wounds that we have received in the late battle of Coutras the twentieth of this month by the King of Navarre, with the assistance of the Lords the prince of Conde, the Earl of Soissons, the Lord of Turenne, Trimoville, and other Lords and gentlemen their partakers. The said King being returned from Monsoreau where he had happily sojourned for the space of fifteen days or more after the overthrow of the troops of the late D. of joyeuse, and the marquess of Renel as they retired from their voyage of Poictou, also having through the conduct of the L. of Turenne seized upon the rich carriages of the D. of Mercoeur near to Saumeur, who was coming out of his government of Bretagne to join with his brother in law, the said D. of joyeuse yet being at Tours, and withal had received the said L. Earl of Soissons with all his troops: after (I say) that the said king was thus upon his return & led had his army into Sainctonge, he took two Cannons from Rochel, and in the end determined to march into Gascogne as well for the reenforcing of his troops, as to join with his foreign power upon the borders of those provinces that favoured him. Now because, as you know, that that was the only thing which the K. did most fear, he gave charge to the said D. of joyeuse to stop this his course by all means possible, yea if all other opportunities failed, not to spare the extremity of the battle, which he undertook to perform, and to the same end marched with those troops which he had before, together with the other that his majesty had newly granted him, as well for the better strengthening, as to banish from him all fear of those that the K. of Navarre did lead. The ground of this enterprise consisted in the passage over the rivers of Droune and L'Isle, and the most diligent to feaze thereon was to prescribe law to the more slothful. In respect hereof the said D. of joyeuse after he had a while at the heels followed and costed the K. of Navarre his army, in the end fet forward toward Roche-Chalays, intending according to the good advise given him by the L. Marshal of Matignon to seize upon Coutras, which was the place of most importance, in respect of the situation so favourable to the passage over Droun, but he lost his time by reason that as his light horsemen were arrived and taking their lodgings, the K. of Navarre's being the stronger came upon them, and became masters thereof on Monday night the nyntenth of October. Thus besides the said kings diligence which is the most necessary part in warlike attempts, and the thing that hath bred him great credit among his partakers, his force was also prejudicial to the said D. of joyeuse: who nevertheless being desirous to yield all duties of obedience to his masters commandments, and imagining that the K. of Navarre being enclosed between the two rivers, might be easily overcome, 〈◊〉 the next day to give him batfaile, and to the same end appointed his whole army their meeting place between Roche-Chalays and Coutras, whither he came early in the morning, at leisure and without any impeachment of the said kings troops, and took his battle ground within half a league of Coutras to his most advantage possible. The K. of Navarre as I was informed, having the first advertisement thereof early enough in the morning, stayed until he had also the second yea and the third before he would once stir, albeit he made no less show to be desirous of battle than ourselves: And in deed he had given us occasion twice before, which we found not to he for our advantage. Howbeit, so soon as the said K. was by these divers reports assures thereof, he took horse, and departing from Coutras, went to meet the said D. of joyeuse, set his army in hattaile array, and in the mean time commanded the L. of Clermont master of his ordinance to pass it over unto his side of the river, which he could not do the day before. Then having brought it into the fore front, he so ordered it that without annoying any of his own part, about eight of the clock it played for eight or nine belees very conveniently upon the first squadron of our horsemen, and so carried away a great number of our gentlemen, which made the rest to resolve rather to go to the charge, than so miserably to die without any fight. Thus about nine of the clock our light horsemen with four, hundredth horse gave upon the K. of Navarre's, which after some blows, was in the end shaken and our men made glass windows therein: the rest of the said kings army consisted of four square battles, whereof that of the L. of Turenne was smelled to by the L. of Laverdine. The other three wherein were the three princes of the blood, keeping their standing did behold the joining, and by and by after the D. of joyeuse marched furiously to the charge for the general conflict, whereto these three Princes each in the face of his squadron came a soft pace, only upon the trot as close and with as good assurance as ever I see men of war march. When they came to handy blows, our men suddenly turned their backs, whether it were that the spears stopped them at the strait of the conflict, or that we were reencountered somewhat rudely. Finally, the fight was sharp and so violent that it continued the less while, and as wars are uncertain, the whole victory remained with the king of Navarre. And it is a marvelous matter that by ten of the clock never a one of our men stood to the sight, neither so much as appeared in the field, which lay covered with a great number of the dead, and those very notable. Such as escaped the extremity of the weapone, either fled with shame, or fell into their enemy's hands, some wounded and some not, whereas in so notable an overthrow there were lost on the king of Navarre's part very few, and not so much as any one of name or commandment: but of our part all the Captains were either wounded or slain or taken, bestoos the D. of Joyense the General, whose only love might suffice to make us earnestly to lament, as for such a mishap as hath stricken a shrewd blow at such of our affairs as were ordered and set up again by the king under the conduct of his fortune. Howbeit it is also replemished to infinite other our losses, whereby we have the less means left to help us to rise again from so miserable a fall. I will name unto you the most notable of those the I can remember that are slain, to the end that considering of them, you may the better contemplate this mishap which shall peradventure be but the way to many more whereunto we do run, if God withhold us not.  
Amongst our dead there are beside the D. of joyeuse, the L. of Saint Saviour his brother, the L. of Bressay who carried the white Cornet. The L. of Ronsay the younger Pienne Guidon to the said D. of joyeuse. The Earls of Suze, Gowelo, & Aubigeou, the L. of Fumell, the L. of Neufuy the elder of Perigord, Croyset son to the L. of Rochfort, the L. of Gurat Cornet of Maumont, The L. of S. Fort Guidon to the L. of S. Luc. The L. of Vaux Lieutenant to the L. of Bellegarde. The L. of Montignyes' Ensign, Tiercelin master of the field, Chenet his chief Captain, Vallade one of his Captains, Captain Baccullard, young Campels, who carried a cloth. The L. of Plwault and Brangerie, all Officers in our army. More there were whom I cannot well call to mind: but my masters, those were brave Gentlemen, those were the kings good servants: these were the good pillars of our country, whom we have lost in this battle, whose death doth also make our lives so wretched, that undoubtedly they are happier than we that breath foorch this air that is infects with our miseries. I think that they whom this loss doth most concern, should also be most fouthed with the grief that they ought to conceive thereof: and yourselves do I account so affectionate to the benefit of your country that for your parts you will power forth a whole river of tears which will not be dried up a great while, considering that the loss which you receive do stretch so far, and spreadeth farther than the most passionate can well imagine. We do well know what assurance we had conceived, that all should have succeeded otherwise to us than it hath done, whereby we are to be the more sorry because we were deceived. And albeit God's will was apparent therein, also that it were our parts rather to yield thereto than to murmur against it, yet can I not but feel that such was the pleasure of God, to the end sharply to punish us for reposing more trust in our fleshly arm then in his inightie power, yea and which is more, because we have fought and never asked counsel at the mouth of the Lord. Would you have any more notable testimonies to confirm my saying, than the death of this brave nobility? The same is but too sufficient to wrest from you this belief: and if you do but behold the rest that remaineth captive with the king of Navarre, you shall as a man would say see our sorrow more lively, as if their captivity should unchaine those mischiefs which come in post to our oppression. The most notable of them will I also name unto you. There is the L. of Bellegarde, Governor of Xantonge and Angoumois, who was wounded, taken and since deceased. The L. of S. Luc, Governor of Brovages & of the Isles of Xantonge taken. The marquess of Piennes: The Earl of Monsoreau wounded and taken. The L. of Sansac taken. The L. of Cypierre, The L. of Saultray of the house of Lude. The L. of Montigny Captain of the king's gate. The L. of Ville Comblin Lieutenant to the L. of Sowray. The L. of Castle Renaud Guidon to the L. of Sansac. The L. of Maumont Captain of the light Horse. The L. of Patriere Guidon to the L. of Laverdin. The L. of Old Castle. The L. Chastelu. The L. of Lawerdiere Guidon to the L. of Suze. All these were Captains & men of authority, & so acknowledged of all, among when I reckon not the Captains of the foolemen, neither many other private Gentlemen that had no charge, and are either taken, wounded or slain. As for those that yet live, it may be ye shall hereafter have some comfort of them, as hoping they may return into the king's service: but I do much fear their coming to the speech of the king of Navarre, whose particular servants they all, or the most of them, have long been, neither did ever bear arms against him, but against their wills: such at the least are their ordinary protestations, which in effect they have often confirmed. Yea did they bear but one spark of good affection to the said king of Navarre, he is skilful enough thereof to kindle a whole flame: so shall he win from us these relics of our ruins, where with to prevail against ourselves, if not directly against us, yet indirectly for himself, but not for us. For you know what a voice is generally given out of his wonderful grace in winning men's minds and quenching the malice of his enemies, in case he can but once come to let them taste of his courtesy. Ye may believe that most of these our masters being so much bound unto him, will hereafter continue their bonds, also that there be but few amongst them to whom the courtesies of this Prince may not prescribe whatsoever laws he lift. In the mean time he shall have his passage free: For as for the L. Martial of Matignon, how good a servant so ever he be to the king, he is tied to Gascogne: and besides his forces are not sufficient to stop the said king from executing whatsoever his purposes as easily as he would wish, neither can he at this day desire or put in execution any thing whatsoever with greater honour, having obtained such a brave victory against us, which is perfect in all notable parts. The death and imprisonment of all the chief Captains, except the L. of Laverdin who seeing our conflict a far off, went to save himself and few others, the winning of the field, the taking of the artillery, the burning of our armies lodgings, the chase pursued four leagues, and a thousand other particularities which I here omit. Concerning the king of Navarre, I have heard credibly reported that he was one of the sharpest in fight, & buckled earnestly, yea so far forth as by force to carry away Chasteau-renauds Cornet, also to have received a taint in the neck with a spear & other blows that bruised his hands and face. To be brief, that he showed himself a Captain in ordering his battles and a soldier in fight. As for the Prince of Conde that he fought valiantly & had one horse killed under him, also that being horsed again he took the L. of S. Luc prisoner who had before borne him down. That the Earl of Soisons in this first re-encounter showed so good proof of his courage that he greatly contented his partakers & gave them good hope of himself, for he joined earnestly, and with his own hands took the marquess of Piennes prisoner, so as these three Princes fight with their enemies, fought so reciprocally whose virtue should best appear, that they have no cause one to envy an other, sith they all showed all duty according as the occurrences ministered occasion, Neither is it to be doubted, but these so assured Captains did greatly assure their members, among whom the L. of Turenne also had his horse slain in the battle and entered very far, as also did the L. of Trimoville who was noted of great courage and assurance in the front of his light horsemen. Finally that there was no troup in all their army but had a share in the glory of our overthrow. Herein have we cause to be sorry, sith the hurt that we do to them do but provoke our men, and that either early or late they will find means to requite us: howbeit at this time it is much more than a requital, neither is there any comparison between all the harm that we have done them, yea albeit you set together all that have happened since the beginning of the troubles, and the same which we have received in this battle. One only short day hath recompensed all that they have lost in two years and a half, which is the time since the league was revealed, and as far as I see, we are yet far in their debts. We have seen all the mighty armies which the king hath sent out of all the provinces of the realm to make an end. But show me now what fruit hath come of them? The taking of towns? we have taken none but such as they made no great account to keep, and all but loures which were never, as a man should say, of any name, but through mishap. And how have we gotten them? with large time, excessive expenses, and a world of labour and policy, which heretofore would not have been practised at the siege of Metz, S. Quintin's, and other good Towns in our days. What have we gained? we have taken nothing by assault, and all our sieges have ended by profitable and honourable composition for the besieged. Neither have our sieges any whit diminished their number, sith the laws of war have freed them from the fury of our weapons. And which is worse, Castillon the Duke of mains proudest trophy, the taking whereof cost six weeks work and six hundred thousand francs hath the Lord of Turenne recovered in one hour, & without any expense. The king of Navarre hath in less than three weeks taken Tallemont, S. Messan, Fontenay, Maillezay, Mauleon, & five or six good Castles more. The said D. of joyeuse came to recover these losses, but he spent most of his time in preparatives, and in the end at the siege of S. Maissan was driven to discharge 113. Cannon shot, against the which it had not cost the said▪ king two hundredth arqebus shot: and had it not been for the overthrow that the said D. of joyeuse gave to the moth of his two regiments of Collters and Clounes, together with the controversies among the besieged, we had not had it so soon or so easily. As for Maillezay which the said Duke of joyeuse also took, he did rather suprize than take it, besides that the small number of soldiers therein feared his purposes. But Fontenay was of over hard digestion, & the Catholic forces gave place to the Protestants, of whom we made so small account. And whereas there died a good number of them, as could not be otherwise chosen, so if we peruse the rolls of our army, we shall find, the the rule of substraction may seem sufficient to find out our accounts. The sword, the bad weather, poverty, pestilence or other diseases have taken away so many that we have but few left to habandon to the like mishaps: and the worst is, we never seek to spare, but rather do seem to practise this detestable saying: Let our friends perish, so as our enemies may perish also. Moreover, wherein are their affairs impaired? We have kept the field, but how? For the most part in such seasons as the retreat into the Towns had been more fit and safe against the injuries of wind and snow: in such a season I say, as albeit they had been as well able to have kept the field as we, yet had it been wisdom to to habandon it unto us, so to suffer us to consume ourselves, with a million of inconveniences which fought against us, although they meddle not at all. Likewise when the time favoured our voyages, besides that the same was but over short, we have found such resistance in them, & they have given us so small hold, that ourselves have beaten ourselves with our own pains, and have reaped but the dishonour of doing nothing, and blame for working too much mischief: and to be brief, all our fires are in the end converted into smoke which hath choked us. The raising up of our bucklers were haughty, but when we came to the matter & to take hold, we brought forth nothing but confusion & disorder, wherein the king of Navarre's part hath been rather upheld then shaken, so as we seem to be but the winds which break upon their constancy or magnanimity. Twenty years ago & more might I have learned how hard a matter it was utterly to overthrow him: but I never thought it unpossible until these our last trials, wherein he hath taught us that he either is a greater one than we, or else that he hath more supporters than we have force: or both. I will not be ashamed to confess that at the beginning of these troubles our great preparatives for war against him did make me steadfastly to believe that he could have no means to keep himself from us, whereupon myself as well as many other did according to my duty bring in whatsoever I was able together with my own person: and notwithstanding all our delays and the linger of our purposes, yet did I not nevertheless despair of good success: but now am I forced to pluck my pin from the stake, and earnestly to open mine eyes to perceive the causes of our misfortune, together with the necessity of a farther cause of mischief, whereof this late one is but the first, or at the least the most apparent beginning. Not my masters that I will resemble those fowls which so soon as cold weather cometh on do habandon every climate, by any rash alteration of my will which so long and resolutely I have always kept. For I protest, that of all the reasons that may be imagined in this novelty I do admit only the same which setteth before me the preservation of that estate, for the which so far I am from all fear of the loss of my first pretence, that I wish rather to lose myself: and in the name of God do exhort you so well to try my advice, that you may allow thereof, and ensuing the same, show so good an example to the rest of France, that sith yourselves are the light that should lighten us, this estate may also by your means recover her ancient brightness, and this oppressed people perfect relief from all their afflictions.  
To enter therefore into the matter, myself have always been through zeal to religion thrust for ward, & whensoever there fell out any speech of the defence thereof, I came as hotly as might be desired. Now this religion I always held in such sort as I received of my predecessors, and as I account it true salvation of my soul, I preferred it before all other whatsoever worldly considerations. Wherein I was confirmed not only by this domestical example, but also by that doctrine which yourselves have always delivered unto us, referring all that possibly I might unto the authority which long you have obtained and kept among our nation. I will not be ashamed to say that in this case I have willingly reposed myself upon you, as imagining that you would not dam yourselves in sport, as also that in so good company I could not do amiss. In consideration whereof I never troubled myself much about the search into the depth of these mysteries and difficulties wherein your school is as it were plunged, leaving to you the arguing in words, and reserving to myself the decisions in action, wherewith as need required, to yield authority to your decrees, and for my part stoutly to oppose myself against all those that would withstand you, howbeit under the authority of the sovereign magistrate, to whom I never doubted of my due obedience. Hereupon I always supposed that our war was not lawful against all such as shot against you and sought to subvert your doctrine, accounting them very heretics & Apostates from the Church, with whom we were to strive even for life, considering that their opinions did for the most part kill us, by ravishing from us through their frowardness, that which I supposed you had imparted unto us in sincere and faithful consciences. For this which I have often heard you say, did I take for an infallible principle: that is to say, That our Church can not err, also, that to accuse you of error, was such an error as deserved to be pursued with fire and sword. Thus was I never of any other mind, but that we had a most firm and more than necessary foundation every way to persecute those whom men term Protestants. So presumptuous a title could not I like of: & as in these latter ages, God's spirit threateneth us with sundry seducers, so have I always accounted these men to be, whereupon I have detested their companies: so far have I been from sparing, whatsoever I could possibly do, to use against them all rigours whereby to root them out. For this cause do I make great account of the devotion which divers of our kings have at sundry times showed. But seeing that the more we strive, the more this people increase: the large expertence of these affairs maketh me the more stack in these matters, and their late victory which God hath given them, causeth me to imagine that he doth wholly favour their cause, also that whatsoever crosses he doth by our hands lay upon them, he doth nevertheless reserve unto them a happy & a comfortable end. Disorder (saith a certain ancient) breedeth good decrees, and the reiteration of our transgressions when we find them do work us, to our knowledge, wisdom: yea the apprenticeship of our own losses is more strong and forcible then that which proceedeth of others harms.  
I do therefore willingly suffer myself to be carried away with that whose effects do teach me to proceed further, not that I will search out all the contentious points between the one and the other: for as yet I have not taken so much pains: but only in respect of the proceed used against their persons and goods. First you are all to debate in matter of religion: you differ in sundry articles, and yet do agree in the ground, which is, one only jesus, Christ mediator between God and man, and sole head of the Church. I pray you, is this a matter to be decided by your murders? is it such a controversy as may be so determined? how can you grant life to his soul, whose bodily life you have taken away? how can you save those to whom you grant no time to believe? or how would you have them to believe without preaching unto? These be the ordinary complaints wherewith they usually appeal from our pursuits, which notwithstanding they seem just, yet do we stop our ears against them as against the mermaids song. But why do you deny them all frienndly conference for the decision of your controversies? I know you will answer that it is a matter that hath already been preferred, and yet hath not profited. But the Lawyers have taught me, that whatsoever hath been fraudulently done, is accounted as won: for in all our assemblies our proceedings have been unperfect, for proof whereof I refer myself to the acts of the Council of Trent, and lately to the parley at Poyssy. Concerning the first, there was never action more impertinent, then that wherein they were condemned, and yet neither were or could be heard, considering that their adversaries were also their judges: as also yourselves do know, that the French Church did never in all and through all allow of it, witness the appeals there against made: albeit I say nothing of the opposition of our kings, whereby this counsel may not be admitted as irrevocable in France: otherwise we shall reveal our partiality in ruling their condemnation after our own fantasies, and not according to the nullity of the judgement which undoubtedly is general, until by the reformation of those articles which we allow not, there can be no fault found therein. For otherwise by taking and leaving what we list, we should play too open. Such also the like privilege groweth of the same reason, why will you not suffer the professors of the pretended reformed religion to enjoy the like liberty of judgement as yourselves? As for the parley at Poyssy I remember that the chief controversy which concerned the sacrament of the altar, was in a manner agreed: also that looking into our own consciences, we shall find that our own partakers upon a politic discretion interrupted it, lest the overthrow of that foundation should have pulled down the whole building. Ever since that time, I imagined that it was well done to stick to antiquity, but since calling to mind that the ministers pleaded their cause out of the holy scriptures and the ancient Doctors conformable thereto, I can not think but that, except in respect of the time, in case they verify their allegations, they can not be but well grounded, and contrariwise, that if we speak but of the opinion of our Pope's only, who beside for the most part have not been the honestest men in the world, we shall lose our cause outright. But when I do more nearly consider of yourselves, I do run into some further mistrust: for can you that profess the understanding and teaching of the scriptures, want judgement to comprehend them, or fidelity to deliver them? Shall these reformed persons have that privilege above you, to whom it hath been purchased so long ago? Are you learned like to those high priests mentioned in the holy scriptures, among whom God's law was perished? Will God conceal his mysteries from your greatness, and reveal them to their baseness? Can you forge unto yourselves any Cabal in lieu of the doctrine of God's spirit? Have the subtleties of the serpent made you to rebel against your creator? I dare not imagine thus much of you, albeit your adversaries do sufficiently cast it in your teeth. But I could rather wish them to abstain from injuring of you, and to be content simply to expound their own sayings, as also that you did the like by them: howbeit you have grown so far into words with them, that we have been at handiblowes for your sakes, whereby these brawls do seem to be the more irreconcilable, wherein I said that hitherto we have taken a very wrong course, in ministering a corsive to the wound before we tried such suppliant ointments as might peradventure have yielded some ease. The mischief was but in breeding, but we through our hasty and headlong proceedings have suddenly brought it to extremity: so that in lieu of appeasing these troubles of the Church, we have also brought in the troubles of the Estate; as if our peace depended only upon confusion: yea we have so shusled the Cards, that we can not find again the principal. We all have been forced to grow so obstinate in your obstinacies, that for the preserving of you, some have hazarded, and others quite lost themselves: for the maintaining of your rents, we have spent our own: for your amity, we have entered enmity with our own kinsmen: under the pretence of the honour of God, men have shamefully entreated men: to be brief, Religion hath caused us in the insolences of our wars to tread all religion under foot: also whereas it had been more meet and profitable gently to have reduced those that were strayed, to the fold, we have been their butchers. In lieu of showing the way to those that went amiss, we have thrust them into the mire: in lieu of presenting joseph unto jacob, we have showed only his garment tainted in blood, whiles himself mourned in the pit: in lieu of receiving the angels with the conversion of these miserable persons, we have made them sorrowful through their deaths, nevertheless, God desireth not the death of a sinner, but rather that he may be converted and live. The holy Ghost speaketh of the spiritual death, whereof we are the cause when we prevent their repentance with their destructions. What profit have you found in giving us counsel, even from the beginning to take arm against the pretended reform? Did you not mean that they should have been rooted out and we preserved? have ye your desires? Are not you, I pray you, guilty of the deaths of so many as upon simplicity have followed your counsels? with what consciences do you stay us to kill others: are not you the executioners to both parties? see you not that in lieu of diminishing their number you lessen ours? that we lose as many friends on our own parts as enemies of theirs? that we can not weaken them without weakening of ourselves? what profit is there in this equality? They render you blow for blow: assault for assault: battle for battle: victory for victory: and in the end you are always forced to accept of their conditions of peace: yet is there nothing that can make us give over. We still play the kites with their bowels, which nevertheless do daily grow up again: we ordinarily draw away their blood, which never drieth up: and which is worse, we still incur as much loss as we procure them, and consuming our enemies, do waste our own blood, and yet can not perceive that you be any whit moved at our miseries, as if our labours were your rest, and our sorrows your contentation: you laugh when others weep, and never cease thrusting forward the wheel of these calamities, whereby to assure your felicity. But I can not find that we have any profit in all this, and I wonder that our long expense which we have had these twenty or twenty and five years can not instruct us in our lesson. This is the seventh civil war that we have leagued against these reformed, and yet we are now to begin. True it is that we have won some victories, but all is but vanity: if we have gotten the field, alas! we have seen it covered likewise with a great part of our own men: and returning into our tents, we have heard the mournings at our own families. At our departure thence, what have we done but made war to the end to purchase peace? what is become of all our purposes to root out this people whom we have found so resolute in their defence? we have returned thence into our closerts then with shame and misfortune: then have we sodden them again, but they that have endeavoured to digest them, have found them to be but fish. And yet are we so far bewitched, as among all these diseases to think that we be in health: still there are some firebrands ready to kindle our dissensions, and they that should cast on water, do pour on oil, brimstone, and pitch, lest the fire should go out. When I examine all these proceedings, I leave to the persecuted, and in my doubt of religion, I do the more favour their cause because of the only token of persecution. Thus have I learned to judge by a place that lately I red in S. Hierom heretofore, one of the famous priests of the Romish Church. He (saith he) that is pursued, doth imitate Christ, but he that pursueth or persecuteth is Antichrist. Not that I mean to justify all those heretics whom our kings have suppressed, as the Goths who were Arrians, and of late the Anabaptists, for they were monsters, of whom the first subverted the grounds of our salvation, namely the divinity of jesus: an intolerable case among Christians, and yet the war that hath been levied against them, had other foundations than religion. The Anabaptists besides their apparent errors in religion did also pervert the right of magistrates, and both the one and the other were by one consent condemned even in the most reformed Churches. As for the Albigeois following such ancient records as I have found contrary to the writings of our Historiographers, I fear they were oppressed rather upon stomach then equity. But I will leave those passed examples and come only to the reason of things present. I could well like to have our Church purged from heresies and heretics: but I must withal mystic the polluting of it with our own blood: neither can I think these so violent means to be either lawful or sufficient. jesus Christ took a whip to drive the money changers out of the temple, but we are far enough from doing the like. For those men did not falsify the Law, or the Prophets: but very unfitly, they made the house of God which was ordained only for prayer, their market place. They did abuse the holy place, with profane traffic, and so consequently this punishment of jesus Christ was but politic. Considering that in the mean time he was ordinarily conversant among the priests, Scribes, and pharisees, entering and disputing in their Synagogues, and yet never laying hand upon them, albeit they were the very falsifiers of the doctrine of Moses and the Prophecies of his own coming. Our saviour Christ's kingdom is not of this world: the weapon wherewith he fighteth with his enemies, are spiritual: neither is his salvation purchased by man's arm: how much more necessary than were it to defend religion by the true understanding of the scriptures, by reformation of our lives, by prayers and holy devotion to the service of God, by teaching the ignorant, setting reasons against opinions, and antiquity against novelty: and to be brief, by hearkening to the voice of our shepherd, in lieu of those who to the end to bewitch us with their dreams do shroud themselves under that title? This is the cause, why from henceforth I do protest to departed from these cruelties which are but too ordinary among us, and to beg pardon of the God of mercy, whom I beseech with the truth of his word to shine into the bottomless gulses of my ignorance, to the end that leaning no longer to the outward show of men, I may behold the righteousness of this cause, for the which these poor reformed persons do so long and so constantly abide whatsoever the torments to them afford: notwithstanding all our torments, they shake not, and that is it that shaketh me, yea and I wonder that the loss of their goods, maketh them not to abandon their religion. Their benefit must be very great, sith so many calamities can not make them to give it over: and we may well say, that they have a very bright and large knowledge, in that notwithstanding whatsoever hope of domestical ease we propound, they can never mistake. I see them lurk in every place, deprived of their rents, and besieged with a thousand necessities, and yet can never be banished their assemblies and patiented bearing of their opressions. Surely they are not so senseless as upon pleasure to suffer so many inconveniences, so that of necessity they must be invited and strengthened by some stronger matter than the frailty of this world. Willingly could I join with Gamaliel, and say, That if this reformed religion be of God, it is in vain for man to labour to destroy it, if it be not of him, it will vanish of itself. Howbeit, I seek not to take the sword from the magistrate, but gladly I would beat judgement into his head, whereby he might discern the bonds of his duty: for it is not enough to do a man's duty, but he must do it conveniently, according to the circumstances of time, place and persons which are the ordinary rules of our actions. Extreme law is extreme injury, say the layers, and that upon good reason. Nothing can be more just then to punish the rebels of a common wealth, as men guilty of treason: but it may so happen that this justice may be pernicious, and as a man may say, unjust. If the whole body of a town or province should rise against their Sovereign, yet if they should fall again into his hands, he ought to prefer the conservation of so many persons before their destruction, because of the great benefit that would ensue thereof, namely the preservation of one portion of his realm, as lately did the L. Constable at Bordeaux, and the Roman Senate many times with the people's mutinies: whereas contrary wise the violences of Silla and Marius who put their fellow citizens even by thousands to the sword, were detestable and almost unworthy to be spoken off. When the mischief is so great as it can not be cured without evident danger, it is better to tolerate it in the weak part, than to lose all: as it happeneth to those, of whom when the palsy hath taken hold of half the body, no wise physician will counsel to divide it from the other half that is yet in health. Now if this consideration may take place in all diseases simply, much more than in such as are of long continuance, and lightly more uncurable than the later: even so then when one part of a state is by whatsoever means divided from the other, we must be very wary of making them to meet, especially when such means bringeth now utter confusion to the whole body, and that the infected parts be noble and essential: for in a mischief, in a manner universal, toleration in itself is far more necessary than the trial of the utter rooting of it out when it passeth our strength, & that there is so great equality that the combat ought still to be in doubt. And such are those which we term necessary evils, which being preserved, do also preserve the subject whereto they are adjoined, and aught as a man should say, to be more curiously entreated then health itself. Howbeit this similitude may in one respect be maimed: for such an inconvenience may grow in a state, that it will be most necessary to oppose the whole for the whole, and not before trial of the gentle & most loving means. And in a monarchy we must adventure even the crown and sceptre against him that adventureth wrongfully to take it away. And why? because that every defensive war is most lawful, and especially when your whole state is called into question. Yea, which is more, you are by nature bound thereto, and in case you be reckless therein, you do inwardly betray your country. The like is it in all matters whereupon dependeth your authority, together with the preservation of your rights, which ought to be inviolable. It is therefore the duty of every sovereign magistrate diligently to watch, and upon necessity stoutly to employ himself. But so long as the state is not touched, there can be no cause sufficient to set the Monarch against his subjects, so far must he be from shrouding himself with the vail of religion to oppress his realm, notwithstanding whatsoever the diversities thereof, especially if the number of the contrary party be innumerable, also that toleration may be a manifest occasion of rest. Wherefore albeit these pretended reform, were the most damnable heretics in the world, yet considering the multitude of them, the good Towns, and almost all the good provinces which they enjoy, with the mighty & valiant Captains that support them, it were but in vain for us to enterprise to assail them, from whom we can bring nothing but the tokens of their stomachs, notwithstanding whatsoever foreign succour we have had to support us, & that they have hitherto resisted us with the faction only that they have in France. So far shall we be from doing them any harm at all, if they get their foreign help. Besides this, we cannot well cast them off from amongst us without extreme inhumanity: for, for the most part they be conjoined unto us by consanguinity, and all generally by like participation of one self country. Far are we from conforming ourselves to the Israelites, who by a certain just permission of God suffered the jebusites to dwell in jerusalem: albeit the proportion between us and the reformed, were without comparison greater than between them: either to the great Emperor Theodosius, who as witness Epiphanius and Tertullian, Doctors of the Church and men worthy credit, during his Empire tolerated an hundred sects, but especially the Arrians, whom three or four Emperors before him had favoured, who were founded both by prescription of time, and by eight Counsels which had confirmed their heresy after the same of Nice, and namely the Council of Arimini, where sixty Bishops maintained Arrianisme, & only three persons stuck to the truth: and yet Theodosius himself persevered constantly in true religion, wherein he caused his children to be instructed, and so did more weaken Arrianisme then he could have done by any violence of decrees, which he surceased. I will not bring in for example the Turk, who tolerateth all kinds of religion, for that I mind to keep the Christians within Christendom, but surely he doth the more steadfastly establish his estate, for that men being glad of liberty, care not for troubling his estate that granteth them peace. Behold Germany & Poleland: you shall see no nation so divers in religion as they, and yet can they join in a common peace, neither do the division of opinions divide their estates. As for the Catholic king, he at the first established his Inquisition so surely that these reform have had no great opportunity to settle themselves in Spain, but for the low Countries he cannot yet compass it there, which redoundeth to the great detriment & confusion of his affairs, how good a face soever he set upon the matter.  
But God hath given him that bone to gnaw upon, lest he should employ his great wealth to the destruction of any his mighty neighbour, which with the incredible treasure that this Flemish war hath wasted, he might peradventure have done: yet do I not think but every of you do abhor the infinite mischiefs which his obstinacy hath bred: for through the natural love that is rooted in us, we judge more freely of others then of ourselves: and in deed we have taken pity of them: witness the French troops at sundry times led thither, and even lately the same which the late Monsieur brought, albeit the whole have had but had success, either for our honours or the profit of those poor tyrannized people. Howbeit, we have always in appearance showed what grief we have conceived of their desolation: and therefore notwithstanding whatsoever controversy of religion the Catholic French could run to their succour, albeit we have converted our fury against the same faction among us: so divers have we been to help some, and to oppress other some, even those to whom we were more bound to show favour and courtesy. Nevertheless I will not say, that the Catholics tended chiefly to aid the reformed in Flanders, simply in respect of their religion: but I pretend thereby only to show that they have all great reason to maintain their fellow countrymen, who shroud themselves under the same cloak of reformation, as to secure strangers. Concerning these men, they propound to themselves charity towards their neighbours, and hatred of the Spaniard with the desire of his destruction: neither have we feared to make the Catholics protectors of the Reformed against the Catholics, and yet do we make a conscience to use the like courtesy to ours against ourselves, which we might with much more ease, profit and commodity, do: considering that thereof do depend the preservation & eminency of the estate.  
Thus much have I thought good now to say unto you concerning this matter, beseeching you, my masters, to examine my reasons, & thereto to add such as your discretions are able to perform, whereby we all may procure the restoring of our affairs. In the name of God do I exhort you to enter into so deep consideration of our miseries, and the difficulty or rather impossibility of our purposes, that we may shortly after many storms taste of some tranquillity, bearing faithful counsels to the king in this matter, according as by the duty of your functions you are bound. The kingdom of Christ is destinate to troubles: true: but woe unto those that are the causers thereof. This sacred shepherds sheep ought not to become wolves: or they to whom Christ hath commanded peace, to make wars: or God's children to murder their brethren.  
But I speak only to you my masters, whom I acknowledge to be the principal court which at this day do minister whatsoever motion you list to our affairs: consider that it is your parts to become mediators in all these funeral divisions: to reunite, if not in religion, yet at the least in peace all these partakers, which are so fleshed one against an other. Hitherto have you been content to cast your torches between our armies, and suddenly after the manner of the ancient Priests of Rome, to retire into place of safety. Now is it time for you to run and quench them: otherwise you shall daily lose your great supporters, and in the end grow so weak, that they whom you think weakest shall over rule you: your force dependeth only upon peace, whereas in the wars, besides that these reform do catch from the Clergy infinite treasures, even those that are left do vanish with the air, & seem only to fatten up such as under colour of favouring of you, do but seek to get their livings. Many of our Popes have agreed our kings with the Emperors and English men, when we had but foreign wars: greater reason than have you in these civil and domestical dissensions, the most intolerable or odious in the world, to seek some way so to do. Whosoever shall say to his brother, Racha, is by God himself accursed, what then shall you he, if not only in words, but in deed also you build the dissipation of your neighbours? And what clemency can you look for of God that are so cruel to men? so cruel I say even to yourselves? I will speak boldly unto you my masters. I fear if you long continue this savage life, it will happen to you as it did to Esau, that for want of being in God's house, you will lose your birthright. For so long as you pursue these reform, you are as it were in the wilderness, where you run thirsting after their blood, and the whiles have no care to serve your heavenly father. So as unless I be deceived, at your return the gate of his mercy will be shut against you: you shall be known, but not acknowledged to be his children: and finally these cruelties will inherit cruelty, these oppressions oppression, and these iniquities vengeance. Beware my masters, for albeit you deceive men, God seethe your hearts, and to him all secrets are open: suffer not religion to be the bell-wether unto the subverters of this state, and as the shortest follies are the best, so content yourselves that you have brought things into that despair wherein we now see them, and so long as there is any likelihood of recovery, delate not your ability any longer, lest it fleet away in the violence of our mishaps. As for the league whereto you have lent the vizard of religion, consider that you cherish the serpent that killeth you: you have swallowed henbane which maketh you to die without feeling. Remember you not that when it was first revealed, you were not named? as indeed what religion could they think on that purpósed only impiety? Can they that shot only at your king's person your head & protector, and his state to order it after their fantasies, call you to warrant their religion? you that should preach nothing but obedience to the magistrate? Hereunto do the blind see as clearly as the day. These shameless persons thought upon nothing less than religion: The death of the Lords anointed, the spoil of his crown did they level at: witness their practices against the best and most Catholic Towns in France, for they never meddled with the reformed or attempted against any thing to them appertaining. And I marvel how being so fierce against these partakers of common quiet, as ye were at the beginning you can now be so drunk with their hypocrisy as ye are, albeit you serve them but for a vailet and to say truth, you have but the fools part in the tragedy that they play upon the Theatre of France. What protection needed you when no man seemed to molest you? who gave them this office over your sovereign? needed he to be constrained to your defence, which he ever so willingly took upon him? could not you be defended but by war? had you not for certain years tried the defence of peace? was it not possible to live in so fair a path without murdering all the world? All France before the last troubles did we see in so good peace that the controversies in religion did nothing impeach the concord of one or other: traffic was grown common again, the ways were free through all parts of the realm, what loss had you by it: wherein were you troubled? who molested you, either in your goods or persons? Enjoyed you not your church rends even among these reform? did you not eat and drink together without outrage? who ever complained of this contentation? As for these reform, which of them during this time refused the obedience that the subject oweth to his Prince? who have defrauded him of his royal prerogatives? what taxes or ordinary Subsidies have they rejected? who amongst them followed not the ordinary course of justice? who conspired against the state? yourselves my masters will confess there was no fault in them. If by observing their religion they did amiss, it was by the consent of the king and all the sovereign Courts of this realm: by the consent, I say, so solemnly sworn: the infringing whereof seemeth to mend their cause: not that I will lay the blame upon the king: but only upon those whose violence have brought him to this extremity, to falsify his word for the breaking of their pernicious drifts, and to turn to these rebels, so to turn the storm that they had moved against him into the innocency of these peaceable persons. Thus do such as are in danger of shipwreck, abandon their own goods to relieve their vessel, albeit this forced will be a will, sith the first motions rest in him that executeth it. But I will enter no farther into the considerations which the king may have had to gainsay himself, and yet will I boldly say, that he never did thing so prejudicial to his state, whereof he hath most evident proofs, and I beseech God to be content with that is past, and to withdraw his hand from of his people, and grant us some release from these oppressions. As also yourselves do in deed know, notwithstanding the pursuit of the Pensioners of the leagued remaining about his person, what ado there was to make his majesty resolve himself thereto. This his clear judgement perceived the pernicious consequence of assotiation, but he wanted supporters to uphold himself, considering that the chief Officers of his counsel, who before had bound their faith to these Princes, never desisted from bending of him that way, neither have I always been of that mind, but did long persuade myself that the steadfastness of our affairs consisted in this inconstancy, howbeit I was forced to be as it were sheitle witted, and by divorcement from vanity to marry with reason. For sith the king knew well enough that there was no quarrel but at his estate, he should have made no difficulty to call about him such as have most interest therein, as the Princes of the blood and their power, at the least upon extremity, according to their own offers. That was the way to have suppressed the insolent proceed of these partakers, who fish only in puddle water, and use our confusions to their own establishment. For the people would easily have believed that in truth there was no quarrel but at the state, if the king had underpropped himself with the pillars of the state and not been beaten down with the wind of religion, albeit some of the princes of his blood do profess no other than himself: also that they which profess any other, are so affectionate to his service and the service of his crown, that they would not have been any whit more slack in effect then in will. Had there not been more appearance that he should have joined with these, them with the leaguers? that is, with his friends then with his enemies? with the French then with the Lorrains? with his own blood then with these bastards? with the true Officers of his Crown, then with those that have been so undutiful to him? The Romans always appeased their domestical quarrels, to agree against those that assailed them, whether the Gauls, the Tuscans, or the Carthaginians. The like did the Spaniards, when the late king Frances the first, during their revolt from the Emperor Charles the fift got from them the realm of Navarre. The descent of the English at Newhaven, 1562. bred the reunion of the Frenchmen, so to return them away: and when we have seen these monsters of Lorraine waste our country, must we needs join with them to help to destroy ourselves? what is become of that ancient French virtue that was wont to go to fight with the enemy at his own door, where now we call him in, we nourish him, we flatter him, and the more harm he doth us, the more we bind ourselves to him? This nation which heretofore hath triumphed over the Emperors, the Soliman's, the Saracens, the Goths, and the Normans, hath not now been able to withstand a handful of Guizards, and this sceptre exalted over a million of trophies, stoopeth to these rebels, yea they have almost trod it under foot. All the honour of valiancy and courage which our predecessors have in twelve hundredth years achieved and kept, have we wretchedly lost in one hour, and these Lions that feared no bulls, are now terrified only with the crowing of a Cock? Our estate do I now compare to the Rock mentioned by Pliny, which if ye thrust with your whole body never shaketh, but when you touch it only with one finger, or rather to that stone which being whole fleeteth upon the water, but broken sinketh. The whole world, as a man should say, was not able to make France to shake, and now these muhrooms do quite overthrow it. We altogether have fléeted upon the floods of infinite foreign wars, yet our divisions do drown us. This miserable realm seemeth to be grown to her last period, and as that ancient ginger by the noise weules that did gnaw the posts, judged of the destruction of the house wherein he was, so many we boldly say, that sith these vermin still consumeth us, our fall is at hand. What then? must the French men become strangers one to an other? can we find any souls so disloyal as to abandon the true stock of S. jews, to embrace these wrongful usurpers of their right? Those that have been our true and lawful Lords these three hundredth and sixty years, (for so long is it since the reign of S. Lewes' head of that race, who also gathereth his descent from Merovee) to those whom we have not known these fifty years? shall we carry upon our Targets & shoulders, those whose unworthiness and unjustice should make to clean to the earth? shall we pluck away these brave branches of the Flowerdeluce which yet remain, to graft in their places these wildings, who as they have begun, will yield forth nothing but thorns? Oh, who can wish this horrible change? This only reason might move us to detest the ambition of these busy bodies: they aspire to the Crown, but they cannot have it without murder, and the death of a million of men: those that uphold it, are like to be the first that must stoop: and they that imagine by their means to get preferment, shall have peradventure no other recompense then the loss of their lives. To be brief, for the fulfilling of their ambition, we must heap up our tombs with carcases: the heaps of their oppressed partakers are the stays whereby they climb up to heaven. Ought we not to abhor these cruelties? to spit in the faces of these shameless persons that bereave us of our liberty? To honour those that may peaceably and without disorder ascend unto the type of that authority which the laws of the realm & their desert have purchased for them? Let us hardly touch the chief string of this game, and sith these men are not ashamed to do, let not us be ashamed to speak. The Guizardes' would, to the prejudice of the house of Bourbon, invade this realm, every man knoweth it, neither is there any thing so common in the people's mouths: wherefore, because the king of Navarre, who is the nearest and the Prince of Conde, do profess the reformed religion, and so consequently are are heretics. I am sorry that I am no great Doctor, that I might find out this point of heresy which so oft is cast in their teeth: but in my mind the chief disputations of these reform, do tend only to make the simple word of God of more force than men's traditions. That is it whereto they call us, and I believe they have great reason, neither that we are so sufficiently shrouded under the cloak of the Church, as to think that the beautiful title can in effect stop all errors: neither is there any thing so easy to corrupt as the mysteries of religion, whereof I report myself to Noahes family, which was so holily instructed, and yet whence grew all the Idolatry of the Chaldeans, and consequently of all the rest of the world, except those whom God reserved for his people? yea I refer myself to the same people: was there ever thing so frail as those wretches? whence then came the four hundredth false Prophets against one only Micheas? the worshipping in the high places, and the abominable superstitions wherein these libertines did overflow? neither was it ever otherwise, but that the truth upon the beginning of the light thereof, hath had the darkness of lying opposite thereto: yea, if I durst be so bold, as to pass common speech, it is the truth that of necessity bringeth forth lies, even as light bringeth forth a shadow. For this cause, so soon as Jesus Christ revealed himself to be the son of God, all men accounted him a blasphemer, and the whole course of his life seemed to those blind people but a merry interlude: so soon as the Apostles had preached the pure doctrine, the devil sowed his impurities: yea no man drive them more out of the Church, than they that named themselves the Church. Simon the magician opposed himself against S. Peter: Cerinthus against S. john, and so consequently sundry heretics against the Church, as Ebion, Basilides, Martion, Montanus, Carparates Sabellicus and many other, who all for the most part endeavoured to overthrow the ground of our salvation, jesus Christ: neither hath the Church wanted exercise only against her enemies, but also she hath, as I find, been often molested by her own household servants: Novatian the Priest, denied to receive, such as had revolted, to penauce: and so with the help of Nicostratus a Priest of Carthage, caused a great schism in the Church. Samosatenus, being Bishop of Antioch, renewed the errors of the Ebionites. Arrius a Priest of Alexandria, had the assistance of many Bishops and Emperors, yea, and since of whole nations in his heresy. Now if in these beginnings, the treasons of such as seemed to serve God were so great, there is no doubt but this mischief hath still slipped in and been maintained in the Church. Yea if you can well think upon it, it may be you will not judge yourselves clean exempt from all corruptions: but I will say no more for fear of incurring your censures. Howbeit I am sorry you never prove the decision of the process which the reformed have entered against you, and have long hung upon the file, also that we must believe some rather than other some without any further notice of the matter: for so should we be no longer troubled to know whether these two princes be heretics or not. Howbeit admit they be (which hardly and without prejudice to their replication I can believe) is it your parts to shrink from their obedience? So did never any Christians in the Primitive Church against the heathen Emperors, to whom in all public government they submitted themselves, albeit there could be no greater difference in religion than was between them. Did they revolt against Constantin the great, who in the end favoured Arrius? against Licinius? against julian the Apostata: against Valentinian and many others that exercised tyranny against their religion? But the king of Navarre is far from dealing so with us: for he is not yet come to that which we fear. Thus we cry without a cause before we be beaten: not that foresight is not an effect of wisdom, but because it is in vain to prevent that which we neither can nor aught to eschew. Howsoever God giveth us our kings we must suffer it: neither is there any law or lawful example in the world, that teacheth us to do otherwise. Herein the reformed may seem to bear themselves but badly, in that they take arms against their sovereign, in defence of their religion. But besides that they are justly grounded upon the defensive under the magistrates authority: also that nothing is more natural then to expulse violence, they do beside allege the peremptory reasons which often enough they have given us to understand of, neither is their any fault but in our negligence that we are not sufficiently instructed thereof. Moreover, the king of Navarre's and the P. of Condes manner of dealing with our Catholics, might make you to hope of all good entreaty, whensoever things may come to that pass. Truly the king of Navarre hath always tolerated Catholic religion in his Realm, which is the lawer Navarre, that is to say, a portion of all Navarre, the rest thereof lying beyond the Pirinean mountains, the Spaniards unjustly detain from him. And this can myself testify, as having seen it with my own eyes: for upon a certain curiosity I travailed thither two years since, even to know whether that which I had heard to the contrary, were true or no. True it is, that matters are otherwise ordered in his sovereignty of Bearne: which is, because at his coming thereto, he so found them: yea & so well established for the space of certain years during the life of his late mother the Queen of Navarre, that it were very hard, yea unpossible to make any alteration, which also is dangerous unless any greater benefit be very apparent. Secondly, his house is full of Catholic gentlemen which serve him, even in his most private and notable offices, neither did he ever make any difficulty with great courtesy to receive all those that offered themselves. This is no token that he will otherwise deal whensoever he shall obtain our estate, neither will I use any more than one reason gathered of the likelihood, yea, unless I be deceived, of the very truth. It is not likely that this Prince seeing himself exalted unto the throne, would after so many troubles, seek other then peace, so far would he be from taking occasion of war with his subjects, whose affections he had rather captivate, then estrange: whereupon he will always like that his subjects should maintain their accustomed religion, provided, that the insolency of these harebrains who seek but to trouble the water, and then to blame the lambs, lest they should fail of some pretence to devour them, do permit him the like. He may always consider that the Catholics part is well underpropped: that if his were invincible, so is the other, and therefore that he shall have a better hand by maintaining of it, then by drawing upon his estate the curse of the people, and upon his conscience the destruction thereof: as also I will add the other of his house being Catholics, having so good part therein, he will be the more careful for their sakes. But what? we do, according to the proverb, strive for the Bishop's cope, and to no purpose do divide the inheritance of the living, who peradventure may outline all those that dispute of things to come after his death: yea it seemeth, we share out the web of his life at our pleasures: but albeit it be not lawful to move this question, yet may we resolve it, to the end to take away all doubts from those that breeds prejudice to peace and the common wealth. And indeed, it is as much as to complain of ease. Well you see that the king of Navarre's troops do at this day consist as well of the one as of the other sort, likewise that concord remaineth amongst them, whereas the best of their profession that cometh amongst us must be imprisoned & ransomed from all his goods, yea and finally suffer that death which he hath not deserved. These be monsters, they must be choked up: and many times for the satisfying of the rage of the enemies to the State, we are forced to injury our own selves. I know that the most malicious among them do use to gird at this the king of Navarre's facility, as if the same were the baits wherewith he seeketh to draw us into his nets: but no man can do so well as to please all men: still there is some thing to be misliked, and men's fancies must be tormented for their pleasures. How would it have been, if in the beginning abandoning his own religion for our pleasures, he had taken ours? Then would they have said it had been to curry favour with us: that he so counterfeited to the end to deceive us: that outwardly he had been a Catholic, and inwardly reform in his conscience: that he had not cast his old skin: that yet he smelled of the faggot: that we must wait for his perseverance, so to know whether he were to be trusted: In sum, the poor Prince had been wide in his account. And in truth, that had been the only way, to have unhorsed him outright: for the reform would not have trusted him, but would have played their parts alone: and the Catholics would not at the first blow have committed themselves to him, no peradventure not at all. Yea if the Captains of the league were before their ghostly father, they would say they should have been very sorry if they thought that the Catholics would take his part: and I am sure they would soon labour to be of the other side as heretofore they have done, so to lay a foundation for their ambition. But surely thereby the king of Navarre could have reaped neither honour nor profit: and therefore I do not think it had been any good counsel for him so to have done, lest he might by that means have lost those of whom he is already assured: neither can it be any let to any that affect only the preservation of the state to join with him, as of late did the Earl of Soissons. Also in as much as which way so ever he turn him, the present state of his affairs will still furnish him of enemies, it will better beseem him to cleave constantly to that wherein from his infancy he hath been brought up, then lightly to intrude himself into pernicious and uncertain novelties. Moreover, the lesser is never to prescribe law to the superior, and except the king's person (whom I speak not of) it is greater reason that all Frenchmen endeavour to conform themselves to the K. of Navarre, than he to stoop to their discretion, and bend to their violences: as also his dignity and courage can not digest such reproaches as they procure him, or rigour as they use toward him. This hath he always showed, but now more than ever. You see how God hath lately blessed him, in delivering us into his hands, so as if his foreign help should once join with him, his discretion, valour, and dexterity would set our spurs close enough to our heels. It is therefore most necessary for you to dispose yourselves to prevent the mischief which God hath prepared for us in the re-encounter of these armies, the hazard whereof can not but redound greatly to the kings loss: for if he get the victory, it will be with horrible slaughter of his subjects: and if he lose it, his state is gone, neither shall we peradventure hereafter find such favour at the Conqueror's hands as we would desire. Take heed it fall not out with us, as it did with the Tyrians, who refusing the honest composition that Alexander offered, were afterward taken by assault and cruelly entreated: rather lead the way to these reform in this godly work of compassion by offering unto them such union and concord as heretofore have been among you: or else follow their steps, who from the beginning have cried for, and desired nothing but the way to be joined again unto you, namely a Council lawfully called, wherein all points of religion may be decided of the scriptures, and not by opinions: by reason, not by rage: by the quietness of amity, not by the bitterness of malice: neither allege that, as is aforesaid, that is done already: for the Council of Nice, the first general after the Apostles time within that space of three hundredth years, was no prejudice to the calling of divers other according to the exigents of the affairs, as the same of Constantinople, egainst Macedonius bishop of the same city, who denied the divinity of the holy Ghost: of Ephesus against Pelagius & Nestorius' bishop of Constantinople, who denied the divinity of jesus Christ: of Chalcedon against Eutiches also a priest of Constantinople, who confounded the two natures of jesus Christ: the second of Constantinople against Anthemius bishop of the same place, who denied that the virgin Mary had brought forth jesus Christ Man & God: to be brief, many other general Counsels, often called. Besides all which, our kings have also been careful to call some particularly for France. Under Pelagius the first, there were two holden at Paris: seven or eight at Orleans: two at Tours under Paul the first, and an other by the authority of Pepin against the Greeks, concerning the trinity: under Adrian the first, and by the authority of Charlemaigne seven at Magence, Rheims, Tours, Chalais, and Arles for the reformation of the state of the Church: under Gregory the fourth, by the authority of Lewis the meek, one at Aix the Chapel, wherein the superfluity of the Clergy was restrained, whereupon they grew to mutiny, & procured the cursed revolt of Lewis his children. Others have there been holden for the reformation of the Clergy under Leo the ninth at Rheims: but since as the Pope's authority increased, the Kings diminished, and so consequently, disorders were more tolerated in the Church: and unless I be deceived, of the corruption of manners, which every one confesseth, and all histories do testify, some part may have crept even into the doctrine, either through ambition or covetousness of the Doctors: howbeit I also said that Urban the second came personally into France to hold the Council at Clermont in Awergne: Paschal to hold that of Troy: Innocent the fourth to hold that of Lions: Gregory the tenth to hold another in the same town: as for Clement the fifth, he held his seat at avignon, and celebrated the universal Council at Vienna in D'Aulphin. afterward Sigismond the Emperor procured the holding of the Council of Constance under john the 23. who was there deposed. That of basil under Eugenius the fourth who also, was there deposed. That of Florence under Amedee or Felix the fifth. After all these there was one holden at Orleans by the French Church against Pius the second, who would have abolished the Pragmatical sanction, as an heresy which was but the dependence of the Council of basil: an other at Tours against Pope july the second: an other at Lions by king Lewis the twelfth, & the last at Trent afore mentioned. You see then my M. whether the first Counsels were ever any law to the second, the second to the third, & so forth as need hath required. It is which the Church as with our bodies: if the body be sick, we must call the physician: if the Church be diseased, we must have recourse to the Counsels, & therein to consult upon most convenient remedies:  
But as it is not enough to have once heard the physicians opinion, but that according as the sickness increaseth, we must also have still recourse thereto: even so must we upon every occasion gather again together these sovereign Physicians of whom the Council must consist, hear them without passion, command the diseased to silence, take reason in payment, and persevere to the end in their firm resolutions. If the Church fall again, we must again call for these helps to raise it up, and so continually without intermission unto the end of the world, when the head of the Church shall hold his last Council. Not that I would at every word so trouble the Bishops, or for the least ache that may happen to our finger's end: but when the mischief is universal, we must seek the like remedy. The Greek and Latin Church met fourteen or fifteen times to conclude upon an agreement: and albeit there rested some difficulty, as yet there is, they nevertheless never denounced war each to other. There are nous but these reform who have swallowed up all injury, in being debarred this sovereign salve of reunion by a Council: I say by one only Council, so far are we from granting them many upon necessity. What can you term this refusal but stomach and injury. I would never have thought they had had so much reason on their side. We have wished to arm the king of Navarre, yea even by force to compel him, rather than to strain ourselves to condescend to so just a demand. Touch me hath he said to you if I be ignorant, and ye have beaten him: he hath hearkened to you and ye have stopped your mouths: he hath asked you the way to heaven and ye have stopped your ears. Your voice hath been like to the voice of the Edomites, at the taking of Jerusalem, and all men have heard you cry: on, sack, blood and fire. Out of your schools as out of the Trojan horse have suddenly stepped forth these armies wherewith ye have threatened this prince, yea they have been almost upon his army before he hath been ready to beat them of. This is a matter in fresh remembrance, and every man can bear me witness of the truth: the more I consider it, the better ground do I And for their taking of arms, yea there was never thing more just than their proceedings. He defendeth himself, but being assailed. He pursueth us, but after he had recoiled: he taketh revenge, but being injured. He calleth the stranger, but when his have driven him away. Who then can mislike his resolution after so long patience? We shoot at him, who can then blame him for looking to himself? We undermine his honours and dignities, why then shall not he rampire them up again? Oh, how dear will these brawls be to France? all the forces of the world do seem on every side to fall upon us for our confusion and dissipation. And albeit I can comprehend the domestical, yet do I more fear the foreign, namely the Spanish, who by little and little groweth lickerous of the delicaties of our country. Long have they envied us, neither will they observe the league until their envy be contented. For these enemies of the peace of France, where they can by nothing but by unjustice & violence, will make a good pennyworth of so much as shall be at their discretions to cast it into the throats of these Marans, in hope still to retain the superiority. But that nation is subtle enough to use this mean to their own advantage, and as within these few years while they have had a fair wind they have not accustomed themselves to serve, so will it be hard for the French men to escape their dominion unless they look the sooner to it. And this is it that king Philip barketh at: this it is that he wanteth to accomplish his most large conquests: this is the flower that he wanteth in his nosegay: he hath long since cast an eye at it, and now is the time that he will stretch forth his hand to take it. And indeed France is now but an Aunt's nest of Espaniolized persons, that is to say, of Traitors and perjures to France: their coffers do swell with Spanish Ducats, and these wretches are not ashamed for ready money to sell the liberty which our Fathers so painfully purchased, yea unless God break off the purposes of these corrupt persons, we shall in the end find ourselves the Turks jenissaries and this pirates slaves. If it were as easy to shake off the yoke as to take it, I could wish these goodly perturbers a while to try the tyranny of these Busires, and so I hope we should soon see them run back to their franchise: but it lieth is upon to keep them from that, yea from making even the least motion that may be: for these Foxes will easily set fast wheresoever they can but reach their nails, & all the body where they set their feet. And sith part of us do already stoop under the burden, I hope that God will so strengthen the king of Navarre, and all the princes of the blood, the these starvelings shall lose but their longing. Also if the princes do but continue their brave exploits, I would wish these pernicious Counsellors of that state to put up their pipes & sound their retreat betimes, lest the night of our common mishaps overtake them. And as for you my masters I do once again beseech you to take pity of this miserable realm. Consider of what importance it is to keep a stranger armed about you: give ear to the woeful cries of so many widows, Orphans, and friendless, laid desolate by the wars. Measure not others mishaps by your ease, neither under the pretence that the blows touch you not, think that those of your neighbours should not move you to compassion. If ever you loved this realm in her greatest eminency, alas cherish those small beams that yet remain: Rear up the old walls of this building with all your power: suffer not these Erostrates to wax noble in our ashes. And behold the king of Navarre watcheth upon the conservation thereof, beware ye sleep not in your miseries, when carefully you should look for the means to make us all to take rest in the sweetness of peace. Otherwise my masters look for nothing but God's judgements against your hardened hearts, and for the fire of your seditions which you have kindled, the flame of condemnation which never will be quenched, also the like punishment as Chore, Dathan and Abiram, for going about to divide the Lords Tabernacle. For my part I will get me to my own home, as into a safe port, from whence I may behold your shipwreck, and if in short space I can not see you disposed to your safety, and that by your industry these wars do continue, I protest to yield myself to these princes, to incur like fortune as they, until they have reaped the fruits of those labours which you lay upon them, which shallbe a peace crowned with contentation, by the help of God, whom I beseech, my masters, to inspire you with his grace, and generally to take pity of his Church.   

The King of Navarre's song after his victory.  

SInce that my hands in victory,  
thy puissance (Lord) did know:  
My tongue shall not in silence rest,  
till glory thine it show.   

That forces theirs did not abate,  
our courage ought at all:  
Did show that thou didst us protect,  
whereby their strength was small.   

Their numbers great like dust in sky,  
which wind drives here and there:  
Thine Angel did disperse abroad,  
so that we nought did fear.   

And those who did their honour build,  
upon my fall, whose pride  
All men adored, I soon beheld,  
distressed far and wide.   

Which wonder strange to conquer those,  
before I seemed to fight:  
Doth show that all our conquests comes,  
through thy great power and might.   

For as the rage of furious waves,  
against the Rock do break:  
So did their forces through thy help,  
'gainst ours sustain the wreak.   

Their courage great, puffed up with hope,  
exceedingly did swell:  
Their pride did mount unto the heavens,  
from whence their ruin fell.   

The eye which blood and murder sought,  
and throat which open lay  
To blasphemy, full gorged is,  
with venom for their pay.   

My heart (O Lord) full joyful is,  
to see thy foes down cast:  
Who laid the giunes wherein themselves,  
were game and pray at last.   

They me pursued without a cause,  
but they overtaken were:  
The knots of their devices cut,  
and just rewards did bear.   

So to repress the like outrage,  
the Lords strong arm we need:  
Who faileth none which do him trust,  
but pays the bad their meed.   

The length of time which brought our weal,  
through our desert made short:  
And God our cries did not neglect,  
though we did his in sport.   

Wherefore (O Lord) cry still and pierce  
mine ears, until thy voice  
I hear, and learn thee to obey,  
in whom I may rejoice.   

Give strength that in like dangers we  
amazed may not go:  
And as thou hast begun so end,  
each work the end doth show.   
FINIS.